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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cb>Here are the morning’s top stories on Tuesday, May 5, 2026\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">A major change to a federal farmworker visa program known as H-2A is sparking a heated debate across California. The program allows farms to bring in temporary workers from other countries, but a change from the Trump administration has altered how they are paid, sparking a lawsuit from the United Farm Workers union. Supporters say it’s a lifeline for farmers facing rising labor costs. Critics call it a wage cut that could push local workers out of the fields. \u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">A man who was \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/carlos-ivan-mendoza-hernandez-ice-shooting-california-4c1e3dc426ac06a1498e295999f0827b\">shot multiple times by immigration agents\u003c/a> last month in the Central California community of Patterson pleaded not guilty Monday to federal charges. \u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">San Francisco Assemblymember Matt Haney is trying again to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12082132/following-newsoms-veto-lawmaker-returns-with-drug-free-homeless-housing-bill\">expand drug-free housing for people leaving homelessness\u003c/a>, after Governor Gavin Newsom vetoed a similar bill last year. \u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">A bill moving through the California legislature would \u003ca href=\"https://laist.com/news/education/early-childhood-education-pre-k/new-education-programs-transitional-kindergarten-evaluation-bill\">require independent evaluations\u003c/a> of new education programs, like transitional kindergarten.\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Changes to H-2A visa program roil California farmworkers\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>A major change to a federal farmworker visa program known as H-2A is sparking a heated debate across California. The program allows farms to bring in temporary workers from other countries, but a change from the Trump administration has altered how they are paid, sparking a lawsuit from the United Farm Workers union. Supporters said it’s a lifeline for farmers facing rising labor costs. Critics call it a wage cut that could push local workers out of the fields.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cesar, a farmworker in Salinas, shares that fear. He’s tended plants in a greenhouse for nearly a decade. He’s 45, a father of two, and like many in the Salinas Valley, his job is the only thing keeping his family afloat. “My family, making sure they have everything they need,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in the last couple years, that’s felt like a losing battle. After the pandemic, Cesar noticed more guest workers arriving under the H-2A program. At first, he hoped the extra hands would help. Instead, his hours were slashed, sometimes to just 16 a week. “It was a hard blow,” he said. “You still have bills, but don’t know where the money will come from.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new federal rule reclassifies many agricultural jobs into lower pay categories. Daniel Costa with the Economic Policy Institute said the losses could add up quickly. “Both migrant farm workers on H-2A visas and U.S. farm workers combined are probably going to lose between 4.4 and 5.4 billion,” Costa said. In recent years, many California farmworkers earned close to $20 an hour. Under the new rule, base wages could fall closer to about $16.90. Advocates said even small cuts will hit workers who are already struggling. That’s why the United Farm Workers is suing the Trump administration over these changes. UFW President Teresa Romero said even a few dollars can make a big difference. “If you cut their salary by $3 an hour, it is impossible for them to have a decent place to live, to support their families,” Romero said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Farm industry advocates said it’s too early to know the full impact.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 class=\"Page-headline\">\u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/carlos-ivan-mendoza-hernandez-ice-shooting-california-4c1e3dc426ac06a1498e295999f0827b\">\u003cstrong>A man shot by ICE in California pleads not guilty to federal charges\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>A man \u003cspan class=\"LinkEnhancement\">\u003ca class=\"Link AnClick-LinkEnhancement\" href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-ice-shooting-carlos-ivan-mendoza-hernandez-71b60ba1007bd705454a4cef5293da6e\" data-gtm-enhancement-style=\"LinkEnhancementA\">who was shot\u003c/a>\u003c/span> multiple times during an arrest by immigration officers in the Central California community of Patterson in April pleaded not guilty on Monday to federal charges that he rammed his vehicle into two agents, prosecutors said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A federal grand jury on Friday indicted Carlos Ivan Mendoza Hernandez, who has dual citizenship in El Salvador and Mexico, on two counts of assaulting a federal officer with a deadly weapon and one count of damaging government property.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Patrick Kolasinski, one of his lawyers, has said Mendoza panicked and tried to flee when Immigration and Customs Enforcement agents blocked his car and that he did not intend to run over anyone. Kolasinski also disputed claims by officials that his client was a suspected gang member wanted in El Salvador for questioning in relation to a murder. Salvadoran court documents show he was acquitted of murder in El Salvador and Mendoza has denied ever being in a gang, his lawyer has said. He came to the U.S. in 2019 and has no criminal record, Kolasinski has said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The U.S. Attorney’s Office said Monday that Mendoza has requested a jury trial. A status conference was set for July 27. Mendoza is recovering after several surgeries for multiple gunshot wounds, including one to the jaw, his attorney said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 class=\"routes-Site-routes-Post-Title-__Title__title\">\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12082132/following-newsoms-veto-lawmaker-returns-with-drug-free-homeless-housing-bill\">\u003cstrong>Following Newsom’s veto, lawmaker returns with drug-free homeless housing bill\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>San Francisco Assemblymember Matt Haney is reviving a proposal to allow drug-free housing for people transitioning out of homelessness, months after Gov. Gavin Newsom vetoed a similar bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Haney’s new proposal, AB 1556, would set rules for how “recovery residences” can operate within California’s Housing First framework, the \u003ca href=\"https://legiscan.com/CA/text/AB1556/id/3425398\">state’s policy\u003c/a> of offering permanent housing without first requiring people to meet conditions like sobriety, mental health treatment or employment. “We should give people who are ready to take the steps to get to recovery and stability an opportunity to do so,” Haney said at a press conference in San Francisco on Monday. “People want to live in housing where they receive the support to be off of and away from drugs with people who will support them in that process.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The legislation comes after Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/2025/10/AB-255-Veto.pdf\">rejected \u003c/a>Haney’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12058779/newsoms-veto-of-sober-housing-bill-sparks-a-backlash-in-sf\">AB 255 last year\u003c/a>. That bill would have allowed some state homelessness dollars to support sober housing programs. In his veto message, Newsom said recovery-focused housing is already allowed under state law and argued the bill “wrongly suggests incompatibility with Housing First.” He also raised concerns about creating a separate certification and oversight process that could cost taxpayers money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Housing First has been \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12054270/trumps-tectonic-shift-on-homelessness-could-have-dire-impacts-in-california\">credited with reducing barriers\u003c/a> for people who might otherwise be denied housing because of substance use, mental health challenges or other issues. But some local officials and advocates argue the policy has also made it harder to fund housing where residents can live away from active drug use.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 class=\"ArticlePage-headline\">\u003ca href=\"https://laist.com/news/education/early-childhood-education-pre-k/new-education-programs-transitional-kindergarten-evaluation-bill\">\u003cstrong>After criticism of how California rolls out education programs, a new bill would trigger evaluations\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>A bill moving through the state legislature would require independent evaluations of any new education initiative that costs at least $500 million a year or $1 billion in one-time spending.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposed requirement is part of \u003ca class=\"Link\" href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260AB2117\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\" data-cms-ai=\"0\">\u003cu>a larger bill\u003c/u>\u003c/a> that would \u003ca class=\"Link\" href=\"https://laist.com/news/education/schools-chief-was-caught-off-guard-by-newsoms-plan-to-pare-down-the-future-scope-of-his-job\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\" data-cms-ai=\"0\">\u003cu>restructure the role of the state\u003c/u>\u003c/a> superintendent, an elected position that currently oversees the California Department of Education. “That means that as we make massive investments, as have occurred in the last several years, like universal transitional kindergarten, that there is a built-in independent check to tell us what is actually working,” Assemblymember David Alvarez, the bill’s author and chair of the assembly subcommittee on education, said at \u003ca class=\"Link\" href=\"https://aedn.assembly.ca.gov/hearings/2026-bill-hearings\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\" data-cms-ai=\"0\">\u003cu>a hearing\u003c/u>\u003c/a> a few weeks ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While research shows a child’s early years are critical for learning, in February, reporting by LAist found the \u003ca class=\"Link\" href=\"https://laist.com/news/education/early-childhood-education-pre-k/california-legislature-newsom-transitional-kindergarten-budget-research\" data-cms-ai=\"0\">state had no formal plans to evaluate transitional kindergarten\u003c/a> — a new grade for \u003ca class=\"Link\" href=\"https://laist.com/news/education/transitional-kindergarten-california-preschool-classroom-learning-behavior\" data-cms-ai=\"0\">4-year-olds in the public school system\u003c/a> that was fully implemented this year. ”For TK, as you’ve covered well, you know, it’s nonexistent,” Alvarez told LAist. The state has spent billions on the program, including \u003ca class=\"Link\" href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/Education/EdBudget/Details/1076?_gl=1*161scwa*_gcl_au*MTI1NzgzMjM5My4xNzc3MzI2MDQz\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\" data-cms-ai=\"0\">\u003cu>$3.9 billion\u003c/u>\u003c/a> to administer it this fiscal year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The amendments to the bill also follow reports from the research group \u003ca class=\"Link\" href=\"https://edpolicyinca.org/publications/tk-12-education-governance-california\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\" data-cms-ai=\"0\">\u003cu>Policy Analysis for California Education\u003c/u>\u003c/a>, as well as the \u003ca class=\"Link\" href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/Publications/Report/5165#Research\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\" data-cms-ai=\"0\">\u003cu>Legislative Analyst’s Office\u003c/u>\u003c/a>, that recommend reshaping the role of an elected state superintendent to include evaluation duties. But Alvarez said he thought it was crucial to take the legislation a step further and include a fiscal trigger to make evaluations mandatory, and envisions the requirement to apply to new state spending.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cb>Here are the morning’s top stories on Tuesday, May 5, 2026\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">A major change to a federal farmworker visa program known as H-2A is sparking a heated debate across California. The program allows farms to bring in temporary workers from other countries, but a change from the Trump administration has altered how they are paid, sparking a lawsuit from the United Farm Workers union. Supporters say it’s a lifeline for farmers facing rising labor costs. Critics call it a wage cut that could push local workers out of the fields. \u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">A man who was \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/carlos-ivan-mendoza-hernandez-ice-shooting-california-4c1e3dc426ac06a1498e295999f0827b\">shot multiple times by immigration agents\u003c/a> last month in the Central California community of Patterson pleaded not guilty Monday to federal charges. \u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">San Francisco Assemblymember Matt Haney is trying again to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12082132/following-newsoms-veto-lawmaker-returns-with-drug-free-homeless-housing-bill\">expand drug-free housing for people leaving homelessness\u003c/a>, after Governor Gavin Newsom vetoed a similar bill last year. \u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">A bill moving through the California legislature would \u003ca href=\"https://laist.com/news/education/early-childhood-education-pre-k/new-education-programs-transitional-kindergarten-evaluation-bill\">require independent evaluations\u003c/a> of new education programs, like transitional kindergarten.\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Changes to H-2A visa program roil California farmworkers\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>A major change to a federal farmworker visa program known as H-2A is sparking a heated debate across California. The program allows farms to bring in temporary workers from other countries, but a change from the Trump administration has altered how they are paid, sparking a lawsuit from the United Farm Workers union. Supporters said it’s a lifeline for farmers facing rising labor costs. Critics call it a wage cut that could push local workers out of the fields.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cesar, a farmworker in Salinas, shares that fear. He’s tended plants in a greenhouse for nearly a decade. He’s 45, a father of two, and like many in the Salinas Valley, his job is the only thing keeping his family afloat. “My family, making sure they have everything they need,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in the last couple years, that’s felt like a losing battle. After the pandemic, Cesar noticed more guest workers arriving under the H-2A program. At first, he hoped the extra hands would help. Instead, his hours were slashed, sometimes to just 16 a week. “It was a hard blow,” he said. “You still have bills, but don’t know where the money will come from.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new federal rule reclassifies many agricultural jobs into lower pay categories. Daniel Costa with the Economic Policy Institute said the losses could add up quickly. “Both migrant farm workers on H-2A visas and U.S. farm workers combined are probably going to lose between 4.4 and 5.4 billion,” Costa said. In recent years, many California farmworkers earned close to $20 an hour. Under the new rule, base wages could fall closer to about $16.90. Advocates said even small cuts will hit workers who are already struggling. That’s why the United Farm Workers is suing the Trump administration over these changes. UFW President Teresa Romero said even a few dollars can make a big difference. “If you cut their salary by $3 an hour, it is impossible for them to have a decent place to live, to support their families,” Romero said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Farm industry advocates said it’s too early to know the full impact.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 class=\"Page-headline\">\u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/carlos-ivan-mendoza-hernandez-ice-shooting-california-4c1e3dc426ac06a1498e295999f0827b\">\u003cstrong>A man shot by ICE in California pleads not guilty to federal charges\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>A man \u003cspan class=\"LinkEnhancement\">\u003ca class=\"Link AnClick-LinkEnhancement\" href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-ice-shooting-carlos-ivan-mendoza-hernandez-71b60ba1007bd705454a4cef5293da6e\" data-gtm-enhancement-style=\"LinkEnhancementA\">who was shot\u003c/a>\u003c/span> multiple times during an arrest by immigration officers in the Central California community of Patterson in April pleaded not guilty on Monday to federal charges that he rammed his vehicle into two agents, prosecutors said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A federal grand jury on Friday indicted Carlos Ivan Mendoza Hernandez, who has dual citizenship in El Salvador and Mexico, on two counts of assaulting a federal officer with a deadly weapon and one count of damaging government property.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Patrick Kolasinski, one of his lawyers, has said Mendoza panicked and tried to flee when Immigration and Customs Enforcement agents blocked his car and that he did not intend to run over anyone. Kolasinski also disputed claims by officials that his client was a suspected gang member wanted in El Salvador for questioning in relation to a murder. Salvadoran court documents show he was acquitted of murder in El Salvador and Mendoza has denied ever being in a gang, his lawyer has said. He came to the U.S. in 2019 and has no criminal record, Kolasinski has said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The U.S. Attorney’s Office said Monday that Mendoza has requested a jury trial. A status conference was set for July 27. Mendoza is recovering after several surgeries for multiple gunshot wounds, including one to the jaw, his attorney said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 class=\"routes-Site-routes-Post-Title-__Title__title\">\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12082132/following-newsoms-veto-lawmaker-returns-with-drug-free-homeless-housing-bill\">\u003cstrong>Following Newsom’s veto, lawmaker returns with drug-free homeless housing bill\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>San Francisco Assemblymember Matt Haney is reviving a proposal to allow drug-free housing for people transitioning out of homelessness, months after Gov. Gavin Newsom vetoed a similar bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Haney’s new proposal, AB 1556, would set rules for how “recovery residences” can operate within California’s Housing First framework, the \u003ca href=\"https://legiscan.com/CA/text/AB1556/id/3425398\">state’s policy\u003c/a> of offering permanent housing without first requiring people to meet conditions like sobriety, mental health treatment or employment. “We should give people who are ready to take the steps to get to recovery and stability an opportunity to do so,” Haney said at a press conference in San Francisco on Monday. “People want to live in housing where they receive the support to be off of and away from drugs with people who will support them in that process.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The legislation comes after Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/2025/10/AB-255-Veto.pdf\">rejected \u003c/a>Haney’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12058779/newsoms-veto-of-sober-housing-bill-sparks-a-backlash-in-sf\">AB 255 last year\u003c/a>. That bill would have allowed some state homelessness dollars to support sober housing programs. In his veto message, Newsom said recovery-focused housing is already allowed under state law and argued the bill “wrongly suggests incompatibility with Housing First.” He also raised concerns about creating a separate certification and oversight process that could cost taxpayers money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Housing First has been \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12054270/trumps-tectonic-shift-on-homelessness-could-have-dire-impacts-in-california\">credited with reducing barriers\u003c/a> for people who might otherwise be denied housing because of substance use, mental health challenges or other issues. But some local officials and advocates argue the policy has also made it harder to fund housing where residents can live away from active drug use.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 class=\"ArticlePage-headline\">\u003ca href=\"https://laist.com/news/education/early-childhood-education-pre-k/new-education-programs-transitional-kindergarten-evaluation-bill\">\u003cstrong>After criticism of how California rolls out education programs, a new bill would trigger evaluations\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>A bill moving through the state legislature would require independent evaluations of any new education initiative that costs at least $500 million a year or $1 billion in one-time spending.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposed requirement is part of \u003ca class=\"Link\" href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260AB2117\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\" data-cms-ai=\"0\">\u003cu>a larger bill\u003c/u>\u003c/a> that would \u003ca class=\"Link\" href=\"https://laist.com/news/education/schools-chief-was-caught-off-guard-by-newsoms-plan-to-pare-down-the-future-scope-of-his-job\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\" data-cms-ai=\"0\">\u003cu>restructure the role of the state\u003c/u>\u003c/a> superintendent, an elected position that currently oversees the California Department of Education. “That means that as we make massive investments, as have occurred in the last several years, like universal transitional kindergarten, that there is a built-in independent check to tell us what is actually working,” Assemblymember David Alvarez, the bill’s author and chair of the assembly subcommittee on education, said at \u003ca class=\"Link\" href=\"https://aedn.assembly.ca.gov/hearings/2026-bill-hearings\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\" data-cms-ai=\"0\">\u003cu>a hearing\u003c/u>\u003c/a> a few weeks ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While research shows a child’s early years are critical for learning, in February, reporting by LAist found the \u003ca class=\"Link\" href=\"https://laist.com/news/education/early-childhood-education-pre-k/california-legislature-newsom-transitional-kindergarten-budget-research\" data-cms-ai=\"0\">state had no formal plans to evaluate transitional kindergarten\u003c/a> — a new grade for \u003ca class=\"Link\" href=\"https://laist.com/news/education/transitional-kindergarten-california-preschool-classroom-learning-behavior\" data-cms-ai=\"0\">4-year-olds in the public school system\u003c/a> that was fully implemented this year. ”For TK, as you’ve covered well, you know, it’s nonexistent,” Alvarez told LAist. The state has spent billions on the program, including \u003ca class=\"Link\" href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/Education/EdBudget/Details/1076?_gl=1*161scwa*_gcl_au*MTI1NzgzMjM5My4xNzc3MzI2MDQz\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\" data-cms-ai=\"0\">\u003cu>$3.9 billion\u003c/u>\u003c/a> to administer it this fiscal year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The amendments to the bill also follow reports from the research group \u003ca class=\"Link\" href=\"https://edpolicyinca.org/publications/tk-12-education-governance-california\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\" data-cms-ai=\"0\">\u003cu>Policy Analysis for California Education\u003c/u>\u003c/a>, as well as the \u003ca class=\"Link\" href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/Publications/Report/5165#Research\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\" data-cms-ai=\"0\">\u003cu>Legislative Analyst’s Office\u003c/u>\u003c/a>, that recommend reshaping the role of an elected state superintendent to include evaluation duties. But Alvarez said he thought it was crucial to take the legislation a step further and include a fiscal trigger to make evaluations mandatory, and envisions the requirement to apply to new state spending.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "california-escalates-pressure-on-half-moon-bay-to-approve-farmworker-housing",
"title": "California Escalates Pressure on Half Moon Bay to Approve Farmworker Housing",
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"headTitle": "California Escalates Pressure on Half Moon Bay to Approve Farmworker Housing | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>State officials are escalating pressure against \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/half-moon-bay\">Half Moon Bay\u003c/a> to approve a long-delayed affordable farmworker \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/housing\">housing\u003c/a> project there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The five-story, 40-unit building for seniors aging out of farm work received a boost of support following the 2023 mass shooting at a mushroom farm in the city, which spotlighted the substandard living conditions many farmworkers face.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But three years later, the project has yet to receive a final green light. That prompted the Housing Accountability Unit — the enforcement arm of the California Department of Housing and Community Development (HCD) — to send a \u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/Half-Moon-Bay-LOS-TA-040926-1-2.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">sharply toned letter\u003c/a> earlier this month to Half Moon Bay city officials with a clear message: approve the project quickly or face fines, a loss in state funding, and potential legal action.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“HCD strongly encourages the city to expeditiously approve the agreements necessary to facilitate the project,” the letter read. Further down, it warned officials: “If HCD finds that a city’s actions do not comply with state law, HCD may notify the California Office of the Attorney General that the local government is in violation of state law.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>City Manager Matthew Chidester said the city is taking the letter seriously and the city council plans to vote on the project next week. He said he felt the tone of the April 9 letter implied the city was “thumbing our nose at the state and its requirements.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re not indignant or not prioritizing affordable housing, but the opposite,” he said. “This project … just had more complexity [for the council] and caused a longer timeline.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12080755\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12080755\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/HMBRendering2.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1125\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/HMBRendering2.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/HMBRendering2-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/HMBRendering2-1536x864.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/HMBRendering2-1200x675.jpg 1200w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The project, located at 555 Kelly Ave in Half Moon Bay, would provide 40 affordable homes for retired and current farmworkers age 55 and older. When it was initially introduced in 2022, the project received support from state and local officials. Three years later, it is stuck behind city approvals. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Van Meter William Pollock, LLP)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Colloquially called 555 Kelly, the project faced initial support soon after it was introduced in 2022. That support grew the following year after the city experienced the worst mass shooting in San Mateo County history, which took place at a mushroom farm and killed seven people. The shooting exposed the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11987049/half-moon-bay-farm-where-mass-shooting-took-place-settles-workplace-violations-for-nearly-400000\">substandard living conditions\u003c/a> of many farmworkers there and became a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11981087/progress-being-made-on-providing-housing-for-farmworkers-in-half-moon-bay\">call-to-action\u003c/a> for state and city leaders to make way for more affordable housing for farmworkers in particular.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city’s planning commission approved the project in May 2024, but appeals were subsequently filed against the project. A month later, the City Council denied the appeals and upheld the planning commission’s approval. But since then, the project has been stuck behind negotiations surrounding its land-lease agreement. As the state faces an increasingly dire housing crisis, officials are using whatever tools they can to push cities towards approving more housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state knows Half Moon Bay can move quickly to approve projects. A year after the mass shooting, city and county officials approved a different affordable housing development for farmworkers called \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12037511/2-years-after-the-half-moon-bay-shooting-new-housing-for-farmers-starts-to-take-shape\">Stone Pine Cove\u003c/a>. That development included 47 affordable factory-built homes, and residents moved in last year.[aside postID=news_12037511 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/GettyImages-1246581187-1020x765.jpg']But Jeremy Levine, policy manager for the local pro-housing group, Housing Leadership Council of San Mateo, said that project and 555 Kelly are very different. Stone Pine Cove is located on the east side of the city. It’s directly across from the California Terra Garden, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11983338/more-than-a-year-after-shooting-half-moon-bay-is-making-progress-on-farmworker-housing\">where the mass shooting happened\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“555 Kelly is closer to the commercial part of Half Moon Bay,” he said. “It’s more walkable, it’s more integrated into the community writ large, rather than being sort of to the side, in a corner.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Its location is intentional. The development will include a community resource center, where residents can receive mental health care, case management and other services. Chidester said the project is centrally located so that residents can take advantage of the fact that the development is on a main artery leading into the city’s downtown and is across from a health clinic and a farmers market.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But during public meetings about the project, its location has proved controversial among some neighbors who worry that traffic and parking could be impacted by additional residents. And at five stories, it would be the tallest building in Half Moon Bay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chidester said, as city council members negotiate the land-lease agreement, which would be valid for 99 years, they want to make sure neighbors’ concerns don’t go unnoticed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The council wants to just make sure that the terms of the agreements really protect the city in the long run,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11982571\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11982571\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240410-HMB-Farmworkers-TH-02-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240410-HMB-Farmworkers-TH-02-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240410-HMB-Farmworkers-TH-02-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240410-HMB-Farmworkers-TH-02-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240410-HMB-Farmworkers-TH-02-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240410-HMB-Farmworkers-TH-02-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240410-HMB-Farmworkers-TH-02-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">At a Half Moon Bay City Council meeting on March 14, 2024, Mayor Joaquín Jiménez speaks about the urgency of building affordable housing for farmworkers and other essential workers with low incomes. \u003ccite>(Tyche Hendricks/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>State officials are watching these negotiations play out and want to see a decision soon, but their hands are somewhat tied because the development is on city-owned land. Chris Elmendorf, a land use law professor at the University of California, Davis, said he has seen cities delay approvals on projects built on private land, but this case is different.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“State law doesn’t provide nearly as strong legal hooks for controlling cities’ disapproval of projects on land that they own than it does for controlling city’s disapproval of projects on privately owned land,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So, the state pulled the only lever it could pull: warning the city that it could be violating state housing law by delaying action on a project it promised it would build. In 2024, the city adopted a state-mandated plan to allow for more homes to compensate for growing demand. It included Stone Pine Cove and 555 Kelly Ave. as projects that would help it achieve that goal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They made some progress, but you don’t get to claim that you’re getting an A-plus because you complete half of the assignment,” Levine said. “I think we can celebrate [Stone Pine Cove] and the city’s success, while still recognizing that there are farm workers who need housing, who are living in terrible conditions, and it is the city’s responsibility to meet those needs.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Following the 2023 mass shooting at a mushroom farm in Half Moon Bay, city officials rallied around housing projects that served local farmworkers. Three years later, one project is still stuck behind city approvals.",
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"title": "California Escalates Pressure on Half Moon Bay to Approve Farmworker Housing | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>State officials are escalating pressure against \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/half-moon-bay\">Half Moon Bay\u003c/a> to approve a long-delayed affordable farmworker \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/housing\">housing\u003c/a> project there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The five-story, 40-unit building for seniors aging out of farm work received a boost of support following the 2023 mass shooting at a mushroom farm in the city, which spotlighted the substandard living conditions many farmworkers face.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But three years later, the project has yet to receive a final green light. That prompted the Housing Accountability Unit — the enforcement arm of the California Department of Housing and Community Development (HCD) — to send a \u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/Half-Moon-Bay-LOS-TA-040926-1-2.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">sharply toned letter\u003c/a> earlier this month to Half Moon Bay city officials with a clear message: approve the project quickly or face fines, a loss in state funding, and potential legal action.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“HCD strongly encourages the city to expeditiously approve the agreements necessary to facilitate the project,” the letter read. Further down, it warned officials: “If HCD finds that a city’s actions do not comply with state law, HCD may notify the California Office of the Attorney General that the local government is in violation of state law.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>City Manager Matthew Chidester said the city is taking the letter seriously and the city council plans to vote on the project next week. He said he felt the tone of the April 9 letter implied the city was “thumbing our nose at the state and its requirements.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re not indignant or not prioritizing affordable housing, but the opposite,” he said. “This project … just had more complexity [for the council] and caused a longer timeline.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12080755\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12080755\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/HMBRendering2.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1125\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/HMBRendering2.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/HMBRendering2-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/HMBRendering2-1536x864.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/HMBRendering2-1200x675.jpg 1200w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The project, located at 555 Kelly Ave in Half Moon Bay, would provide 40 affordable homes for retired and current farmworkers age 55 and older. When it was initially introduced in 2022, the project received support from state and local officials. Three years later, it is stuck behind city approvals. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Van Meter William Pollock, LLP)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Colloquially called 555 Kelly, the project faced initial support soon after it was introduced in 2022. That support grew the following year after the city experienced the worst mass shooting in San Mateo County history, which took place at a mushroom farm and killed seven people. The shooting exposed the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11987049/half-moon-bay-farm-where-mass-shooting-took-place-settles-workplace-violations-for-nearly-400000\">substandard living conditions\u003c/a> of many farmworkers there and became a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11981087/progress-being-made-on-providing-housing-for-farmworkers-in-half-moon-bay\">call-to-action\u003c/a> for state and city leaders to make way for more affordable housing for farmworkers in particular.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city’s planning commission approved the project in May 2024, but appeals were subsequently filed against the project. A month later, the City Council denied the appeals and upheld the planning commission’s approval. But since then, the project has been stuck behind negotiations surrounding its land-lease agreement. As the state faces an increasingly dire housing crisis, officials are using whatever tools they can to push cities towards approving more housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state knows Half Moon Bay can move quickly to approve projects. A year after the mass shooting, city and county officials approved a different affordable housing development for farmworkers called \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12037511/2-years-after-the-half-moon-bay-shooting-new-housing-for-farmers-starts-to-take-shape\">Stone Pine Cove\u003c/a>. That development included 47 affordable factory-built homes, and residents moved in last year.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>But Jeremy Levine, policy manager for the local pro-housing group, Housing Leadership Council of San Mateo, said that project and 555 Kelly are very different. Stone Pine Cove is located on the east side of the city. It’s directly across from the California Terra Garden, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11983338/more-than-a-year-after-shooting-half-moon-bay-is-making-progress-on-farmworker-housing\">where the mass shooting happened\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“555 Kelly is closer to the commercial part of Half Moon Bay,” he said. “It’s more walkable, it’s more integrated into the community writ large, rather than being sort of to the side, in a corner.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Its location is intentional. The development will include a community resource center, where residents can receive mental health care, case management and other services. Chidester said the project is centrally located so that residents can take advantage of the fact that the development is on a main artery leading into the city’s downtown and is across from a health clinic and a farmers market.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But during public meetings about the project, its location has proved controversial among some neighbors who worry that traffic and parking could be impacted by additional residents. And at five stories, it would be the tallest building in Half Moon Bay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chidester said, as city council members negotiate the land-lease agreement, which would be valid for 99 years, they want to make sure neighbors’ concerns don’t go unnoticed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The council wants to just make sure that the terms of the agreements really protect the city in the long run,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11982571\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11982571\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240410-HMB-Farmworkers-TH-02-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240410-HMB-Farmworkers-TH-02-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240410-HMB-Farmworkers-TH-02-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240410-HMB-Farmworkers-TH-02-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240410-HMB-Farmworkers-TH-02-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240410-HMB-Farmworkers-TH-02-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240410-HMB-Farmworkers-TH-02-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">At a Half Moon Bay City Council meeting on March 14, 2024, Mayor Joaquín Jiménez speaks about the urgency of building affordable housing for farmworkers and other essential workers with low incomes. \u003ccite>(Tyche Hendricks/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>State officials are watching these negotiations play out and want to see a decision soon, but their hands are somewhat tied because the development is on city-owned land. Chris Elmendorf, a land use law professor at the University of California, Davis, said he has seen cities delay approvals on projects built on private land, but this case is different.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“State law doesn’t provide nearly as strong legal hooks for controlling cities’ disapproval of projects on land that they own than it does for controlling city’s disapproval of projects on privately owned land,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So, the state pulled the only lever it could pull: warning the city that it could be violating state housing law by delaying action on a project it promised it would build. In 2024, the city adopted a state-mandated plan to allow for more homes to compensate for growing demand. It included Stone Pine Cove and 555 Kelly Ave. as projects that would help it achieve that goal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They made some progress, but you don’t get to claim that you’re getting an A-plus because you complete half of the assignment,” Levine said. “I think we can celebrate [Stone Pine Cove] and the city’s success, while still recognizing that there are farm workers who need housing, who are living in terrible conditions, and it is the city’s responsibility to meet those needs.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "what-picking-cherries-taught-me-as-california-reconsiders-farmworker-legacy",
"title": "What Picking Cherries Taught Me as California Reconsiders Farmworker Legacy",
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"headTitle": "What Picking Cherries Taught Me as California Reconsiders Farmworker Legacy | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was reported for K Onda KQED, a monthly newsletter focused on the Bay Area’s Latinx community. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/newsletters/k-onda\">Click here to subscribe\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When I think back on my childhood summers, a few activities stand out: reading lots of library books, watching \u003cem>The Price is Right\u003c/em>, and picking cherries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I was about eight or nine years old the first time my dad woke my brother and me up at dawn and took us out to work in cherry orchards that surrounded my hometown in Eastern Washington.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I remember lying down in the backseat, trying to capture a few more minutes of sleep before we’d arrive and park among the rows and rows of trees, strap a metal bucket to our chests, and embark on a full day of filling that bucket over and over. My dad and brother, who is a year older than I am, often handled the higher branches that required using a ladder, while I excelled at the low-hanging fruit. We’d come home covered in dirt and exhausted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last month, California lawmakers \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12077073/cesar-chavez-was-a-hero-to-farmworkers-now-they-confront-the-pain-of-alleged-abuse\">renamed a state holiday\u003c/a> on March 31 to Farmworkers Day after the \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2026/03/18/us/cesar-chavez-sexual-abuse-allegations-ufw.html\">\u003cem>New York Times\u003c/em> published allegations\u003c/a> that now-disgraced labor rights icon Cesar Chavez had abused young women.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The renaming happened swiftly. Lawmakers called the change “long overdue” as if we are rectifying a wrong that should have been fixed years ago. But, to me, this incident reinforces how farmworkers have been marginalized, discriminated against, and overlooked for centuries in the United States since the time enslaved people did most farm work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12077027\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12077027\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/GettyImages-515109272-scaled-e1773940356467.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1443\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Farm labor leader Cesar Chavez pickets outside the San Diego-area headquarters of Safeway markets. It was in protest over the arrest of 29 persons at a Delano, California, Safeway. \u003ccite>(Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>My hope would be that this holiday becomes a substantive and longstanding tradition, but I’m skeptical. We have Mother’s Day, but research shows that moms are some of the most overworked, undercompensated and stretched-thin members of society. But, hey, we love our moms!\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The same type of hollow praise could happen to farmworkers. Farm labor is considered a category separate from all other types of jobs, hence that unartful term “nonfarm jobs” that makes up most jobs in America.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to an \u003ca href=\"https://www.stlouisfed.org/open-vault/2019/july/nonfarm-payrolls-why-farmers-not-included\">explainer\u003c/a> from the Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis, “The answer may go back to early America. Highly seasonal, farming has always had a special place in our history — and our hearts.”[aside postID=news_12077073 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/Chavez-Statue-1.jpg']Farm labor is hard to count because workers include farmers, their family members and hired workers who are often seasonal employees. Oh, and a lot of them lack proper authorization to work in the country, so that makes them harder to account for.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Plenty of other industries hire seasonal workers and hire undocumented workers, and yet they are counted. Instead, separating farm work from other categories makes it easier for employers to exploit workers and for consumers to build up a protective wall of ignorance. Americans might balk at buying a sweater made by a child in India, but we’re okay eating produce \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101912263/investigation-lax-state-oversight-endangers-californias-child-farmworkers\">picked by children in our own communities\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. diets and the economy depend on the food harvested here, but Americans, by and large, prefer to look away and not have to recognize farmworkers to the extent we should.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Californians take pride in being a state that feeds the rest of the nation with our produce. This state is home to more farmworkers than any other state, with about \u003ca href=\"https://www.epi.org/blog/how-many-farmworkers-are-employed-in-the-united-states/\">800,000 seasonal and full-time workers\u003c/a> each year, representing about \u003ca href=\"https://edd.ca.gov/en/about_edd/news_releases_and_announcements/california-thanks-its-agricultural-workforce-with-45th-annual-farmworkers-appreciation-breakfast/\">2.2 percent\u003c/a> of the state’s workforce.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There has not been a farmworker movement for decades,” said Miriam Pawel, a journalist who has written two books about the United Farm Workers on an \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101913334/california-confronts-the-cesar-chavez-allegations\">episode of Forum\u003c/a> that aired days after the \u003cem>New York Times\u003c/em> investigation was published. “Declaring something as Farmworker Day instead of Cesar Chavez Day doesn’t really do anything for the farmworkers in the fields who are working in very tough conditions right now.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Farm work has been a job that we regard as something you do if you’re desperate and have no other options, instead of regarding it as a job worthy of dignity and respect because of how hard it is.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Looking away from farm work is another way that the labor and economic contributions of immigrants and Latinos are erased. But for many Mexican American families, farm work has served as an accessible stepping stone to achieve the American Dream. Despite the grueling hours and low pay, thousands of families, like my own, have had farmwork in our history.[aside postID=news_12077059 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260319-CESAR-CHAVEZ-STREET-MD-01-KQED.jpg']A few years ago, photos of graduates donning their cap and gowns surrounded by orchards went viral. The graduates in regalia, contrasting with the lush green of fruit trees, were both visually and emotionally striking because farm work and education come off as incompatible, as opposites. The images conveyed the message that leaving the fields equates to progress, but those images also conveyed gratitude for parents who taught their children what hard work looks like and that the returns can be worth so much more than a paycheck.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those weeks picking cherries were what we might now call a side hustle, but they were among the most formative experiences of my life.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We’d usually spend a few weeks doing this while my dad took vacation from his regular job at a potato processing plant. My parents were very explicit that the reason for taking us to the fields was to teach us the value of hard work and what adults had to do to make money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lessons from those summers in the fields informed so much of my work ethic and the value of manual labor. I also had the privilege of knowing that my days picking cherries were numbered. I would eventually return to school, and if I earned good grades, my parents told me, I would have other career options. But I also knew there were many people who would spend their whole working lives in the fields.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Whenever I buy cherries, I think about how each little bunch was probably picked by someone — a real person, like me — who deserves to be compensated for their hard work. And for that, we have to keep the fight alive and make sure state holidays and words of praise have substance. It means not looking away from farm work and giving that occupation the respect it deserves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was reported for K Onda KQED, a monthly newsletter focused on the Bay Area’s Latinx community. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/newsletters/k-onda\">Click here to subscribe\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When I think back on my childhood summers, a few activities stand out: reading lots of library books, watching \u003cem>The Price is Right\u003c/em>, and picking cherries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I was about eight or nine years old the first time my dad woke my brother and me up at dawn and took us out to work in cherry orchards that surrounded my hometown in Eastern Washington.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I remember lying down in the backseat, trying to capture a few more minutes of sleep before we’d arrive and park among the rows and rows of trees, strap a metal bucket to our chests, and embark on a full day of filling that bucket over and over. My dad and brother, who is a year older than I am, often handled the higher branches that required using a ladder, while I excelled at the low-hanging fruit. We’d come home covered in dirt and exhausted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last month, California lawmakers \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12077073/cesar-chavez-was-a-hero-to-farmworkers-now-they-confront-the-pain-of-alleged-abuse\">renamed a state holiday\u003c/a> on March 31 to Farmworkers Day after the \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2026/03/18/us/cesar-chavez-sexual-abuse-allegations-ufw.html\">\u003cem>New York Times\u003c/em> published allegations\u003c/a> that now-disgraced labor rights icon Cesar Chavez had abused young women.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The renaming happened swiftly. Lawmakers called the change “long overdue” as if we are rectifying a wrong that should have been fixed years ago. But, to me, this incident reinforces how farmworkers have been marginalized, discriminated against, and overlooked for centuries in the United States since the time enslaved people did most farm work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12077027\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12077027\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/GettyImages-515109272-scaled-e1773940356467.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1443\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Farm labor leader Cesar Chavez pickets outside the San Diego-area headquarters of Safeway markets. It was in protest over the arrest of 29 persons at a Delano, California, Safeway. \u003ccite>(Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>My hope would be that this holiday becomes a substantive and longstanding tradition, but I’m skeptical. We have Mother’s Day, but research shows that moms are some of the most overworked, undercompensated and stretched-thin members of society. But, hey, we love our moms!\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The same type of hollow praise could happen to farmworkers. Farm labor is considered a category separate from all other types of jobs, hence that unartful term “nonfarm jobs” that makes up most jobs in America.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to an \u003ca href=\"https://www.stlouisfed.org/open-vault/2019/july/nonfarm-payrolls-why-farmers-not-included\">explainer\u003c/a> from the Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis, “The answer may go back to early America. Highly seasonal, farming has always had a special place in our history — and our hearts.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Farm labor is hard to count because workers include farmers, their family members and hired workers who are often seasonal employees. Oh, and a lot of them lack proper authorization to work in the country, so that makes them harder to account for.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Plenty of other industries hire seasonal workers and hire undocumented workers, and yet they are counted. Instead, separating farm work from other categories makes it easier for employers to exploit workers and for consumers to build up a protective wall of ignorance. Americans might balk at buying a sweater made by a child in India, but we’re okay eating produce \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101912263/investigation-lax-state-oversight-endangers-californias-child-farmworkers\">picked by children in our own communities\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. diets and the economy depend on the food harvested here, but Americans, by and large, prefer to look away and not have to recognize farmworkers to the extent we should.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Californians take pride in being a state that feeds the rest of the nation with our produce. This state is home to more farmworkers than any other state, with about \u003ca href=\"https://www.epi.org/blog/how-many-farmworkers-are-employed-in-the-united-states/\">800,000 seasonal and full-time workers\u003c/a> each year, representing about \u003ca href=\"https://edd.ca.gov/en/about_edd/news_releases_and_announcements/california-thanks-its-agricultural-workforce-with-45th-annual-farmworkers-appreciation-breakfast/\">2.2 percent\u003c/a> of the state’s workforce.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There has not been a farmworker movement for decades,” said Miriam Pawel, a journalist who has written two books about the United Farm Workers on an \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101913334/california-confronts-the-cesar-chavez-allegations\">episode of Forum\u003c/a> that aired days after the \u003cem>New York Times\u003c/em> investigation was published. “Declaring something as Farmworker Day instead of Cesar Chavez Day doesn’t really do anything for the farmworkers in the fields who are working in very tough conditions right now.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Farm work has been a job that we regard as something you do if you’re desperate and have no other options, instead of regarding it as a job worthy of dignity and respect because of how hard it is.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Looking away from farm work is another way that the labor and economic contributions of immigrants and Latinos are erased. But for many Mexican American families, farm work has served as an accessible stepping stone to achieve the American Dream. Despite the grueling hours and low pay, thousands of families, like my own, have had farmwork in our history.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>A few years ago, photos of graduates donning their cap and gowns surrounded by orchards went viral. The graduates in regalia, contrasting with the lush green of fruit trees, were both visually and emotionally striking because farm work and education come off as incompatible, as opposites. The images conveyed the message that leaving the fields equates to progress, but those images also conveyed gratitude for parents who taught their children what hard work looks like and that the returns can be worth so much more than a paycheck.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those weeks picking cherries were what we might now call a side hustle, but they were among the most formative experiences of my life.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We’d usually spend a few weeks doing this while my dad took vacation from his regular job at a potato processing plant. My parents were very explicit that the reason for taking us to the fields was to teach us the value of hard work and what adults had to do to make money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lessons from those summers in the fields informed so much of my work ethic and the value of manual labor. I also had the privilege of knowing that my days picking cherries were numbered. I would eventually return to school, and if I earned good grades, my parents told me, I would have other career options. But I also knew there were many people who would spend their whole working lives in the fields.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Whenever I buy cherries, I think about how each little bunch was probably picked by someone — a real person, like me — who deserves to be compensated for their hard work. And for that, we have to keep the fight alive and make sure state holidays and words of praise have substance. It means not looking away from farm work and giving that occupation the respect it deserves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cb>Here are the morning’s top stories on Wednesday, April 8, 2026\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003ca href=\"https://www.healthinpartnership.org/resources/beyond-the-cycle-of-survival-wages-health-and-justice-for-farmworkers\">A new report is shedding light\u003c/a> on the lives of California farmworkers. It argues low wages are not just an economic issue, but a public health crisis. The report is called Beyond the Cycle of Survival, and it looks at how pay impacts workers’ health, families, and communities. \u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">An investigation is underway after \u003ca href=\"https://www.modbee.com/news/california/article315335981.html\">federal authorities shot and wounded a person\u003c/a> they were apparently trying to arrest. In a statement, the Department of Homeland Security says it happened after officers pulled over the man in Patterson in Stanislaus County on Tuesday.\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">A \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/bills/ca_202520260sb1422\">bill to restore state health care coverage\u003c/a> for low-income undocumented Californians will face its first hearing at the state Capitol on Wednesday.\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Low wages, inequity affecting the health of farmworkers in California\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Agriculture has long been one of the driving forces of California’s economy. But \u003ca href=\"https://www.healthinpartnership.org/resources/beyond-the-cycle-of-survival-wages-health-and-justice-for-farmworkers\">a new report\u003c/a> is shining some light on the plight of farmworkers themselves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The report, “Beyond the Cycle of Survival: Wages, Health, and Justice for Farmworkers” looked at how low wages and inequity are impacting the health of farmworkers and their families. “What we found is that California’s agricultural economy generates substantial wealth, but that wealth is not distributed equitably,” said Elana Muldavin with the organization Health in Partnership, one of the organizations that conducted the study. “Agriculture in California is a $60 billion industry, yet farmworker wages fall far below what’s considered livable anywhere in our state. Crop farmworkers in California earn $17.10 per hour statewide, and previous research from UC Merced found that farmworkers earn $15,000 a year.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And the low pay is not just an economic issue. The report found that it’s also causing a public health crisis, contributing to higher rates of workplace injuries, chronic illness, poor birth outcomes, stress, and anxiety among farmworker families. “Every single person that we interviewed said that their wages aren’t enough to cover the cost of their basic needs. People talked about having to make impossible trade-offs, like having to pick between going to the doctor and having something to eat,” Muldavin said. “Entire families are affected. People spoke about how it’s difficult to afford the things that their children want and need, like diapers, food and clothes. And it’s also difficult for farmworking parents to spend enough time with their children when they come home exhausted from working so hard to make ends meet.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Muldavin said their research underscored the need for an industry-wide livable wage standard for farmworkers and how doing so would improve the public health and well-being for farmworkers and their families.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12079006/federal-immigration-officers-say-they-shot-suspected-gang-member-in-central-california\">\u003cstrong>Conflicting reports over man shot by immigration agents in Patterson\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/ice\">agents\u003c/a> shot and wounded a person who they said is a suspected gang member in central California. The agency said he is wanted in El Salvador for questioning in connection to a murder.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ICE officers were attempting to arrest Carlos Ivan Mendoza Hernandez in the town of Patterson when they say he tried to run over one of the agents. DHS said the officers opened fire to protect themselves. Mendoza was wounded and taken to a hospital, officials said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An attorney representing Mendoza Hernandez said his client did not try to run over officers and disputed claims about a warrant in El Salvador.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Bill to restore health care for undocumented Californians has first hearing \u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Only two Democratic lawmakers voted against Gov. Gavin Newsom’s budget proposal last year curtailing health care for undocumented immigrants. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/2025/07/california-latino-caucus-legislators-immigrants-health-care-medi-cal/\">Sen. Maria Elena Durazo was one them\u003c/a>. Now, Durazo, a Democrat from Los Angeles, is proposing legislation that would reverse many of those immigrant health care cuts and reinstate Medi-Cal eligibility for all income-qualifying residents regardless of citizenship.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/bills/ca_202520260sb1422\">Senate Bill 1422\u003c/a> would ensure that all immigrant adults age 19 and older could enroll in Medi-Cal. It would not reverse limits placed on dental benefits that last year’s state budget included, nor would it eliminate the $30 monthly premium required of the same population starting in July 2027. The state budget last year did not cut benefits for children without legal status.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill is having its first hearing in Sacramento on Wednesday. The 2025-26 State Budget froze Medi-Cal enrollment for undocumented adults, a move that is projected to save the state more than $5 billion a year.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cb>Here are the morning’s top stories on Wednesday, April 8, 2026\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003ca href=\"https://www.healthinpartnership.org/resources/beyond-the-cycle-of-survival-wages-health-and-justice-for-farmworkers\">A new report is shedding light\u003c/a> on the lives of California farmworkers. It argues low wages are not just an economic issue, but a public health crisis. The report is called Beyond the Cycle of Survival, and it looks at how pay impacts workers’ health, families, and communities. \u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">An investigation is underway after \u003ca href=\"https://www.modbee.com/news/california/article315335981.html\">federal authorities shot and wounded a person\u003c/a> they were apparently trying to arrest. In a statement, the Department of Homeland Security says it happened after officers pulled over the man in Patterson in Stanislaus County on Tuesday.\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">A \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/bills/ca_202520260sb1422\">bill to restore state health care coverage\u003c/a> for low-income undocumented Californians will face its first hearing at the state Capitol on Wednesday.\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Low wages, inequity affecting the health of farmworkers in California\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Agriculture has long been one of the driving forces of California’s economy. But \u003ca href=\"https://www.healthinpartnership.org/resources/beyond-the-cycle-of-survival-wages-health-and-justice-for-farmworkers\">a new report\u003c/a> is shining some light on the plight of farmworkers themselves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The report, “Beyond the Cycle of Survival: Wages, Health, and Justice for Farmworkers” looked at how low wages and inequity are impacting the health of farmworkers and their families. “What we found is that California’s agricultural economy generates substantial wealth, but that wealth is not distributed equitably,” said Elana Muldavin with the organization Health in Partnership, one of the organizations that conducted the study. “Agriculture in California is a $60 billion industry, yet farmworker wages fall far below what’s considered livable anywhere in our state. Crop farmworkers in California earn $17.10 per hour statewide, and previous research from UC Merced found that farmworkers earn $15,000 a year.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And the low pay is not just an economic issue. The report found that it’s also causing a public health crisis, contributing to higher rates of workplace injuries, chronic illness, poor birth outcomes, stress, and anxiety among farmworker families. “Every single person that we interviewed said that their wages aren’t enough to cover the cost of their basic needs. People talked about having to make impossible trade-offs, like having to pick between going to the doctor and having something to eat,” Muldavin said. “Entire families are affected. People spoke about how it’s difficult to afford the things that their children want and need, like diapers, food and clothes. And it’s also difficult for farmworking parents to spend enough time with their children when they come home exhausted from working so hard to make ends meet.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Muldavin said their research underscored the need for an industry-wide livable wage standard for farmworkers and how doing so would improve the public health and well-being for farmworkers and their families.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12079006/federal-immigration-officers-say-they-shot-suspected-gang-member-in-central-california\">\u003cstrong>Conflicting reports over man shot by immigration agents in Patterson\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/ice\">agents\u003c/a> shot and wounded a person who they said is a suspected gang member in central California. The agency said he is wanted in El Salvador for questioning in connection to a murder.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ICE officers were attempting to arrest Carlos Ivan Mendoza Hernandez in the town of Patterson when they say he tried to run over one of the agents. DHS said the officers opened fire to protect themselves. Mendoza was wounded and taken to a hospital, officials said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An attorney representing Mendoza Hernandez said his client did not try to run over officers and disputed claims about a warrant in El Salvador.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Bill to restore health care for undocumented Californians has first hearing \u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Only two Democratic lawmakers voted against Gov. Gavin Newsom’s budget proposal last year curtailing health care for undocumented immigrants. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/2025/07/california-latino-caucus-legislators-immigrants-health-care-medi-cal/\">Sen. Maria Elena Durazo was one them\u003c/a>. Now, Durazo, a Democrat from Los Angeles, is proposing legislation that would reverse many of those immigrant health care cuts and reinstate Medi-Cal eligibility for all income-qualifying residents regardless of citizenship.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/bills/ca_202520260sb1422\">Senate Bill 1422\u003c/a> would ensure that all immigrant adults age 19 and older could enroll in Medi-Cal. It would not reverse limits placed on dental benefits that last year’s state budget included, nor would it eliminate the $30 monthly premium required of the same population starting in July 2027. The state budget last year did not cut benefits for children without legal status.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill is having its first hearing in Sacramento on Wednesday. The 2025-26 State Budget froze Medi-Cal enrollment for undocumented adults, a move that is projected to save the state more than $5 billion a year.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "how-skyrocketing-housing-costs-and-policy-choices-reshaped-the-bay-area",
"title": "Housing, Tech and Taxes: 50 Years of Unaffordability in the Bay Area",
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"headTitle": "Housing, Tech and Taxes: 50 Years of Unaffordability in the Bay Area | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>This story is part of \u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/affordability\">How We Get By\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>, a KQED series exploring how people are coping with rising costs in the Bay Area and California. Find the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/affordability\">full series here\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The carefully curated flower pots, matcha mixing bowls and Buddhist prayer beads at Kogura Co. in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-jose\">San José’s\u003c/a> Japantown have drawn shoppers for decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Richard Kogura’s family has operated the Japanese gift and home goods store, now near the corner of Jackson and North Sixth streets, since his grandfather Kohei Kogura started the company in 1928.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the decades, the store’s inventory has shifted — from radios and sewing machines to home goods and gifts — mirroring the changes unfolding outside its doors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Just as the wares have changed over the years, so has \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/arts/13904788/san-jose-japantown-changes-minato-gombei-shuei-do-santo-market\">Japantown\u003c/a>: evolving from a working-class neighborhood to a haven of high-priced apartments as handsomely paid tech workers and developers have flocked to the area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As I look at folks that are moving into our neighborhood,” Kogura said, “the only people who can afford to move into the neighborhood right now are the high-tech.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Across the street from his shop is Sixth and Jackson, a 518-apartment complex opened two years ago that lists studios for rent beginning at roughly $3,000 per month, climbing to roughly $11,000 for the highest-end three-bedroom units.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The sponsors of our Little League teams were the Plumbers, the Carpenters, the Teamsters,” Kogura, 70, recalled as he walked the aisles of his family’s shop on a sunny Tuesday in March and reflected on his upbringing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12077577\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12077577 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260320-KOGURACOMPANY00054_TV-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260320-KOGURACOMPANY00054_TV-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260320-KOGURACOMPANY00054_TV-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260320-KOGURACOMPANY00054_TV-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Richard Kogura, a third-generation resident of Japantown and co-owner of Kogura Company, poses for a portrait at Kogura Company in San José on March 20, 2026. \u003ccite>(Tâm Vũ/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“If you needed a job, there was always work because of the canneries,” he said, referring to companies like Del Monte that once anchored the local economy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those jobs are gone. In their place: a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/lowdown/category/silicon-valley\">tech-driven economy\u003c/a> that brought immense wealth — and costs that many longtime residents can no longer afford.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the past half-century, the Bay Area has transformed from a region where working- and middle-class families could build stable lives into one of the most expensive places in the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That shift was driven by the collision of explosive tech-fueled wealth with decades of constrained housing growth, shaped by local opposition to development, environmental regulation and tax policies like \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/proposition-13\">Proposition 13\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12077583\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12077583 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260320-KOGURACOMPANY00657_TV-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260320-KOGURACOMPANY00657_TV-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260320-KOGURACOMPANY00657_TV-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260320-KOGURACOMPANY00657_TV-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Cards made by Tracie Kogura, Richard Kogura’s daughter, are sold at Kogura Company in San José on March 20, 2026. \u003ccite>(Tâm Vũ/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The result is a region where soaring home prices and rents have outpaced wages, deepened inequality and pushed longtime residents to the margins or out altogether — forces now \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/arts/13952476/san-jose-japantown-photo-night-cukui\">reshaping communities like San José’s Japantown\u003c/a> and affecting the people struggling to remain in them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Powered by decades of tech expansion, limited housing construction and policies that restrict turnover and development, the region’s cost of living first got out of sync with the rest of the country around 50 years ago, experts say, with more recent tech booms only furthering sky-high costs and wide disparities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Bay Area is rich and prosperous, and that creates a very high demand for housing, and that drives up prices,” said Richard Walker, professor emeritus of geography at UC Berkeley and an expert on California history.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Spurning growth\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Beginning in the 1970s, communities across the Bay Area pushed back against rapid development, reshaping how — and whether — new housing would be built.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A hard shift toward anti-growth policies and environmental regulation flourished, as residents fought displacement and sprawl caused by major urban and suburban development efforts, such as highways and commercial projects. Their effects linger today.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12077579\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12077579\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260320-KOGURACOMPANY00483_TV-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260320-KOGURACOMPANY00483_TV-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260320-KOGURACOMPANY00483_TV-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260320-KOGURACOMPANY00483_TV-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Customers browse at Kogura Company in San José on March 20, 2026. \u003ccite>(Tâm Vũ/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“In the same way that California was the poster child for uncontrolled growth in the first two and a half decades of the post-war era from the mid-1940s to the mid to late 1960s, not coincidentally, it is the epicenter of the most concerted and most politically successful effort to reign in growth into the ’70s, ’80s, ’90s,” said Jacob Anbinder, a research fellow at Cornell University, who is writing a book about the roots of America’s housing crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Until last year, when the Legislature enacted major reforms, the California Environmental Quality Act — the state’s landmark environmental law, passed in 1970 — hamstrung projects of all stripes. Meanwhile, a Byzantine patchwork of county and local policies slows down and limits new housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The region’s collective failure to build enough homes has made it tougher for everyday workers to secure reasonably priced housing. Over the last nearly 50 years, the Bay Area has had one of the lowest permitting rates for new homes per capita in the nation, compared to other major metros, according to an analysis by the \u003ca href=\"https://siepr.stanford.edu/\">Stanford Institute for Economic Policy Research\u003c/a> performed for KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" title=\"Housing Permits, 1980-Present\" aria-label=\"Line chart\" id=\"datawrapper-chart-MXDLW\" src=\"https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/MXDLW/1/\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border: none;\" width=\"800\" height=\"575\" data-external=\"1\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Phil Cosentino’s livelihood has been shaped by the rise and fall of that pro-building ethos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After World War II, as defense and technology companies grew and hastened the rise of Silicon Valley, developers built out suburbs that sprawled farther and farther from job centers, prompting the construction of more roads and highways to transport more workers to offices throughout San José and the Peninsula.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Cosentino’s father opened a family farm in South San José 81 years ago, the property stretched 10 acres. But it was whittled to about two acres after California officials used eminent domain to buy the land in the 1950s to build what is now Highway 85, which cuts along the edge of the farm.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12077607\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12077607\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/231017-COSENTINOFARM-022-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/231017-COSENTINOFARM-022-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/231017-COSENTINOFARM-022-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/231017-COSENTINOFARM-022-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Heidi Shimamoto shops at J&P Cosentino Family Farm in San José on Oct. 17, 2023. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Now, the 96-year-old’s small farm is sandwiched between the highway and a residential neighborhood that sprouted over the decades as developers bought up neighboring farms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was closing in, closing in, closing in, and there was nothing we could do about it,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today, homes in the area sell for well above $1 million to tech workers drawn in part by easy access to the highway. The orchards that helped sustain generations of Cosentinos, however, some years fail to break even.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12077605\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12077605 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/231017-COSENTINOFARM-005-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/231017-COSENTINOFARM-005-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/231017-COSENTINOFARM-005-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/231017-COSENTINOFARM-005-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A drone photo of the farm and a family photo hang on the wall at J&P Cosentino Family Farm in San José on Oct. 17, 2023. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“The situation we’re living in today is the product of decisions that were made not just 10, 20 years ago, but 50, 60, even 70 years ago,” Anbinder said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even as a range of factors constrained housing supply, the region’s economy continued to boom, bringing in more residents and driving up demand and prices.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“About 50 years ago, you can start to see a very clear upward movement in housing prices that deviates from the rest of the country by California, and also even more so by the Bay Area,” Walker said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Rising housing costs\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Around 1970, the median home value in the U.S. was about $20,000. In California, it was roughly $23,000, and in the Bay Area it was higher still — reaching $28,000 in San Francisco, according to the U.S. Census.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By 2024, the census found, the median home value in the city was around $1.4 million, compared to less than $400,000 nationally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12077584\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12077584 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260320-KOGURACOMPANY00764_TV-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260320-KOGURACOMPANY00764_TV-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260320-KOGURACOMPANY00764_TV-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260320-KOGURACOMPANY00764_TV-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Carolyn Kogura (center right), a third-generation resident of Japantown and co-owner of Kogura Company, helps customer Nick Marozick (left) at the cash register at Kogura Company in San José on March 20, 2026. \u003ccite>(Tâm Vũ/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/housing\">rise in real estate values\u003c/a> has far outstripped the growth in average wages, greatly diminishing buying power for many.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the same time, the tech industry has fueled extreme wealth and financial stability for a significant number of residents capable of scooping up much of the available supply of homes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Why is our housing more expensive than anywhere in the country? It’s because we are richer than anywhere in the country, on average,” Walker said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" title=\"Home Values on Zillow\" aria-label=\"Line chart\" id=\"datawrapper-chart-FmS51\" src=\"https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/FmS51/1/\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border: none;\" width=\"800\" height=\"486\" data-external=\"1\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kogura and his grown children have been able to maintain family-owned homes in Japantown. But that’s largely because his grandfather and parents were able to buy and pass on properties before prices skyrocketed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He doesn’t think his kids would be able to buy their own homes now due to the high prices and property taxes, which he said are exacerbated by investors who buy and sell historic buildings in the area in hopes of redeveloping them and cashing in on the neighborhood’s cachet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" title=\"Median Income for Select Professions\" aria-label=\"Line chart\" id=\"datawrapper-chart-iiZQd\" src=\"https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/iiZQd/1/\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border: none;\" width=\"800\" height=\"675\" data-external=\"1\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Erika McEntarfer, the former head of the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics and a research scholar at SIEPR, said that while tech wages have long dwarfed those of other professions like nurses, teachers and retail or sales workers, a tech boom in the years following the great financial crisis of 2008 pushed compensation in that industry even higher, with direct impacts on housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You can see it in the housing price statistics. You can see it in income data. The Bay Area starts to have housing prices that increase faster than other cities, right as the tech boom is taking off and incomes are also going way up,” McEntarfer said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That takeoff in earnings didn’t happen for everybody. The latest U.S. Census data shows median Bay Area tech worker income hovering a little above $180,000 annually in 2024, compared with just over $120,000 for nurses, while teachers and sales workers earned less than half of that.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Tech compensation\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Rachel Massaro, vice president of Joint Venture Silicon Valley, a think tank that studies the region, said inequality is “escalating exponentially” in the area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What high earners are able to pay for a good or service affects what people will charge, Massaro said, which impacts everyone. Tech workers are willing and able to pay more for everyday essentials, from housing to child care, influencing costs for the whole region and exacerbating historic imbalances.[aside postID=news_12078480 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/AffordabilitySeriesIntro_Lede.jpg']This year’s \u003ca href=\"https://jointventure.org/13-publications/silicon-valley-index\">Silicon Valley Index\u003c/a>, an annual snapshot of the region published by the nonprofit, highlighted that investment income — such as dividends from stock portfolios and earnings from rental properties — is “overwhelmingly concentrated among higher-income households,” bringing in $200,000 or more each year. For households earning less than that, “investment income is nearly absent,” the report said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those investments, Massaro said, can generate much more income than wages alone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In practice, those assets for tech workers can feel like bonuses, making it easier to snap up a rental property or to upgrade to a bigger home, “things that might seem out of reach for a lot of other people in our region,” Massaro said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Compounding all of this is the fact that the Bay Area — in addition to being flush with well-paid product managers, engineers, programmers and marketers — has one of the highest concentrations of billionaires in the country. Executives and founders like Meta’s Mark Zuckerberg and Nvidia’s Jensen Huang are some of the 126 billionaires who call the area home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of people across the country talk about the wealth gap in terms of the top 1%. But in Silicon Valley, the concentration goes way beyond that. It’s the top 0.001% alone that holds 18% of all of our liquid wealth,” Massaro said. “And the top 1% hold roughly a third. So things are different here, particularly because of billionaire liquid wealth.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other indicators reaffirm the Bay Area’s higher cost of living, including data from the Bureau of Economic Analysis, which researchers from SIEPR analyzed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" title=\"How Far Does $100,000 Go?\" aria-label=\"Line chart\" id=\"datawrapper-chart-44DiX\" src=\"https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/44DiX/1/\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border: none;\" width=\"800\" height=\"550\" data-external=\"1\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Between 2012 and the pandemic, prices in the Bay Area increased faster than other metros and the nation at large,” researchers at SIEPR said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“One way to think of this is that if you make $100,000 in San Francisco, the purchasing power it gives you relative to living in Houston is $85,000,” McEntarfer said. “And relative to living in Birmingham, Alabama, that money would go [as far as] $110,000.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bay Area workers looking to stretch their dollars have fled San Francisco and Silicon Valley for the East Bay and beyond in search of a lower cost of living. But as more people make that move, the limited housing supply has meant rising prices in previously affordable neighborhoods, which has pushed many families out of the region entirely.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Proposition 13\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>McEntarfer said economists sometimes compare housing stock to lasagna, where layers accommodate the different circumstances people experience in their lives and careers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s controversial Proposition 13 and high home prices have complicated that notion locally, with many older residents staying in larger homes after their children have moved out and partners have died because downsizing is too expensive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12077589\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12077589\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260307-CHIARAMONTEDELI00642_TV-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260307-CHIARAMONTEDELI00642_TV-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260307-CHIARAMONTEDELI00642_TV-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260307-CHIARAMONTEDELI00642_TV-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Chiaramonte’s Deli & Sausages is located on 609 North 13th St., in San José, on March 7, 2026. \u003ccite>(Tâm Vũ/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>For those who have already secured a home in the Bay Area, especially members of the Baby Boomer generation, the nearly 50-year-old Proposition 13 has shielded them from high annual property tax increases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Enacted in 1978 by California voters frustrated about unpredictable inflationary pressures and increasing property tax bills, Proposition 13 requires the state to assess properties based on their purchase price, not current market value, and caps the annual increase in assessed value at 2%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It means, for instance, that the buyer of a house who purchased the property in 2022 \u003ca href=\"https://projects.scpr.org/prop-13/\">pays dramatically more\u003c/a> in property taxes than their neighbor who bought a comparable home in the 1970s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12077591\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12077591\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260307-CHIARAMONTEDELI00664_TV-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260307-CHIARAMONTEDELI00664_TV-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260307-CHIARAMONTEDELI00664_TV-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260307-CHIARAMONTEDELI00664_TV-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Dried pasta and sauce are sold at Chiaramonte’s Deli & Sausages in San José on March 7, 2026. \u003ccite>(Tâm Vũ/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The law benefits residential and commercial property owners, but disincentivizes them from moving and severely \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11701044/how-proposition-13-transformed-neighborhood-public-schools-throughout-california\">limits funding for schools\u003c/a> and other municipal services, prompting officials to more frequently ask local voters for tax increases and bond measures.\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>\u003cbr>\n\u003c/strong>“It definitely transfers the burden of paying for all of the expensive services that we have to pay for in communities to the younger up-and-coming working families,” said Kelly Snider, a developer and professor in the Department of Urban and Regional Planning at San José State University.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12077593\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12077593\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260307-CHIARAMONTEDELI00682_TV-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260307-CHIARAMONTEDELI00682_TV-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260307-CHIARAMONTEDELI00682_TV-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260307-CHIARAMONTEDELI00682_TV-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Louis Chiaramonte, owner of Chiaramonte’s Deli & Sausages, poses for a portrait at Chiaramonte’s Deli & Sausages in San José on March 7, 2026. \u003ccite>(Tâm Vũ/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Some analyses have shown that Proposition 13 \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11911156/prop-13-offers-bigger-tax-breaks-to-homeowners-in-wealthy-white-neighborhoods\">disproportionately benefits white and wealthier homeowners\u003c/a> in higher-value neighborhoods because the difference between their homes’ assessed value and market value is greater.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The upshot, McEntarfer said, is that in the Bay Area, “even relatively well-off working professionals like the nurses, educators, people with good middle-class jobs, they can’t afford to buy a house anymore, so they’re renting.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Average rental rates in the San José and San Francisco metro areas hover around $3,000 a month for apartments, and about $4,200 a month for single-family homes, the Silicon Valley index reported.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12077594\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12077594\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260307-CHIARAMONTEDELI00690_TV-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260307-CHIARAMONTEDELI00690_TV-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260307-CHIARAMONTEDELI00690_TV-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260307-CHIARAMONTEDELI00690_TV-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A.J. Fernandez makes a sandwich at Chiaramonte’s Deli & Sausages in San José on March 7, 2026. \u003ccite>(Tâm Vũ/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>A.J. Fernandez pays far less than that — just $600 a month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He’s the grand-nephew of Louis Chiaramonte, the 81-year-old proprietor of Chiaramonte’s Deli & Sausages in San José’s Northside neighborhood, which has operated for 118 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chiaramonte said people of his generation could buy a home “even with a regular type of job where you didn’t have to have a special education or special talents,” but Fernandez said he “couldn’t do that in my lifetime.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" title=\"Share of Super-Commuters\" aria-label=\"Grouped column chart\" id=\"datawrapper-chart-sYKh5\" src=\"https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/sYKh5/1/\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border: none;\" width=\"800\" height=\"601\" data-external=\"1\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 34-year-old, who works crafting the deli’s housemade Italian sausage sandwiches, rents a room in a family-owned home with his grandmother. “They charge me very modestly, and even then, it’s hard to live in the Bay Area,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s this huge crunch in terms of how expensive it is to just simply have a roof over your head,” said Stasia Hansen, the research and policy director for \u003ca href=\"https://workingeastbay.org/\">East Bay Alliance for a Sustainable Economy\u003c/a>, a nonprofit that advocates for economic, racial, and social justice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hansen said that when the pinch of increasing housing costs pushes people farther from the region’s major job centers, it disconnects them from their families and communities and adds to their transportation costs as commutes increase.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12077592\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12077592\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260307-CHIARAMONTEDELI00673_TV-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260307-CHIARAMONTEDELI00673_TV-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260307-CHIARAMONTEDELI00673_TV-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260307-CHIARAMONTEDELI00673_TV-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Old photos of Chiaramonte’s Deli & Sausages from the 1920s and onward are hung on a shelf at Chiaramonte’s Deli & Sausages in San José on March 7, 2026. \u003ccite>(Tâm Vũ/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Moving from bigger cities like Oakland to smaller burbs in Contra Costa and Solano counties also means tenants often give up renter protections, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One consequence of all that movement has been an explosion of supercommuters, people who commute more than an hour to their workplaces. In the Bay Area in 2019, just under 9% of regional workers identified as supercommuters, according to U.S. Census data, nearly double the national rate at the time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The pandemic-driven remote work wave “took the edge off of the number of supercommuters in the Bay Area,” McEntarfer said, but the percentage of these commuters in the region in 2024 was still well above the national average.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Increasing strain\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>As more people fan out in search of housing they can afford, that puts pressure on lower-income neighborhoods and the people who live there. Black workers have historically been underrepresented in tech and other white-collar sectors, Hansen said. They are also more likely, according to the index, to be paid less even when they do hold the same degrees and jobs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About half of Black workers in the East Bay were considered rent burdened, meaning they paid more than 30% of their income toward rent, according to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12058985\">an October report\u003c/a> from UC Berkeley’s Labor Center. More than four in every 10 Latino workers were rent-burdened, compared to about a third of white renters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12078837\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12078837\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260406-kassandragutierrez00285_TV_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260406-kassandragutierrez00285_TV_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260406-kassandragutierrez00285_TV_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260406-kassandragutierrez00285_TV_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Twenty-four-year-old Kassandra Gutierrez embraces her 4-year-old son Esteban while getting him ready for school at her mother’s home in Oakland on April 6, 2026. \u003ccite>(Tâm Vũ/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Kassandra Gutierrez said the financial strain of trying to stay in the Bay Area has taken a huge toll on her emotional well-being. She works full-time and is a single parent to a 4-year-old.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve been trying to see if I can get a second job just to make sure I can maintain a roof over my son’s head. It’s very mentally frustrating, mentally draining,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gutierrez, 24, is a case worker at a mental health care agency in Oakland, where she serves up to 30 clients at a time. Despite living in an affordable apartment complex in Richmond, she worries she could face eviction because she’s struggling to pay a recent $250 increase in rent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12078834\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12078834\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260406-kassandragutierrez00217_TV_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260406-kassandragutierrez00217_TV_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260406-kassandragutierrez00217_TV_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260406-kassandragutierrez00217_TV_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Kassandra Gutierrez, a single mother, gets ready at her mother’s home in Oakland on April 6, 2026. \u003ccite>(Tâm Vũ/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Raised in Oakland, she said, “everything was easier” when she was younger, and it’s been painful to see the costs of daily life spiking.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When I first started driving, gas was like $2.50, so filling up [my car]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>wasn’t such an issue. Just seeing that increase in gas, seeing an increase in groceries, just buying a pack of strawberries is already almost 10 bucks, or a gallon of milk is six bucks,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s such a fast increase that no one can really catch up.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What comes next?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Walker, the Berkeley professor emeritus, said the inequality gripping the Bay Area is difficult to escape without drastic action.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What comes next? Well, nothing. It’ll just be more of the same unless you get a mass popular movement and significant political change. We need to reclaim our state and reclaim our country from the rich,” Walker said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He suggested everything from higher taxes on the wealthy and corporations, to stricter AI regulation and more subsidized housing like the public housing projects of the New Deal era that helped house the burgeoning workforce of the Bay Area after WWI. A proposed one-time 5% tax on billionaires in the state has gained momentum in recent months but faces vehement opposition from the \u003ca href=\"https://www.wsj.com/business/california-billionaire-tax-ballot-opposition-6a00047d?gaa_at=eafs&gaa_n=AWEtsqcxAnMF28subEWffDfgqSmdc38fyPNQOMOVQdP7pWka8zRT2Z8xERxYnwFSNLk%3D&gaa_ts=69c6c184&gaa_sig=tcbkMNY46yjBYaXnaTCAb1Os9mLrNtN7ZWT_ZDJ86L2LPBzWIWU-my8nNz26ctCDKI4uHEyUIv61kij89en1Cw%3D%3D\">subjects of the tax\u003c/a>.[aside postID=news_12069608 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/019_KQED_RichmondHousing_08162022_qed.jpg']McEntarfer, who moved from Washington, D.C., to the Bay Area in the fall and lived in accessory dwelling units before finding an apartment, said she loves the region.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s really easy to see why the area is in high demand,” she said. “There is great weather, natural beauty and a lot of jobs. There are very few places in the U.S. that are blessed with all three of those things.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But those blessings come with a downside.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Silicon Valley, San Francisco — they’ve created an enormous number of jobs, but they haven’t built enough housing to house all of those workers. And it’s pushing up prices, it’s pushing people to take very long commutes to try and find some affordable housing,” she said. “Consistently, what you hear on the East Coast about San Francisco and the Bay Area is that it’s lovely but it’s unaffordable.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Kogura, whose family business is approaching the century mark in Japantown, the rising costs are eroding the close-knit neighborhood he grew up in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our people know each other, and it’s a real small community,” he said. “But we’re losing that, and it’s almost inevitable.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/ebaldassari\">\u003cem>Erin Baldassari\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> contributed to this report. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "San José’s Japantown reveals the Bay Area housing crisis, where high costs and widening inequality are forcing longtime residents to move and reshaping neighborhoods.",
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"title": "Housing, Tech and Taxes: 50 Years of Unaffordability in the Bay Area | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>This story is part of \u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/affordability\">How We Get By\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>, a KQED series exploring how people are coping with rising costs in the Bay Area and California. Find the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/affordability\">full series here\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The carefully curated flower pots, matcha mixing bowls and Buddhist prayer beads at Kogura Co. in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-jose\">San José’s\u003c/a> Japantown have drawn shoppers for decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Richard Kogura’s family has operated the Japanese gift and home goods store, now near the corner of Jackson and North Sixth streets, since his grandfather Kohei Kogura started the company in 1928.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the decades, the store’s inventory has shifted — from radios and sewing machines to home goods and gifts — mirroring the changes unfolding outside its doors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Just as the wares have changed over the years, so has \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/arts/13904788/san-jose-japantown-changes-minato-gombei-shuei-do-santo-market\">Japantown\u003c/a>: evolving from a working-class neighborhood to a haven of high-priced apartments as handsomely paid tech workers and developers have flocked to the area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As I look at folks that are moving into our neighborhood,” Kogura said, “the only people who can afford to move into the neighborhood right now are the high-tech.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Across the street from his shop is Sixth and Jackson, a 518-apartment complex opened two years ago that lists studios for rent beginning at roughly $3,000 per month, climbing to roughly $11,000 for the highest-end three-bedroom units.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The sponsors of our Little League teams were the Plumbers, the Carpenters, the Teamsters,” Kogura, 70, recalled as he walked the aisles of his family’s shop on a sunny Tuesday in March and reflected on his upbringing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12077577\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12077577 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260320-KOGURACOMPANY00054_TV-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260320-KOGURACOMPANY00054_TV-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260320-KOGURACOMPANY00054_TV-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260320-KOGURACOMPANY00054_TV-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Richard Kogura, a third-generation resident of Japantown and co-owner of Kogura Company, poses for a portrait at Kogura Company in San José on March 20, 2026. \u003ccite>(Tâm Vũ/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“If you needed a job, there was always work because of the canneries,” he said, referring to companies like Del Monte that once anchored the local economy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those jobs are gone. In their place: a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/lowdown/category/silicon-valley\">tech-driven economy\u003c/a> that brought immense wealth — and costs that many longtime residents can no longer afford.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the past half-century, the Bay Area has transformed from a region where working- and middle-class families could build stable lives into one of the most expensive places in the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That shift was driven by the collision of explosive tech-fueled wealth with decades of constrained housing growth, shaped by local opposition to development, environmental regulation and tax policies like \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/proposition-13\">Proposition 13\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12077583\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12077583 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260320-KOGURACOMPANY00657_TV-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260320-KOGURACOMPANY00657_TV-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260320-KOGURACOMPANY00657_TV-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260320-KOGURACOMPANY00657_TV-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Cards made by Tracie Kogura, Richard Kogura’s daughter, are sold at Kogura Company in San José on March 20, 2026. \u003ccite>(Tâm Vũ/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The result is a region where soaring home prices and rents have outpaced wages, deepened inequality and pushed longtime residents to the margins or out altogether — forces now \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/arts/13952476/san-jose-japantown-photo-night-cukui\">reshaping communities like San José’s Japantown\u003c/a> and affecting the people struggling to remain in them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Powered by decades of tech expansion, limited housing construction and policies that restrict turnover and development, the region’s cost of living first got out of sync with the rest of the country around 50 years ago, experts say, with more recent tech booms only furthering sky-high costs and wide disparities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Bay Area is rich and prosperous, and that creates a very high demand for housing, and that drives up prices,” said Richard Walker, professor emeritus of geography at UC Berkeley and an expert on California history.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Spurning growth\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Beginning in the 1970s, communities across the Bay Area pushed back against rapid development, reshaping how — and whether — new housing would be built.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A hard shift toward anti-growth policies and environmental regulation flourished, as residents fought displacement and sprawl caused by major urban and suburban development efforts, such as highways and commercial projects. Their effects linger today.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12077579\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12077579\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260320-KOGURACOMPANY00483_TV-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260320-KOGURACOMPANY00483_TV-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260320-KOGURACOMPANY00483_TV-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260320-KOGURACOMPANY00483_TV-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Customers browse at Kogura Company in San José on March 20, 2026. \u003ccite>(Tâm Vũ/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“In the same way that California was the poster child for uncontrolled growth in the first two and a half decades of the post-war era from the mid-1940s to the mid to late 1960s, not coincidentally, it is the epicenter of the most concerted and most politically successful effort to reign in growth into the ’70s, ’80s, ’90s,” said Jacob Anbinder, a research fellow at Cornell University, who is writing a book about the roots of America’s housing crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Until last year, when the Legislature enacted major reforms, the California Environmental Quality Act — the state’s landmark environmental law, passed in 1970 — hamstrung projects of all stripes. Meanwhile, a Byzantine patchwork of county and local policies slows down and limits new housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The region’s collective failure to build enough homes has made it tougher for everyday workers to secure reasonably priced housing. Over the last nearly 50 years, the Bay Area has had one of the lowest permitting rates for new homes per capita in the nation, compared to other major metros, according to an analysis by the \u003ca href=\"https://siepr.stanford.edu/\">Stanford Institute for Economic Policy Research\u003c/a> performed for KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" title=\"Housing Permits, 1980-Present\" aria-label=\"Line chart\" id=\"datawrapper-chart-MXDLW\" src=\"https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/MXDLW/1/\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border: none;\" width=\"800\" height=\"575\" data-external=\"1\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Phil Cosentino’s livelihood has been shaped by the rise and fall of that pro-building ethos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After World War II, as defense and technology companies grew and hastened the rise of Silicon Valley, developers built out suburbs that sprawled farther and farther from job centers, prompting the construction of more roads and highways to transport more workers to offices throughout San José and the Peninsula.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Cosentino’s father opened a family farm in South San José 81 years ago, the property stretched 10 acres. But it was whittled to about two acres after California officials used eminent domain to buy the land in the 1950s to build what is now Highway 85, which cuts along the edge of the farm.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12077607\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12077607\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/231017-COSENTINOFARM-022-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/231017-COSENTINOFARM-022-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/231017-COSENTINOFARM-022-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/231017-COSENTINOFARM-022-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Heidi Shimamoto shops at J&P Cosentino Family Farm in San José on Oct. 17, 2023. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Now, the 96-year-old’s small farm is sandwiched between the highway and a residential neighborhood that sprouted over the decades as developers bought up neighboring farms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was closing in, closing in, closing in, and there was nothing we could do about it,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today, homes in the area sell for well above $1 million to tech workers drawn in part by easy access to the highway. The orchards that helped sustain generations of Cosentinos, however, some years fail to break even.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12077605\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12077605 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/231017-COSENTINOFARM-005-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/231017-COSENTINOFARM-005-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/231017-COSENTINOFARM-005-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/231017-COSENTINOFARM-005-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A drone photo of the farm and a family photo hang on the wall at J&P Cosentino Family Farm in San José on Oct. 17, 2023. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“The situation we’re living in today is the product of decisions that were made not just 10, 20 years ago, but 50, 60, even 70 years ago,” Anbinder said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even as a range of factors constrained housing supply, the region’s economy continued to boom, bringing in more residents and driving up demand and prices.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“About 50 years ago, you can start to see a very clear upward movement in housing prices that deviates from the rest of the country by California, and also even more so by the Bay Area,” Walker said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Rising housing costs\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Around 1970, the median home value in the U.S. was about $20,000. In California, it was roughly $23,000, and in the Bay Area it was higher still — reaching $28,000 in San Francisco, according to the U.S. Census.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By 2024, the census found, the median home value in the city was around $1.4 million, compared to less than $400,000 nationally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12077584\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12077584 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260320-KOGURACOMPANY00764_TV-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260320-KOGURACOMPANY00764_TV-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260320-KOGURACOMPANY00764_TV-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260320-KOGURACOMPANY00764_TV-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Carolyn Kogura (center right), a third-generation resident of Japantown and co-owner of Kogura Company, helps customer Nick Marozick (left) at the cash register at Kogura Company in San José on March 20, 2026. \u003ccite>(Tâm Vũ/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/housing\">rise in real estate values\u003c/a> has far outstripped the growth in average wages, greatly diminishing buying power for many.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the same time, the tech industry has fueled extreme wealth and financial stability for a significant number of residents capable of scooping up much of the available supply of homes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Why is our housing more expensive than anywhere in the country? It’s because we are richer than anywhere in the country, on average,” Walker said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" title=\"Home Values on Zillow\" aria-label=\"Line chart\" id=\"datawrapper-chart-FmS51\" src=\"https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/FmS51/1/\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border: none;\" width=\"800\" height=\"486\" data-external=\"1\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kogura and his grown children have been able to maintain family-owned homes in Japantown. But that’s largely because his grandfather and parents were able to buy and pass on properties before prices skyrocketed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He doesn’t think his kids would be able to buy their own homes now due to the high prices and property taxes, which he said are exacerbated by investors who buy and sell historic buildings in the area in hopes of redeveloping them and cashing in on the neighborhood’s cachet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" title=\"Median Income for Select Professions\" aria-label=\"Line chart\" id=\"datawrapper-chart-iiZQd\" src=\"https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/iiZQd/1/\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border: none;\" width=\"800\" height=\"675\" data-external=\"1\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Erika McEntarfer, the former head of the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics and a research scholar at SIEPR, said that while tech wages have long dwarfed those of other professions like nurses, teachers and retail or sales workers, a tech boom in the years following the great financial crisis of 2008 pushed compensation in that industry even higher, with direct impacts on housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You can see it in the housing price statistics. You can see it in income data. The Bay Area starts to have housing prices that increase faster than other cities, right as the tech boom is taking off and incomes are also going way up,” McEntarfer said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That takeoff in earnings didn’t happen for everybody. The latest U.S. Census data shows median Bay Area tech worker income hovering a little above $180,000 annually in 2024, compared with just over $120,000 for nurses, while teachers and sales workers earned less than half of that.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Tech compensation\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Rachel Massaro, vice president of Joint Venture Silicon Valley, a think tank that studies the region, said inequality is “escalating exponentially” in the area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What high earners are able to pay for a good or service affects what people will charge, Massaro said, which impacts everyone. Tech workers are willing and able to pay more for everyday essentials, from housing to child care, influencing costs for the whole region and exacerbating historic imbalances.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>This year’s \u003ca href=\"https://jointventure.org/13-publications/silicon-valley-index\">Silicon Valley Index\u003c/a>, an annual snapshot of the region published by the nonprofit, highlighted that investment income — such as dividends from stock portfolios and earnings from rental properties — is “overwhelmingly concentrated among higher-income households,” bringing in $200,000 or more each year. For households earning less than that, “investment income is nearly absent,” the report said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those investments, Massaro said, can generate much more income than wages alone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In practice, those assets for tech workers can feel like bonuses, making it easier to snap up a rental property or to upgrade to a bigger home, “things that might seem out of reach for a lot of other people in our region,” Massaro said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Compounding all of this is the fact that the Bay Area — in addition to being flush with well-paid product managers, engineers, programmers and marketers — has one of the highest concentrations of billionaires in the country. Executives and founders like Meta’s Mark Zuckerberg and Nvidia’s Jensen Huang are some of the 126 billionaires who call the area home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of people across the country talk about the wealth gap in terms of the top 1%. But in Silicon Valley, the concentration goes way beyond that. It’s the top 0.001% alone that holds 18% of all of our liquid wealth,” Massaro said. “And the top 1% hold roughly a third. So things are different here, particularly because of billionaire liquid wealth.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other indicators reaffirm the Bay Area’s higher cost of living, including data from the Bureau of Economic Analysis, which researchers from SIEPR analyzed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" title=\"How Far Does $100,000 Go?\" aria-label=\"Line chart\" id=\"datawrapper-chart-44DiX\" src=\"https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/44DiX/1/\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border: none;\" width=\"800\" height=\"550\" data-external=\"1\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Between 2012 and the pandemic, prices in the Bay Area increased faster than other metros and the nation at large,” researchers at SIEPR said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“One way to think of this is that if you make $100,000 in San Francisco, the purchasing power it gives you relative to living in Houston is $85,000,” McEntarfer said. “And relative to living in Birmingham, Alabama, that money would go [as far as] $110,000.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bay Area workers looking to stretch their dollars have fled San Francisco and Silicon Valley for the East Bay and beyond in search of a lower cost of living. But as more people make that move, the limited housing supply has meant rising prices in previously affordable neighborhoods, which has pushed many families out of the region entirely.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Proposition 13\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>McEntarfer said economists sometimes compare housing stock to lasagna, where layers accommodate the different circumstances people experience in their lives and careers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s controversial Proposition 13 and high home prices have complicated that notion locally, with many older residents staying in larger homes after their children have moved out and partners have died because downsizing is too expensive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12077589\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12077589\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260307-CHIARAMONTEDELI00642_TV-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260307-CHIARAMONTEDELI00642_TV-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260307-CHIARAMONTEDELI00642_TV-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260307-CHIARAMONTEDELI00642_TV-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Chiaramonte’s Deli & Sausages is located on 609 North 13th St., in San José, on March 7, 2026. \u003ccite>(Tâm Vũ/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>For those who have already secured a home in the Bay Area, especially members of the Baby Boomer generation, the nearly 50-year-old Proposition 13 has shielded them from high annual property tax increases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Enacted in 1978 by California voters frustrated about unpredictable inflationary pressures and increasing property tax bills, Proposition 13 requires the state to assess properties based on their purchase price, not current market value, and caps the annual increase in assessed value at 2%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It means, for instance, that the buyer of a house who purchased the property in 2022 \u003ca href=\"https://projects.scpr.org/prop-13/\">pays dramatically more\u003c/a> in property taxes than their neighbor who bought a comparable home in the 1970s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12077591\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12077591\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260307-CHIARAMONTEDELI00664_TV-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260307-CHIARAMONTEDELI00664_TV-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260307-CHIARAMONTEDELI00664_TV-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260307-CHIARAMONTEDELI00664_TV-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Dried pasta and sauce are sold at Chiaramonte’s Deli & Sausages in San José on March 7, 2026. \u003ccite>(Tâm Vũ/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The law benefits residential and commercial property owners, but disincentivizes them from moving and severely \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11701044/how-proposition-13-transformed-neighborhood-public-schools-throughout-california\">limits funding for schools\u003c/a> and other municipal services, prompting officials to more frequently ask local voters for tax increases and bond measures.\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>\u003cbr>\n\u003c/strong>“It definitely transfers the burden of paying for all of the expensive services that we have to pay for in communities to the younger up-and-coming working families,” said Kelly Snider, a developer and professor in the Department of Urban and Regional Planning at San José State University.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12077593\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12077593\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260307-CHIARAMONTEDELI00682_TV-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260307-CHIARAMONTEDELI00682_TV-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260307-CHIARAMONTEDELI00682_TV-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260307-CHIARAMONTEDELI00682_TV-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Louis Chiaramonte, owner of Chiaramonte’s Deli & Sausages, poses for a portrait at Chiaramonte’s Deli & Sausages in San José on March 7, 2026. \u003ccite>(Tâm Vũ/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Some analyses have shown that Proposition 13 \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11911156/prop-13-offers-bigger-tax-breaks-to-homeowners-in-wealthy-white-neighborhoods\">disproportionately benefits white and wealthier homeowners\u003c/a> in higher-value neighborhoods because the difference between their homes’ assessed value and market value is greater.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The upshot, McEntarfer said, is that in the Bay Area, “even relatively well-off working professionals like the nurses, educators, people with good middle-class jobs, they can’t afford to buy a house anymore, so they’re renting.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Average rental rates in the San José and San Francisco metro areas hover around $3,000 a month for apartments, and about $4,200 a month for single-family homes, the Silicon Valley index reported.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12077594\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12077594\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260307-CHIARAMONTEDELI00690_TV-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260307-CHIARAMONTEDELI00690_TV-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260307-CHIARAMONTEDELI00690_TV-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260307-CHIARAMONTEDELI00690_TV-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A.J. Fernandez makes a sandwich at Chiaramonte’s Deli & Sausages in San José on March 7, 2026. \u003ccite>(Tâm Vũ/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>A.J. Fernandez pays far less than that — just $600 a month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He’s the grand-nephew of Louis Chiaramonte, the 81-year-old proprietor of Chiaramonte’s Deli & Sausages in San José’s Northside neighborhood, which has operated for 118 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chiaramonte said people of his generation could buy a home “even with a regular type of job where you didn’t have to have a special education or special talents,” but Fernandez said he “couldn’t do that in my lifetime.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" title=\"Share of Super-Commuters\" aria-label=\"Grouped column chart\" id=\"datawrapper-chart-sYKh5\" src=\"https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/sYKh5/1/\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border: none;\" width=\"800\" height=\"601\" data-external=\"1\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 34-year-old, who works crafting the deli’s housemade Italian sausage sandwiches, rents a room in a family-owned home with his grandmother. “They charge me very modestly, and even then, it’s hard to live in the Bay Area,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s this huge crunch in terms of how expensive it is to just simply have a roof over your head,” said Stasia Hansen, the research and policy director for \u003ca href=\"https://workingeastbay.org/\">East Bay Alliance for a Sustainable Economy\u003c/a>, a nonprofit that advocates for economic, racial, and social justice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hansen said that when the pinch of increasing housing costs pushes people farther from the region’s major job centers, it disconnects them from their families and communities and adds to their transportation costs as commutes increase.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12077592\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12077592\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260307-CHIARAMONTEDELI00673_TV-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260307-CHIARAMONTEDELI00673_TV-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260307-CHIARAMONTEDELI00673_TV-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260307-CHIARAMONTEDELI00673_TV-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Old photos of Chiaramonte’s Deli & Sausages from the 1920s and onward are hung on a shelf at Chiaramonte’s Deli & Sausages in San José on March 7, 2026. \u003ccite>(Tâm Vũ/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Moving from bigger cities like Oakland to smaller burbs in Contra Costa and Solano counties also means tenants often give up renter protections, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One consequence of all that movement has been an explosion of supercommuters, people who commute more than an hour to their workplaces. In the Bay Area in 2019, just under 9% of regional workers identified as supercommuters, according to U.S. Census data, nearly double the national rate at the time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The pandemic-driven remote work wave “took the edge off of the number of supercommuters in the Bay Area,” McEntarfer said, but the percentage of these commuters in the region in 2024 was still well above the national average.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Increasing strain\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>As more people fan out in search of housing they can afford, that puts pressure on lower-income neighborhoods and the people who live there. Black workers have historically been underrepresented in tech and other white-collar sectors, Hansen said. They are also more likely, according to the index, to be paid less even when they do hold the same degrees and jobs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About half of Black workers in the East Bay were considered rent burdened, meaning they paid more than 30% of their income toward rent, according to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12058985\">an October report\u003c/a> from UC Berkeley’s Labor Center. More than four in every 10 Latino workers were rent-burdened, compared to about a third of white renters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12078837\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12078837\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260406-kassandragutierrez00285_TV_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260406-kassandragutierrez00285_TV_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260406-kassandragutierrez00285_TV_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260406-kassandragutierrez00285_TV_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Twenty-four-year-old Kassandra Gutierrez embraces her 4-year-old son Esteban while getting him ready for school at her mother’s home in Oakland on April 6, 2026. \u003ccite>(Tâm Vũ/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Kassandra Gutierrez said the financial strain of trying to stay in the Bay Area has taken a huge toll on her emotional well-being. She works full-time and is a single parent to a 4-year-old.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve been trying to see if I can get a second job just to make sure I can maintain a roof over my son’s head. It’s very mentally frustrating, mentally draining,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gutierrez, 24, is a case worker at a mental health care agency in Oakland, where she serves up to 30 clients at a time. Despite living in an affordable apartment complex in Richmond, she worries she could face eviction because she’s struggling to pay a recent $250 increase in rent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12078834\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12078834\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260406-kassandragutierrez00217_TV_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260406-kassandragutierrez00217_TV_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260406-kassandragutierrez00217_TV_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260406-kassandragutierrez00217_TV_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Kassandra Gutierrez, a single mother, gets ready at her mother’s home in Oakland on April 6, 2026. \u003ccite>(Tâm Vũ/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Raised in Oakland, she said, “everything was easier” when she was younger, and it’s been painful to see the costs of daily life spiking.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When I first started driving, gas was like $2.50, so filling up [my car]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>wasn’t such an issue. Just seeing that increase in gas, seeing an increase in groceries, just buying a pack of strawberries is already almost 10 bucks, or a gallon of milk is six bucks,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s such a fast increase that no one can really catch up.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What comes next?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Walker, the Berkeley professor emeritus, said the inequality gripping the Bay Area is difficult to escape without drastic action.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What comes next? Well, nothing. It’ll just be more of the same unless you get a mass popular movement and significant political change. We need to reclaim our state and reclaim our country from the rich,” Walker said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He suggested everything from higher taxes on the wealthy and corporations, to stricter AI regulation and more subsidized housing like the public housing projects of the New Deal era that helped house the burgeoning workforce of the Bay Area after WWI. A proposed one-time 5% tax on billionaires in the state has gained momentum in recent months but faces vehement opposition from the \u003ca href=\"https://www.wsj.com/business/california-billionaire-tax-ballot-opposition-6a00047d?gaa_at=eafs&gaa_n=AWEtsqcxAnMF28subEWffDfgqSmdc38fyPNQOMOVQdP7pWka8zRT2Z8xERxYnwFSNLk%3D&gaa_ts=69c6c184&gaa_sig=tcbkMNY46yjBYaXnaTCAb1Os9mLrNtN7ZWT_ZDJ86L2LPBzWIWU-my8nNz26ctCDKI4uHEyUIv61kij89en1Cw%3D%3D\">subjects of the tax\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>McEntarfer, who moved from Washington, D.C., to the Bay Area in the fall and lived in accessory dwelling units before finding an apartment, said she loves the region.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s really easy to see why the area is in high demand,” she said. “There is great weather, natural beauty and a lot of jobs. There are very few places in the U.S. that are blessed with all three of those things.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But those blessings come with a downside.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Silicon Valley, San Francisco — they’ve created an enormous number of jobs, but they haven’t built enough housing to house all of those workers. And it’s pushing up prices, it’s pushing people to take very long commutes to try and find some affordable housing,” she said. “Consistently, what you hear on the East Coast about San Francisco and the Bay Area is that it’s lovely but it’s unaffordable.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Kogura, whose family business is approaching the century mark in Japantown, the rising costs are eroding the close-knit neighborhood he grew up in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our people know each other, and it’s a real small community,” he said. “But we’re losing that, and it’s almost inevitable.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/ebaldassari\">\u003cem>Erin Baldassari\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> contributed to this report. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "farmworker-advocates-grapple-with-legacy-changes-as-california-replaces-chavez-holiday",
"title": "Farmworker Advocates Grapple With Legacy Changes as California Replaces Chávez Holiday",
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"headTitle": "Farmworker Advocates Grapple With Legacy Changes as California Replaces Chávez Holiday | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>Reading about \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/cesar-chavez\">Cesar Chavez\u003c/a> inspired Rosalinda Guillen to organize strawberry pickers in Salinas with the union he co-founded, the United Farm Workers, in the 1990s, after the late labor leader had died.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, as California has renamed Cesar Chavez Day — observed annually on March 31 — as Farmworkers Day — and begins \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12077059/san-francisco-fought-to-name-a-major-street-after-cesar-chavez-will-it-be-renamed-again\">reconsidering how it honors\u003c/a> the civil rights icon, advocates like Guillen are confronting a deeper question: What happens to the farmworker movement when its most recognizable figure becomes a source of pain and controversy?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Guillen, 74, is worried the shattering of Chavez’s image by rape allegations \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12077073/cesar-chavez-was-a-hero-to-farmworkers-now-they-confront-the-pain-of-alleged-abuse\">could demoralize organizers\u003c/a> and provide ammunition to agricultural corporations opposing raising wages for some of the nation’s lowest-paid laborers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Organizing for the rights of farmworkers anywhere in this country is one of the heaviest lifts that there is,” said Guillen, a former berry picker herself who \u003ca href=\"https://depts.washington.edu/civilr/guillen.htm\">helped reach\u003c/a> Washington state’s first union contract covering agricultural workers at a large winery in 1995.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Any type of benefit that we fight for or organize for, the pushback from the industry is just huge,” she said. “There’s such a huge power imbalance that everything matters for us as we continue to move forward.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newly surfaced sexual abuse allegations against Chavez are \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12076859/california-reacts-to-shocking-cesar-chavez-sexual-misconduct-revelations\">reverberating across California\u003c/a> and beyond, fueling a reckoning within farmworker communities while raising concerns among organizers that fallout could weaken already fragile efforts to build worker power, influence policy and protect some of the country’s most vulnerable laborers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12077027\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12077027\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/GettyImages-515109272-scaled-e1773940356467.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1443\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Farm labor leader Cesar Chavez pickets outside the San Diego-area headquarters of Safeway markets. It was in protest over the arrest of 29 persons at a Delano, California, Safeway. \u003ccite>(Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The allegations that Chavez sexually abused UFW co-founder Dolores Huerta and underage girls decades ago unleashed grief and soul-searching among advocates. Across California, labor leaders and elected officials have emphasized that the movement must extend beyond any one individual, even as they grapple with the emotional toll of the revelations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One week after the allegations were made public by the \u003cem>New York Times\u003c/em>, California lawmakers voted unanimously to rename a March 31 holiday on Chavez’s birthday as Farmworker Day, a move intended to shift recognition to the broader workforce rather than a single leader. Community leaders planned to remove Chavez’s likeness from school murals, statues and other public spaces.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For many farmworkers, the emotional impact has been disorienting. Some described learning about the allegations through word of mouth, social media or conversations at work, struggling to reconcile admiration for Chavez as an organizer with anger and sadness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s going to harm us,” UFW member Maria Garcia Hernández said in Spanish, a Tulare County resident.[aside postID=news_12077073 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/CesarChavezGetty2.jpg']The 52-year-old weighed whether the union would lose any influence in Sacramento or the rural communities where it operates, an open question. She worried about encountering antagonism or even aggression when volunteering as a union canvasser in Republican areas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It could undermine the politicians we support — for whom we go door-to-door for, so they can hold office and represent us,” said Garcia Hernández, a farmworker for more than 30 years. “Now, people won’t want to accept us.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The reckoning comes as the U.S. Department of Labor issued a rule to make it cheaper for employers to hire seasonal foreign agricultural workers through H-2A visas — a policy the Economic Policy Institute \u003ca href=\"https://www.epi.org/blog/trumps-new-h-2a-wage-rule-will-radically-cut-the-wages-of-all-farmworkers-new-estimates-show-farmworkers-stand-to-lose-4-4-to-5-4-billion-annually-under-dols-updated-adverse-effec/\">estimates\u003c/a> could drive down wages for farmworkers nationwide by more than $4.4 billion annually.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Trump administration has also signaled plans to ramp up deportations in a workforce where about half are undocumented, leaving many vulnerable to exploitation and reluctant to challenge employers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a legitimate concern for a lot of folks to wonder what happens now,” said Eladio Bobadilla, a historian at the University of Pittsburgh who studies U.S. social movements. “How these particular revelations will impact people on the ground, the ordinary farm workers who are trying to find themselves in a better economic and social position.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The historian, who grew up with farmworker parents in Delano, the former UFW headquarters in the 1960s, said there were problems in how Chavez’s leadership was widely remembered and celebrated, even before the new accusations came to light. Chavez ran the union autocratically, purging critics and surrounding himself with loyalists, which weakened a movement that gave him too much power, Bobadilla said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12076930\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12076930\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/CesarChavezGetty1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/CesarChavezGetty1.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/CesarChavezGetty1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/CesarChavezGetty1-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Pedestrians walk past César Chávez Elementary School on March 18, 2026, in San Francisco, California. Labor activist César Chávez has been accused in an investigation of sexual abuse of women and minors. \u003ccite>(Benjamin Fanjoy/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>One crack in the movement was Chavez’s hostility toward undocumented immigrants, whom he considered strikebreakers. Under his reign, the UFW harassed, beat and reported undocumented people to immigration authorities in the 1970s, Bobadilla said. His forthcoming book explores nativism debates through the eyes of Latinos. Later, the UFW and Huerta emerged as strong advocates for immigrant rights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It will be essential to decouple the farm workers’ struggle from this one man,” he said. “How the union and how activists choose to do that, I don’t know, but I think it will be essential to really untangle themselves from this one person, something that should have been done decades ago.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since the 1930s, federal law has excluded agricultural workers from many protections afforded to other workers, including overtime pay and collective bargaining rights. Even in California, which expanded farmworkers’ rights, field crop laborers still often face deep poverty, wage theft by employers and dangerous working conditions, including \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11897789/california-largely-failed-to-enforce-worker-smoke-protections-under-bidens-new-osha-pick\">wildfire smoke\u003c/a> and extreme heat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Agricultural workers are \u003ca href=\"https://pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/articles/PMC4657558/#:~:text=Table%20II,13%20times%20the%20risk\">far more likely to die\u003c/a> from heat-related illness than workers in other industries, and the U.S. still lacks federal regulations requiring employers to protect workers from heat hazards.[aside postID=news_12077059 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260319-CESAR-CHAVEZ-STREET-MD-01-KQED.jpg']Today, most of the nation’s 2.2 million farmworkers are not unionized. The UFW counts about 10,000 members in California, Oregon, Washington and New York, a fraction of the roughly 60,000 in its heyday during the 1970s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Beyond organizing, the UFW helped build a broader civil rights movement that trained generations of community activists, said Oliver Rosales, a historian at Bakersfield College in Delano. At its peak in the 1960s, the Delano grape boycott drew participation from an estimated 14 to 17 million Americans, reflecting the nationwide impact of the farmworker movement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was like the heart and soul of the Mexican-American civil rights movement,” Rosales said. “The farm worker movement ultimately, despite its long-run failures to organize farm workers within the union, inspired activism all across and well beyond the fields. That, to me, is its ultimate legacy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The UFW continues to fight well-resourced grower associations, sometimes successfully, said Daniel Costa, who directs immigration policy at the Economic Policy Institute and co-authored the H-2A wage rule analysis. The UFW helped beat a similar pay-cut policy during the first Trump administration, he added, which helped hundreds of thousands of agricultural workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They are punching above their weight for sure,” Costa said. “They’ve been able to leverage the attention that they’ve gotten over the years to really make a big impact.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Teresa Romero, the first female UFW President, said she’s still grappling with the ramifications of the exposé about Chavez by \u003cem>New York Times\u003c/em> reporters, who signaled more women may come forward with additional accusations. The union is reviewing training and policies for its 55 staffers, she added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11941675\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11941675\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/RS58208_075_KQED_UnitedFarmWorkersMarch_08242022-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1278\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/RS58208_075_KQED_UnitedFarmWorkersMarch_08242022-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/RS58208_075_KQED_UnitedFarmWorkersMarch_08242022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/RS58208_075_KQED_UnitedFarmWorkersMarch_08242022-qut-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/RS58208_075_KQED_UnitedFarmWorkersMarch_08242022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/RS58208_075_KQED_UnitedFarmWorkersMarch_08242022-qut-1536x1022.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Teresa Romero, President of the United Farm Workers union, speaks to marchers in Walnut Grove, Calif., before setting out on Day 22 of a 24-day “March for the Governor’s Signature” on Aug. 24, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But controversy or not, politicians who support farmworkers understand their plight remains dire, she said, and just as important as it was three decades ago, when Chavez died. Strong opposition to the union is part of its history, she noted, just like the allegations against Chavez now are.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We never depended on growers appreciating their workforce and treating them with respect and dignity and paying them fairly. That’s why we exist,” Romero said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The union continues to organize workers and push for labor protections, including collective bargaining rights and safeguards against extreme heat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With California replacing a holiday bearing Chavez’s name with one honoring farmworkers, Romero said the focus must stay on those still laboring in the fields.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It saddens me to know what happened with our founder, but it hasn’t changed my commitment or my understanding of who I serve, and that is farmworkers,” Romero said. “I don’t serve our history or Cesar Chavez.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Reading about \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/cesar-chavez\">Cesar Chavez\u003c/a> inspired Rosalinda Guillen to organize strawberry pickers in Salinas with the union he co-founded, the United Farm Workers, in the 1990s, after the late labor leader had died.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, as California has renamed Cesar Chavez Day — observed annually on March 31 — as Farmworkers Day — and begins \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12077059/san-francisco-fought-to-name-a-major-street-after-cesar-chavez-will-it-be-renamed-again\">reconsidering how it honors\u003c/a> the civil rights icon, advocates like Guillen are confronting a deeper question: What happens to the farmworker movement when its most recognizable figure becomes a source of pain and controversy?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Guillen, 74, is worried the shattering of Chavez’s image by rape allegations \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12077073/cesar-chavez-was-a-hero-to-farmworkers-now-they-confront-the-pain-of-alleged-abuse\">could demoralize organizers\u003c/a> and provide ammunition to agricultural corporations opposing raising wages for some of the nation’s lowest-paid laborers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Organizing for the rights of farmworkers anywhere in this country is one of the heaviest lifts that there is,” said Guillen, a former berry picker herself who \u003ca href=\"https://depts.washington.edu/civilr/guillen.htm\">helped reach\u003c/a> Washington state’s first union contract covering agricultural workers at a large winery in 1995.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Any type of benefit that we fight for or organize for, the pushback from the industry is just huge,” she said. “There’s such a huge power imbalance that everything matters for us as we continue to move forward.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newly surfaced sexual abuse allegations against Chavez are \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12076859/california-reacts-to-shocking-cesar-chavez-sexual-misconduct-revelations\">reverberating across California\u003c/a> and beyond, fueling a reckoning within farmworker communities while raising concerns among organizers that fallout could weaken already fragile efforts to build worker power, influence policy and protect some of the country’s most vulnerable laborers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12077027\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12077027\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/GettyImages-515109272-scaled-e1773940356467.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1443\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Farm labor leader Cesar Chavez pickets outside the San Diego-area headquarters of Safeway markets. It was in protest over the arrest of 29 persons at a Delano, California, Safeway. \u003ccite>(Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The allegations that Chavez sexually abused UFW co-founder Dolores Huerta and underage girls decades ago unleashed grief and soul-searching among advocates. Across California, labor leaders and elected officials have emphasized that the movement must extend beyond any one individual, even as they grapple with the emotional toll of the revelations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One week after the allegations were made public by the \u003cem>New York Times\u003c/em>, California lawmakers voted unanimously to rename a March 31 holiday on Chavez’s birthday as Farmworker Day, a move intended to shift recognition to the broader workforce rather than a single leader. Community leaders planned to remove Chavez’s likeness from school murals, statues and other public spaces.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For many farmworkers, the emotional impact has been disorienting. Some described learning about the allegations through word of mouth, social media or conversations at work, struggling to reconcile admiration for Chavez as an organizer with anger and sadness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s going to harm us,” UFW member Maria Garcia Hernández said in Spanish, a Tulare County resident.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The 52-year-old weighed whether the union would lose any influence in Sacramento or the rural communities where it operates, an open question. She worried about encountering antagonism or even aggression when volunteering as a union canvasser in Republican areas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It could undermine the politicians we support — for whom we go door-to-door for, so they can hold office and represent us,” said Garcia Hernández, a farmworker for more than 30 years. “Now, people won’t want to accept us.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The reckoning comes as the U.S. Department of Labor issued a rule to make it cheaper for employers to hire seasonal foreign agricultural workers through H-2A visas — a policy the Economic Policy Institute \u003ca href=\"https://www.epi.org/blog/trumps-new-h-2a-wage-rule-will-radically-cut-the-wages-of-all-farmworkers-new-estimates-show-farmworkers-stand-to-lose-4-4-to-5-4-billion-annually-under-dols-updated-adverse-effec/\">estimates\u003c/a> could drive down wages for farmworkers nationwide by more than $4.4 billion annually.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Trump administration has also signaled plans to ramp up deportations in a workforce where about half are undocumented, leaving many vulnerable to exploitation and reluctant to challenge employers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a legitimate concern for a lot of folks to wonder what happens now,” said Eladio Bobadilla, a historian at the University of Pittsburgh who studies U.S. social movements. “How these particular revelations will impact people on the ground, the ordinary farm workers who are trying to find themselves in a better economic and social position.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The historian, who grew up with farmworker parents in Delano, the former UFW headquarters in the 1960s, said there were problems in how Chavez’s leadership was widely remembered and celebrated, even before the new accusations came to light. Chavez ran the union autocratically, purging critics and surrounding himself with loyalists, which weakened a movement that gave him too much power, Bobadilla said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12076930\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12076930\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/CesarChavezGetty1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/CesarChavezGetty1.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/CesarChavezGetty1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/CesarChavezGetty1-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Pedestrians walk past César Chávez Elementary School on March 18, 2026, in San Francisco, California. Labor activist César Chávez has been accused in an investigation of sexual abuse of women and minors. \u003ccite>(Benjamin Fanjoy/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>One crack in the movement was Chavez’s hostility toward undocumented immigrants, whom he considered strikebreakers. Under his reign, the UFW harassed, beat and reported undocumented people to immigration authorities in the 1970s, Bobadilla said. His forthcoming book explores nativism debates through the eyes of Latinos. Later, the UFW and Huerta emerged as strong advocates for immigrant rights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It will be essential to decouple the farm workers’ struggle from this one man,” he said. “How the union and how activists choose to do that, I don’t know, but I think it will be essential to really untangle themselves from this one person, something that should have been done decades ago.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since the 1930s, federal law has excluded agricultural workers from many protections afforded to other workers, including overtime pay and collective bargaining rights. Even in California, which expanded farmworkers’ rights, field crop laborers still often face deep poverty, wage theft by employers and dangerous working conditions, including \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11897789/california-largely-failed-to-enforce-worker-smoke-protections-under-bidens-new-osha-pick\">wildfire smoke\u003c/a> and extreme heat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Agricultural workers are \u003ca href=\"https://pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/articles/PMC4657558/#:~:text=Table%20II,13%20times%20the%20risk\">far more likely to die\u003c/a> from heat-related illness than workers in other industries, and the U.S. still lacks federal regulations requiring employers to protect workers from heat hazards.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Today, most of the nation’s 2.2 million farmworkers are not unionized. The UFW counts about 10,000 members in California, Oregon, Washington and New York, a fraction of the roughly 60,000 in its heyday during the 1970s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Beyond organizing, the UFW helped build a broader civil rights movement that trained generations of community activists, said Oliver Rosales, a historian at Bakersfield College in Delano. At its peak in the 1960s, the Delano grape boycott drew participation from an estimated 14 to 17 million Americans, reflecting the nationwide impact of the farmworker movement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was like the heart and soul of the Mexican-American civil rights movement,” Rosales said. “The farm worker movement ultimately, despite its long-run failures to organize farm workers within the union, inspired activism all across and well beyond the fields. That, to me, is its ultimate legacy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The UFW continues to fight well-resourced grower associations, sometimes successfully, said Daniel Costa, who directs immigration policy at the Economic Policy Institute and co-authored the H-2A wage rule analysis. The UFW helped beat a similar pay-cut policy during the first Trump administration, he added, which helped hundreds of thousands of agricultural workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They are punching above their weight for sure,” Costa said. “They’ve been able to leverage the attention that they’ve gotten over the years to really make a big impact.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Teresa Romero, the first female UFW President, said she’s still grappling with the ramifications of the exposé about Chavez by \u003cem>New York Times\u003c/em> reporters, who signaled more women may come forward with additional accusations. The union is reviewing training and policies for its 55 staffers, she added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11941675\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11941675\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/RS58208_075_KQED_UnitedFarmWorkersMarch_08242022-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1278\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/RS58208_075_KQED_UnitedFarmWorkersMarch_08242022-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/RS58208_075_KQED_UnitedFarmWorkersMarch_08242022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/RS58208_075_KQED_UnitedFarmWorkersMarch_08242022-qut-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/RS58208_075_KQED_UnitedFarmWorkersMarch_08242022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/RS58208_075_KQED_UnitedFarmWorkersMarch_08242022-qut-1536x1022.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Teresa Romero, President of the United Farm Workers union, speaks to marchers in Walnut Grove, Calif., before setting out on Day 22 of a 24-day “March for the Governor’s Signature” on Aug. 24, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But controversy or not, politicians who support farmworkers understand their plight remains dire, she said, and just as important as it was three decades ago, when Chavez died. Strong opposition to the union is part of its history, she noted, just like the allegations against Chavez now are.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We never depended on growers appreciating their workforce and treating them with respect and dignity and paying them fairly. That’s why we exist,” Romero said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The union continues to organize workers and push for labor protections, including collective bargaining rights and safeguards against extreme heat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With California replacing a holiday bearing Chavez’s name with one honoring farmworkers, Romero said the focus must stay on those still laboring in the fields.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It saddens me to know what happened with our founder, but it hasn’t changed my commitment or my understanding of who I serve, and that is farmworkers,” Romero said. “I don’t serve our history or Cesar Chavez.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "cesar-chavez-fue-un-heroe-para-los-trabajadores-agricolas-ellos-ahora-enfrentan-un-legado-mas-complicado",
"title": "Los campesinos de California: Entre el legado de César Chávez y el dolor por presuntos abusos",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12077073/cesar-chavez-was-a-hero-to-farmworkers-now-they-confront-the-pain-of-alleged-abuse\">Read in English\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A una semana de que se dio a conocer la noticia de las \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12076859/california-reacts-to-shocking-cesar-chavez-sexual-misconduct-revelations\">acusaciones de abuso sexual\u003c/a> contra César Chávez, los trabajadores agrícolas de California se enfrentaban a la difícil tarea de asimilar y conciliar los inquietantes detalles con la imagen de un ícono laboral y defensor de los derechos civiles a quien muchos consideraban un héroe.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Por teléfono, las personas describían sentirse atónitas tras enterarse de la noticia a través de la llamada de un vecino, conversaciones con familiares, reuniones de trabajo o las redes sociales.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Es casi imposible creer lo que está pasando”, dijo María García Hernández, trabajadora agrícola desde hace más de 30 años. Esta mujer de 52 años, que vive en el condado de Tulare, afirmó que tanto ella como sus padres se beneficiaron del activismo de Chávez, quien apoyó la última gran ley de reforma migratoria que se adoptó en la década de 1980.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Todavía no me lo puedo creer del todo, que una persona tan valiente que luchó por todos nosotros para garantizar que pudiéramos tener sombra, agua, baños limpios y mejores condiciones laborales, que una persona tan dedicada al pueblo… pudiera hacer algo así”, afirmó García, que se dedica a sembrar y cosechar plantas en un trabajo representado por el Sindicato de Trabajadores Agrícolas (o UFW por sus siglas en inglés), el sindicato que Chávez y Dolores Huerta establecieron juntos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Huerta, que ahora tiene 95 años, reveló por primera vez públicamente que Chávez la manipuló para mantener relaciones sexuales con ella y la violó en la década de 1960, y declaró al \u003cem>The New York Times\u003c/em> que ambos encuentros la dejaron embarazada. La investigación de varios años del \u003cem>New York Times\u003c/em>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2026/03/18/us/cesar-chavez-sexual-abuse-allegations-ufw.html\">publicada el 18 de marzo\u003c/a>, también detalla las acusaciones de dos mujeres, hijas de organizadores sindicales, que afirmaron que Chávez las abusó sexualmente cuando eran niñas en la década de 1970.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12077475\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1536px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12077475\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/Farmworker-picks-grapes.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1536\" height=\"1024\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/Farmworker-picks-grapes.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/Farmworker-picks-grapes-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1536px) 100vw, 1536px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Un trabajador agrícola recolecta uvas en un campo de Fresno el 3 de septiembre de 2025. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro para KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Cuando Rolando Hernández se enteró por primera vez de las acusaciones a través de sus compañeros de trabajo durante una reunión de formación laboral, el extrabajador agrícola se quedó desconcertado. Pensó que la conversación debía de referirse a otra persona.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Disculpen, pero ¿de qué César Chávez están hablando?”, preguntó Hernández, de 33 años, en la reunión. “Porque yo solo sé de un César Chávez que luchó por los derechos de los trabajadores agrícolas para que se les pagaran mejores salarios y hubiese menos injusticias en los campos”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Ese mismo”, fue la respuesta, lo que dejó a Hernández sin palabras.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Fue un golpe muy duro”, dijo Hernández, quien trabaja para organización sin fines de lucro para trabajadores agrícolas con sede en Fresno. Él comenzó a cosechar chiles en Arizona a los 14 años de edad antes de trabajar con viñedos y naranjales en California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>La reacción a las revelaciones \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12077336/como-reacciono-california-a-las-acusaciones-de-supuesta-conducta-sexual-inapropiada-de-cesar-chavez\">fue casi inmediata\u003c/a>. Los legisladores de California planean cambiar el nombre de la festividad estatal dedicada a Chávez por el de “Día de los Trabajadores Agrícolas”. Ciudades, estados y organizaciones, incluida la UFW, tomaron medidas para posponer o cancelar las celebraciones previstas para el 31 de marzo en honor al cumpleaños del líder sindical mexicano-estadounidense. Las autoridades están considerando \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12077059/san-francisco-fought-to-name-a-major-street-after-cesar-chavez-will-it-be-renamed-again\">cambiar el nombre de calles\u003c/a>, parques, bibliotecas, escuelas y otros edificios que llevan el nombre de Chávez.[aside label='Más en español' tag='kqed-en-espanol']Durante décadas, la colaboración entre Chávez y Huerta para promover los derechos de los trabajadores agrícolas se ha conmemorado en libros de texto infantiles, biografías, películas y desfiles. Ahora, varias madres, García entre ellas, se sienten por la falta de medidas para prevenir y responder a las presuntas agresiones.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Lo siento mucho por ellas. Lo que les ha pasado me duele en lo más profundo del alma” dijo García. “Si es verdad lo que pasó, ¿por qué no se habló hace mucho tiempo? ¿Por qué hasta ahora?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chávez falleció en 1993. Huerta dijo que guardó silencio durante 60 años porque temía dañar la reputación de un hombre que se convirtió en el rostro del movimiento por los derechos civiles de los mexicoamericanos, conocido por los boicots, las marchas y las huelgas a nivel nacional que lograron avances significativos para miles de trabajadores agrícolas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Guardé este secreto durante tanto tiempo porque construir el movimiento y garantizar los derechos de los trabajadores agrícolas ha sido el trabajo de mi vida”, dijo Huerta en un comunicado tras la publicación de la investigación del \u003cem>New York Times\u003c/em>. “Nunca me he identificado como víctima, pero ahora entiendo que soy una víctimas: de la violencia, del abuso sexual, de hombres dominantes que me veían a mí, y a otras mujeres, como propiedad o como objetos que controlar”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Luz Gallegos, cuyas experiencias de niña acompañando a sus padres a los mítines y marchas de la UFW la inspiraron a convertirse en defensora de los trabajadores agrícolas, afirmó sentirse devastada por las revelaciones. Gallegos, que actualmente es directora del Centro Legal TODEC, una organización sin fines de lucro dedicada a los inmigrantes y trabajadores agrícolas en la región de Inland Empire y el Valle de Coachella, elogió la valentía de Huerta y del resto de las víctimas que cargaron con su dolor antes de decidir hablar.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Nos solidarizamos con nuestra compañera Dolores Huerta y a las víctimas. Lo que se ha revelado es muy doloroso y profundamente perturbador”, dijo Gallegos, con la voz entrecortada. “Sabemos de primera mano que el silencio nunca ha protegido a nuestras comunidades de trabajadores agrícolas, y ningún movimiento ni la justicia pueden pedir a la gente que guarde silencio ante los abusos, nunca lo han hecho y nunca lo harán”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12077476\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1536px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12077476\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/Mandarin-orchard.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1536\" height=\"1024\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/Mandarin-orchard.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/Mandarin-orchard-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1536px) 100vw, 1536px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Un huerto de mandarinos al oeste de Fresno, California, el 21 de marzo de 2017. \u003ccite>(Alexandra Hall/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Ella, al igual que otras personas que hablaron con KQED horas después de conocer la noticia, afirmó que quieren que este momento de rendición de cuentas contribuya a evitar abusos similares en el futuro. Esperan que las acusaciones contra Chávez no socaven los logros del movimiento de trabajadores agrícolas en su conjunto, construidos por muchos trabajadores y sus familias a lo largo de décadas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“En este momento, estamos sumidos en el dolor. Siento un gran dolor en el pecho, en la mente, en el corazón”, dijo Gallegos. “Al mismo tiempo, es una reflexión de que no podemos quedarnos callados, no podemos dejar que nuestro movimiento termine…asegurando a nuestra comunidad que su voz importa y que nadie debería soportar ningún tipo de abuso”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>García, que empezó a acompañar a sus padres a trabajar en la agricultura desde los 10 años de edad, dijo que el acoso sexual por parte de los contratistas y supervisores agrícolas era algo frecuente. Según contó, la despidieron de varios trabajos como represalia por no aceptar las insinuaciones de los hombres. Sin embargo, afiliarse a la UFW le ayudó a mejorar sus condiciones laborales y a sentirse respaldada para quejarse si surgían problemas, afirmó.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12077477\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1536px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12077477\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/Farmworker-1-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1536\" height=\"1024\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/Farmworker-1-1.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/Farmworker-1-1-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1536px) 100vw, 1536px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Un trabajador agrícola recolecta uvas en un campo de Fresno el 3 de septiembre de 2025. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro para KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>García afirmó que, si algún miembro del sindicato o cualquier otra persona tenía conocimiento de las acusaciones contra Chávez y no las investigó o bien ignoró deliberadamente a las víctimas menores de edad, eso debería tener consecuencias.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Si esas personas siguen por ahí, si siguen con vida, entonces deben rendir cuentas”, afirmó.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fuera de un tribunal de Fresno, la presidenta del sindicato, Teresa Romero, pidió al público que respetara la privacidad de las víctimas que se atrevieron a denunciar, según \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/justice/2026/03/cesar-chavez-ufw-romero/\">CalMatters\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No aprobamos las acciones de César Chávez”, dijo Romero. “Está mal”.\u003c/p>\n\u003chr>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Este artículo fue traducido por la periodista \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/mpena/\">María Peña\u003c/a> y esa traducción fue editada por el periodista \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/ccabreralomeli\">Carlos Cabrera-Lomelí\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Por décadas, César Chávez fue el líder del movimiento a favor de los campesinos. Pero después de las acusaciones de abuso sexual contra Chávez, los trabajadores de campo proponen una nueva visión para esta lucha social.",
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"title": "Los campesinos de California: Entre el legado de César Chávez y el dolor por presuntos abusos | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12077073/cesar-chavez-was-a-hero-to-farmworkers-now-they-confront-the-pain-of-alleged-abuse\">Read in English\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A una semana de que se dio a conocer la noticia de las \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12076859/california-reacts-to-shocking-cesar-chavez-sexual-misconduct-revelations\">acusaciones de abuso sexual\u003c/a> contra César Chávez, los trabajadores agrícolas de California se enfrentaban a la difícil tarea de asimilar y conciliar los inquietantes detalles con la imagen de un ícono laboral y defensor de los derechos civiles a quien muchos consideraban un héroe.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Por teléfono, las personas describían sentirse atónitas tras enterarse de la noticia a través de la llamada de un vecino, conversaciones con familiares, reuniones de trabajo o las redes sociales.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Es casi imposible creer lo que está pasando”, dijo María García Hernández, trabajadora agrícola desde hace más de 30 años. Esta mujer de 52 años, que vive en el condado de Tulare, afirmó que tanto ella como sus padres se beneficiaron del activismo de Chávez, quien apoyó la última gran ley de reforma migratoria que se adoptó en la década de 1980.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Todavía no me lo puedo creer del todo, que una persona tan valiente que luchó por todos nosotros para garantizar que pudiéramos tener sombra, agua, baños limpios y mejores condiciones laborales, que una persona tan dedicada al pueblo… pudiera hacer algo así”, afirmó García, que se dedica a sembrar y cosechar plantas en un trabajo representado por el Sindicato de Trabajadores Agrícolas (o UFW por sus siglas en inglés), el sindicato que Chávez y Dolores Huerta establecieron juntos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Huerta, que ahora tiene 95 años, reveló por primera vez públicamente que Chávez la manipuló para mantener relaciones sexuales con ella y la violó en la década de 1960, y declaró al \u003cem>The New York Times\u003c/em> que ambos encuentros la dejaron embarazada. La investigación de varios años del \u003cem>New York Times\u003c/em>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2026/03/18/us/cesar-chavez-sexual-abuse-allegations-ufw.html\">publicada el 18 de marzo\u003c/a>, también detalla las acusaciones de dos mujeres, hijas de organizadores sindicales, que afirmaron que Chávez las abusó sexualmente cuando eran niñas en la década de 1970.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12077475\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1536px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12077475\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/Farmworker-picks-grapes.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1536\" height=\"1024\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/Farmworker-picks-grapes.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/Farmworker-picks-grapes-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1536px) 100vw, 1536px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Un trabajador agrícola recolecta uvas en un campo de Fresno el 3 de septiembre de 2025. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro para KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Cuando Rolando Hernández se enteró por primera vez de las acusaciones a través de sus compañeros de trabajo durante una reunión de formación laboral, el extrabajador agrícola se quedó desconcertado. Pensó que la conversación debía de referirse a otra persona.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Disculpen, pero ¿de qué César Chávez están hablando?”, preguntó Hernández, de 33 años, en la reunión. “Porque yo solo sé de un César Chávez que luchó por los derechos de los trabajadores agrícolas para que se les pagaran mejores salarios y hubiese menos injusticias en los campos”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Ese mismo”, fue la respuesta, lo que dejó a Hernández sin palabras.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Fue un golpe muy duro”, dijo Hernández, quien trabaja para organización sin fines de lucro para trabajadores agrícolas con sede en Fresno. Él comenzó a cosechar chiles en Arizona a los 14 años de edad antes de trabajar con viñedos y naranjales en California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>La reacción a las revelaciones \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12077336/como-reacciono-california-a-las-acusaciones-de-supuesta-conducta-sexual-inapropiada-de-cesar-chavez\">fue casi inmediata\u003c/a>. Los legisladores de California planean cambiar el nombre de la festividad estatal dedicada a Chávez por el de “Día de los Trabajadores Agrícolas”. Ciudades, estados y organizaciones, incluida la UFW, tomaron medidas para posponer o cancelar las celebraciones previstas para el 31 de marzo en honor al cumpleaños del líder sindical mexicano-estadounidense. Las autoridades están considerando \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12077059/san-francisco-fought-to-name-a-major-street-after-cesar-chavez-will-it-be-renamed-again\">cambiar el nombre de calles\u003c/a>, parques, bibliotecas, escuelas y otros edificios que llevan el nombre de Chávez.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Durante décadas, la colaboración entre Chávez y Huerta para promover los derechos de los trabajadores agrícolas se ha conmemorado en libros de texto infantiles, biografías, películas y desfiles. Ahora, varias madres, García entre ellas, se sienten por la falta de medidas para prevenir y responder a las presuntas agresiones.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Lo siento mucho por ellas. Lo que les ha pasado me duele en lo más profundo del alma” dijo García. “Si es verdad lo que pasó, ¿por qué no se habló hace mucho tiempo? ¿Por qué hasta ahora?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chávez falleció en 1993. Huerta dijo que guardó silencio durante 60 años porque temía dañar la reputación de un hombre que se convirtió en el rostro del movimiento por los derechos civiles de los mexicoamericanos, conocido por los boicots, las marchas y las huelgas a nivel nacional que lograron avances significativos para miles de trabajadores agrícolas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Guardé este secreto durante tanto tiempo porque construir el movimiento y garantizar los derechos de los trabajadores agrícolas ha sido el trabajo de mi vida”, dijo Huerta en un comunicado tras la publicación de la investigación del \u003cem>New York Times\u003c/em>. “Nunca me he identificado como víctima, pero ahora entiendo que soy una víctimas: de la violencia, del abuso sexual, de hombres dominantes que me veían a mí, y a otras mujeres, como propiedad o como objetos que controlar”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Luz Gallegos, cuyas experiencias de niña acompañando a sus padres a los mítines y marchas de la UFW la inspiraron a convertirse en defensora de los trabajadores agrícolas, afirmó sentirse devastada por las revelaciones. Gallegos, que actualmente es directora del Centro Legal TODEC, una organización sin fines de lucro dedicada a los inmigrantes y trabajadores agrícolas en la región de Inland Empire y el Valle de Coachella, elogió la valentía de Huerta y del resto de las víctimas que cargaron con su dolor antes de decidir hablar.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Nos solidarizamos con nuestra compañera Dolores Huerta y a las víctimas. Lo que se ha revelado es muy doloroso y profundamente perturbador”, dijo Gallegos, con la voz entrecortada. “Sabemos de primera mano que el silencio nunca ha protegido a nuestras comunidades de trabajadores agrícolas, y ningún movimiento ni la justicia pueden pedir a la gente que guarde silencio ante los abusos, nunca lo han hecho y nunca lo harán”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12077476\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1536px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12077476\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/Mandarin-orchard.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1536\" height=\"1024\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/Mandarin-orchard.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/Mandarin-orchard-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1536px) 100vw, 1536px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Un huerto de mandarinos al oeste de Fresno, California, el 21 de marzo de 2017. \u003ccite>(Alexandra Hall/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Ella, al igual que otras personas que hablaron con KQED horas después de conocer la noticia, afirmó que quieren que este momento de rendición de cuentas contribuya a evitar abusos similares en el futuro. Esperan que las acusaciones contra Chávez no socaven los logros del movimiento de trabajadores agrícolas en su conjunto, construidos por muchos trabajadores y sus familias a lo largo de décadas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“En este momento, estamos sumidos en el dolor. Siento un gran dolor en el pecho, en la mente, en el corazón”, dijo Gallegos. “Al mismo tiempo, es una reflexión de que no podemos quedarnos callados, no podemos dejar que nuestro movimiento termine…asegurando a nuestra comunidad que su voz importa y que nadie debería soportar ningún tipo de abuso”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>García, que empezó a acompañar a sus padres a trabajar en la agricultura desde los 10 años de edad, dijo que el acoso sexual por parte de los contratistas y supervisores agrícolas era algo frecuente. Según contó, la despidieron de varios trabajos como represalia por no aceptar las insinuaciones de los hombres. Sin embargo, afiliarse a la UFW le ayudó a mejorar sus condiciones laborales y a sentirse respaldada para quejarse si surgían problemas, afirmó.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12077477\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1536px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12077477\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/Farmworker-1-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1536\" height=\"1024\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/Farmworker-1-1.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/Farmworker-1-1-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1536px) 100vw, 1536px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Un trabajador agrícola recolecta uvas en un campo de Fresno el 3 de septiembre de 2025. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro para KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>García afirmó que, si algún miembro del sindicato o cualquier otra persona tenía conocimiento de las acusaciones contra Chávez y no las investigó o bien ignoró deliberadamente a las víctimas menores de edad, eso debería tener consecuencias.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Si esas personas siguen por ahí, si siguen con vida, entonces deben rendir cuentas”, afirmó.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fuera de un tribunal de Fresno, la presidenta del sindicato, Teresa Romero, pidió al público que respetara la privacidad de las víctimas que se atrevieron a denunciar, según \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/justice/2026/03/cesar-chavez-ufw-romero/\">CalMatters\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No aprobamos las acciones de César Chávez”, dijo Romero. “Está mal”.\u003c/p>\n\u003chr>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Este artículo fue traducido por la periodista \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/mpena/\">María Peña\u003c/a> y esa traducción fue editada por el periodista \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/ccabreralomeli\">Carlos Cabrera-Lomelí\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>A coalition of South Bay leaders said the sexual abuse allegations against \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12077073/cesar-chavez-was-a-hero-to-farmworkers-now-they-confront-the-pain-of-alleged-abuse\">late labor leader Cesar Chavez\u003c/a> should be a turning point for the community and the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The heads of several community organizations and elected leaders gathered in Mexican Heritage Plaza on Thursday afternoon in East San José’s Mayfair neighborhood — where Chavez himself once lived — calling for \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12077059/san-francisco-fought-to-name-a-major-street-after-cesar-chavez-will-it-be-renamed-again\">believing and supporting survivors\u003c/a>, and for healing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For us here in East San José, this is personal. This is Cesar Chavez’s neighborhood. His legacy is reflected in our murals, in our public spaces and in our community memory,” said Jessica Paz-Cedillos, the CEO of the plaza.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That proximity makes this moment more painful, but also more important. Because we don’t have the luxury of distancing ourselves from it,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The coalition, including several organizations that make up a group known as the Sí Se Puede Collective — which borrows the powerful organizing slogan originating with \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12077151/farmworker-activists-reflect-on-legacy-of-civil-rights-icon\">the farmworker movement\u003c/a> and Dolores Huerta — said communities must actively work to create spaces and cultures where no one is above accountability.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12077194\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12077194\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260319-CHAVEZSJ-KQED-03_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260319-CHAVEZSJ-KQED-03_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260319-CHAVEZSJ-KQED-03_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260319-CHAVEZSJ-KQED-03_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A sign featuring an image of Cesar Chavez and information about his connection to Mexican Heritage Plaza in East San José is seen leaning against a wall in an office at the plaza on March 19, 2026. The sign was removed from a memorial walkway this week after sexual abuse allegations were revealed against the late labor leader. \u003ccite>(Joseph Geha/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“This is a moment of responsibility,” said Adriana Caldera Boroffice, the CEO of YWCA Golden Gate Silicon Valley. “A responsibility to listen without defensiveness, to resist the instinct to protect reputations over people, to challenge the systems that have allowed harm to go unaddressed and to stand firmly on the side of those who have carried these truths for far too long.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Huerta, who co-founded the United Farm Workers with Chavez and helped lead and organize its many historic actions and protests, said Chavez pressured her into sex and raped her in the 1960s, resulting in two pregnancies, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2026/03/18/us/cesar-chavez-sexual-abuse-allegations-ufw.html\">\u003cem>New York Times\u003c/em> investigation\u003c/a> published this week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The report also contained allegations against Chavez from two women who said they were young teenagers when he sexually abused them over a period of years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12077200\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12077200 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260319-CHAVEZSJ-KQED-07_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260319-CHAVEZSJ-KQED-07_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260319-CHAVEZSJ-KQED-07_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260319-CHAVEZSJ-KQED-07_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Colsaria Henderson, executive director of Next Door Solutions to Domestic Violence, is seen during a community gathering at Mexican Heritage Plaza in East San José on Thursday, March 19, 2026. \u003ccite>(Joseph Geha/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Colsaria Henderson, executive director of Next Door Solutions to Domestic Violence in San José, said movements that shape history, like the farmworker movement, are not perfect and their leaders are not infallible.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are often told to choose between honoring a movement and confronting its flaws, but that is a false choice. We can do both. We can recognize the good that was done while refusing to excuse the harm that occurred. We can hold complexity without losing our moral clarity. In fact, this is how movements grow stronger,” Henderson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“At the heart of this moment are women and families, people whose voices have too often been minimized and doubted. Their experiences are not footnotes in history; they are part of it,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12077192\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12077192 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260319-CHAVEZSJ-KQED-10_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260319-CHAVEZSJ-KQED-10_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260319-CHAVEZSJ-KQED-10_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260319-CHAVEZSJ-KQED-10_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gabriela Chavez-Lopez, executive director of the Latina Coalition of Silicon Valley, listens during a gathering at Mexican Heritage Plaza in East San José on Thursday, March 19, 2026. \u003ccite>(Joseph Geha/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Gabriela Chavez-Lopez, executive director of the Latina Coalition of Silicon Valley, said that the community must model what accountability looks like as a way to honor the courage of Huerta and other survivors, and to protect others who want to share their stories.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So that they can see, okay, if I do that, then what would happen? Well, the community will come to my side, will be there for me,” Chavez-Lopez said. “If they are harmed, there will be somebody there to support you through that, and you don’t have to go at it alone, and you don’t have to feel judged about it.”[aside postID=news_12077059 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260319-CESAR-CHAVEZ-STREET-MD-01-KQED.jpg']The revelations have shattered the longstanding iconic image of Chavez around the nation, and have deep resonance in San José, where he lived for a time and where the movement he and Huerta led witnessed some of its first organizing actions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mexican Heritage Plaza, a community gathering space with gardens, a theater, and a school of arts and culture, opened in 1999. The site of the plaza, at the intersection of South King Road and Alum Rock Avenue, once housed a Safeway where one of the earliest grocery store pickets took place during the UFW’s grape boycotts in the 1960s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For years, until this week, a memorial walkway at the plaza featured a sign with a photo of Chavez and information about his connection to the site. Another corridor featured a deep blue painting, depicting a close-up image of Chavez’s eyes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By Thursday afternoon, the sign was taken down and leaned against a wall inside an administrative office. The painting was removed and replaced with an image depicting a hummingbird with flowers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>City Councilmember Peter Ortiz said the council is planning to begin “a community-driven process to review public spaces, monuments, and sites, including Cesar Chavez Plaza in downtown San José,” that feature Chavez’s name or likeness, to consider changes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12077196\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12077196 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260319-CHAVEZSJ-KQED-04_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260319-CHAVEZSJ-KQED-04_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260319-CHAVEZSJ-KQED-04_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260319-CHAVEZSJ-KQED-04_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">District 5 San José City Councilmember Peter Ortiz speaks on March 19, 2026, about the city’s plans to review public spaces that bear the name or image of Cesar Chavez, in the wake of the sexual abuse allegations against the late labor leader. \u003ccite>(Joseph Geha/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“This will be an open and inclusive process, one that reflects our values and ensures we are not causing further harm to anyone,” Ortiz said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The home where Chavez once lived, about a mile from Mexican Heritage Plaza, was purchased in 2022 by the nonprofit Amigos de Guadalupe, which has used the space for community organizing meetings and mental health programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Maritza Maldonado, the executive director of Amigos, said the organization bought the home to preserve it as a part of East San José history and to lift up the legacy of Chavez.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12077197\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12077197 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260319-CHAVEZSJ-KQED-05_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260319-CHAVEZSJ-KQED-05_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260319-CHAVEZSJ-KQED-05_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260319-CHAVEZSJ-KQED-05_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Maritza Maldonado, the executive director of Amigos de Guadalupe in San José, listens during a community gathering to respond to the sexual abuse allegations against the late labor leader Cesar Chavez on Thursday, March 19, 2026. \u003ccite>(Joseph Geha/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“He was a hero for all of us, from this very community, who rose to national and international status here,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Maldonado said the organization has been holding open meetings to get input on how to develop the space for community use and has been fundraising to build out that reality.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some plans may need to change, and she said Amigos will ask for more input going forward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That house will remain the people’s house,” Maldonado said. “We are deciding what we’re going to name it, but it will remain a place for community organizers, a place of healing, a place of love.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A coalition of South Bay leaders said the sexual abuse allegations against \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12077073/cesar-chavez-was-a-hero-to-farmworkers-now-they-confront-the-pain-of-alleged-abuse\">late labor leader Cesar Chavez\u003c/a> should be a turning point for the community and the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The heads of several community organizations and elected leaders gathered in Mexican Heritage Plaza on Thursday afternoon in East San José’s Mayfair neighborhood — where Chavez himself once lived — calling for \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12077059/san-francisco-fought-to-name-a-major-street-after-cesar-chavez-will-it-be-renamed-again\">believing and supporting survivors\u003c/a>, and for healing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For us here in East San José, this is personal. This is Cesar Chavez’s neighborhood. His legacy is reflected in our murals, in our public spaces and in our community memory,” said Jessica Paz-Cedillos, the CEO of the plaza.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That proximity makes this moment more painful, but also more important. Because we don’t have the luxury of distancing ourselves from it,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The coalition, including several organizations that make up a group known as the Sí Se Puede Collective — which borrows the powerful organizing slogan originating with \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12077151/farmworker-activists-reflect-on-legacy-of-civil-rights-icon\">the farmworker movement\u003c/a> and Dolores Huerta — said communities must actively work to create spaces and cultures where no one is above accountability.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12077194\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12077194\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260319-CHAVEZSJ-KQED-03_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260319-CHAVEZSJ-KQED-03_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260319-CHAVEZSJ-KQED-03_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260319-CHAVEZSJ-KQED-03_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A sign featuring an image of Cesar Chavez and information about his connection to Mexican Heritage Plaza in East San José is seen leaning against a wall in an office at the plaza on March 19, 2026. The sign was removed from a memorial walkway this week after sexual abuse allegations were revealed against the late labor leader. \u003ccite>(Joseph Geha/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“This is a moment of responsibility,” said Adriana Caldera Boroffice, the CEO of YWCA Golden Gate Silicon Valley. “A responsibility to listen without defensiveness, to resist the instinct to protect reputations over people, to challenge the systems that have allowed harm to go unaddressed and to stand firmly on the side of those who have carried these truths for far too long.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Huerta, who co-founded the United Farm Workers with Chavez and helped lead and organize its many historic actions and protests, said Chavez pressured her into sex and raped her in the 1960s, resulting in two pregnancies, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2026/03/18/us/cesar-chavez-sexual-abuse-allegations-ufw.html\">\u003cem>New York Times\u003c/em> investigation\u003c/a> published this week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The report also contained allegations against Chavez from two women who said they were young teenagers when he sexually abused them over a period of years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12077200\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12077200 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260319-CHAVEZSJ-KQED-07_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260319-CHAVEZSJ-KQED-07_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260319-CHAVEZSJ-KQED-07_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260319-CHAVEZSJ-KQED-07_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Colsaria Henderson, executive director of Next Door Solutions to Domestic Violence, is seen during a community gathering at Mexican Heritage Plaza in East San José on Thursday, March 19, 2026. \u003ccite>(Joseph Geha/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Colsaria Henderson, executive director of Next Door Solutions to Domestic Violence in San José, said movements that shape history, like the farmworker movement, are not perfect and their leaders are not infallible.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are often told to choose between honoring a movement and confronting its flaws, but that is a false choice. We can do both. We can recognize the good that was done while refusing to excuse the harm that occurred. We can hold complexity without losing our moral clarity. In fact, this is how movements grow stronger,” Henderson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“At the heart of this moment are women and families, people whose voices have too often been minimized and doubted. Their experiences are not footnotes in history; they are part of it,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12077192\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12077192 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260319-CHAVEZSJ-KQED-10_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260319-CHAVEZSJ-KQED-10_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260319-CHAVEZSJ-KQED-10_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260319-CHAVEZSJ-KQED-10_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gabriela Chavez-Lopez, executive director of the Latina Coalition of Silicon Valley, listens during a gathering at Mexican Heritage Plaza in East San José on Thursday, March 19, 2026. \u003ccite>(Joseph Geha/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Gabriela Chavez-Lopez, executive director of the Latina Coalition of Silicon Valley, said that the community must model what accountability looks like as a way to honor the courage of Huerta and other survivors, and to protect others who want to share their stories.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So that they can see, okay, if I do that, then what would happen? Well, the community will come to my side, will be there for me,” Chavez-Lopez said. “If they are harmed, there will be somebody there to support you through that, and you don’t have to go at it alone, and you don’t have to feel judged about it.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The revelations have shattered the longstanding iconic image of Chavez around the nation, and have deep resonance in San José, where he lived for a time and where the movement he and Huerta led witnessed some of its first organizing actions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mexican Heritage Plaza, a community gathering space with gardens, a theater, and a school of arts and culture, opened in 1999. The site of the plaza, at the intersection of South King Road and Alum Rock Avenue, once housed a Safeway where one of the earliest grocery store pickets took place during the UFW’s grape boycotts in the 1960s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For years, until this week, a memorial walkway at the plaza featured a sign with a photo of Chavez and information about his connection to the site. Another corridor featured a deep blue painting, depicting a close-up image of Chavez’s eyes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By Thursday afternoon, the sign was taken down and leaned against a wall inside an administrative office. The painting was removed and replaced with an image depicting a hummingbird with flowers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>City Councilmember Peter Ortiz said the council is planning to begin “a community-driven process to review public spaces, monuments, and sites, including Cesar Chavez Plaza in downtown San José,” that feature Chavez’s name or likeness, to consider changes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12077196\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12077196 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260319-CHAVEZSJ-KQED-04_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260319-CHAVEZSJ-KQED-04_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260319-CHAVEZSJ-KQED-04_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260319-CHAVEZSJ-KQED-04_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">District 5 San José City Councilmember Peter Ortiz speaks on March 19, 2026, about the city’s plans to review public spaces that bear the name or image of Cesar Chavez, in the wake of the sexual abuse allegations against the late labor leader. \u003ccite>(Joseph Geha/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“This will be an open and inclusive process, one that reflects our values and ensures we are not causing further harm to anyone,” Ortiz said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The home where Chavez once lived, about a mile from Mexican Heritage Plaza, was purchased in 2022 by the nonprofit Amigos de Guadalupe, which has used the space for community organizing meetings and mental health programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Maritza Maldonado, the executive director of Amigos, said the organization bought the home to preserve it as a part of East San José history and to lift up the legacy of Chavez.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12077197\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12077197 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260319-CHAVEZSJ-KQED-05_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260319-CHAVEZSJ-KQED-05_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260319-CHAVEZSJ-KQED-05_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260319-CHAVEZSJ-KQED-05_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Maritza Maldonado, the executive director of Amigos de Guadalupe in San José, listens during a community gathering to respond to the sexual abuse allegations against the late labor leader Cesar Chavez on Thursday, March 19, 2026. \u003ccite>(Joseph Geha/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“He was a hero for all of us, from this very community, who rose to national and international status here,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Maldonado said the organization has been holding open meetings to get input on how to develop the space for community use and has been fundraising to build out that reality.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some plans may need to change, and she said Amigos will ask for more input going forward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That house will remain the people’s house,” Maldonado said. “We are deciding what we’re going to name it, but it will remain a place for community organizers, a place of healing, a place of love.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "César Chavez Was a Hero to Farmworkers. Now They Confront the Pain of Alleged Abuse",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12077473/cesar-chavez-fue-un-heroe-para-los-trabajadores-agricolas-ellos-ahora-enfrentan-un-legado-mas-complicado\">\u003cem>Leer en español\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As word of the damning sexual abuse \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12076859/california-reacts-to-shocking-cesar-chavez-sexual-misconduct-revelations\">accusations against César Chavez\u003c/a> spread this week, California’s farmworking communities struggled to process and reconcile the disturbing details with the image of a labor icon and civil rights fighter many considered a hero.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Reached by phone, people described feeling stunned and disjointed after learning the news from a neighbor’s call, conversations with relatives, work meetings or social media.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s almost too difficult to believe what is happening,” Maria García Hernández, a farmworker for more than 30 years, said in Spanish on Wednesday afternoon. The 52-year-old, who lives in Tulare County, said she and her parents benefited from Chavez’s advocacy to include undocumented farmworkers in the last major comprehensive immigration reform in the 1980s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I still can’t quite believe it — that such a courageous person who fought for all of us to ensure we had shade, water, clean restrooms, better working conditions, that such a person, so dedicated to the people … could do that,” said García, who seeds and harvests plants in a job represented by the United Farm Workers, the union that Chavez and Dolores Huerta co-founded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Huerta, now 95, revealed for the first time publicly that Chavez manipulated her into sex and raped her in the 1960s, telling \u003cem>The\u003c/em> \u003cem>New York Times\u003c/em> that the two encounters each left her pregnant. \u003cem>The\u003c/em> \u003cem>Times’\u003c/em> multi-year investigation, \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2026/03/18/us/cesar-chavez-sexual-abuse-allegations-ufw.html\">published Wednesday\u003c/a>, also detailed accusations by two women, daughters of union organizers, who said Chavez sexually abused them when they were children in the 1970s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12076915\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12076915\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/20250903_FarmLaborCrisis_GC-2_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/20250903_FarmLaborCrisis_GC-2_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/20250903_FarmLaborCrisis_GC-2_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/20250903_FarmLaborCrisis_GC-2_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A farmworker picks grapes at a field in Fresno on Sept. 3, 2025. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>When Rolando Hernandez first heard about the allegations from coworkers during a job training meeting, the former agricultural worker was confused. He thought the discussion must be about someone else.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Excuse me, but which César Chavez are you talking about?” Hernandez, 33, asked at the gathering. “Because I only know of one César Chavez who fought for farmworkers’ rights so that there’d be better wages and not so much injustice in the fields.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s the one,” came the response, leaving Hernandez speechless.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It landed really heavy,” said Hernandez, an outreach educator for a Fresno-based farmworker nonprofit who began harvesting chile fields as a 14-year-old in Arizona before working with grapes and oranges in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12077014/california-weighs-renaming-parks-streets-after-cesar-chavez-amid-abuse-allegations\">fallout from the revelations\u003c/a> was almost immediate. California lawmakers announced they plan to rename the state holiday named after Chavez as Farmworkers Day. Cities, states and organizations, including the UFW, moved to postpone or cancel celebrations planned for March 31 in honor of the Mexican American labor leader’s birthday. Officials are considering \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12077059/san-francisco-fought-to-name-a-major-street-after-cesar-chavez-will-it-be-renamed-again\">renaming streets\u003c/a>, parks, libraries, schools and other buildings named after Chavez.[aside postID=news_12077059 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260319-CESAR-CHAVEZ-STREET-MD-01-KQED.jpg']For decades, Chavez and Huerta’s collaboration to advance farmworker rights has been celebrated in children’s textbooks, biographies, movies and parades. Now, mothers like García are troubled that more was not done sooner to prevent and respond to the alleged attacks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I feel for them; it really pains me in the bottom of my soul what happened to them,” García said. “But if what happened is true, why wasn’t it spoken of a long time ago? Why now?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chavez died in 1993. Huerta said she stayed silent for 60 years because she feared hurting the reputation of a man who became the face of the Mexican American civil rights movement, known for national boycotts, marches and strikes that achieved significant gains for thousands of farmworkers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I carried this secret for as long as I did because building the movement and securing farmworker rights was my life’s work,” Huerta said in a statement after the \u003cem>Times\u003c/em> investigation was published. “I have never identified myself as a victim, but I now understand that I am a survivor — of violence, of sexual abuse, of domineering men who saw me, and other women, as property, or things to control.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Luz Gallegos, whose childhood experiences accompanying her parents to UFW pickets and marches inspired her to become a farmworker advocate, said she felt shattered by the revelations. Now the director of TODEC Legal Center, an immigrant and farmworker nonprofit in the Inland Empire and Coachella Valley, Gallegos praised the courage of Huerta and the other victims who carried their pain before choosing to speak up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We stand with our compañera Dolores Huerta and the survivors. What has been revealed is very painful and deeply disturbing,” said Gallegos, her voice cracking. “We know firsthand that silence has never protected our farmworker communities, and no movement or justice can ask people to stay silent about abuse — not then and not now.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12076917\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12076917\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/Workers-2_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/Workers-2_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/Workers-2_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/Workers-2_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A mandarin orchard west of Fresno, California, on March 21, 2017. \u003ccite>(Alexandra Hall/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>She, like others who spoke with KQED hours after hearing the news, said they want this moment of reckoning to help prevent similar abuses in the future. They hope the allegations against Chavez don’t undercut gains by the farmworker movement as a whole, built by many laborers and their families over decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Right now, we are holding grief. I am holding so much pain in my chest, in my mind, in my heart,” Gallegos said. “At the same time, it’s a reflection that we cannot stay silent, we cannot let our movement end … reassuring our community that their voice matters and that no one should endure any type of abuse.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>García, who started accompanying her parents to work in agriculture at the age of 10, said sexual harassment by farm labor contractors and supervisors was rampant. She was fired from jobs, she said, as retaliation for not agreeing to men’s advances. But joining the UFW helped improve her job conditions and feel supported to complain if there were problems, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12076914\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12076914\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/20250903_FarmLaborCrisis_GC-7_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/20250903_FarmLaborCrisis_GC-7_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/20250903_FarmLaborCrisis_GC-7_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/20250903_FarmLaborCrisis_GC-7_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A farmworker picks grapes at a field in Fresno on Sept. 3, 2025. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>García said that if union insiders or others knew of the allegations against Chavez but failed to investigate or willingly ignored the underage victims, there should be consequences.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If those people are still around — if they are still alive — then they must be held accountable,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Outside a courtroom in Fresno, where the UFW is fighting a Trump administration plan to make it cheaper to hire temporary farm labor, union president Teresa Romero asked the public to respect the privacy of victims who came forward, according to \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/justice/2026/03/cesar-chavez-ufw-romero/\">CalMatters\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We do not condone the actions of César Chavez,” Romero said. “It’s wrong.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12077473/cesar-chavez-fue-un-heroe-para-los-trabajadores-agricolas-ellos-ahora-enfrentan-un-legado-mas-complicado\">\u003cem>Leer en español\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As word of the damning sexual abuse \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12076859/california-reacts-to-shocking-cesar-chavez-sexual-misconduct-revelations\">accusations against César Chavez\u003c/a> spread this week, California’s farmworking communities struggled to process and reconcile the disturbing details with the image of a labor icon and civil rights fighter many considered a hero.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Reached by phone, people described feeling stunned and disjointed after learning the news from a neighbor’s call, conversations with relatives, work meetings or social media.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s almost too difficult to believe what is happening,” Maria García Hernández, a farmworker for more than 30 years, said in Spanish on Wednesday afternoon. The 52-year-old, who lives in Tulare County, said she and her parents benefited from Chavez’s advocacy to include undocumented farmworkers in the last major comprehensive immigration reform in the 1980s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I still can’t quite believe it — that such a courageous person who fought for all of us to ensure we had shade, water, clean restrooms, better working conditions, that such a person, so dedicated to the people … could do that,” said García, who seeds and harvests plants in a job represented by the United Farm Workers, the union that Chavez and Dolores Huerta co-founded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Huerta, now 95, revealed for the first time publicly that Chavez manipulated her into sex and raped her in the 1960s, telling \u003cem>The\u003c/em> \u003cem>New York Times\u003c/em> that the two encounters each left her pregnant. \u003cem>The\u003c/em> \u003cem>Times’\u003c/em> multi-year investigation, \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2026/03/18/us/cesar-chavez-sexual-abuse-allegations-ufw.html\">published Wednesday\u003c/a>, also detailed accusations by two women, daughters of union organizers, who said Chavez sexually abused them when they were children in the 1970s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12076915\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12076915\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/20250903_FarmLaborCrisis_GC-2_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/20250903_FarmLaborCrisis_GC-2_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/20250903_FarmLaborCrisis_GC-2_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/20250903_FarmLaborCrisis_GC-2_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A farmworker picks grapes at a field in Fresno on Sept. 3, 2025. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>When Rolando Hernandez first heard about the allegations from coworkers during a job training meeting, the former agricultural worker was confused. He thought the discussion must be about someone else.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Excuse me, but which César Chavez are you talking about?” Hernandez, 33, asked at the gathering. “Because I only know of one César Chavez who fought for farmworkers’ rights so that there’d be better wages and not so much injustice in the fields.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s the one,” came the response, leaving Hernandez speechless.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It landed really heavy,” said Hernandez, an outreach educator for a Fresno-based farmworker nonprofit who began harvesting chile fields as a 14-year-old in Arizona before working with grapes and oranges in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12077014/california-weighs-renaming-parks-streets-after-cesar-chavez-amid-abuse-allegations\">fallout from the revelations\u003c/a> was almost immediate. California lawmakers announced they plan to rename the state holiday named after Chavez as Farmworkers Day. Cities, states and organizations, including the UFW, moved to postpone or cancel celebrations planned for March 31 in honor of the Mexican American labor leader’s birthday. Officials are considering \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12077059/san-francisco-fought-to-name-a-major-street-after-cesar-chavez-will-it-be-renamed-again\">renaming streets\u003c/a>, parks, libraries, schools and other buildings named after Chavez.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>For decades, Chavez and Huerta’s collaboration to advance farmworker rights has been celebrated in children’s textbooks, biographies, movies and parades. Now, mothers like García are troubled that more was not done sooner to prevent and respond to the alleged attacks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I feel for them; it really pains me in the bottom of my soul what happened to them,” García said. “But if what happened is true, why wasn’t it spoken of a long time ago? Why now?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chavez died in 1993. Huerta said she stayed silent for 60 years because she feared hurting the reputation of a man who became the face of the Mexican American civil rights movement, known for national boycotts, marches and strikes that achieved significant gains for thousands of farmworkers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I carried this secret for as long as I did because building the movement and securing farmworker rights was my life’s work,” Huerta said in a statement after the \u003cem>Times\u003c/em> investigation was published. “I have never identified myself as a victim, but I now understand that I am a survivor — of violence, of sexual abuse, of domineering men who saw me, and other women, as property, or things to control.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Luz Gallegos, whose childhood experiences accompanying her parents to UFW pickets and marches inspired her to become a farmworker advocate, said she felt shattered by the revelations. Now the director of TODEC Legal Center, an immigrant and farmworker nonprofit in the Inland Empire and Coachella Valley, Gallegos praised the courage of Huerta and the other victims who carried their pain before choosing to speak up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We stand with our compañera Dolores Huerta and the survivors. What has been revealed is very painful and deeply disturbing,” said Gallegos, her voice cracking. “We know firsthand that silence has never protected our farmworker communities, and no movement or justice can ask people to stay silent about abuse — not then and not now.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12076917\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12076917\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/Workers-2_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/Workers-2_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/Workers-2_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/Workers-2_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A mandarin orchard west of Fresno, California, on March 21, 2017. \u003ccite>(Alexandra Hall/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>She, like others who spoke with KQED hours after hearing the news, said they want this moment of reckoning to help prevent similar abuses in the future. They hope the allegations against Chavez don’t undercut gains by the farmworker movement as a whole, built by many laborers and their families over decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Right now, we are holding grief. I am holding so much pain in my chest, in my mind, in my heart,” Gallegos said. “At the same time, it’s a reflection that we cannot stay silent, we cannot let our movement end … reassuring our community that their voice matters and that no one should endure any type of abuse.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>García, who started accompanying her parents to work in agriculture at the age of 10, said sexual harassment by farm labor contractors and supervisors was rampant. She was fired from jobs, she said, as retaliation for not agreeing to men’s advances. But joining the UFW helped improve her job conditions and feel supported to complain if there were problems, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12076914\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12076914\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/20250903_FarmLaborCrisis_GC-7_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/20250903_FarmLaborCrisis_GC-7_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/20250903_FarmLaborCrisis_GC-7_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/20250903_FarmLaborCrisis_GC-7_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A farmworker picks grapes at a field in Fresno on Sept. 3, 2025. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>García said that if union insiders or others knew of the allegations against Chavez but failed to investigate or willingly ignored the underage victims, there should be consequences.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If those people are still around — if they are still alive — then they must be held accountable,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Outside a courtroom in Fresno, where the UFW is fighting a Trump administration plan to make it cheaper to hire temporary farm labor, union president Teresa Romero asked the public to respect the privacy of victims who came forward, according to \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/justice/2026/03/cesar-chavez-ufw-romero/\">CalMatters\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We do not condone the actions of César Chavez,” Romero said. “It’s wrong.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
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"order": 12
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"tagline": "Politics from a personal perspective",
"info": "Political Breakdown is a new series that explores the political intersection of California and the nation. Each week hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos are joined with a new special guest to unpack politics -- with personality — and offer an insider’s glimpse at how politics happens.",
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"possible": {
"id": "possible",
"title": "Possible",
"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
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"pri-the-world": {
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"title": "PRI's The World: Latest Edition",
"info": "Each weekday, host Marco Werman and his team of producers bring you the world's most interesting stories in an hour of radio that reminds us just how small our planet really is.",
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"radiolab": {
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