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He has shared as both editor and reporter in four Society of Professional Journalists Norcal Excellence in Journalism awards and one Edward R. Murrow regional award. He was chosen for a spring 2017 residency at the Mesa Refuge to advance his research on California salmon.\r\n\r\nEmail Dan at: \u003ca href=\"mailto:dbrekke@kqed.org\">dbrekke@kqed.org\u003c/a>\r\n\r\n\u003cstrong>Twitter:\u003c/strong> \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/danbrekke\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">twitter.com/danbrekke\u003c/a>\r\n\u003cstrong>Facebook:\u003c/strong> \u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/danbrekke\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">www.facebook.com/danbrekke\u003c/a>\r\n\u003cstrong>LinkedIn:\u003c/strong> \u003ca href=\"https://www.linkedin.com/in/danbrekke\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">www.linkedin.com/in/danbrekke\u003c/a>","avatar":"https://secure.gravatar.com/avatar/c8126230345efca3f7aa89b1a402be45?s=600&d=mm&r=g","twitter":"danbrekke","facebook":null,"instagram":"https://www.instagram.com/dan.brekke/","linkedin":"https://www.linkedin.com/in/danbrekke/","sites":[{"site":"news","roles":["administrator","create_posts"]},{"site":"stateofhealth","roles":["editor"]},{"site":"science","roles":["editor"]},{"site":"quest","roles":["contributor"]},{"site":"food","roles":["contributor"]},{"site":"forum","roles":["contributor"]},{"site":"liveblog","roles":["editor"]}],"headData":{"title":"Dan Brekke | KQED","description":"KQED Editor and Reporter","ogImgSrc":"https://secure.gravatar.com/avatar/c8126230345efca3f7aa89b1a402be45?s=600&d=mm&r=g","twImgSrc":"https://secure.gravatar.com/avatar/c8126230345efca3f7aa89b1a402be45?s=600&d=mm&r=g"},"isLoading":false,"link":"/author/danbrekke"},"rachael-myrow":{"type":"authors","id":"251","meta":{"index":"authors_1591205172","id":"251","found":true},"name":"Rachael Myrow","firstName":"Rachael","lastName":"Myrow","slug":"rachael-myrow","email":"rmyrow@kqed.org","display_author_email":false,"staff_mastheads":["news"],"title":"Senior Editor of KQED's Silicon Valley News Desk","bio":"Rachael Myrow is Senior Editor of KQED's Silicon Valley News Desk. You can hear her work on \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/search?query=Rachael%20Myrow&page=1\">NPR\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://theworld.org/people/rachael-myrow\">The World\u003c/a>, WBUR's \u003ca href=\"https://www.wbur.org/search?q=Rachael%20Myrow\">\u003ci>Here & Now\u003c/i>\u003c/a> and the BBC. \u003c/i>She also guest hosts for KQED's \u003ci>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/tag/rachael-myrow\">Forum\u003c/a>\u003c/i>. Over the years, she's talked with Kamau Bell, David Byrne, Kamala Harris, Tony Kushner, Armistead Maupin, Van Dyke Parks, Arnold Schwarzenegger and Tommie Smith, among others.\r\n\r\nBefore all this, she hosted \u003cem>The California Report\u003c/em> for 7+ years, reporting on topics like \u003ca href=\"https://soundcloud.com/rmyrow/on-a-mission-to-reform-assisted-living\">assisted living facilities\u003c/a>, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/alltechconsidered/2014/12/01/367703789/amazon-unleashes-robot-army-to-send-your-holiday-packages-faster\">robot takeover\u003c/a> of Amazon, and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/bayareabites/50822/in-search-of-the-chocolate-persimmon\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">chocolate persimmons\u003c/a>.\r\n\r\nAwards? Sure: Peabody, Edward R. Murrow, Regional Edward R. Murrow, RTNDA, Northern California RTNDA, SPJ Northern California Chapter, LA Press Club, Golden Mic. Prior to joining KQED, Rachael worked in Los Angeles at KPCC and Marketplace. She holds degrees in English and journalism from UC Berkeley (where she got her start in public radio on KALX-FM).\r\n\r\nOutside of the studio, you'll find Rachael hiking Bay Area trails and whipping up Instagram-ready meals in her kitchen.","avatar":"https://secure.gravatar.com/avatar/87bf8cb5874e045cdff430523a6d48b1?s=600&d=blank&r=g","twitter":"rachaelmyrow","facebook":null,"instagram":null,"linkedin":"https://www.linkedin.com/in/rachaelmyrow/","sites":[{"site":"arts","roles":["administrator"]},{"site":"news","roles":["edit_others_posts","editor"]},{"site":"futureofyou","roles":["editor"]},{"site":"bayareabites","roles":["editor"]},{"site":"stateofhealth","roles":["editor"]},{"site":"science","roles":["editor"]},{"site":"food","roles":["editor"]},{"site":"forum","roles":["editor"]}],"headData":{"title":"Rachael Myrow | KQED","description":"Senior Editor of KQED's Silicon Valley News Desk","ogImgSrc":"https://secure.gravatar.com/avatar/87bf8cb5874e045cdff430523a6d48b1?s=600&d=blank&r=g","twImgSrc":"https://secure.gravatar.com/avatar/87bf8cb5874e045cdff430523a6d48b1?s=600&d=blank&r=g"},"isLoading":false,"link":"/author/rachael-myrow"},"sjohnson":{"type":"authors","id":"11840","meta":{"index":"authors_1591205172","id":"11840","found":true},"name":"Sydney Johnson","firstName":"Sydney","lastName":"Johnson","slug":"sjohnson","email":"sjohnson@kqed.org","display_author_email":false,"staff_mastheads":["news"],"title":"KQED Reporter","bio":"Sydney Johnson is a general assignment reporter at KQED. She previously reported on public health and city government at the San Francisco Examiner, and before that, she covered statewide education policy for EdSource. Her reporting has won multiple local, state and national awards. Sydney is a graduate of the University of California, Berkeley and lives in San Francisco.","avatar":"https://secure.gravatar.com/avatar/97855f2719b72ad6190b7c535fe642c8?s=600&d=blank&r=g","twitter":"sydneyfjohnson","facebook":null,"instagram":null,"linkedin":null,"sites":[{"site":"news","roles":["editor"]}],"headData":{"title":"Sydney Johnson | KQED","description":"KQED Reporter","ogImgSrc":"https://secure.gravatar.com/avatar/97855f2719b72ad6190b7c535fe642c8?s=600&d=blank&r=g","twImgSrc":"https://secure.gravatar.com/avatar/97855f2719b72ad6190b7c535fe642c8?s=600&d=blank&r=g"},"isLoading":false,"link":"/author/sjohnson"}},"breakingNewsReducer":{},"campaignFinanceReducer":{},"firebase":{"requesting":{},"requested":{},"timestamps":{},"data":{},"ordered":{},"auth":{"isLoaded":false,"isEmpty":true},"authError":null,"profile":{"isLoaded":false,"isEmpty":true},"listeners":{"byId":{},"allIds":[]},"isInitializing":false,"errors":[]},"navBarReducer":{"navBarId":"news","fullView":true,"showPlayer":false},"navMenuReducer":{"menus":[{"key":"menu1","items":[{"name":"News","link":"/","type":"title"},{"name":"Politics","link":"/politics"},{"name":"Science","link":"/science"},{"name":"Education","link":"/educationnews"},{"name":"Housing","link":"/housing"},{"name":"Immigration","link":"/immigration"},{"name":"Criminal Justice","link":"/criminaljustice"},{"name":"Silicon Valley","link":"/siliconvalley"},{"name":"Forum","link":"/forum"},{"name":"The California Report","link":"/californiareport"}]},{"key":"menu2","items":[{"name":"Arts & Culture","link":"/arts","type":"title"},{"name":"Critics’ Picks","link":"/thedolist"},{"name":"Cultural Commentary","link":"/artscommentary"},{"name":"Food & Drink","link":"/food"},{"name":"Bay Area Hip-Hop","link":"/bayareahiphop"},{"name":"Rebel Girls","link":"/rebelgirls"},{"name":"Arts Video","link":"/artsvideos"}]},{"key":"menu3","items":[{"name":"Podcasts","link":"/podcasts","type":"title"},{"name":"Bay Curious","link":"/podcasts/baycurious"},{"name":"Rightnowish","link":"/podcasts/rightnowish"},{"name":"The Bay","link":"/podcasts/thebay"},{"name":"On Our Watch","link":"/podcasts/onourwatch"},{"name":"Mindshift","link":"/podcasts/mindshift"},{"name":"Consider This","link":"/podcasts/considerthis"},{"name":"Political Breakdown","link":"/podcasts/politicalbreakdown"}]},{"key":"menu4","items":[{"name":"Live Radio","link":"/radio","type":"title"},{"name":"TV","link":"/tv","type":"title"},{"name":"Events","link":"/events","type":"title"},{"name":"For Educators","link":"/education","type":"title"},{"name":"Support KQED","link":"/support","type":"title"},{"name":"About","link":"/about","type":"title"},{"name":"Help Center","link":"https://kqed-helpcenter.kqed.org/s","type":"title"}]}]},"pagesReducer":{},"postsReducer":{"stream_live":{"type":"live","id":"stream_live","audioUrl":"https://streams.kqed.org/kqedradio","title":"Live Stream","excerpt":"Live Stream information currently unavailable.","link":"/radio","featImg":"","label":{"name":"KQED Live","link":"/"}},"stream_kqedNewscast":{"type":"posts","id":"stream_kqedNewscast","audioUrl":"https://www.kqed.org/.stream/anon/radio/RDnews/newscast.mp3?_=1","title":"KQED Newscast","featImg":"","label":{"name":"88.5 FM","link":"/"}},"news_11984551":{"type":"posts","id":"news_11984551","meta":{"index":"posts_1591205157","site":"news","id":"11984551","score":null,"sort":[1714573856000]},"guestAuthors":[],"slug":"bay-area-high-school-students-scramble-to-find-seats-to-take-the-sat-and-act","title":"Bay Area High School Students Scramble to Find Seats to Take the SAT and ACT","publishDate":1714573856,"format":"standard","headTitle":"Bay Area High School Students Scramble to Find Seats to Take the SAT and ACT | KQED","labelTerm":{"site":"news"},"content":"\u003cp>Junior Leslie Cruz Urquilla aspires to attend an Ivy League university and has been busy preparing for the SAT this school year. She wants to take the exam in June, but one of her biggest hurdles has nothing to do with test content: She hasn’t found a seat yet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was super stressful. I honestly didn’t want to take it at some point,” said Urquilla, who lives in the city of Richmond and attends KIPP San Francisco College Prep, a charter school. “But I had to remind myself that taking the SAT is a step towards my goals.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the College Board, which administers the SAT, there are fewer than half the number of SAT centers in California this year than there were just prior to the COVID-19 pandemic. Many testing centers never reopened after the pandemic, and some cited decreased demand from students as many colleges, including the University of California system, no longer require standardized tests on applications.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nationwide, colleges and universities ditched the test requirement for admissions during the pandemic while schools closed their in-person campuses. And many universities were already moving away from the exams over concerns about equity and how students with more resources are more likely to afford private tutoring and take the exam in general.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The demand has not been as high as it has been in the past,” said Vinh Trinh, who oversees testing at Oakland Unified School District.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Plus, this year, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11978152/for-the-first-time-the-sat-goes-paperless-for-over-a-million-students\">the SAT switched entirely to a digital test\u003c/a>, which students must take in person at an official testing center. That created an all-new testing system for schools that were used to the previous paper format.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It just kind of feels like [getting an SAT seat] is harder than getting Taylor Swift tickets,” said Sophie Linnet, an SAT tutor for students around the Bay Area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, thousands of California students are sitting for these exams to try and stand out in the college admissions process. Recently, some elite universities, like Dartmouth, Harvard, Yale and MIT, have once again begun requiring SAT and ACT scores for students seeking admission.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In the event that the school I want to go to requires SAT scores, I think it would be a good thing to have,” said Jacob Neidleman, a junior at Lowell High School in San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He signed up to take the SAT at Lowell in May and June, but he almost didn’t get those seats, which were only recently added, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11983888\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11983888\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240422-SAT-TEST-CENTERS-J-NEIDLEMAN-KSM-4-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240422-SAT-TEST-CENTERS-J-NEIDLEMAN-KSM-4-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240422-SAT-TEST-CENTERS-J-NEIDLEMAN-KSM-4-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240422-SAT-TEST-CENTERS-J-NEIDLEMAN-KSM-4-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240422-SAT-TEST-CENTERS-J-NEIDLEMAN-KSM-4-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240422-SAT-TEST-CENTERS-J-NEIDLEMAN-KSM-4-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240422-SAT-TEST-CENTERS-J-NEIDLEMAN-KSM-4-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Jacob Neidleman, 17, a junior at San Francisco’s Lowell High School, decided to take the SAT in case the college requires it of his choice. \u003ccite>(Kathryn Styer Martínez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“It was very difficult to get a seat at Lowell. Back in January, I was unable to find a test center within 100 miles of where I lived. We had planned to travel all the way to Roseville, and that was not an ideal situation for us at all,” said Neidleman, who said his family was prepared to incur costs like an overnight hotel stay and gas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Cruz Urquilla took the ACT for the first time last December, she had to convince her dad to take a day off from work to drive her to a testing center three hours away at a private boarding school in Monterey and back.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That commute really added to the stress of studying. And I really wanted a good score because of all of the sacrifices my dad was taking and all of the time it took,” she said. “You don’t want it to go to waste.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But she didn’t get the score she hoped for, and she said that could have at least partly been due to the challenges of getting up and commuting so early. She retook the test in February and had to commute over an hour then, too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Linnet, the SAT tutor, said the limited seats have been especially challenging for some of her students who can’t afford to travel long distances or who don’t attend schools that host the exam.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve worked with a lot of students who have very different financial circumstances that would present some real barriers here to being able to travel this far,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those barriers are not lost on students, either.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The test sites that I commuted to were in rich neighborhoods, and like, I had to go to a private boarding school in order to take it,” Cruz Urquilla said. “It honestly shows the inequality in the education system.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label='More Education Coverage' tag='education']Priscilla Rodriguez, senior vice president of College Readiness Assessments at the College Board, said the organization is well aware of the mismatch between supply and demand for testing slots this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We know that this is frustrating for students and families,” Rodriguez said in an email. “We contact closed centers regularly and ask them to reopen, as well as ask existing centers if they are able to add more seats.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The College Board plans to add over 6,000 seats in the Bay Area for the May and June test dates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cruz Urquilla hopes that will give students a better shot if they don’t have the means to travel to take the test.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I hope in the future that students have more access to these tests so that they could also be stronger candidates for competitive schools,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\n","blocks":[],"excerpt":"A significant decline in standardized testing sites has forced some high school students to drive long distances to sit for exams.","status":"publish","parent":0,"modified":1714587821,"stats":{"hasAudio":false,"hasVideo":false,"hasChartOrMap":false,"iframeSrcs":[],"hasGoogleForm":false,"hasGallery":false,"hasHearkenModule":false,"hasPolis":false,"paragraphCount":25,"wordCount":949},"headData":{"title":"Bay Area High School Students Scramble to Find Seats to Take the SAT and ACT | KQED","description":"A significant decline in standardized testing sites has forced some high school students to drive long distances to sit for exams.","ogTitle":"","ogDescription":"","ogImgId":"","twTitle":"","twDescription":"","twImgId":"","schema":{"@context":"http://schema.org","@type":"NewsArticle","headline":"Bay Area High School Students Scramble to Find Seats to Take the SAT and ACT","datePublished":"2024-05-01T14:30:56.000Z","dateModified":"2024-05-01T18:23:41.000Z","image":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png","isAccessibleForFree":"Y","publisher":{"@type":"NewsMediaOrganization","@id":"https://www.kqed.org/#organization","name":"KQED","url":"https://www.kqed.org","logo":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png"}}},"audioUrl":"https://traffic.omny.fm/d/clips/0af137ef-751e-4b19-a055-aaef00d2d578/ffca7e9f-6831-41c5-bcaf-aaef00f5a073/4db24349-3d28-4a3e-a76d-b1630107e27c/audio.mp3","sticky":false,"nprStoryId":"kqed-11984551","excludeFromSiteSearch":"Include","articleAge":"0","path":"/news/11984551/bay-area-high-school-students-scramble-to-find-seats-to-take-the-sat-and-act","audioTrackLength":null,"parsedContent":[{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Junior Leslie Cruz Urquilla aspires to attend an Ivy League university and has been busy preparing for the SAT this school year. She wants to take the exam in June, but one of her biggest hurdles has nothing to do with test content: She hasn’t found a seat yet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was super stressful. I honestly didn’t want to take it at some point,” said Urquilla, who lives in the city of Richmond and attends KIPP San Francisco College Prep, a charter school. “But I had to remind myself that taking the SAT is a step towards my goals.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the College Board, which administers the SAT, there are fewer than half the number of SAT centers in California this year than there were just prior to the COVID-19 pandemic. Many testing centers never reopened after the pandemic, and some cited decreased demand from students as many colleges, including the University of California system, no longer require standardized tests on applications.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nationwide, colleges and universities ditched the test requirement for admissions during the pandemic while schools closed their in-person campuses. And many universities were already moving away from the exams over concerns about equity and how students with more resources are more likely to afford private tutoring and take the exam in general.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The demand has not been as high as it has been in the past,” said Vinh Trinh, who oversees testing at Oakland Unified School District.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"fullwidth"},"numeric":["fullwidth"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Plus, this year, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11978152/for-the-first-time-the-sat-goes-paperless-for-over-a-million-students\">the SAT switched entirely to a digital test\u003c/a>, which students must take in person at an official testing center. That created an all-new testing system for schools that were used to the previous paper format.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It just kind of feels like [getting an SAT seat] is harder than getting Taylor Swift tickets,” said Sophie Linnet, an SAT tutor for students around the Bay Area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, thousands of California students are sitting for these exams to try and stand out in the college admissions process. Recently, some elite universities, like Dartmouth, Harvard, Yale and MIT, have once again begun requiring SAT and ACT scores for students seeking admission.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In the event that the school I want to go to requires SAT scores, I think it would be a good thing to have,” said Jacob Neidleman, a junior at Lowell High School in San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He signed up to take the SAT at Lowell in May and June, but he almost didn’t get those seats, which were only recently added, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11983888\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11983888\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240422-SAT-TEST-CENTERS-J-NEIDLEMAN-KSM-4-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240422-SAT-TEST-CENTERS-J-NEIDLEMAN-KSM-4-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240422-SAT-TEST-CENTERS-J-NEIDLEMAN-KSM-4-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240422-SAT-TEST-CENTERS-J-NEIDLEMAN-KSM-4-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240422-SAT-TEST-CENTERS-J-NEIDLEMAN-KSM-4-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240422-SAT-TEST-CENTERS-J-NEIDLEMAN-KSM-4-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240422-SAT-TEST-CENTERS-J-NEIDLEMAN-KSM-4-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Jacob Neidleman, 17, a junior at San Francisco’s Lowell High School, decided to take the SAT in case the college requires it of his choice. \u003ccite>(Kathryn Styer Martínez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“It was very difficult to get a seat at Lowell. Back in January, I was unable to find a test center within 100 miles of where I lived. We had planned to travel all the way to Roseville, and that was not an ideal situation for us at all,” said Neidleman, who said his family was prepared to incur costs like an overnight hotel stay and gas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Cruz Urquilla took the ACT for the first time last December, she had to convince her dad to take a day off from work to drive her to a testing center three hours away at a private boarding school in Monterey and back.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That commute really added to the stress of studying. And I really wanted a good score because of all of the sacrifices my dad was taking and all of the time it took,” she said. “You don’t want it to go to waste.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But she didn’t get the score she hoped for, and she said that could have at least partly been due to the challenges of getting up and commuting so early. She retook the test in February and had to commute over an hour then, too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Linnet, the SAT tutor, said the limited seats have been especially challenging for some of her students who can’t afford to travel long distances or who don’t attend schools that host the exam.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve worked with a lot of students who have very different financial circumstances that would present some real barriers here to being able to travel this far,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those barriers are not lost on students, either.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The test sites that I commuted to were in rich neighborhoods, and like, I had to go to a private boarding school in order to take it,” Cruz Urquilla said. “It honestly shows the inequality in the education system.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"aside","attributes":{"named":{"label":"More Education Coverage ","tag":"education"},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Priscilla Rodriguez, senior vice president of College Readiness Assessments at the College Board, said the organization is well aware of the mismatch between supply and demand for testing slots this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We know that this is frustrating for students and families,” Rodriguez said in an email. “We contact closed centers regularly and ask them to reopen, as well as ask existing centers if they are able to add more seats.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The College Board plans to add over 6,000 seats in the Bay Area for the May and June test dates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cruz Urquilla hopes that will give students a better shot if they don’t have the means to travel to take the test.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I hope in the future that students have more access to these tests so that they could also be stronger candidates for competitive schools,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}}],"link":"/news/11984551/bay-area-high-school-students-scramble-to-find-seats-to-take-the-sat-and-act","authors":["11840"],"categories":["news_18540","news_8"],"tags":["news_30518","news_18538","news_20013","news_21405","news_27626","news_22489"],"featImg":"news_11983893","label":"news"},"news_11984321":{"type":"posts","id":"news_11984321","meta":{"index":"posts_1591205157","site":"news","id":"11984321","score":null,"sort":[1714388418000]},"guestAuthors":[],"slug":"millions-of-californians-face-internet-dilemma-as-affordable-subsidy-ends","title":"Millions of Californians Face Internet Dilemma as Affordable Subsidy Ends","publishDate":1714388418,"format":"standard","headTitle":"Millions of Californians Face Internet Dilemma as Affordable Subsidy Ends | KQED","labelTerm":{},"content":"\u003cp>Alfredo Camacho and his three daughters started a new routine last week: Every evening they go to the parking lot outside a nearby library to get Wi-Fi access. The kids do homework and download YouTube videos, while Alfredo checks his email and searches job listings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Camacho and his daughters ages 9, 12, and 15 live in Guadalupe, a town of roughly 9,000 on the Central Coast of California. They used to rely on the Affordable Connectivity Program, a $30 to $75 monthly credit for high-speed internet, but that ends this month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This takes away grocery money,” he told CalMatters. “Being a single father, $30 goes a long way.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Camacho is one of roughly three million Californians deciding whether to keep home internet access or give it up and deepen the digital divide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Congress allocated $14.2 billion to the Affordable Connectivity Program in 2021, when the COVID-19 pandemic was still top of mind and underscored people’s need for online access to do school and work. But since Congress failed to allocate more funding, that money runs out later this month. And since the subsidy only covers part of the bill, the onus is on subsidy recipients to cut the cord or it could end up costing them money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nationwide, more than 23 million Americans benefited from the program. An additional 30 million eligible people never received the subsidy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Four out of five households enrolled in the program cite affordability as the reason why they had inconsistent or no internet access, according to a Federal Communications Commission survey released two months ago. Roughly the same amount said the end of the subsidy will force them to find cheaper service or get rid of home internet service.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"news_11982394,news_11974704\" label=\"Related Stories\"]The Federal Communications Commission, which \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2024/02/affordable-connectivity-program-deadline/\">stopped accepting affordable internet applications in February\u003c/a>, said internet service providers are required to inform recipients three times before charging consumers full price, with the final notification this month, the last billing cycle that includes a full subsidy. The federal agency said some people may receive partial affordable internet funding in May. People who haven’t received such notifications yet are encouraged to call their internet service provider.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a letter urging leaders in Congress to \u003ca href=\"https://www.congress.gov/bill/118th-congress/house-bill/6929\">pass a law\u003c/a> extending funding last month, more than 150 members of Congress \u003ca href=\"https://acpdashboard.com/\">note that\u003c/a> roughly half of Affordable Connectivity Program recipients are military families, one in four live in rural communities, and one in five are households with people who are 65 or older. The letter called internet service essential to education, health, and the economy, and warned that ending the program could reduce trust in government and internet service providers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Camacho agrees that ending the program breaks public trust. “You gave everybody hope and then you dropped the ball,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>‘Things are going to get worse’\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Winnie Aguilar lives in senior housing in Imperial Beach and called the affordable internet subsidy important to her and many of her neighbors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For us who have very low income and cannot work anymore it’s hard to lose that $30,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The digital divide for students from poor families and rural areas can and should end, said Mary Nicely, the California Department of Education chief deputy superintendent of public instruction. “Our students and families deserve a greater investment, not less, to ensure they have a level playing field to succeed academically,” she wrote in a statement. “We have a long way to go to ensure that all students in this state have the resources they need to thrive academically.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State officials offered no estimates for the number of students affected by the end of the Affordable Connectivity Program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The pandemic led to the development of many online tools that still get used, Public Policy Institute of California researcher Joe Hayes told CalMatters. “So it stands to reason that households from historically underserved populations are going to be harder hit by the disappearance of the Affordable Connectivity Program,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A record \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/wp-content/uploads/jtf-californias-digital-divide.pdf\">95% of Californians have access to the internet\u003c/a> today, according to a report Hayes published earlier this month. In recent years, access has increased the most among low-income Black and Latino households headed by people who didn’t graduate from college, the report said. The \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/blog/testimony-californias-k-12-digital-divide-has-narrowed-but-access-gaps-persist/#:~:text=In%20spring%202020%2C%20when%20schools,reliable%20access%20to%20digital%20devices.\">digital divide has narrowed for grade-school students\u003c/a> as well, but still persists, the institute found in February.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite years of progress that made him optimistic, Hayes expects the end of the Affordable Connectivity Program to widen the digital divide for students and low-income households.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Things are going to get worse for people on the margins,” he told CalMatters. “Even if you’re in a place with fiber in the ground, if you suddenly can’t afford it, I do expect that that gap to widen.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, Hayes notes that a number of federal programs continue to fund efforts to end the digital divide, including the Department of Treasury’s coronavirus projects fund and the broadband equity and access deployment program. There’s also a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2023/10/california-broadband/\">$6 billion state program\u003c/a> to fund broadband infrastructure projects, and earlier this month the state of California received a $70 million federal grant to implement a digital equity plan. But he said these programs don’t address a key issue at the heart of the matter: \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/projects/california-broadband-student-access/\">high monthly costs\u003c/a> charged by internet service providers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The average cost of home internet is $83 a month, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://broadbandforall.cdt.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/sites/19/2023/12/2023-Statewide-Digital-Equity-Survey-Final-Remediated-Report.pdf\">2023 survey\u003c/a> by the California Department Of Technology. Latino households, people who live in rural areas, and low-income households are amongst those most in need of internet service, said the survey released in summer 2023. Roughly 3.5 million Californians still lack internet access due to lack of infrastructure, affordability, or other issues, according to the survey.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sunne McPeak works to end the digital divide as the president and CEO of the California Emerging Technology Fund, which is informing people who received Affordable Connectivity Program money about low-cost \u003ca href=\"https://www.internetforallnow.org/\">options available from internet service providers\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said there are two important next steps for California to close the digital divide despite the end of the program:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>The Federal Communications Commission needs to keep sharing data with state agencies that administer federal assistance programs like Medi-Cal; groups attempting to bridge the digital divide use this data to reach households\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Do as \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240ab1588?slug=CA_202320240AB1588\">AB 1588\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240sb1179?slug=CA_202320240SB1179\">SB 1179\u003c/a> propose and require internet service providers extend affordable offers to people who were eligible for the Affordable Connectivity Program. She said companies like AT&T, Comcast, Cox, and Frontier already do so.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a total political problem,” McPeak said about the digital divide. “They could solve it tomorrow with the right will.”\u003c/p>\n\n","blocks":[],"excerpt":"A federal affordable internet subsidy is going away and 3 million Californians must decide whether to end access largely considered a human right.","status":"publish","parent":0,"modified":1714407268,"stats":{"hasAudio":false,"hasVideo":false,"hasChartOrMap":false,"iframeSrcs":[],"hasGoogleForm":false,"hasGallery":false,"hasHearkenModule":false,"hasPolis":false,"paragraphCount":25,"wordCount":1161},"headData":{"title":"Millions of Californians Face Internet Dilemma as Affordable Subsidy Ends | KQED","description":"A federal affordable internet subsidy is going away and 3 million Californians must decide whether to end access largely considered a human right.","ogTitle":"","ogDescription":"","ogImgId":"","twTitle":"","twDescription":"","twImgId":"","schema":{"@context":"http://schema.org","@type":"NewsArticle","headline":"Millions of Californians Face Internet Dilemma as Affordable Subsidy Ends","datePublished":"2024-04-29T11:00:18.000Z","dateModified":"2024-04-29T16:14:28.000Z","image":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png","isAccessibleForFree":"Y","publisher":{"@type":"NewsMediaOrganization","@id":"https://www.kqed.org/#organization","name":"KQED","url":"https://www.kqed.org","logo":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png"}}},"source":"CalMatters","sourceUrl":"https://calmatters.org/","sticky":false,"nprByline":"Khari Johnson, CalMatters","excludeFromSiteSearch":"Include","showOnAuthorArchivePages":"No","articleAge":"0","path":"/news/11984321/millions-of-californians-face-internet-dilemma-as-affordable-subsidy-ends","audioTrackLength":null,"parsedContent":[{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Alfredo Camacho and his three daughters started a new routine last week: Every evening they go to the parking lot outside a nearby library to get Wi-Fi access. The kids do homework and download YouTube videos, while Alfredo checks his email and searches job listings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Camacho and his daughters ages 9, 12, and 15 live in Guadalupe, a town of roughly 9,000 on the Central Coast of California. They used to rely on the Affordable Connectivity Program, a $30 to $75 monthly credit for high-speed internet, but that ends this month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This takes away grocery money,” he told CalMatters. “Being a single father, $30 goes a long way.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Camacho is one of roughly three million Californians deciding whether to keep home internet access or give it up and deepen the digital divide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Congress allocated $14.2 billion to the Affordable Connectivity Program in 2021, when the COVID-19 pandemic was still top of mind and underscored people’s need for online access to do school and work. But since Congress failed to allocate more funding, that money runs out later this month. And since the subsidy only covers part of the bill, the onus is on subsidy recipients to cut the cord or it could end up costing them money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"fullwidth"},"numeric":["fullwidth"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nationwide, more than 23 million Americans benefited from the program. An additional 30 million eligible people never received the subsidy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Four out of five households enrolled in the program cite affordability as the reason why they had inconsistent or no internet access, according to a Federal Communications Commission survey released two months ago. Roughly the same amount said the end of the subsidy will force them to find cheaper service or get rid of home internet service.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"aside","attributes":{"named":{"postid":"news_11982394,news_11974704","label":"Related Stories "},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The Federal Communications Commission, which \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2024/02/affordable-connectivity-program-deadline/\">stopped accepting affordable internet applications in February\u003c/a>, said internet service providers are required to inform recipients three times before charging consumers full price, with the final notification this month, the last billing cycle that includes a full subsidy. The federal agency said some people may receive partial affordable internet funding in May. People who haven’t received such notifications yet are encouraged to call their internet service provider.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a letter urging leaders in Congress to \u003ca href=\"https://www.congress.gov/bill/118th-congress/house-bill/6929\">pass a law\u003c/a> extending funding last month, more than 150 members of Congress \u003ca href=\"https://acpdashboard.com/\">note that\u003c/a> roughly half of Affordable Connectivity Program recipients are military families, one in four live in rural communities, and one in five are households with people who are 65 or older. The letter called internet service essential to education, health, and the economy, and warned that ending the program could reduce trust in government and internet service providers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Camacho agrees that ending the program breaks public trust. “You gave everybody hope and then you dropped the ball,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>‘Things are going to get worse’\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Winnie Aguilar lives in senior housing in Imperial Beach and called the affordable internet subsidy important to her and many of her neighbors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For us who have very low income and cannot work anymore it’s hard to lose that $30,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The digital divide for students from poor families and rural areas can and should end, said Mary Nicely, the California Department of Education chief deputy superintendent of public instruction. “Our students and families deserve a greater investment, not less, to ensure they have a level playing field to succeed academically,” she wrote in a statement. “We have a long way to go to ensure that all students in this state have the resources they need to thrive academically.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State officials offered no estimates for the number of students affected by the end of the Affordable Connectivity Program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The pandemic led to the development of many online tools that still get used, Public Policy Institute of California researcher Joe Hayes told CalMatters. “So it stands to reason that households from historically underserved populations are going to be harder hit by the disappearance of the Affordable Connectivity Program,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A record \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/wp-content/uploads/jtf-californias-digital-divide.pdf\">95% of Californians have access to the internet\u003c/a> today, according to a report Hayes published earlier this month. In recent years, access has increased the most among low-income Black and Latino households headed by people who didn’t graduate from college, the report said. The \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/blog/testimony-californias-k-12-digital-divide-has-narrowed-but-access-gaps-persist/#:~:text=In%20spring%202020%2C%20when%20schools,reliable%20access%20to%20digital%20devices.\">digital divide has narrowed for grade-school students\u003c/a> as well, but still persists, the institute found in February.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite years of progress that made him optimistic, Hayes expects the end of the Affordable Connectivity Program to widen the digital divide for students and low-income households.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Things are going to get worse for people on the margins,” he told CalMatters. “Even if you’re in a place with fiber in the ground, if you suddenly can’t afford it, I do expect that that gap to widen.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, Hayes notes that a number of federal programs continue to fund efforts to end the digital divide, including the Department of Treasury’s coronavirus projects fund and the broadband equity and access deployment program. There’s also a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2023/10/california-broadband/\">$6 billion state program\u003c/a> to fund broadband infrastructure projects, and earlier this month the state of California received a $70 million federal grant to implement a digital equity plan. But he said these programs don’t address a key issue at the heart of the matter: \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/projects/california-broadband-student-access/\">high monthly costs\u003c/a> charged by internet service providers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The average cost of home internet is $83 a month, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://broadbandforall.cdt.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/sites/19/2023/12/2023-Statewide-Digital-Equity-Survey-Final-Remediated-Report.pdf\">2023 survey\u003c/a> by the California Department Of Technology. Latino households, people who live in rural areas, and low-income households are amongst those most in need of internet service, said the survey released in summer 2023. Roughly 3.5 million Californians still lack internet access due to lack of infrastructure, affordability, or other issues, according to the survey.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sunne McPeak works to end the digital divide as the president and CEO of the California Emerging Technology Fund, which is informing people who received Affordable Connectivity Program money about low-cost \u003ca href=\"https://www.internetforallnow.org/\">options available from internet service providers\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said there are two important next steps for California to close the digital divide despite the end of the program:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>The Federal Communications Commission needs to keep sharing data with state agencies that administer federal assistance programs like Medi-Cal; groups attempting to bridge the digital divide use this data to reach households\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Do as \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240ab1588?slug=CA_202320240AB1588\">AB 1588\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240sb1179?slug=CA_202320240SB1179\">SB 1179\u003c/a> propose and require internet service providers extend affordable offers to people who were eligible for the Affordable Connectivity Program. She said companies like AT&T, Comcast, Cox, and Frontier already do so.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"floatright"},"numeric":["floatright"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a total political problem,” McPeak said about the digital divide. “They could solve it tomorrow with the right will.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}}],"link":"/news/11984321/millions-of-californians-face-internet-dilemma-as-affordable-subsidy-ends","authors":["byline_news_11984321"],"categories":["news_8"],"tags":["news_21405","news_27626","news_31079","news_32709"],"affiliates":["news_18481"],"featImg":"news_11984323","label":"source_news_11984321"},"news_11983231":{"type":"posts","id":"news_11983231","meta":{"index":"posts_1591205157","site":"news","id":"11983231","score":null,"sort":[1713438040000]},"guestAuthors":[],"slug":"how-the-cannabis-industry-has-changed","title":"SF’s Equity Program Fails to Address Racial Disparities in Cannabis Industry","publishDate":1713438040,"format":"standard","headTitle":"SF’s Equity Program Fails to Address Racial Disparities in Cannabis Industry | KQED","labelTerm":{"site":"news"},"content":"\u003cp>Mimi Cavalheiro was in the cannabis industry for over 20 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She started working on cannabis farms in Humboldt County in the late 1990s. The county is part of the coastal region in Northern California known as The Emerald Triangle and includes Trinity and Mendocino counties. It was the center of cannabis production in the United States before recreational marijuana was legalized.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Farmers who planted marijuana alongside other crops on their land for decades taught Cavalheiro their tricks for growing high-quality cannabis. In 2004, she moved to San Francisco and started her own business, selling products to medical dispensaries under Proposition 215.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Ramon Garcia, cannabis entrepreneur\"]‘You’re taking impacted people that may not have gotten through high school or even college or been arrested, and you’re expecting them to run a highly restrictive, highly regulated business.’[/pullquote]“Man, I miss 215,” she said, laughing as we walked through the historic home of Dennis Peron, widely considered the father of medical marijuana in California. The house, known as the Castro Castle, is an archive of cannabis and AIDS activism in San Francisco in the 1980s and 90s. The walls are plastered with newspaper cut-outs, framed protest photos, and Proposition 215 posters, pins and T-shirts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Peron co-authored the proposition, a state law that allowed people to possess and cultivate marijuana for personal medical use with a doctor’s recommendation. Peron was a staunch advocate for medicinal marijuana because he saw how it eased the pain of AIDS patients as the epidemic swept through San Francisco in the 1980s. His partner, Jonathan West, died from complications of the disease in 1990.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The law, which passed in 1996, was expanded to protect growers like Cavalheiro, who were producing and selling modest amounts of marijuana. Two decades later, Proposition 64 legalized adult recreational use of cannabis in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco created an equity program in 2018 that aimed to help Black and brown people, who were disproportionately arrested and imprisoned during the so-called War on Drugs, enter the industry. In six years, hundreds have been verified as candidates for the program, but only a few dozen equity operators have active businesses in the city. Cavalheiro, a Mexican and Brazilian woman in her late 40s, isn’t one of them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11976904\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240222-CANNABISEQUITY-05-BL-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11976904\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240222-CANNABISEQUITY-05-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A hand holds papers and a green folder with writing on the front.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240222-CANNABISEQUITY-05-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240222-CANNABISEQUITY-05-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240222-CANNABISEQUITY-05-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240222-CANNABISEQUITY-05-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240222-CANNABISEQUITY-05-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240222-CANNABISEQUITY-05-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Ivan Castro looks through paperwork related to the cannabis equity program at Mission Cannabis Club in San Francisco on Feb. 22, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Cavalheiro and other Black and brown cannabis business owners interviewed by KQED said they feel that the equity program has failed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I never had this huge operation, and I wasn’t making millions of dollars, but I could support myself, and I lived a nice life,” said Cavalheiro, a single mother. “I don’t have a college degree. I could have easily been on food stamps. I was able to support myself.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Legalization shuttered Cavalheiro’s business because she needed a permit to grow cannabis. And new regulations meant she couldn’t sell directly to the dispensary owners she had decadeslong relationships with. The legal market was quickly saturated by operators from outside California and speculative venture capitalists.[aside postID=\"news_11820721,news_11719852,news_11981277\" label=\"Related Stories\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Legalization was met with a rush of excitement, but seven years later, California’s cannabis industry is struggling economically. According to data released in February by the California Department of Tax and Fee Administration, \u003ca href=\"https://cdtfa.ca.gov/dataportal/dataset.htm?url=CannabisTaxRevenues\">sales at dispensaries in the state were down for the second consecutive year\u003c/a> as consumers, who buy tax-free weed products from illicit dealers and stores, continue to undermine the legal market. The price of cannabis has plummeted, and \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2023/02/emerald-triangle-cannabis-communities/\">some cannabis cultivators in the Emerald Triangle are broke and starving\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two weeks ago, San Francisco canceled its annual \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11980820/san-franciscos-annual-420-celebration-on-hippie-hill-canceled-for-2024\">420 celebration at Hippie Hill\u003c/a>, a city-supported event since legalization, in part because of the industry’s financial problems. David Downs, a cannabis journalist and creator of \u003ca href=\"https://sfweedweek.com/\">SF Weed Week\u003c/a>, which runs through Friday, told KQED that industry revenues have plateaued at around $5 billion and profit margins remain thin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The festival has historically brought hazy skies and crowds of up to 20,000 to share joints and dance to DJ sets in Golden Gate Park. This year will be the first time in decades that San Francisco has no formal event. Local equity cannabis entrepreneurs don’t feel like there’s much to celebrate anyway because they bear the brunt of the industry’s downturn.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ramon Garcia, a cannabis entrepreneur, advocated for Oakland’s first-in-the-nation cannabis equity program in 2017 and the similar one developed in San Francisco the following year. San Francisco’s program provides priority permitting, application fee waivers, industry partnerships and technical support to people who qualify. Garcia said the city hasn’t provided enough resources, such as business education and money for startup costs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You’re taking impacted people that may not have gotten through high school or even college or been arrested, and you’re expecting them to run a highly restrictive, highly regulated business,” said Garcia, the former equity chair of the California Grower’s Association. “You’re admitting to the fact that you did this damage and giving them the licenses, but you’re not giving them any resources to actually be able to service it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to Lily Moser, a communications and legislative analyst for the city administrator’s office, more than 450 people have been verified as equity applicants, and 150 have submitted at least one business permit application.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As of March, just 45 equity-owned cannabis businesses were operating in San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11976905\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240222-CANNABISEQUITY-17-BL-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11976905\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240222-CANNABISEQUITY-17-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A man wearing a green bomber jacket sits down in a booth.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240222-CANNABISEQUITY-17-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240222-CANNABISEQUITY-17-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240222-CANNABISEQUITY-17-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240222-CANNABISEQUITY-17-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240222-CANNABISEQUITY-17-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240222-CANNABISEQUITY-17-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Ivan Castro (left) speaks with Peter Maggs, general manager at Mission Cannabis Club, at the dispensary in San Francisco on Feb. 22, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Ivan Castro, who started selling weed to classmates and neighbors in the Mission as a teenager, owns one of them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Castro, 47, was working in internet sales when he learned he could qualify for the San Francisco equity program. He was still selling weed as a side hustle, and Castro saw it as an opportunity to pair his marketing skills with his cannabis knowledge. He went through the verification process, digging up a lease for his childhood home, foreclosure documents and an old arrest record for marijuana possession to qualify.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He applied for a retail permit to open a dispensary. It is stalled in the permitting queue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A review of cannabis in San Francisco since legalization by the City Services Auditor found that the average waiting time for approval of an equity cannabis business permit was between \u003ca href=\"https://sfcontroller.org/sites/default/files/Documents/Auditing/Cannabis%20in%20San%20Francisco_A%20Review%20Following%20Adult-Use%20Legalization_FINAL%20REPORT.pdf\">18 and 24 months\u003c/a>. Castro, who submitted his dispensary permit in 2019, said it still hasn’t been reviewed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Given the current wait time for equity applications, the businesses most likely to survive to market will be from the more well-resourced applicants, including businesses that sold partial ownership to investors,” the review concluded. “Applications from individuals such as sole proprietors with little outside investment will be less likely to survive [to get their product] to market due to the capital needed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To apply for a permit, applicants must have an existing lease on the space where they will operate. According to Castro, rent is about $40,000 a month, and he hopes to open a dispensary in the South of Market neighborhood. As the City Services Auditor review noted, San Francisco does not provide direct capital assistance to equity applicants other than waiving application and permit fees. Castro couldn’t afford the rent, so he used one of the equity program’s pillars, incubation, to secure a lease.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The incubator initiative pairs equity and non-equity cannabis operators. The non-equity partner pays for the equity partner’s working space for at least three years. In exchange, both get priority permitting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Castro’s lease with his incubator was supposed to continue until 2027, according to a lease document reviewed by KQED. But in May 2023, the company determined that the rent on the building was too high to keep paying without a permit, so it stopped, according to Castro. When his permit is finally reviewed, an active lease won’t be attached.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11976907\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240222-CANNABISEQUITY-22-BL-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11976907\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240222-CANNABISEQUITY-22-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt='A man wearing a green bomber jacket holds a packet that says \"SyncSF.\"' width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240222-CANNABISEQUITY-22-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240222-CANNABISEQUITY-22-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240222-CANNABISEQUITY-22-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240222-CANNABISEQUITY-22-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240222-CANNABISEQUITY-22-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240222-CANNABISEQUITY-22-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Ivan Castro holds SyncSF cannabis flower at Mission Cannabis Club in San Francisco on Feb. 22, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Without the dispensary permit, Castro pivoted and started \u003ca href=\"https://www.getinsyncsf.com/\">SyncSF\u003c/a>, a manufacturing business. Getting SyncSF products to consumers is difficult. His brand is only on shelves at six of the roughly 80 dispensaries in San Francisco and isn’t available for delivery in the city on Eaze or Weedmaps, two of the major online cannabis delivery platforms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under Proposition 215, Castro would grow, package and deliver his weed to dispensaries, which paid him directly. As a manufacturer under Proposition 64, he can only manufacture cannabis products. Cultivating, transporting and selling weed requires different permits, so Castro has to contract with other operators.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Transactions between cultivators, manufacturers and retailers cut into profits. For this reason, some large operators have several permits, but most small equity operators don’t have the financial backing to do the same.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The most successful cannabis businesses are more vertically integrated — those are the only ones that are going to survive,” Cavalheiro said. “But you have to have a lot of capital and a lot of people to do that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cavalheiro worked in business relations after legalization, helping cannabis producers from Humboldt connect to the Bay Area market. She’s also worked for companies trying to bridge the gap between cultivators, manufacturers and retailers within the disjointed legal market.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She was a retail relations manager for Buyers Club SF, a now-defunct cannabis showroom and event space. She lost her job at Buyers Club when the company went bankrupt last year. Cavalheiro hasn’t been able to find a similar position.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Proposition 64 passed in 2016, she had a newborn and didn’t have time — or money — to get a new business off the ground. Looking at the current market, she said there’s no way she’d pursue a cannabis license.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I have friends who have done it, and five years later, they’re just empty-handed,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, she’s looking for steady work outside the cannabis world, taking temporary jobs wherever she can while studying for the insurance license exam. She enrolled in food stamps.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I have a daughter I need to feed and bills I need to pay,” she said. “If I can’t even do that, it might just be time to switch gears completely.”\u003c/p>\n\n","blocks":[],"excerpt":"San Francisco’s 2018 equity program aimed to help Black and brown people impacted by the so-called War on Drugs enter the industry. But in six years, only a few dozen equity operators have active businesses in the city.","status":"publish","parent":0,"modified":1713397033,"stats":{"hasAudio":false,"hasVideo":false,"hasChartOrMap":false,"iframeSrcs":[],"hasGoogleForm":false,"hasGallery":false,"hasHearkenModule":false,"hasPolis":false,"paragraphCount":37,"wordCount":1828},"headData":{"title":"SF’s Equity Program Fails to Address Racial Disparities in Cannabis Industry | KQED","description":"San Francisco’s 2018 equity program aimed to help Black and brown people impacted by the so-called War on Drugs enter the industry. But in six years, only a few dozen equity operators have active businesses in the city.","ogTitle":"","ogDescription":"","ogImgId":"","twTitle":"","twDescription":"","twImgId":"","schema":{"@context":"http://schema.org","@type":"NewsArticle","headline":"SF’s Equity Program Fails to Address Racial Disparities in Cannabis Industry","datePublished":"2024-04-18T11:00:40.000Z","dateModified":"2024-04-17T23:37:13.000Z","image":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png","isAccessibleForFree":"Y","publisher":{"@type":"NewsMediaOrganization","@id":"https://www.kqed.org/#organization","name":"KQED","url":"https://www.kqed.org","logo":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png"}}},"sticky":false,"nprByline":"Katie DeBenedetti","excludeFromSiteSearch":"Include","showOnAuthorArchivePages":"No","articleAge":"0","path":"/news/11983231/how-the-cannabis-industry-has-changed","audioTrackLength":null,"parsedContent":[{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Mimi Cavalheiro was in the cannabis industry for over 20 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She started working on cannabis farms in Humboldt County in the late 1990s. The county is part of the coastal region in Northern California known as The Emerald Triangle and includes Trinity and Mendocino counties. It was the center of cannabis production in the United States before recreational marijuana was legalized.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Farmers who planted marijuana alongside other crops on their land for decades taught Cavalheiro their tricks for growing high-quality cannabis. In 2004, she moved to San Francisco and started her own business, selling products to medical dispensaries under Proposition 215.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"‘You’re taking impacted people that may not have gotten through high school or even college or been arrested, and you’re expecting them to run a highly restrictive, highly regulated business.’","name":"pullquote","attributes":{"named":{"size":"medium","align":"right","citation":"Ramon Garcia, cannabis entrepreneur","label":""},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“Man, I miss 215,” she said, laughing as we walked through the historic home of Dennis Peron, widely considered the father of medical marijuana in California. The house, known as the Castro Castle, is an archive of cannabis and AIDS activism in San Francisco in the 1980s and 90s. The walls are plastered with newspaper cut-outs, framed protest photos, and Proposition 215 posters, pins and T-shirts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Peron co-authored the proposition, a state law that allowed people to possess and cultivate marijuana for personal medical use with a doctor’s recommendation. Peron was a staunch advocate for medicinal marijuana because he saw how it eased the pain of AIDS patients as the epidemic swept through San Francisco in the 1980s. His partner, Jonathan West, died from complications of the disease in 1990.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"fullwidth"},"numeric":["fullwidth"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The law, which passed in 1996, was expanded to protect growers like Cavalheiro, who were producing and selling modest amounts of marijuana. Two decades later, Proposition 64 legalized adult recreational use of cannabis in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco created an equity program in 2018 that aimed to help Black and brown people, who were disproportionately arrested and imprisoned during the so-called War on Drugs, enter the industry. In six years, hundreds have been verified as candidates for the program, but only a few dozen equity operators have active businesses in the city. Cavalheiro, a Mexican and Brazilian woman in her late 40s, isn’t one of them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11976904\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240222-CANNABISEQUITY-05-BL-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11976904\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240222-CANNABISEQUITY-05-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A hand holds papers and a green folder with writing on the front.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240222-CANNABISEQUITY-05-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240222-CANNABISEQUITY-05-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240222-CANNABISEQUITY-05-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240222-CANNABISEQUITY-05-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240222-CANNABISEQUITY-05-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240222-CANNABISEQUITY-05-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Ivan Castro looks through paperwork related to the cannabis equity program at Mission Cannabis Club in San Francisco on Feb. 22, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Cavalheiro and other Black and brown cannabis business owners interviewed by KQED said they feel that the equity program has failed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I never had this huge operation, and I wasn’t making millions of dollars, but I could support myself, and I lived a nice life,” said Cavalheiro, a single mother. “I don’t have a college degree. I could have easily been on food stamps. I was able to support myself.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Legalization shuttered Cavalheiro’s business because she needed a permit to grow cannabis. And new regulations meant she couldn’t sell directly to the dispensary owners she had decadeslong relationships with. The legal market was quickly saturated by operators from outside California and speculative venture capitalists.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"aside","attributes":{"named":{"postid":"news_11820721,news_11719852,news_11981277","label":"Related Stories "},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Legalization was met with a rush of excitement, but seven years later, California’s cannabis industry is struggling economically. According to data released in February by the California Department of Tax and Fee Administration, \u003ca href=\"https://cdtfa.ca.gov/dataportal/dataset.htm?url=CannabisTaxRevenues\">sales at dispensaries in the state were down for the second consecutive year\u003c/a> as consumers, who buy tax-free weed products from illicit dealers and stores, continue to undermine the legal market. The price of cannabis has plummeted, and \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2023/02/emerald-triangle-cannabis-communities/\">some cannabis cultivators in the Emerald Triangle are broke and starving\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two weeks ago, San Francisco canceled its annual \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11980820/san-franciscos-annual-420-celebration-on-hippie-hill-canceled-for-2024\">420 celebration at Hippie Hill\u003c/a>, a city-supported event since legalization, in part because of the industry’s financial problems. David Downs, a cannabis journalist and creator of \u003ca href=\"https://sfweedweek.com/\">SF Weed Week\u003c/a>, which runs through Friday, told KQED that industry revenues have plateaued at around $5 billion and profit margins remain thin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The festival has historically brought hazy skies and crowds of up to 20,000 to share joints and dance to DJ sets in Golden Gate Park. This year will be the first time in decades that San Francisco has no formal event. Local equity cannabis entrepreneurs don’t feel like there’s much to celebrate anyway because they bear the brunt of the industry’s downturn.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ramon Garcia, a cannabis entrepreneur, advocated for Oakland’s first-in-the-nation cannabis equity program in 2017 and the similar one developed in San Francisco the following year. San Francisco’s program provides priority permitting, application fee waivers, industry partnerships and technical support to people who qualify. Garcia said the city hasn’t provided enough resources, such as business education and money for startup costs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You’re taking impacted people that may not have gotten through high school or even college or been arrested, and you’re expecting them to run a highly restrictive, highly regulated business,” said Garcia, the former equity chair of the California Grower’s Association. “You’re admitting to the fact that you did this damage and giving them the licenses, but you’re not giving them any resources to actually be able to service it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to Lily Moser, a communications and legislative analyst for the city administrator’s office, more than 450 people have been verified as equity applicants, and 150 have submitted at least one business permit application.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As of March, just 45 equity-owned cannabis businesses were operating in San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11976905\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240222-CANNABISEQUITY-17-BL-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11976905\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240222-CANNABISEQUITY-17-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A man wearing a green bomber jacket sits down in a booth.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240222-CANNABISEQUITY-17-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240222-CANNABISEQUITY-17-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240222-CANNABISEQUITY-17-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240222-CANNABISEQUITY-17-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240222-CANNABISEQUITY-17-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240222-CANNABISEQUITY-17-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Ivan Castro (left) speaks with Peter Maggs, general manager at Mission Cannabis Club, at the dispensary in San Francisco on Feb. 22, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Ivan Castro, who started selling weed to classmates and neighbors in the Mission as a teenager, owns one of them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Castro, 47, was working in internet sales when he learned he could qualify for the San Francisco equity program. He was still selling weed as a side hustle, and Castro saw it as an opportunity to pair his marketing skills with his cannabis knowledge. He went through the verification process, digging up a lease for his childhood home, foreclosure documents and an old arrest record for marijuana possession to qualify.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He applied for a retail permit to open a dispensary. It is stalled in the permitting queue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A review of cannabis in San Francisco since legalization by the City Services Auditor found that the average waiting time for approval of an equity cannabis business permit was between \u003ca href=\"https://sfcontroller.org/sites/default/files/Documents/Auditing/Cannabis%20in%20San%20Francisco_A%20Review%20Following%20Adult-Use%20Legalization_FINAL%20REPORT.pdf\">18 and 24 months\u003c/a>. Castro, who submitted his dispensary permit in 2019, said it still hasn’t been reviewed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Given the current wait time for equity applications, the businesses most likely to survive to market will be from the more well-resourced applicants, including businesses that sold partial ownership to investors,” the review concluded. “Applications from individuals such as sole proprietors with little outside investment will be less likely to survive [to get their product] to market due to the capital needed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To apply for a permit, applicants must have an existing lease on the space where they will operate. According to Castro, rent is about $40,000 a month, and he hopes to open a dispensary in the South of Market neighborhood. As the City Services Auditor review noted, San Francisco does not provide direct capital assistance to equity applicants other than waiving application and permit fees. Castro couldn’t afford the rent, so he used one of the equity program’s pillars, incubation, to secure a lease.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The incubator initiative pairs equity and non-equity cannabis operators. The non-equity partner pays for the equity partner’s working space for at least three years. In exchange, both get priority permitting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Castro’s lease with his incubator was supposed to continue until 2027, according to a lease document reviewed by KQED. But in May 2023, the company determined that the rent on the building was too high to keep paying without a permit, so it stopped, according to Castro. When his permit is finally reviewed, an active lease won’t be attached.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11976907\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240222-CANNABISEQUITY-22-BL-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11976907\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240222-CANNABISEQUITY-22-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt='A man wearing a green bomber jacket holds a packet that says \"SyncSF.\"' width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240222-CANNABISEQUITY-22-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240222-CANNABISEQUITY-22-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240222-CANNABISEQUITY-22-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240222-CANNABISEQUITY-22-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240222-CANNABISEQUITY-22-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240222-CANNABISEQUITY-22-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Ivan Castro holds SyncSF cannabis flower at Mission Cannabis Club in San Francisco on Feb. 22, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Without the dispensary permit, Castro pivoted and started \u003ca href=\"https://www.getinsyncsf.com/\">SyncSF\u003c/a>, a manufacturing business. Getting SyncSF products to consumers is difficult. His brand is only on shelves at six of the roughly 80 dispensaries in San Francisco and isn’t available for delivery in the city on Eaze or Weedmaps, two of the major online cannabis delivery platforms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under Proposition 215, Castro would grow, package and deliver his weed to dispensaries, which paid him directly. As a manufacturer under Proposition 64, he can only manufacture cannabis products. Cultivating, transporting and selling weed requires different permits, so Castro has to contract with other operators.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Transactions between cultivators, manufacturers and retailers cut into profits. For this reason, some large operators have several permits, but most small equity operators don’t have the financial backing to do the same.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The most successful cannabis businesses are more vertically integrated — those are the only ones that are going to survive,” Cavalheiro said. “But you have to have a lot of capital and a lot of people to do that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cavalheiro worked in business relations after legalization, helping cannabis producers from Humboldt connect to the Bay Area market. She’s also worked for companies trying to bridge the gap between cultivators, manufacturers and retailers within the disjointed legal market.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She was a retail relations manager for Buyers Club SF, a now-defunct cannabis showroom and event space. She lost her job at Buyers Club when the company went bankrupt last year. Cavalheiro hasn’t been able to find a similar position.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Proposition 64 passed in 2016, she had a newborn and didn’t have time — or money — to get a new business off the ground. Looking at the current market, she said there’s no way she’d pursue a cannabis license.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I have friends who have done it, and five years later, they’re just empty-handed,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, she’s looking for steady work outside the cannabis world, taking temporary jobs wherever she can while studying for the insurance license exam. She enrolled in food stamps.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"floatright"},"numeric":["floatright"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I have a daughter I need to feed and bills I need to pay,” she said. “If I can’t even do that, it might just be time to switch gears completely.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}}],"link":"/news/11983231/how-the-cannabis-industry-has-changed","authors":["byline_news_11983231"],"categories":["news_8"],"tags":["news_32364","news_21405","news_27626","news_18584"],"featImg":"news_11976906","label":"news"},"news_11982828":{"type":"posts","id":"news_11982828","meta":{"index":"posts_1591205157","site":"news","id":"11982828","score":null,"sort":[1713178825000]},"guestAuthors":[],"slug":"forced-sterilization-survivors-undertake-own-healing-after-feeling-silenced-again-by-state","title":"Forced Sterilization Survivors Undertake Own Healing After Feeling 'Silenced Again' by State","publishDate":1713178825,"format":"standard","headTitle":"Forced Sterilization Survivors Undertake Own Healing After Feeling ‘Silenced Again’ by State | KQED","labelTerm":{"site":"news"},"content":"\u003cp>[dropcap]O[/dropcap]ne morning last spring, Moonlight Pulido called on rituals drawn from her Native American spirituality to confront a painful experience.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She stepped outside of her home in Carson, California, and lit a bundle of white sage that she keeps in an abalone shell by the back door. Pulido, who is Apache, fanned the smoke around her with a feather.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She was preparing to make quilt squares for a project to honor people who were \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11965926/survivors-of-californias-forced-sterilization-denied-reparations\">forcibly sterilized at state prisons in California\u003c/a>. A survivor herself, she said she was searching for a way to release the hurt and heartache.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2005, while she was incarcerated at Valley State Prison in California’s Central Valley, a doctor ordered a hysterectomy without her consent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This guy really thought that he could play God and decide who was worthy and who wasn’t,” Pulido said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pulido, 59, was released in 2022. She spends her days caring for her mother, who has dementia. She also works in her stepfather’s appliance repair shop and volunteers with advocacy organizations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In February 2023, she learned that one of the organizations she volunteers for, the California Coalition for Women Prisoners, or CCWP, was organizing a memorial quilt for prison sterilization survivors. She said it was an opportunity to let go of her animosity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Even though he took something that I can never get back, my spirit still felt free to heal and move on,” Pulido said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates and survivors say the quilt is a response to widespread disappointment over California’s implementation of a 2021 reparations law intended to make amends for a shameful chapter of the state’s history. The historic legislation allocated $4.5 million in reparative compensation to survivors who were forcibly sterilized in state prisons, state-run hospitals, homes and institutions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pulido is one of 573 people who applied. Her application was approved, and she received $35,000. However, as of March 5, just 115 applicants had been approved. The two-year program has been criticized by dozens of advocates, including CCWP and even those who drafted the bill, because of the interpretation of the reparations law. Roughly 70% of applicants were rejected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11965926]The law also distributed $1 million between three state agencies to commission memorials that mark the harm caused by forced or involuntary sterilizations. The process required consultation with survivors and advocates. However, a review of the state’s memorialization efforts by UC Berkeley’s Investigative Reporting Program and KQED revealed that after making minimal progress in its first year the state rewrote its contracts to eliminate community engagement requirements that it had apparently failed to meet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This story’s reporting is based on multiple public records requests, more than 600 pages of documents, and interviews with lawmakers, public officials and prison representatives. In interviews, advocates and survivors told KQED they feel excluded and disrespected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[The memorialization process] echoes what we saw across the whole program, which was a following of the letter of the law and not the spirit of the law,” said Jennifer James, an associate professor of sociology at UCSF and member of CCWP.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘Revictimized and silenced again’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The memorial funding went to the three state agencies that allowed the forced sterilizations to occur: the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation, the California Department of State Hospitals and the California Department of Developmental Services. The agencies were charged with leading a collaborative memorialization process that would “acknowledge the wrongful sterilization of thousands of vulnerable people,” according to the legislation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In their 2022 contracts with the California Victim Compensation Board, which oversees the reparations program, the state agencies were required to hold regular meetings, submit quarterly progress reports and create project teams that included survivors and advocates. Roughly one year later, the agencies had not fulfilled any of those requirements.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead of being held accountable by the compensation board, the agency’s contracts with the compensation board were rewritten.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The revised contracts reduced opportunities for community participation and transparency, according to KQED’s analysis of the original and revised contracts. For example, the requirement for agencies, survivors and advocates to meet “weekly or monthly to discuss and finalize the design, location and language that will appear on the markers or plaques” was deleted, as was the stipulation for agencies to provide quarterly reports.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When asked about the changes to the memorialization contracts, the compensation board said in a statement that “the contracts were amended to better reflect the roles and responsibilities of each department as described in state law. CalVCB’s statutory role is strictly fiduciary.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Additionally, the funds originally earmarked for memorials have been almost cut in half to $550,000. It’s unclear how any unspent money will be used.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state allocated $7.5 million to the two-year program, with $4.5 million earmarked for compensation, $1 million for memorialization and $2 million for program administration and outreach. Each individual whose application is approved receives $15,000. A second and final payment of $20,000, \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240SB143\">signed into law by Gov. Gavin Newsom\u003c/a> in September 2023, will be processed by October. Up to $1 million of any remaining compensation funds could be extended for survivors if legislation is passed in the next few years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When reparations advocates passed the legislation, they envisioned a collaborative and reparative process with the state where survivors, activists and community members could shape a memorial using the artists and materials they selected. Now advocates and survivors like Kelli Dillon, an advisor of the reparations bill, say they feel cheated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We thought we were going to be in partnership [with these agencies], and we were totally revictimized and silenced again,” said Dillon, who was coercively sterilized in 2001 at Central California Women’s Facility and was approved for reparations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11976953\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11976953\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240222-REPARATIONS-QUILT-KSM-07-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240222-REPARATIONS-QUILT-KSM-07-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240222-REPARATIONS-QUILT-KSM-07-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240222-REPARATIONS-QUILT-KSM-07-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240222-REPARATIONS-QUILT-KSM-07-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240222-REPARATIONS-QUILT-KSM-07-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240222-REPARATIONS-QUILT-KSM-07-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">After feeling dismissed by the state, forced sterilization survivors and advocates created their own memorialization project: a quilt centered around a theme of healing and growth. \u003ccite>(Kathryn Styer Martínez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Records show that CDCR contracted Boules Consulting in July 2022 at $100 an hour to facilitate 30 hours of meetings between the agencies and the community, but only one meeting was held. Three days before it took place, the compensation board invited the eight survivors whose applications had been approved.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The meeting was a critical turning point. There was a tense back and forth between agency representatives and advocates, who shut down the meeting because only two survivors could attend on such short notice. A survivor-centered memorialization process, advocates argued, was contingent on meaningful outreach, opportunities for participation, inclusivity and accessibility.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Agency representatives postponed the meeting so more survivors could attend. Instead, according to records obtained through a public records request, CDCR’s Chief of Legislative Affairs, Sydney Tanimoto, emailed Boules Consulting to say there had been a “change of plans.” CDCR would move to a survey format instead of virtual meetings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Administration pivoted to a survey model to address accessibility concerns raised by stakeholders as part of the initial stakeholder meeting,” Terri Hardy, a CDCR press secretary, said in a statement to KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Survivors and advocates were deeply troubled by the decision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It could have been a historic moment where people who were greatly harmed could have gained a form of reparation through the process and that was lost,” said Cynthia Chandler, an attorney in Alameda County District Attorney Pamela Price’s office who helped draft the reparations law. “That can’t possibly happen through a survey.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A short questionnaire was sent to a dozen advocates and survivors to assess their visual, auditory and language needs to participate in the survey process. Advocates with expertise in disability rights who had attended the meeting were not consulted, according to Silvia Yee, public policy director at Disability Rights Education and Defense Fund.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The first survey related to the design, location and language of the memorials was sent to 24 survivors whose applications had been approved. Based on six responses, the consultant wrote a final recommendation report suggesting the memorial be placed in front of the state capital and CDCR headquarters. A second survey, related to the language for the memorials was sent nearly five months later to 94 survivors. About a third responded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, agencies say that they plan to install plaques, benches and gazebos at nine facilities where the sterilizations took place. As of March 26, the agencies had spent roughly $170,000. By the end of its contract, Boules Consulting had charged CDCR $9,900 for the work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In response to KQED’s findings, the four state agencies sent a joint statement, saying that they “have worked together in partnership to meet and surpass the requirements established in the legislation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All four departments recognized stakeholder input was a critical part of the process,” the statement continued. “Each department worked with CalVCB to actively engage in outreach efforts by using information collected and conducting targeted searches in hopes of reaching more survivors.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pulido said she never received a survey.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It feels cold,” she said. “We should have been asked what kind of memorial we wanted.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said that if she had been asked, she would have replied that she’d like the memorial plaque to carry her name.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I want them to know that I was victimized,” she said. “Remember me. Remember my fight and what I went through.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Survivors of prison sterilization aren’t the only ones frustrated by the state’s memorialization efforts. Between 1909 and 1979, at least 20,000 Californians — disproportionately women and racial minorities — were forcibly sterilized while at state-run homes and hospitals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state’s memorialization plans don’t include any markers at Pacific Colony, a former state hospital. This upsets Stacy Cordova, whose great-aunt, Mary Franco, was sterilized when she was 13 at Pacific Colony in 1934. Franco had been institutionalized after being molested by a neighbor. She was labeled a “sex delinquent” and “low moron,” according to facility records reviewed by KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cordova said she never received a survey. “Why have I never been contacted?” she said. “It really makes me sad that this promise has gone unfulfilled.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11981912\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11981912\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240404-FORCED-STERILIZATION-STACY_04-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240404-FORCED-STERILIZATION-STACY_04-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240404-FORCED-STERILIZATION-STACY_04-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240404-FORCED-STERILIZATION-STACY_04-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240404-FORCED-STERILIZATION-STACY_04-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240404-FORCED-STERILIZATION-STACY_04-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240404-FORCED-STERILIZATION-STACY_04-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Stacy Cordova, at her home in Azusa on Feb. 11, 2024, looks through records from Pacific Colony, where her great-aunt was forcibly sterilized in 1934 when she was 13. \u003ccite>(Cayla Mihalovich for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Cordova, a special education teacher who lives in Azusa, made her own memorial. She created a historical radio project titled “\u003ca href=\"http://www.americanhistoryeugenix.com/\">American History EugeniX\u003c/a>” to be used as a curriculum in high school and college classes. She will share the histories of people who were sterilized in the 1920s and 1930s based on eugenics records she found in the California State Archives. She hopes to launch the project this month.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘You have to gather stories’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>After the reparations law was passed, advocates and researchers tried to guard against the exclusion many now feel. They prepared a guidance document for the state agencies to follow as memorials were created, noting that including community input, specifically from survivors and their descendants, was crucial to the process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An omission of survivor input, the document stated, “conveys not only an ugly message about state power, but ultimately will constitute a failure of contemporary agencies to properly acknowledge their role in past wrongs and harms.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The document provided examples of memorialization projects from around the world, which are seen as successful because survivors were “active partners in the conceptualization and placement.” Advocates pointed to Los Angeles General Medical Center’s “Sobrevivir,” which recognizes hundreds of survivors who were forcibly sterilized at the hospital during the 1960s and 1970s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Artist Phung Huynh made “Sobrevivir,” a monument with roses and praying hands etched into steel, with a budget of roughly $100,000. The flat disk is in the medical center’s courtyard. Huynh said she spent a year gathering input on what her piece should look like through open forums and correspondence with descendants of survivors and activists.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You have to gather stories, be sensitive and thoughtful because it’s going to live in the community that it’s serving,” Huynh said of public art. “They have to feel like it represents who they are and the specific history that we’re trying to remember.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label='More Reparations Stories' postID=news_11981271,news_11975584,news_11961026]Alexandra Minna Stern, a UCLA humanities professor and the founder of the Sterilization and Social Justice Lab, helped draft the guidance document. She said the state has failed to engage survivors. Her lab has consulted on numerous memorialization efforts for survivors of eugenics-era sterilizations, including in Indiana and North Carolina.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s frustrating to me that the state has taken over the memorialization efforts and turned it into plaques that will be [inscribed] with language they wrote and the coalition responded to,” Stern said. “Memorialization should be more than just plaques.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After feeling dismissed by the state, survivors and advocates with CCWP met in January 2023 to discuss ideas for creating their own memorialization project. They landed on a memorial quilt centered around a theme of healing and growth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are upset and angry,” said Diana Block, an advocate at CCWP. “But we chose to put our energy into developing something positive.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They spent a year collecting handmade quilt squares from over 100 survivors and their supporters. Some advocates hosted quilt-making parties. Others who are currently incarcerated crocheted squares of their own.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pulido sent her squares to Linda Evans, a formerly incarcerated quiltmaker and CCWP member, who assembled the 5-foot-long, 20-block quilt. It is bordered by red fabric and features images such as a lopsided heart, a peace sign and butterflies that envelop words like “hope” and “lies.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The remaining squares will be assembled into an afghan by Chyrl Lamar, a formerly incarcerated CCWP member.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This spring, survivors and advocates of CCWP hope to bring the completed memorial quilt, called “Together We Rise, Together We Heal,” to the Central California Women’s Facility in Chowchilla, California, where many of the illegal sterilizations occurred. From there, the community-led memorial will travel around the country to libraries, prisons, museums and state capitals to serve as a centerpiece for education and conversation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“History disappears,” Evans said. “If we don’t capture it and keep it in the present, we have a real danger of repeating terrible things that happened in the past.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Cayla Mihalovich is a reporter with the Investigative Reporting Program at the UC Berkeley Graduate School of Journalism.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n","blocks":[],"excerpt":"A law required California to involve survivors in memorializing the state's history of forced sterilization. Survivors say that didn’t happen — so they undertook their own project of healing.","status":"publish","parent":0,"modified":1713120512,"stats":{"hasAudio":false,"hasVideo":false,"hasChartOrMap":false,"iframeSrcs":[],"hasGoogleForm":false,"hasGallery":false,"hasHearkenModule":false,"hasPolis":false,"paragraphCount":58,"wordCount":2523},"headData":{"title":"Forced Sterilization Survivors Undertake Own Healing After Feeling 'Silenced Again' by State | KQED","description":"A law required California to involve survivors in memorializing the state's history of forced sterilization. Survivors say that didn’t happen — so they undertook their own project of healing.","ogTitle":"","ogDescription":"","ogImgId":"","twTitle":"","twDescription":"","twImgId":"","schema":{"@context":"http://schema.org","@type":"NewsArticle","headline":"Forced Sterilization Survivors Undertake Own Healing After Feeling 'Silenced Again' by State","datePublished":"2024-04-15T11:00:25.000Z","dateModified":"2024-04-14T18:48:32.000Z","image":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png","isAccessibleForFree":"Y","publisher":{"@type":"NewsMediaOrganization","@id":"https://www.kqed.org/#organization","name":"KQED","url":"https://www.kqed.org","logo":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png"}}},"sticky":false,"nprByline":"Cayla Mihalovich","excludeFromSiteSearch":"Include","showOnAuthorArchivePages":"No","articleAge":"0","path":"/news/11982828/forced-sterilization-survivors-undertake-own-healing-after-feeling-silenced-again-by-state","audioTrackLength":null,"parsedContent":[{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class=\"utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__dropcapShortcode__dropcap\">O\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>ne morning last spring, Moonlight Pulido called on rituals drawn from her Native American spirituality to confront a painful experience.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She stepped outside of her home in Carson, California, and lit a bundle of white sage that she keeps in an abalone shell by the back door. Pulido, who is Apache, fanned the smoke around her with a feather.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She was preparing to make quilt squares for a project to honor people who were \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11965926/survivors-of-californias-forced-sterilization-denied-reparations\">forcibly sterilized at state prisons in California\u003c/a>. A survivor herself, she said she was searching for a way to release the hurt and heartache.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2005, while she was incarcerated at Valley State Prison in California’s Central Valley, a doctor ordered a hysterectomy without her consent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This guy really thought that he could play God and decide who was worthy and who wasn’t,” Pulido said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"fullwidth"},"numeric":["fullwidth"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pulido, 59, was released in 2022. She spends her days caring for her mother, who has dementia. She also works in her stepfather’s appliance repair shop and volunteers with advocacy organizations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In February 2023, she learned that one of the organizations she volunteers for, the California Coalition for Women Prisoners, or CCWP, was organizing a memorial quilt for prison sterilization survivors. She said it was an opportunity to let go of her animosity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Even though he took something that I can never get back, my spirit still felt free to heal and move on,” Pulido said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates and survivors say the quilt is a response to widespread disappointment over California’s implementation of a 2021 reparations law intended to make amends for a shameful chapter of the state’s history. The historic legislation allocated $4.5 million in reparative compensation to survivors who were forcibly sterilized in state prisons, state-run hospitals, homes and institutions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pulido is one of 573 people who applied. Her application was approved, and she received $35,000. However, as of March 5, just 115 applicants had been approved. The two-year program has been criticized by dozens of advocates, including CCWP and even those who drafted the bill, because of the interpretation of the reparations law. Roughly 70% of applicants were rejected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"aside","attributes":{"named":{"postid":"news_11965926","label":""},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The law also distributed $1 million between three state agencies to commission memorials that mark the harm caused by forced or involuntary sterilizations. The process required consultation with survivors and advocates. However, a review of the state’s memorialization efforts by UC Berkeley’s Investigative Reporting Program and KQED revealed that after making minimal progress in its first year the state rewrote its contracts to eliminate community engagement requirements that it had apparently failed to meet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This story’s reporting is based on multiple public records requests, more than 600 pages of documents, and interviews with lawmakers, public officials and prison representatives. In interviews, advocates and survivors told KQED they feel excluded and disrespected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[The memorialization process] echoes what we saw across the whole program, which was a following of the letter of the law and not the spirit of the law,” said Jennifer James, an associate professor of sociology at UCSF and member of CCWP.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘Revictimized and silenced again’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The memorial funding went to the three state agencies that allowed the forced sterilizations to occur: the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation, the California Department of State Hospitals and the California Department of Developmental Services. The agencies were charged with leading a collaborative memorialization process that would “acknowledge the wrongful sterilization of thousands of vulnerable people,” according to the legislation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In their 2022 contracts with the California Victim Compensation Board, which oversees the reparations program, the state agencies were required to hold regular meetings, submit quarterly progress reports and create project teams that included survivors and advocates. Roughly one year later, the agencies had not fulfilled any of those requirements.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead of being held accountable by the compensation board, the agency’s contracts with the compensation board were rewritten.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The revised contracts reduced opportunities for community participation and transparency, according to KQED’s analysis of the original and revised contracts. For example, the requirement for agencies, survivors and advocates to meet “weekly or monthly to discuss and finalize the design, location and language that will appear on the markers or plaques” was deleted, as was the stipulation for agencies to provide quarterly reports.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When asked about the changes to the memorialization contracts, the compensation board said in a statement that “the contracts were amended to better reflect the roles and responsibilities of each department as described in state law. CalVCB’s statutory role is strictly fiduciary.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Additionally, the funds originally earmarked for memorials have been almost cut in half to $550,000. It’s unclear how any unspent money will be used.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state allocated $7.5 million to the two-year program, with $4.5 million earmarked for compensation, $1 million for memorialization and $2 million for program administration and outreach. Each individual whose application is approved receives $15,000. A second and final payment of $20,000, \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240SB143\">signed into law by Gov. Gavin Newsom\u003c/a> in September 2023, will be processed by October. Up to $1 million of any remaining compensation funds could be extended for survivors if legislation is passed in the next few years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When reparations advocates passed the legislation, they envisioned a collaborative and reparative process with the state where survivors, activists and community members could shape a memorial using the artists and materials they selected. Now advocates and survivors like Kelli Dillon, an advisor of the reparations bill, say they feel cheated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We thought we were going to be in partnership [with these agencies], and we were totally revictimized and silenced again,” said Dillon, who was coercively sterilized in 2001 at Central California Women’s Facility and was approved for reparations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11976953\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11976953\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240222-REPARATIONS-QUILT-KSM-07-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240222-REPARATIONS-QUILT-KSM-07-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240222-REPARATIONS-QUILT-KSM-07-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240222-REPARATIONS-QUILT-KSM-07-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240222-REPARATIONS-QUILT-KSM-07-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240222-REPARATIONS-QUILT-KSM-07-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240222-REPARATIONS-QUILT-KSM-07-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">After feeling dismissed by the state, forced sterilization survivors and advocates created their own memorialization project: a quilt centered around a theme of healing and growth. \u003ccite>(Kathryn Styer Martínez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Records show that CDCR contracted Boules Consulting in July 2022 at $100 an hour to facilitate 30 hours of meetings between the agencies and the community, but only one meeting was held. Three days before it took place, the compensation board invited the eight survivors whose applications had been approved.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The meeting was a critical turning point. There was a tense back and forth between agency representatives and advocates, who shut down the meeting because only two survivors could attend on such short notice. A survivor-centered memorialization process, advocates argued, was contingent on meaningful outreach, opportunities for participation, inclusivity and accessibility.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Agency representatives postponed the meeting so more survivors could attend. Instead, according to records obtained through a public records request, CDCR’s Chief of Legislative Affairs, Sydney Tanimoto, emailed Boules Consulting to say there had been a “change of plans.” CDCR would move to a survey format instead of virtual meetings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Administration pivoted to a survey model to address accessibility concerns raised by stakeholders as part of the initial stakeholder meeting,” Terri Hardy, a CDCR press secretary, said in a statement to KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Survivors and advocates were deeply troubled by the decision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It could have been a historic moment where people who were greatly harmed could have gained a form of reparation through the process and that was lost,” said Cynthia Chandler, an attorney in Alameda County District Attorney Pamela Price’s office who helped draft the reparations law. “That can’t possibly happen through a survey.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A short questionnaire was sent to a dozen advocates and survivors to assess their visual, auditory and language needs to participate in the survey process. Advocates with expertise in disability rights who had attended the meeting were not consulted, according to Silvia Yee, public policy director at Disability Rights Education and Defense Fund.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The first survey related to the design, location and language of the memorials was sent to 24 survivors whose applications had been approved. Based on six responses, the consultant wrote a final recommendation report suggesting the memorial be placed in front of the state capital and CDCR headquarters. A second survey, related to the language for the memorials was sent nearly five months later to 94 survivors. About a third responded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, agencies say that they plan to install plaques, benches and gazebos at nine facilities where the sterilizations took place. As of March 26, the agencies had spent roughly $170,000. By the end of its contract, Boules Consulting had charged CDCR $9,900 for the work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In response to KQED’s findings, the four state agencies sent a joint statement, saying that they “have worked together in partnership to meet and surpass the requirements established in the legislation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All four departments recognized stakeholder input was a critical part of the process,” the statement continued. “Each department worked with CalVCB to actively engage in outreach efforts by using information collected and conducting targeted searches in hopes of reaching more survivors.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pulido said she never received a survey.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It feels cold,” she said. “We should have been asked what kind of memorial we wanted.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said that if she had been asked, she would have replied that she’d like the memorial plaque to carry her name.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I want them to know that I was victimized,” she said. “Remember me. Remember my fight and what I went through.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Survivors of prison sterilization aren’t the only ones frustrated by the state’s memorialization efforts. Between 1909 and 1979, at least 20,000 Californians — disproportionately women and racial minorities — were forcibly sterilized while at state-run homes and hospitals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state’s memorialization plans don’t include any markers at Pacific Colony, a former state hospital. This upsets Stacy Cordova, whose great-aunt, Mary Franco, was sterilized when she was 13 at Pacific Colony in 1934. Franco had been institutionalized after being molested by a neighbor. She was labeled a “sex delinquent” and “low moron,” according to facility records reviewed by KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cordova said she never received a survey. “Why have I never been contacted?” she said. “It really makes me sad that this promise has gone unfulfilled.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11981912\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11981912\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240404-FORCED-STERILIZATION-STACY_04-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240404-FORCED-STERILIZATION-STACY_04-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240404-FORCED-STERILIZATION-STACY_04-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240404-FORCED-STERILIZATION-STACY_04-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240404-FORCED-STERILIZATION-STACY_04-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240404-FORCED-STERILIZATION-STACY_04-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240404-FORCED-STERILIZATION-STACY_04-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Stacy Cordova, at her home in Azusa on Feb. 11, 2024, looks through records from Pacific Colony, where her great-aunt was forcibly sterilized in 1934 when she was 13. \u003ccite>(Cayla Mihalovich for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Cordova, a special education teacher who lives in Azusa, made her own memorial. She created a historical radio project titled “\u003ca href=\"http://www.americanhistoryeugenix.com/\">American History EugeniX\u003c/a>” to be used as a curriculum in high school and college classes. She will share the histories of people who were sterilized in the 1920s and 1930s based on eugenics records she found in the California State Archives. She hopes to launch the project this month.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘You have to gather stories’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>After the reparations law was passed, advocates and researchers tried to guard against the exclusion many now feel. They prepared a guidance document for the state agencies to follow as memorials were created, noting that including community input, specifically from survivors and their descendants, was crucial to the process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An omission of survivor input, the document stated, “conveys not only an ugly message about state power, but ultimately will constitute a failure of contemporary agencies to properly acknowledge their role in past wrongs and harms.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The document provided examples of memorialization projects from around the world, which are seen as successful because survivors were “active partners in the conceptualization and placement.” Advocates pointed to Los Angeles General Medical Center’s “Sobrevivir,” which recognizes hundreds of survivors who were forcibly sterilized at the hospital during the 1960s and 1970s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Artist Phung Huynh made “Sobrevivir,” a monument with roses and praying hands etched into steel, with a budget of roughly $100,000. The flat disk is in the medical center’s courtyard. Huynh said she spent a year gathering input on what her piece should look like through open forums and correspondence with descendants of survivors and activists.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You have to gather stories, be sensitive and thoughtful because it’s going to live in the community that it’s serving,” Huynh said of public art. “They have to feel like it represents who they are and the specific history that we’re trying to remember.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"aside","attributes":{"named":{"label":"More Reparations Stories ","postid":"news_11981271,news_11975584,news_11961026"},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Alexandra Minna Stern, a UCLA humanities professor and the founder of the Sterilization and Social Justice Lab, helped draft the guidance document. She said the state has failed to engage survivors. Her lab has consulted on numerous memorialization efforts for survivors of eugenics-era sterilizations, including in Indiana and North Carolina.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s frustrating to me that the state has taken over the memorialization efforts and turned it into plaques that will be [inscribed] with language they wrote and the coalition responded to,” Stern said. “Memorialization should be more than just plaques.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After feeling dismissed by the state, survivors and advocates with CCWP met in January 2023 to discuss ideas for creating their own memorialization project. They landed on a memorial quilt centered around a theme of healing and growth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are upset and angry,” said Diana Block, an advocate at CCWP. “But we chose to put our energy into developing something positive.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They spent a year collecting handmade quilt squares from over 100 survivors and their supporters. Some advocates hosted quilt-making parties. Others who are currently incarcerated crocheted squares of their own.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pulido sent her squares to Linda Evans, a formerly incarcerated quiltmaker and CCWP member, who assembled the 5-foot-long, 20-block quilt. It is bordered by red fabric and features images such as a lopsided heart, a peace sign and butterflies that envelop words like “hope” and “lies.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The remaining squares will be assembled into an afghan by Chyrl Lamar, a formerly incarcerated CCWP member.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This spring, survivors and advocates of CCWP hope to bring the completed memorial quilt, called “Together We Rise, Together We Heal,” to the Central California Women’s Facility in Chowchilla, California, where many of the illegal sterilizations occurred. From there, the community-led memorial will travel around the country to libraries, prisons, museums and state capitals to serve as a centerpiece for education and conversation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“History disappears,” Evans said. “If we don’t capture it and keep it in the present, we have a real danger of repeating terrible things that happened in the past.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"floatright"},"numeric":["floatright"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Cayla Mihalovich is a reporter with the Investigative Reporting Program at the UC Berkeley Graduate School of Journalism.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}}],"link":"/news/11982828/forced-sterilization-survivors-undertake-own-healing-after-feeling-silenced-again-by-state","authors":["byline_news_11982828"],"categories":["news_31795","news_457","news_6188","news_8","news_13"],"tags":["news_30652","news_21405","news_27626","news_32261","news_18543","news_160"],"featImg":"news_11981910","label":"news"},"news_11982394":{"type":"posts","id":"news_11982394","meta":{"index":"posts_1591205157","site":"news","id":"11982394","score":null,"sort":[1712759456000]},"guestAuthors":[],"slug":"new-bill-pushes-california-to-confront-digital-discrimination","title":"New Bill Pushes California to Confront Digital Discrimination","publishDate":1712759456,"format":"standard","headTitle":"New Bill Pushes California to Confront Digital Discrimination | KQED","labelTerm":{"site":"news"},"content":"\u003cp>Even now, in an age when most of us use the Internet,\u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2023/06/26/california-gets-nearly-2-billion-in-federal-funding-to-boost-high-speed-internet-access/\"> one in five Californians\u003c/a> lack reliable and affordable service. Most are lower-income people of color and rural residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This afternoon in Sacramento, the Assembly Communications & Conveyance Committee\u003ca href=\"https://acom.assembly.ca.gov/system/files/2024-04/agenda-4.10.24.pdf\"> takes up the latest salvo in this struggle, a bill\u003c/a> designed to chip away at this form of digital discrimination.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are living in an unjust and inequitable moment of technology, where some have and some don’t,” said Assemblymember Mia Bonta (D-Oakland).[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Assemblymember Mia Bonta, D-Oakland, who authored AB 2239\"]‘We are living in an unjust and inequitable moment of technology, where some have and some don’t.’[/pullquote]The author of\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240AB2239\"> AB 2239\u003c/a> said it would make California the first state in the nation to codify the Federal Communication Commission’s newly adopted definition of digital discrimination into state law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We know that equitable access to fast, reliable and affordable Internet is a non-negotiable part of everyday life,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The FCC’s new rules adopt a “disparate impact” standard for identifying digital discrimination, meaning broadband providers could be in violation, even if they are not intentionally withholding adequate Internet from a protected group.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The disparate impact standard has long been applied in education, in housing and health care, and more. And what this bill is doing is essentially saying it also needs to be applied to broadband access,” Bonta said. “Regardless of the inputs that you have around broadband intent and the different programs that we set up if there is a disparate impact — and we know that there is — then that’s considered discrimination.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Catch up fast:\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>“It’s not acceptable to have a California where such an essential infrastructure is not equally accessible to all Californians,” said Miguel Santana, president and CEO of the California Community Foundation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The most common criticism I’ve heard is that [AB 2239] is not necessary because there is no intention to discriminate. And that the industry has implemented a number of programs to help create access to low-income, marginalized communities,” Santana said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11969906/digital-advocates-say-californias-broadband-for-all-initiative-fails-to-center-equity\"> outcomes\u003c/a> speak for themselves,” he added, referencing the fact that researchers and activists say low-income Californians pay more for worse service than those in wealthy neighborhoods because there’s often no competition in poor neighborhoods to compel Internet providers to compete on service and price.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11982428\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11982428\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/OaklandInternetMap.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1201\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/OaklandInternetMap.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/OaklandInternetMap-800x500.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/OaklandInternetMap-1020x638.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/OaklandInternetMap-160x100.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/OaklandInternetMap-1536x961.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Remote technology performance management company Hubble IQ partnered with Oakland Undivided to run nearly half a million speed tests across Oakland. ‘Over 75% of the Internet connections we tested never reach the speed threshold to be considered served,’ Oakland Undivided director Patrick Messac said. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Hubble IQ)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>The context:\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The advocacy group \u003ca href=\"https://www.oaklandundivided.org/fixthemaps\">Oakland Undivided\u003c/a> recently partnered with remote technology performance management company, \u003ca href=\"https://www.hubbleiq.com/broadbandequity\">Hubble IQ,\u003c/a> to run nearly half a million speed tests across Oakland.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Patrick Messac, director, Oakland Undivided\"]‘The facts of the digital divide in California are stark. Race and income are the best predictors of whether you have access to the Internet in your neighborhood, how reliable it is and what you pay for it.’[/pullquote]“Over 75% of the Internet connections we tested never reach the speed threshold to be considered served,” said Oakland Undivided director Patrick Messac. “The facts of the digital divide in California are stark. Race and income are the best predictors of whether you have access to the Internet in your neighborhood, how reliable it is and what you pay for it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The big picture:\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>“In many cases, I would say that discrimination is often not per se the intent. Maximizing profit and delivering value to shareholders is the intent,” Tracy Rosenberg of \u003ca href=\"https://media-alliance.org/2024/03/protecting-digital-discrimination-rules-in-the-8th-circuit/\">Media Alliance wrote\u003c/a>. The advocacy group is a party to the 8th Circuit proceeding where the FCC’s rules, which AB 2239 aims to align with at the state level, are being challenged.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Because of history, market conditions and existing societal divides, the intent of maximizing shareholder value leads inexorably to actions that exacerbate digital inequity,” Rosenberg added.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The opposing view:\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Contacted for comment, a spokeswoman for Charter Communications’ company, \u003ca href=\"https://policy.charter.com/charter-california-fact-sheet.pdf\">Spectrum\u003c/a>, responded that it is still reviewing the legislation but that “Spectrum Internet plans, download speeds and regular prices are not only exactly the same in \u003cem>every\u003c/em> ZIP code we serve in California but also across our entire 41-state service area.”[aside postID=news_11954197 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/230629-WiFi-Illo-AV-KQED-1020x765.jpg']AT&T, another major player in the state, referred KQED to Cal Chamber, which lobbies on behalf of the broadband industry. In a \u003ca href=\"https://ct3.blob.core.windows.net/23blobs/a72cc815-68b6-4ff2-9a4c-2922f3666233\">letter\u003c/a> to the Assembly Communications & Conveyance Committee, which is hearing AB 2239 on Tuesday, Cal Chamber argued, “We do not want to repeat the FCC’s mistakes in California, which would risk provoking costly litigation and delaying the deployment,” of ongoing universal connectivity programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The bottom line:\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>This early in the legislative session, it’s hard to anticipate whether the bill will survive or how its language might be changed in the coming months to mollify industry-backed critics or forestall lawsuits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Bonta said that if her bill becomes law, California will send a clear signal to the rest of the country to consider Internet connectivity as a social justice issue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n","blocks":[],"excerpt":"Over decades, the California Legislature has struggled to combat digital discrimination. AB 2239, introduced by Assemblymember Mia Bonta of Oakland, aims to compel state regulators to address Internet connectivity as a matter of social justice.","status":"publish","parent":0,"modified":1712851248,"stats":{"hasAudio":false,"hasVideo":false,"hasChartOrMap":false,"iframeSrcs":[],"hasGoogleForm":false,"hasGallery":false,"hasHearkenModule":false,"hasPolis":false,"paragraphCount":17,"wordCount":938},"headData":{"title":"New Bill Pushes California to Confront Digital Discrimination | KQED","description":"Over decades, the California Legislature has struggled to combat digital discrimination. AB 2239, introduced by Assemblymember Mia Bonta of Oakland, aims to compel state regulators to address Internet connectivity as a matter of social justice.","ogTitle":"","ogDescription":"","ogImgId":"","twTitle":"","twDescription":"","twImgId":"","schema":{"@context":"http://schema.org","@type":"NewsArticle","headline":"New Bill Pushes California to Confront Digital Discrimination","datePublished":"2024-04-10T14:30:56.000Z","dateModified":"2024-04-11T16:00:48.000Z","image":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png","isAccessibleForFree":"Y","publisher":{"@type":"NewsMediaOrganization","@id":"https://www.kqed.org/#organization","name":"KQED","url":"https://www.kqed.org","logo":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png"}}},"audioUrl":"https://traffic.omny.fm/d/clips/0af137ef-751e-4b19-a055-aaef00d2d578/ffca7e9f-6831-41c5-bcaf-aaef00f5a073/db16a9ca-e251-4093-8d9c-b14e01006dfc/audio.mp3","sticky":false,"excludeFromSiteSearch":"Include","articleAge":"0","path":"/news/11982394/new-bill-pushes-california-to-confront-digital-discrimination","audioTrackLength":null,"parsedContent":[{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Even now, in an age when most of us use the Internet,\u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2023/06/26/california-gets-nearly-2-billion-in-federal-funding-to-boost-high-speed-internet-access/\"> one in five Californians\u003c/a> lack reliable and affordable service. Most are lower-income people of color and rural residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This afternoon in Sacramento, the Assembly Communications & Conveyance Committee\u003ca href=\"https://acom.assembly.ca.gov/system/files/2024-04/agenda-4.10.24.pdf\"> takes up the latest salvo in this struggle, a bill\u003c/a> designed to chip away at this form of digital discrimination.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are living in an unjust and inequitable moment of technology, where some have and some don’t,” said Assemblymember Mia Bonta (D-Oakland).\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"‘We are living in an unjust and inequitable moment of technology, where some have and some don’t.’","name":"pullquote","attributes":{"named":{"size":"medium","align":"right","citation":"Assemblymember Mia Bonta, D-Oakland, who authored AB 2239","label":""},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The author of\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240AB2239\"> AB 2239\u003c/a> said it would make California the first state in the nation to codify the Federal Communication Commission’s newly adopted definition of digital discrimination into state law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We know that equitable access to fast, reliable and affordable Internet is a non-negotiable part of everyday life,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The FCC’s new rules adopt a “disparate impact” standard for identifying digital discrimination, meaning broadband providers could be in violation, even if they are not intentionally withholding adequate Internet from a protected group.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The disparate impact standard has long been applied in education, in housing and health care, and more. And what this bill is doing is essentially saying it also needs to be applied to broadband access,” Bonta said. “Regardless of the inputs that you have around broadband intent and the different programs that we set up if there is a disparate impact — and we know that there is — then that’s considered discrimination.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"fullwidth"},"numeric":["fullwidth"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Catch up fast:\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>“It’s not acceptable to have a California where such an essential infrastructure is not equally accessible to all Californians,” said Miguel Santana, president and CEO of the California Community Foundation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The most common criticism I’ve heard is that [AB 2239] is not necessary because there is no intention to discriminate. And that the industry has implemented a number of programs to help create access to low-income, marginalized communities,” Santana said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11969906/digital-advocates-say-californias-broadband-for-all-initiative-fails-to-center-equity\"> outcomes\u003c/a> speak for themselves,” he added, referencing the fact that researchers and activists say low-income Californians pay more for worse service than those in wealthy neighborhoods because there’s often no competition in poor neighborhoods to compel Internet providers to compete on service and price.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11982428\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11982428\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/OaklandInternetMap.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1201\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/OaklandInternetMap.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/OaklandInternetMap-800x500.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/OaklandInternetMap-1020x638.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/OaklandInternetMap-160x100.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/OaklandInternetMap-1536x961.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Remote technology performance management company Hubble IQ partnered with Oakland Undivided to run nearly half a million speed tests across Oakland. ‘Over 75% of the Internet connections we tested never reach the speed threshold to be considered served,’ Oakland Undivided director Patrick Messac said. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Hubble IQ)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>The context:\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The advocacy group \u003ca href=\"https://www.oaklandundivided.org/fixthemaps\">Oakland Undivided\u003c/a> recently partnered with remote technology performance management company, \u003ca href=\"https://www.hubbleiq.com/broadbandequity\">Hubble IQ,\u003c/a> to run nearly half a million speed tests across Oakland.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"‘The facts of the digital divide in California are stark. Race and income are the best predictors of whether you have access to the Internet in your neighborhood, how reliable it is and what you pay for it.’","name":"pullquote","attributes":{"named":{"size":"medium","align":"right","citation":"Patrick Messac, director, Oakland Undivided","label":""},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“Over 75% of the Internet connections we tested never reach the speed threshold to be considered served,” said Oakland Undivided director Patrick Messac. “The facts of the digital divide in California are stark. Race and income are the best predictors of whether you have access to the Internet in your neighborhood, how reliable it is and what you pay for it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The big picture:\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>“In many cases, I would say that discrimination is often not per se the intent. Maximizing profit and delivering value to shareholders is the intent,” Tracy Rosenberg of \u003ca href=\"https://media-alliance.org/2024/03/protecting-digital-discrimination-rules-in-the-8th-circuit/\">Media Alliance wrote\u003c/a>. The advocacy group is a party to the 8th Circuit proceeding where the FCC’s rules, which AB 2239 aims to align with at the state level, are being challenged.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Because of history, market conditions and existing societal divides, the intent of maximizing shareholder value leads inexorably to actions that exacerbate digital inequity,” Rosenberg added.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The opposing view:\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Contacted for comment, a spokeswoman for Charter Communications’ company, \u003ca href=\"https://policy.charter.com/charter-california-fact-sheet.pdf\">Spectrum\u003c/a>, responded that it is still reviewing the legislation but that “Spectrum Internet plans, download speeds and regular prices are not only exactly the same in \u003cem>every\u003c/em> ZIP code we serve in California but also across our entire 41-state service area.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"aside","attributes":{"named":{"postid":"news_11954197","hero":"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/230629-WiFi-Illo-AV-KQED-1020x765.jpg","label":""},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>AT&T, another major player in the state, referred KQED to Cal Chamber, which lobbies on behalf of the broadband industry. In a \u003ca href=\"https://ct3.blob.core.windows.net/23blobs/a72cc815-68b6-4ff2-9a4c-2922f3666233\">letter\u003c/a> to the Assembly Communications & Conveyance Committee, which is hearing AB 2239 on Tuesday, Cal Chamber argued, “We do not want to repeat the FCC’s mistakes in California, which would risk provoking costly litigation and delaying the deployment,” of ongoing universal connectivity programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The bottom line:\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>This early in the legislative session, it’s hard to anticipate whether the bill will survive or how its language might be changed in the coming months to mollify industry-backed critics or forestall lawsuits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Bonta said that if her bill becomes law, California will send a clear signal to the rest of the country to consider Internet connectivity as a social justice issue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}}],"link":"/news/11982394/new-bill-pushes-california-to-confront-digital-discrimination","authors":["251"],"categories":["news_8"],"tags":["news_18538","news_22447","news_33653","news_21405","news_27626","news_31079","news_29347","news_18","news_353","news_1631"],"featImg":"news_11887623","label":"news"},"news_11966417":{"type":"posts","id":"news_11966417","meta":{"index":"posts_1591205157","site":"news","id":"11966417","score":null,"sort":[1699192846000]},"guestAuthors":[],"slug":"community-college-professors-allege-new-diversity-policies-infringe-on-academic-freedom","title":"Community College Professors Allege New Diversity Policies Infringe on Academic Freedom","publishDate":1699192846,"format":"standard","headTitle":"Community College Professors Allege New Diversity Policies Infringe on Academic Freedom | KQED","labelTerm":{},"content":"\u003cp>Bill Blanken, a chemistry professor at Reedley College, said a new diversity and equity policy in California’s community colleges amounts to a “loyalty oath” and “compelled speech” that runs afoul of free speech and academic freedom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Blanken, along with five other tenured professors in State Center Community College District, are challenging new California Community College diversity policies that change the way employees are evaluated. A lawsuit, filed in August, describes the plaintiffs as critics of anti-racism and diversity, equity, inclusion and accessibility (DEIA) principles who are concerned that these stances could result in negative performance evaluations or even losing their jobs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We need legal protection,” Blanken said in an interview with EdSource on Oct. 12.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, the Board of Governors for the California Community Colleges adopted new regulations requiring local districts to evaluate employees, including faculty, on their competency in working with a diverse student population. Local districts were required to be in compliance last month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Blanken disagrees with the DEIA policy’s premise that racism is embedded in institutions, including California’s community colleges, or in disciplines such as chemistry, math and physics. He argues that these fields should be taught in a way that is race- and gender-neutral. That is at the crux of the lawsuit by the six plaintiffs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Jill Wagner, spokesperson, State Center Community College District\"]‘DEIA initiatives have sparked many important conversations spanning decades, and as this issue continues to evolve, efforts to address them will continue to be at the forefront.’[/pullquote]Filed by free speech advocacy group Foundation for Individual Rights and Expression (FIRE), \u003ca class=\"external\" href=\"https://www.thefire.org/news/lawsuit-fire-sues-stop-california-forcing-professors-teach-dei\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\" data-type=\"URL\" data-id=\"https://www.thefire.org/news/lawsuit-fire-sues-stop-california-forcing-professors-teach-dei\">the suit\u003c/a> names California Community College Chancellor Sonya Christian, the board of governors of the California Community Colleges as well as the chancellor and governing board of State Center Community College District.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A related suit, filed in June on behalf of Bakersfield College history professor Daymon Johnson, targets the chancellor and board of the Kern Community College District.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State Center Community College District, which serves Fresno and surrounding central San Joaquin Valley communities, is one of the first districts in the state to include these new diversity requirements in its \u003ca class=\"external\" href=\"https://www.scccd.edu/_uploaded-files/documents/scccd-scft-agreement-ft-2022-2025-05.9.23-accessible-copy.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">latest faculty contract (PDF)\u003c/a>. The district said in a statement that it will defend its implementation of the state’s DEIA regulations and its collaborative effort with the State Center Federation of Teachers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The District now and forever will be a welcoming place for a diverse population, with a commitment to access and inclusion,” wrote Jill Wagner, spokesperson for State Center Community College District. “DEIA initiatives have sparked many important conversations spanning decades, and as this issue continues to evolve, efforts to address them will continue to be at the forefront.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The district’s new evaluation process requires instructional faculty to demonstrate “teaching and learning practices that reflect DEIA and anti-racist principles,” in addition to a written self-evaluation on the faculty’s “understanding” of DEIA competencies and “anti-racist principles,” with the goal of improving “equitable student outcomes and course completion.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>How these principles will play out in the next rounds of evaluation is still uncertain. Blanken said he has not received guidance from his department. A September memo by State Center’s human resources department noted that the district and academic senate have yet to develop uniform training guidelines for evaluations, and that meanwhile, “evaluatees should, in good faith, review the language in the contract and do their best to speak to how they have demonstrated or shown progress toward practices that embrace the DEIA principles.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Daniel Ortner, the FIRE attorney representing the State Center professors said, “That’s not good enough when free speech is on the line.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ortner added that broad, undefined regulations could have a “chilling effect” on speech in the classroom. Plaintiffs are particularly concerned about a \u003ca class=\"external\" href=\"https://www.asccc.org/sites/default/files/CCC_DEI-in-Curriculum_Model_Principles_and_Practices_June_2022.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">framework released by the California Community College Curriculum Committee (PDF)\u003c/a> that warns professors not to “‘weaponize’ academic freedom and academic integrity in an academic discipline or inflict curricular trauma” on historically marginalized students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the suit, plaintiffs said they have changed the way they teach their classes this semester because of the new DEIA policies. Loren Palsgaard, English professor at Madera Community College, said he will no longer assign texts that contain racial slurs, including Martin Luther King Jr.’s “Letter from Birmingham Jail” and works by William Faulkner and Flannery O’Connor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A response filed on Oct. 2 by California Attorney General Rob Bonta, on behalf of the chancellor and the board of governors challenges the claim the DEIA policies bar professors from using these texts, adding that this framework is not binding and only provides a reference for college districts creating their own DEIA policies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The guidance “expresses competencies the Chancellor’s Office endorses, but does not require,” wrote Melissa Villarin, spokesperson for the state Chancellor’s Office. “The regulations do not impose penalties on district employees. They are intended to contribute to employee professional development.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Erwin Chemerinsky, dean of the UC Berkeley School of Law, said that it is well within a college’s rights to not only prescribe the curriculum for courses but to insist that faculty be sensitive to teaching a diverse student body. He added, however, that schools cannot require that faculty espouse a particular viewpoint in their teaching.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The question is whether this is more the former than the latter,” Chemerinsky wrote in an email to EdSource, adding that he believes the government has a strong argument that this is within its realm of prescribing a curriculum.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is hard to say on this record that the First Amendment has been violated,” Chemerisky wrote. “It would be different if a teacher was being disciplined and bringing a challenge.” None of the plaintiffs in the suits has been disciplined.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Daniel Ortner, FIRE attorney representing State Center professors\"]‘A lot of colleges have anti-discrimination protections that make students feel welcome, such as tutoring, mentoring. There are a lot of things that you can do that don’t impinge on free speech.’[/pullquote]A separate \u003ca class=\"external\" href=\"https://www.ifs.org/cases/johnson-v-watkin/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\" data-type=\"URL\" data-id=\"https://www.ifs.org/cases/johnson-v-watkin/\">suit\u003c/a>, filed by the Institute for Free Speech on behalf of Bakersfield College professor Daymon Johnson, points to the firing of Matthew Garrett, a professor who had been critical of DEIA initiatives. Garrett was not subject to new DEIA policies affecting faculty evaluations. However, Johnson’s suit claims that he worries that he, too, could lose his job, because he shares many of the same conservative values and anti-DEIA stances as Garrett.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Kern Community College District said in a statement that Garrett was not terminated because of his opinions on DEIA or other free speech issues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Matthew Garrett was terminated after a lengthy and detailed examination of his disciplinary violations at Bakersfield College,” said district spokesperson Norma Rojas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Plaintiffs in both suits have asked the court for a preliminary injunction that would prevent the California Community Colleges’ DEIA policy — as well as State Center Community College District’s faculty contract — from going into immediate effect. The request remains pending in federal court, and no hearing date is currently set.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ortner said he is not aware of any other lawsuits from California’s 116 community colleges that are targeting the new DEIA policies, but he’s keeping his eye on the issue statewide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of colleges have anti-discrimination protections that make students feel welcome, such as tutoring, mentoring. There are a lot of things that you can do that don’t impinge on free speech,” Ortner said. “California colleges are much more aggressive and forward in advocating for these principles.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://edsource.org/2023/community-college-professors-allege-new-diversity-policies-infringe-on-academic-freedom/699920\">This story originally appeared in EdSource.\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n","blocks":[],"excerpt":" A lawsuit, filed in August, describes the plaintiffs as critics of anti-racism and diversity, equity, inclusion and accessibility (DEIA) principles who are concerned that these stances could result in negative performance evaluations or even losing their jobs.","status":"publish","parent":0,"modified":1705885162,"stats":{"hasAudio":false,"hasVideo":false,"hasChartOrMap":false,"iframeSrcs":[],"hasGoogleForm":false,"hasGallery":false,"hasHearkenModule":false,"hasPolis":false,"paragraphCount":28,"wordCount":1353},"headData":{"title":"Community College Professors Allege New Diversity Policies Infringe on Academic Freedom | KQED","description":" A lawsuit, filed in August, describes the plaintiffs as critics of anti-racism and diversity, equity, inclusion and accessibility (DEIA) principles who are concerned that these stances could result in negative performance evaluations or even losing their jobs.","ogTitle":"","ogDescription":"","ogImgId":"","twTitle":"","twDescription":"","twImgId":"","schema":{"@context":"http://schema.org","@type":"NewsArticle","headline":"Community College Professors Allege New Diversity Policies Infringe on Academic Freedom","datePublished":"2023-11-05T14:00:46.000Z","dateModified":"2024-01-22T00:59:22.000Z","image":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png","isAccessibleForFree":"Y","publisher":{"@type":"NewsMediaOrganization","@id":"https://www.kqed.org/#organization","name":"KQED","url":"https://www.kqed.org","logo":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png"}}},"source":"edsource","sourceUrl":"https://edsource.org/","sticky":false,"nprByline":"\u003ca href=\"https://edsource.org/author/egallegos\">Emma Gallegos\u003c/a>","excludeFromSiteSearch":"Include","showOnAuthorArchivePages":"No","articleAge":"0","path":"/news/11966417/community-college-professors-allege-new-diversity-policies-infringe-on-academic-freedom","audioTrackLength":null,"parsedContent":[{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Bill Blanken, a chemistry professor at Reedley College, said a new diversity and equity policy in California’s community colleges amounts to a “loyalty oath” and “compelled speech” that runs afoul of free speech and academic freedom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Blanken, along with five other tenured professors in State Center Community College District, are challenging new California Community College diversity policies that change the way employees are evaluated. A lawsuit, filed in August, describes the plaintiffs as critics of anti-racism and diversity, equity, inclusion and accessibility (DEIA) principles who are concerned that these stances could result in negative performance evaluations or even losing their jobs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We need legal protection,” Blanken said in an interview with EdSource on Oct. 12.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, the Board of Governors for the California Community Colleges adopted new regulations requiring local districts to evaluate employees, including faculty, on their competency in working with a diverse student population. Local districts were required to be in compliance last month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Blanken disagrees with the DEIA policy’s premise that racism is embedded in institutions, including California’s community colleges, or in disciplines such as chemistry, math and physics. He argues that these fields should be taught in a way that is race- and gender-neutral. That is at the crux of the lawsuit by the six plaintiffs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"‘DEIA initiatives have sparked many important conversations spanning decades, and as this issue continues to evolve, efforts to address them will continue to be at the forefront.’","name":"pullquote","attributes":{"named":{"align":"right","size":"medium","citation":"Jill Wagner, spokesperson, State Center Community College District","label":""},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Filed by free speech advocacy group Foundation for Individual Rights and Expression (FIRE), \u003ca class=\"external\" href=\"https://www.thefire.org/news/lawsuit-fire-sues-stop-california-forcing-professors-teach-dei\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\" data-type=\"URL\" data-id=\"https://www.thefire.org/news/lawsuit-fire-sues-stop-california-forcing-professors-teach-dei\">the suit\u003c/a> names California Community College Chancellor Sonya Christian, the board of governors of the California Community Colleges as well as the chancellor and governing board of State Center Community College District.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A related suit, filed in June on behalf of Bakersfield College history professor Daymon Johnson, targets the chancellor and board of the Kern Community College District.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State Center Community College District, which serves Fresno and surrounding central San Joaquin Valley communities, is one of the first districts in the state to include these new diversity requirements in its \u003ca class=\"external\" href=\"https://www.scccd.edu/_uploaded-files/documents/scccd-scft-agreement-ft-2022-2025-05.9.23-accessible-copy.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">latest faculty contract (PDF)\u003c/a>. The district said in a statement that it will defend its implementation of the state’s DEIA regulations and its collaborative effort with the State Center Federation of Teachers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The District now and forever will be a welcoming place for a diverse population, with a commitment to access and inclusion,” wrote Jill Wagner, spokesperson for State Center Community College District. “DEIA initiatives have sparked many important conversations spanning decades, and as this issue continues to evolve, efforts to address them will continue to be at the forefront.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The district’s new evaluation process requires instructional faculty to demonstrate “teaching and learning practices that reflect DEIA and anti-racist principles,” in addition to a written self-evaluation on the faculty’s “understanding” of DEIA competencies and “anti-racist principles,” with the goal of improving “equitable student outcomes and course completion.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>How these principles will play out in the next rounds of evaluation is still uncertain. Blanken said he has not received guidance from his department. A September memo by State Center’s human resources department noted that the district and academic senate have yet to develop uniform training guidelines for evaluations, and that meanwhile, “evaluatees should, in good faith, review the language in the contract and do their best to speak to how they have demonstrated or shown progress toward practices that embrace the DEIA principles.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"fullwidth"},"numeric":["fullwidth"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Daniel Ortner, the FIRE attorney representing the State Center professors said, “That’s not good enough when free speech is on the line.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ortner added that broad, undefined regulations could have a “chilling effect” on speech in the classroom. Plaintiffs are particularly concerned about a \u003ca class=\"external\" href=\"https://www.asccc.org/sites/default/files/CCC_DEI-in-Curriculum_Model_Principles_and_Practices_June_2022.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">framework released by the California Community College Curriculum Committee (PDF)\u003c/a> that warns professors not to “‘weaponize’ academic freedom and academic integrity in an academic discipline or inflict curricular trauma” on historically marginalized students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the suit, plaintiffs said they have changed the way they teach their classes this semester because of the new DEIA policies. Loren Palsgaard, English professor at Madera Community College, said he will no longer assign texts that contain racial slurs, including Martin Luther King Jr.’s “Letter from Birmingham Jail” and works by William Faulkner and Flannery O’Connor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A response filed on Oct. 2 by California Attorney General Rob Bonta, on behalf of the chancellor and the board of governors challenges the claim the DEIA policies bar professors from using these texts, adding that this framework is not binding and only provides a reference for college districts creating their own DEIA policies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The guidance “expresses competencies the Chancellor’s Office endorses, but does not require,” wrote Melissa Villarin, spokesperson for the state Chancellor’s Office. “The regulations do not impose penalties on district employees. They are intended to contribute to employee professional development.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Erwin Chemerinsky, dean of the UC Berkeley School of Law, said that it is well within a college’s rights to not only prescribe the curriculum for courses but to insist that faculty be sensitive to teaching a diverse student body. He added, however, that schools cannot require that faculty espouse a particular viewpoint in their teaching.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The question is whether this is more the former than the latter,” Chemerinsky wrote in an email to EdSource, adding that he believes the government has a strong argument that this is within its realm of prescribing a curriculum.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is hard to say on this record that the First Amendment has been violated,” Chemerisky wrote. “It would be different if a teacher was being disciplined and bringing a challenge.” None of the plaintiffs in the suits has been disciplined.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"‘A lot of colleges have anti-discrimination protections that make students feel welcome, such as tutoring, mentoring. There are a lot of things that you can do that don’t impinge on free speech.’","name":"pullquote","attributes":{"named":{"align":"right","size":"medium","citation":"Daniel Ortner, FIRE attorney representing State Center professors","label":""},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>A separate \u003ca class=\"external\" href=\"https://www.ifs.org/cases/johnson-v-watkin/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\" data-type=\"URL\" data-id=\"https://www.ifs.org/cases/johnson-v-watkin/\">suit\u003c/a>, filed by the Institute for Free Speech on behalf of Bakersfield College professor Daymon Johnson, points to the firing of Matthew Garrett, a professor who had been critical of DEIA initiatives. Garrett was not subject to new DEIA policies affecting faculty evaluations. However, Johnson’s suit claims that he worries that he, too, could lose his job, because he shares many of the same conservative values and anti-DEIA stances as Garrett.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Kern Community College District said in a statement that Garrett was not terminated because of his opinions on DEIA or other free speech issues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Matthew Garrett was terminated after a lengthy and detailed examination of his disciplinary violations at Bakersfield College,” said district spokesperson Norma Rojas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Plaintiffs in both suits have asked the court for a preliminary injunction that would prevent the California Community Colleges’ DEIA policy — as well as State Center Community College District’s faculty contract — from going into immediate effect. The request remains pending in federal court, and no hearing date is currently set.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ortner said he is not aware of any other lawsuits from California’s 116 community colleges that are targeting the new DEIA policies, but he’s keeping his eye on the issue statewide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of colleges have anti-discrimination protections that make students feel welcome, such as tutoring, mentoring. There are a lot of things that you can do that don’t impinge on free speech,” Ortner said. “California colleges are much more aggressive and forward in advocating for these principles.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://edsource.org/2023/community-college-professors-allege-new-diversity-policies-infringe-on-academic-freedom/699920\">This story originally appeared in EdSource.\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"floatright"},"numeric":["floatright"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}}],"link":"/news/11966417/community-college-professors-allege-new-diversity-policies-infringe-on-academic-freedom","authors":["byline_news_11966417"],"categories":["news_18540","news_8"],"tags":["news_33446","news_25365","news_32395","news_33447","news_20013","news_21405","news_23960","news_18797","news_19970"],"featImg":"news_11966418","label":"source_news_11966417"},"news_11953735":{"type":"posts","id":"news_11953735","meta":{"index":"posts_1591205157","site":"news","id":"11953735","score":null,"sort":[1687464742000]},"guestAuthors":[],"slug":"task-force-says-california-textbooks-should-reflect-states-diversity","title":"Task Force Says California Textbooks Should Reflect State's Diversity","publishDate":1687464742,"format":"standard","headTitle":"Task Force Says California Textbooks Should Reflect State’s Diversity | KQED","labelTerm":{},"content":"\u003cp>State Superintendent of Public Instruction Tony Thurmond and legislators on a new \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11953121/reparations-task-force-can-greater-educational-investment-close-californias-racial-achievement-gap\">task force\u003c/a> on inclusive education extracted commitments Wednesday from publishers and vowed more oversight with potential penalties on school boards that resist state policies on inclusive materials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The task force’s news conference and legislative hearing served as a warning to textbook companies not to retreat under pressure from giving students access to frank and positive portrayals of California’s diverse population — or risk hundreds of millions of dollars in contracts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Many of our textbooks haven’t kept up with that diversity. This is a chance to diversify those narratives,” Thurmond said. “This is all happening against the backdrop of where you have governors in other states literally trying to strip out any representation about race, about the experience of LGBTQ+ students, students with disabilities. California’s going in the other direction.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The session also coincided with heated confrontations this month in some California districts — \u003ca href=\"https://www.dailynews.com/2023/06/20/protests-over-lgbtq-issues-bring-drama-to-glendale-school-board-meeting/?utm_email=549A44C674A504FEC5E3F564EF&lctg=549A44C674A504FEC5E3F564EF&active=yesD&utm_source=listrak&utm_medium=email&utm_term=Story+Button&utm_campaign=scng-ladn-breaking-news&utm_content=alert\">arguments in Glendale Unified\u003c/a> over support of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/pride\">Pride month\u003c/a>, and an investigation by the California Department of Education and Attorney General Rob Bonta into the \u003ca href=\"https://edsource.org/%202023/temecula-valley-school-board-fires-superintendent-jodi-mcclay-as-protests-erupt-outside/692340\">Temecula Valley Unified board’s rejection\u003c/a> of a curriculum recommended by a committee of teachers and parents because it mentioned gay activist and leader Harvey Milk.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This week, \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240AB1352\">Assemblymember Mia Bonta, D-Oakland, introduced a bill\u003c/a> that would add teeth to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.cde.ca.gov/ci/cr/cf/senatebill48faq.asp\">FAIR Education Act\u003c/a>, a 2011 law that requires textbooks to include the contributions of racial and ethnic groups and LGBTQ+ people while prohibiting their negative portrayals. Along with expressly prohibiting a school board from contradicting state laws requiring “inclusive policies, practices, and curriculum,” it would authorize a school board to censure and, by a two-thirds vote, oust a member who tried to do so. Bonta’s spouse is the state attorney general.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thurmond announced the membership of the 10-member task force, co-chaired with Sen. Monique Limon, D-Santa Barbara, with all Democratic legislators, this week. Although the first session focused on school textbooks, Thurmond said the task force would be a source of ideas for developing and advocating for legislation on inclusive practices.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They include \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240AB5\">AB 5\u003c/a>, by task force member Rick Chavez Zbur, an Assemblymember from Santa Monica, and \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240AB1078\">AB 1078\u003c/a>, by task force member Corey Jackson, an assemblymember from Perris.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AB 5, backed by the California Teachers Association, would develop training in LGBTQ cultural competency for teachers and administrators.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Assemblymember Rick Chavez Zbur (D-Santa Monica)\"]‘Representation is crucial for youth who may feel that they are all alone.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AB 1078 originally called for school districts to seek state board approval before banning a book from schools or school libraries or seeking to not teach a required curriculum. As currently amended, it would only require the California Department of Education to guide districts and charter schools on how to conduct conversations about race and gender, and how to review instructional materials to ensure they are culturally relevant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thurmond, task force members and speakers Wednesday said they’d favor more oversight state of school districts to prevent actions like that of the Temecula Valley Unified board.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our students have been asking for the right to not be bullied because they’re LGBTQ+ students. They have been bullied by adults simply for raising their voices for what they believe. There is legislation that will address the actions of these school boards,” said Thurmond. One would impose a fee for any district that bans a book, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11953770\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1280px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"wp-image-11953770 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/Thurmond.jpg\" alt=\"A Black man in a navy business suit, gray tie and white shirt is sitting at a table with a notepad and pen in front of him speaking with his hands extending out. He has a serious face.\" width=\"1280\" height=\"851\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/Thurmond.jpg 1280w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/Thurmond-800x532.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/Thurmond-1020x678.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/Thurmond-160x106.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1280px) 100vw, 1280px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">State Superintendent of Public Instruction Tony Thurmond, along with the support of a newly formed task force meant to monitor textbooks for inclusivity and diversity, said students should have access to frank and positive portrayals of California’s diverse population. He warned of potential penalties on school boards that resist state policies on such materials. \u003ccite>(Liz Hafalia/The San Francisco Chronicle via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Oversight of curriculum implementation is critical to ensure that all students are seen, respected and valued,” Zbur said. “Representation is crucial for youth who may feel that they are all alone.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When districts try to censor history, hold them accountable,” said Don Romesburg, a professor of gender studies and history at Sonoma State. “I know this is a local-control state, and that is wonderful, but that shouldn’t allow ideologues to run roughshod over law, policy and processes based in careful deliberation, public input and scholarship-based evidence.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thurmond used the session both to explain why diverse students benefit when they see themselves in instructional materials and to wheedle pledges for inclusivity from the four textbook companies that attended.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Don Romesburg, professor of gender studies and history, Sonoma State\"]‘When districts try to censor history, hold them accountable.’[/pullquote]“Inclusive education is more than ‘woke education,’ as some have called it. Inclusive education helps our students to have academic success, social success, and to be able to contribute to their communities,” Thurmond said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A former school board member, Limon said she learned about the Chumash Indians only as an adult.\u003cstrong> “\u003c/strong>Never once did I have access to material, to literature, to content that was reflective of the Native people of the place that I was born and grew up in,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For more than two decades, California history and social studies standards have required attention to the stories, cultures and accurate histories of California’s diverse racial and ethnic groups. The curriculum frameworks that the state board adopted fleshed out the standards grade by grade with samples of lessons.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They provided guidance for publishers to write textbooks, which were then reviewed in a state adoption process. The state’s voluntary model ethnic studies curriculum, the basis for a mandatory course in high school, starting in 2025–26, concentrates on four groups of people: African Americans, Asian Americans, Hispanic Americans and Native Americans.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Chris Nellum, executive director, Education Trust-West\"]‘As Californians, often we’re too quick to sing our praises. The truth is, the evidence tells us inclusivity in our curriculum is already lacking.’[/pullquote]But those who testified said there are inadequate instructional materials that open windows into the lives of diverse populations and mirror most students’ experiences.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As Californians, often we’re too quick to sing our praises,” said Chris Nellum, executive director of the nonprofit Education Trust-West, which advocates for racially diverse groups of students. “The truth is, the evidence tells us inclusivity in our curriculum is already lacking.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thurmond said: “We have a wonderfully diverse student body in California, and many of our textbooks haven’t kept up with that diversity. This is a chance to diversify those narratives.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Pressures and risks for publishers\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Thurmond asked those at the hearing to applaud representatives from the four textbook publishers that attended the hearing — and indicated that many others declined the invitation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The companies were only given a minute for statements, and then to respond to Thurmond’s and others’ often leading questions to recognize that they have a financial stake in creating content that honors the state’s diverse student population, where students of color make up two-thirds of enrollment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The question is,” said Thurmond, “do you believe it is in your financial best interest? These efforts that you’re talking about, do they contribute to a financial benefit to your company — and if they haven’t, do you think that they could?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And then, he asked, “Are you willing to continue working with this task force? Are you willing to come up with some thoughts on what we might do for those publishers who aren’t here? Yes, no, maybe? OK, I got a thumbs up.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All the representatives affirmed that they include a diversity of voices and perspectives in their textbooks and take inclusivity seriously. While demurring on Thurmond’s question on how much revenue comes from California, they said they would not bend to pressure from other states and districts to change their focus on equity.[aside postID=news_11953666 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS48915_016_SanFrancisco_CCSFRally_05062021-qut-1020x679.jpeg']Jackson implied that the state should use the leverage of state funding to see that districts comply with the state’s recommendations. “If we can’t get commitments from publishers, I can almost guarantee you that there will be a bill to ensure that California doesn’t spend a dime when it comes to purchasing those textbooks.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>John McCurdy, CEO of Studies Weekly, which produces social studies, science and health materials, said, “It doesn’t happen often but on occasion, we have lost business across the country because people know we support the FAIR Act in California. As I said, we are committed to it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gregory Walker, senior vice president of The College Board, which administers AP courses and produces course content through its subsidiary SpringBoard, alluded to \u003ca href=\"https://www.edweek.org/teaching-learning/college-board-says-it-wont-edit-ap-courses-despite-pressure-from-states/2023/06?utm_source=nl&utm_medium=eml&utm_campaign=cm&M=7065869&UUID=eb9063a251a19af76d00b3069f4a4723&T=9436603\">its response this week to attacks by the state of Florida\u003c/a> for the inclusion of gender identity in its AP Psychology course. “Students who want to become a psychologist need to study that content,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have made hard decisions at The College Board to do what is right for content, curriculum, and for students for their futures,” he said. “And if that means a reduction in market share or revenue, we are OK with that decision because that is the right decision for students.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m going to tweet that,” Thurmond said. “That’s a perfect statement.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">This story originally appeared in \u003ca href=\"https://edsource.org/2023/state-supt-tony-thurmond-elicits-publishers-pledges-for-more-inclusive-textbooks/692818\">EdSource\u003c/a>.\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n","blocks":[],"excerpt":"State Superintendent Tony Thurmond is pushing legislation to rein in defiant districts — and oversee the adoption of textbooks reflecting diverse narratives.","status":"publish","parent":0,"modified":1687538942,"stats":{"hasAudio":false,"hasVideo":false,"hasChartOrMap":false,"iframeSrcs":[],"hasGoogleForm":false,"hasGallery":false,"hasHearkenModule":false,"hasPolis":false,"paragraphCount":32,"wordCount":1685},"headData":{"title":"Task Force Says California Textbooks Should Reflect State's Diversity | KQED","description":"State Superintendent Tony Thurmond is pushing legislation to rein in defiant districts — and oversee the adoption of textbooks reflecting diverse narratives.","ogTitle":"","ogDescription":"","ogImgId":"","twTitle":"","twDescription":"","twImgId":"","schema":{"@context":"http://schema.org","@type":"NewsArticle","headline":"Task Force Says California Textbooks Should Reflect State's Diversity","datePublished":"2023-06-22T20:12:22.000Z","dateModified":"2023-06-23T16:49:02.000Z","image":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png","isAccessibleForFree":"Y","publisher":{"@type":"NewsMediaOrganization","@id":"https://www.kqed.org/#organization","name":"KQED","url":"https://www.kqed.org","logo":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png"}}},"source":"EDSOURCE","nprByline":"\u003ca href=\"https://edsource.org/author/jfensterwald\">John Fensterwald\u003c/a>","excludeFromSiteSearch":"Include","showOnAuthorArchivePages":"No","articleAge":"0","path":"/news/11953735/task-force-says-california-textbooks-should-reflect-states-diversity","audioTrackLength":null,"parsedContent":[{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>State Superintendent of Public Instruction Tony Thurmond and legislators on a new \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11953121/reparations-task-force-can-greater-educational-investment-close-californias-racial-achievement-gap\">task force\u003c/a> on inclusive education extracted commitments Wednesday from publishers and vowed more oversight with potential penalties on school boards that resist state policies on inclusive materials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The task force’s news conference and legislative hearing served as a warning to textbook companies not to retreat under pressure from giving students access to frank and positive portrayals of California’s diverse population — or risk hundreds of millions of dollars in contracts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Many of our textbooks haven’t kept up with that diversity. This is a chance to diversify those narratives,” Thurmond said. “This is all happening against the backdrop of where you have governors in other states literally trying to strip out any representation about race, about the experience of LGBTQ+ students, students with disabilities. California’s going in the other direction.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"fullwidth"},"numeric":["fullwidth"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The session also coincided with heated confrontations this month in some California districts — \u003ca href=\"https://www.dailynews.com/2023/06/20/protests-over-lgbtq-issues-bring-drama-to-glendale-school-board-meeting/?utm_email=549A44C674A504FEC5E3F564EF&lctg=549A44C674A504FEC5E3F564EF&active=yesD&utm_source=listrak&utm_medium=email&utm_term=Story+Button&utm_campaign=scng-ladn-breaking-news&utm_content=alert\">arguments in Glendale Unified\u003c/a> over support of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/pride\">Pride month\u003c/a>, and an investigation by the California Department of Education and Attorney General Rob Bonta into the \u003ca href=\"https://edsource.org/%202023/temecula-valley-school-board-fires-superintendent-jodi-mcclay-as-protests-erupt-outside/692340\">Temecula Valley Unified board’s rejection\u003c/a> of a curriculum recommended by a committee of teachers and parents because it mentioned gay activist and leader Harvey Milk.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This week, \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240AB1352\">Assemblymember Mia Bonta, D-Oakland, introduced a bill\u003c/a> that would add teeth to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.cde.ca.gov/ci/cr/cf/senatebill48faq.asp\">FAIR Education Act\u003c/a>, a 2011 law that requires textbooks to include the contributions of racial and ethnic groups and LGBTQ+ people while prohibiting their negative portrayals. Along with expressly prohibiting a school board from contradicting state laws requiring “inclusive policies, practices, and curriculum,” it would authorize a school board to censure and, by a two-thirds vote, oust a member who tried to do so. Bonta’s spouse is the state attorney general.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thurmond announced the membership of the 10-member task force, co-chaired with Sen. Monique Limon, D-Santa Barbara, with all Democratic legislators, this week. Although the first session focused on school textbooks, Thurmond said the task force would be a source of ideas for developing and advocating for legislation on inclusive practices.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They include \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240AB5\">AB 5\u003c/a>, by task force member Rick Chavez Zbur, an Assemblymember from Santa Monica, and \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240AB1078\">AB 1078\u003c/a>, by task force member Corey Jackson, an assemblymember from Perris.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AB 5, backed by the California Teachers Association, would develop training in LGBTQ cultural competency for teachers and administrators.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"‘Representation is crucial for youth who may feel that they are all alone.’","name":"pullquote","attributes":{"named":{"size":"medium","align":"right","citation":"Assemblymember Rick Chavez Zbur (D-Santa Monica)","label":""},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AB 1078 originally called for school districts to seek state board approval before banning a book from schools or school libraries or seeking to not teach a required curriculum. As currently amended, it would only require the California Department of Education to guide districts and charter schools on how to conduct conversations about race and gender, and how to review instructional materials to ensure they are culturally relevant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thurmond, task force members and speakers Wednesday said they’d favor more oversight state of school districts to prevent actions like that of the Temecula Valley Unified board.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our students have been asking for the right to not be bullied because they’re LGBTQ+ students. They have been bullied by adults simply for raising their voices for what they believe. There is legislation that will address the actions of these school boards,” said Thurmond. One would impose a fee for any district that bans a book, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11953770\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1280px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"wp-image-11953770 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/Thurmond.jpg\" alt=\"A Black man in a navy business suit, gray tie and white shirt is sitting at a table with a notepad and pen in front of him speaking with his hands extending out. He has a serious face.\" width=\"1280\" height=\"851\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/Thurmond.jpg 1280w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/Thurmond-800x532.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/Thurmond-1020x678.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/Thurmond-160x106.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1280px) 100vw, 1280px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">State Superintendent of Public Instruction Tony Thurmond, along with the support of a newly formed task force meant to monitor textbooks for inclusivity and diversity, said students should have access to frank and positive portrayals of California’s diverse population. He warned of potential penalties on school boards that resist state policies on such materials. \u003ccite>(Liz Hafalia/The San Francisco Chronicle via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Oversight of curriculum implementation is critical to ensure that all students are seen, respected and valued,” Zbur said. “Representation is crucial for youth who may feel that they are all alone.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When districts try to censor history, hold them accountable,” said Don Romesburg, a professor of gender studies and history at Sonoma State. “I know this is a local-control state, and that is wonderful, but that shouldn’t allow ideologues to run roughshod over law, policy and processes based in careful deliberation, public input and scholarship-based evidence.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thurmond used the session both to explain why diverse students benefit when they see themselves in instructional materials and to wheedle pledges for inclusivity from the four textbook companies that attended.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"‘When districts try to censor history, hold them accountable.’","name":"pullquote","attributes":{"named":{"size":"medium","align":"right","citation":"Don Romesburg, professor of gender studies and history, Sonoma State","label":""},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“Inclusive education is more than ‘woke education,’ as some have called it. Inclusive education helps our students to have academic success, social success, and to be able to contribute to their communities,” Thurmond said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A former school board member, Limon said she learned about the Chumash Indians only as an adult.\u003cstrong> “\u003c/strong>Never once did I have access to material, to literature, to content that was reflective of the Native people of the place that I was born and grew up in,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For more than two decades, California history and social studies standards have required attention to the stories, cultures and accurate histories of California’s diverse racial and ethnic groups. The curriculum frameworks that the state board adopted fleshed out the standards grade by grade with samples of lessons.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They provided guidance for publishers to write textbooks, which were then reviewed in a state adoption process. The state’s voluntary model ethnic studies curriculum, the basis for a mandatory course in high school, starting in 2025–26, concentrates on four groups of people: African Americans, Asian Americans, Hispanic Americans and Native Americans.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"‘As Californians, often we’re too quick to sing our praises. The truth is, the evidence tells us inclusivity in our curriculum is already lacking.’","name":"pullquote","attributes":{"named":{"size":"medium","align":"right","citation":"Chris Nellum, executive director, Education Trust-West","label":""},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>But those who testified said there are inadequate instructional materials that open windows into the lives of diverse populations and mirror most students’ experiences.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As Californians, often we’re too quick to sing our praises,” said Chris Nellum, executive director of the nonprofit Education Trust-West, which advocates for racially diverse groups of students. “The truth is, the evidence tells us inclusivity in our curriculum is already lacking.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thurmond said: “We have a wonderfully diverse student body in California, and many of our textbooks haven’t kept up with that diversity. This is a chance to diversify those narratives.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Pressures and risks for publishers\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Thurmond asked those at the hearing to applaud representatives from the four textbook publishers that attended the hearing — and indicated that many others declined the invitation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The companies were only given a minute for statements, and then to respond to Thurmond’s and others’ often leading questions to recognize that they have a financial stake in creating content that honors the state’s diverse student population, where students of color make up two-thirds of enrollment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The question is,” said Thurmond, “do you believe it is in your financial best interest? These efforts that you’re talking about, do they contribute to a financial benefit to your company — and if they haven’t, do you think that they could?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And then, he asked, “Are you willing to continue working with this task force? Are you willing to come up with some thoughts on what we might do for those publishers who aren’t here? Yes, no, maybe? OK, I got a thumbs up.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All the representatives affirmed that they include a diversity of voices and perspectives in their textbooks and take inclusivity seriously. While demurring on Thurmond’s question on how much revenue comes from California, they said they would not bend to pressure from other states and districts to change their focus on equity.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"aside","attributes":{"named":{"postid":"news_11953666","hero":"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS48915_016_SanFrancisco_CCSFRally_05062021-qut-1020x679.jpeg","label":""},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Jackson implied that the state should use the leverage of state funding to see that districts comply with the state’s recommendations. “If we can’t get commitments from publishers, I can almost guarantee you that there will be a bill to ensure that California doesn’t spend a dime when it comes to purchasing those textbooks.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>John McCurdy, CEO of Studies Weekly, which produces social studies, science and health materials, said, “It doesn’t happen often but on occasion, we have lost business across the country because people know we support the FAIR Act in California. As I said, we are committed to it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gregory Walker, senior vice president of The College Board, which administers AP courses and produces course content through its subsidiary SpringBoard, alluded to \u003ca href=\"https://www.edweek.org/teaching-learning/college-board-says-it-wont-edit-ap-courses-despite-pressure-from-states/2023/06?utm_source=nl&utm_medium=eml&utm_campaign=cm&M=7065869&UUID=eb9063a251a19af76d00b3069f4a4723&T=9436603\">its response this week to attacks by the state of Florida\u003c/a> for the inclusion of gender identity in its AP Psychology course. “Students who want to become a psychologist need to study that content,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have made hard decisions at The College Board to do what is right for content, curriculum, and for students for their futures,” he said. “And if that means a reduction in market share or revenue, we are OK with that decision because that is the right decision for students.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m going to tweet that,” Thurmond said. “That’s a perfect statement.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">This story originally appeared in \u003ca href=\"https://edsource.org/2023/state-supt-tony-thurmond-elicits-publishers-pledges-for-more-inclusive-textbooks/692818\">EdSource\u003c/a>.\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"floatright"},"numeric":["floatright"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}}],"link":"/news/11953735/task-force-says-california-textbooks-should-reflect-states-diversity","authors":["byline_news_11953735"],"categories":["news_18540","news_8"],"tags":["news_23778","news_25612","news_31933","news_17687","news_20013","news_30211","news_21405","news_1664","news_3674"],"featImg":"news_11953771","label":"source_news_11953735"},"news_11930432":{"type":"posts","id":"news_11930432","meta":{"index":"posts_1591205157","site":"news","id":"11930432","score":null,"sort":[1666992371000]},"guestAuthors":[],"slug":"new-california-law-targets-inequity-in-cancer-care-some-say-it-doesnt-go-far-enough","title":"New California Law Targets Inequity in Cancer Care. Some Say It Doesn't Go Far Enough","publishDate":1666992371,"format":"standard","headTitle":"CALmatters | KQED News","labelTerm":{"term":18481,"site":"news"},"content":"\u003cp>Cancer is the second-leading cause of death in California, behind only heart disease. This year alone, the state will tally an estimated \u003ca href=\"https://cancerstatisticscenter.cancer.org/#!/state/California\">189,000 new cancer cases\u003c/a> and close to 61,000 deaths.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yet while patients often need specialists, treatments and the chance to participate in clinical trials, that access is not equitable throughout the state. It typically depends on where patients live, and sometimes on their health insurance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cancer patients with lower incomes — and especially those in rural places — \u003ca href=\"https://www.cancer.gov/news-events/cancer-currents-blog/2020/persistent-poverty-increased-cancer-death-risk#:~:text=A%20new%20study%20by%20NCI,than%20people%20in%20other%20counties.\">tend to fare worse\u003c/a>. \u003ca href=\"https://escholarship.org/content/qt8xc078vj/qt8xc078vj_noSplash_451b26b4f066a1cfb27ba71f52096a73.pdf?t=nxk0lm\">Studies have shown (PDF)\u003c/a> that patients with Medi-Cal, the health insurance program for residents with lower incomes, are less likely to get the recommended treatment and have lower cancer survival rates compared to people with private insurance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This disparity is at the crux of a California bill recently signed into law by Gov. Gavin Newsom that supporters say will make it at least a little easier for Medi-Cal patients to access cancer subspecialists, treatments and clinical trials.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Linda Nguy, policy advocate, Western Center on Law and Poverty\"]'Actually requiring plans [to contract with cancer centers] — that would have brought some meat to the table. From our understanding, plans already make efforts to contract with as many providers as possible, but it comes down to a reimbursement issue.'[/pullquote]\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220SB987\">The new law\u003c/a>, which goes into effect in January, requires Medi-Cal insurance plans to “make a good faith effort” to contract with \u003ca href=\"https://www.cancer.gov/research/infrastructure/cancer-centers\">cancer centers recognized by the National Cancer Institute\u003c/a> — which often have access to the latest treatments — or other qualifying cancer centers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Authored by Democratic \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/legislator-tracker/anthony-portantino-1961/\">Sen. Anthony Portantino\u003c/a> of Glendale, it was originally drafted to mandate that Medi-Cal plans add at least one of these cancer centers to their provider networks, but negotiations resulted in a scaled-back version, only requiring health plans to \u003cem>try\u003c/em> to add a cancer center.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The law also requires Medi-Cal plans to notify enrollees with complex cancers about their right to request a referral to any of these centers, even if it’s out of their plan’s network. Whether a patient can be treated at one of these centers, however, depends on whether the plan and the out-of-network provider can hash out a payment deal. This referral notification, supporters say, is critical: Patients can’t ask for something they don’t know is an option.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters say that even if limited, this law will be an important step toward helping cancer patients with lower incomes get specialized care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think making incremental change has the ability to save lives and that’s what we’re trying to do here,” Portantino said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Too often patients from underserved communities arrive at these specialized cancer centers very late after their diagnoses, said Dr. Joseph Alvarnas, hematologist-oncologist and vice president of government affairs at \u003ca href=\"https://www.cityofhope.org/\">City of Hope\u003c/a>, one of eight California cancer centers with a National Cancer Institute designation, and a sponsor of the law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The conversation begins with, ‘If I could only have gotten here sooner,’ or ‘My family and I fought tooth-and-nail to get here,’” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alvarnas said that, historically, City of Hope used to see more Medi-Cal patients, but that changed as the state has largely moved its Medi-Cal program from a fee-for-service model (in which patients could see any provider who accepted Medi-Cal and the state paid providers for each service rendered) to managed care (considered a more cost-effective model, in which the state pays health insurance companies a fixed amount per enrollee).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In managed care, part of the way that model works is it includes narrower clinician networks and more limited hospital choices,” Alvarnas said. “If you have high blood pressure or you’ve got a condition that can be cared for by many types of doctors, that’s an OK model.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But when it comes to cancer care, your network of clinicians may not have an expert in leukemia or relapsed myeloma.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hospitals sometimes must send some of their sickest patients to cancer centers like City of Hope — as was the case for Patrick Nandy of Whittier. In 2008, during his senior year of college, he was diagnosed with acute lymphoblastic leukemia, a cancer of the blood and bone marrow that can progress very quickly. Nandy said that when oncologists at St. Jude Medical Center could no longer treat him, he was transferred to City of Hope, where he participated in a chemotherapy clinical trial and a cord blood stem cell transplant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think about how lucky I am,” Nandy said. “Doctors said two more weeks and I probably would have been gone.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These are the types of therapies that should be available to all patients with complex or aggressive cancers, but that’s not always the case, Alvarnas said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://escholarship.org/content/qt8xc078vj/qt8xc078vj_noSplash_451b26b4f066a1cfb27ba71f52096a73.pdf?t=nxk0lm\">2015 analysis by the University of California, Davis (PDF)\u003c/a> found worse outcomes for cancer patients with Medi-Cal compared to people with other types of insurance. Among some of the findings: Thirty-nine percent of breast cancer patients on Medi-Cal were diagnosed at an early stage compared to 61% of those who were privately insured.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The study also found Medi-Cal patients diagnosed with early stage lung cancer had a 48% five-year survival rate, lower than the 65% five-year survival rate for those with private insurance. Medi-Cal patients also were less likely to receive the necessary therapies or treatments for several cancer types.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The law will apply to people with rare or complex cancers, including advanced stage brain cancer, lung cancer, colorectal cancer, leukemia and lymphoma, among others, Alvarnas said. The sought- after treatment and research centers include City of Hope, University of California comprehensive cancer centers, the Stanford Cancer Institute, as well as a number of Kaiser Permanente sites and the Cedars-Sinai Cancer Institute.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the law as passed had no registered opposition, it was watered down during negotiations involving providers, health plans and the California Department of Health Care Services, which oversees the Medi-Cal program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/wp-content/uploads/2022/06/SB-987-Portantino-Author-OPPOSE-4.12.22.pdf\">Health insurance plans initially opposed Portantino’s bill (PDF)\u003c/a> because requiring plans to contract with centers, they warned, comes with new administrative hurdles that could disrupt or delay patient care.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Dr. Joseph Alvarnas, vice president of government affairs, City of Hope\"]'The state has worked very hard over the last decade to improve health care coverage. The issue, though, is there's a gulf between coverage and real access, because there is also a focus by the state to make sure that health care costs are somewhat controlled.'[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Linda Nguy, an advocate with the Western Center on Law and Poverty, said her organization withdrew its support after the bill was narrowed. “Actually requiring plans [to contract with cancer centers] — that would have brought some meat to the table,” Nguy said. “From our understanding, plans already make efforts to contract with as many providers as possible, but it comes down to a reimbursement issue.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Medi-Cal, which covers about a third of Californians, pays providers \u003ca href=\"https://www.urban.org/sites/default/files/publication/88836/2001180-medicaid-physician-fees-after-the-aca-primary-care-fee-bump_0.pdf\">a lower rate than other insurance types (PDF)\u003c/a>. While lower reimbursement rates make the program \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbpp.org/research/health/frequently-asked-questions-about-medicaid\">more cost-efficient\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.healthaffairs.org/do/10.1377/forefront.20190401.678690/full/\">low payments can deter providers\u003c/a> from participating in Medi-Cal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The debate over cancer care equity shows the complexities of achieving true access even in a state that has expanded insurance coverage to more people. California is scheduled to become the first state in the country to offer Medi-Cal coverage to all income-eligible people regardless of immigration status. Last week, Gov. Gavin Newsom’s office announced that \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2022/10/19/medi-cal-expansion-provided-286000-undocumented-californians-with-comprehensive-health-care/#:~:text=SACRAMENTO%20%E2%80%93%20Today%2C%20Governor%20Gavin%20Newsom,years%20of%20age%20and%20older%2C\">286,000 undocumented people age 50 and older started to receive comprehensive coverage in May\u003c/a>. In 2024, California will open the Medi-Cal program to approximately 700,000 more people ages 26 to 49.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The state has worked very hard over the last decade to improve health care coverage,” Alvarnas said. “The issue, though, is there’s a gulf between coverage and real access, because there is also a focus by the state to make sure that health care costs are somewhat controlled.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the bill fell short of what supporters initially aimed for, the work to make cancer care more easily accessible will continue, said Autumn Ogden-Smith, director of state legislation for the American Cancer Society Cancer Action Network, another sponsor of the bill. For instance, how to more easily get a patient into one of these cancer centers if they don’t live nearby is a priority, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you pull up a map, you’ll see these centers tend to cover certain areas — San Diego, Los Angeles, San Francisco, Davis-Sacramento,” Ogden-Smith said. “We’re going to have to focus on how we get the people in Northern California and in the middle of the state” to cancer centers, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n","blocks":[],"excerpt":"Patients with lower incomes who need specialized cancer treatment often struggle to get it. Advocates say a new law is a small step toward improving services for them.","status":"publish","parent":0,"modified":1666992371,"stats":{"hasAudio":false,"hasVideo":false,"hasChartOrMap":false,"iframeSrcs":[],"hasGoogleForm":false,"hasGallery":false,"hasHearkenModule":false,"hasPolis":false,"paragraphCount":29,"wordCount":1545},"headData":{"title":"New California Law Targets Inequity in Cancer Care. Some Say It Doesn't Go Far Enough | KQED","description":"Patients with lower incomes who need specialized cancer treatment often struggle to get it. Advocates say a new law is a small step toward improving services for them.","ogTitle":"","ogDescription":"","ogImgId":"","twTitle":"","twDescription":"","twImgId":"","schema":{"@context":"http://schema.org","@type":"NewsArticle","headline":"New California Law Targets Inequity in Cancer Care. Some Say It Doesn't Go Far Enough","datePublished":"2022-10-28T21:26:11.000Z","dateModified":"2022-10-28T21:26:11.000Z","image":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png","isAccessibleForFree":"Y","publisher":{"@type":"NewsMediaOrganization","@id":"https://www.kqed.org/#organization","name":"KQED","url":"https://www.kqed.org","logo":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png"}}},"disqusIdentifier":"11930432 https://ww2.kqed.org/news/?p=11930432","disqusUrl":"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2022/10/28/new-california-law-targets-inequity-in-cancer-care-some-say-it-doesnt-go-far-enough/","disqusTitle":"New California Law Targets Inequity in Cancer Care. Some Say It Doesn't Go Far Enough","nprByline":"\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/author/anaibarra/\">Ana B. Ibarra\u003c/a>","excludeFromSiteSearch":"Include","showOnAuthorArchivePages":"No","path":"/news/11930432/new-california-law-targets-inequity-in-cancer-care-some-say-it-doesnt-go-far-enough","audioTrackLength":null,"parsedContent":[{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Cancer is the second-leading cause of death in California, behind only heart disease. This year alone, the state will tally an estimated \u003ca href=\"https://cancerstatisticscenter.cancer.org/#!/state/California\">189,000 new cancer cases\u003c/a> and close to 61,000 deaths.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yet while patients often need specialists, treatments and the chance to participate in clinical trials, that access is not equitable throughout the state. It typically depends on where patients live, and sometimes on their health insurance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cancer patients with lower incomes — and especially those in rural places — \u003ca href=\"https://www.cancer.gov/news-events/cancer-currents-blog/2020/persistent-poverty-increased-cancer-death-risk#:~:text=A%20new%20study%20by%20NCI,than%20people%20in%20other%20counties.\">tend to fare worse\u003c/a>. \u003ca href=\"https://escholarship.org/content/qt8xc078vj/qt8xc078vj_noSplash_451b26b4f066a1cfb27ba71f52096a73.pdf?t=nxk0lm\">Studies have shown (PDF)\u003c/a> that patients with Medi-Cal, the health insurance program for residents with lower incomes, are less likely to get the recommended treatment and have lower cancer survival rates compared to people with private insurance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This disparity is at the crux of a California bill recently signed into law by Gov. Gavin Newsom that supporters say will make it at least a little easier for Medi-Cal patients to access cancer subspecialists, treatments and clinical trials.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"'Actually requiring plans [to contract with cancer centers] — that would have brought some meat to the table. From our understanding, plans already make efforts to contract with as many providers as possible, but it comes down to a reimbursement issue.'","name":"pullquote","attributes":{"named":{"size":"medium","align":"right","citation":"Linda Nguy, policy advocate, Western Center on Law and Poverty","label":""},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220SB987\">The new law\u003c/a>, which goes into effect in January, requires Medi-Cal insurance plans to “make a good faith effort” to contract with \u003ca href=\"https://www.cancer.gov/research/infrastructure/cancer-centers\">cancer centers recognized by the National Cancer Institute\u003c/a> — which often have access to the latest treatments — or other qualifying cancer centers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Authored by Democratic \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/legislator-tracker/anthony-portantino-1961/\">Sen. Anthony Portantino\u003c/a> of Glendale, it was originally drafted to mandate that Medi-Cal plans add at least one of these cancer centers to their provider networks, but negotiations resulted in a scaled-back version, only requiring health plans to \u003cem>try\u003c/em> to add a cancer center.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The law also requires Medi-Cal plans to notify enrollees with complex cancers about their right to request a referral to any of these centers, even if it’s out of their plan’s network. Whether a patient can be treated at one of these centers, however, depends on whether the plan and the out-of-network provider can hash out a payment deal. This referral notification, supporters say, is critical: Patients can’t ask for something they don’t know is an option.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters say that even if limited, this law will be an important step toward helping cancer patients with lower incomes get specialized care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think making incremental change has the ability to save lives and that’s what we’re trying to do here,” Portantino said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Too often patients from underserved communities arrive at these specialized cancer centers very late after their diagnoses, said Dr. Joseph Alvarnas, hematologist-oncologist and vice president of government affairs at \u003ca href=\"https://www.cityofhope.org/\">City of Hope\u003c/a>, one of eight California cancer centers with a National Cancer Institute designation, and a sponsor of the law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The conversation begins with, ‘If I could only have gotten here sooner,’ or ‘My family and I fought tooth-and-nail to get here,’” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alvarnas said that, historically, City of Hope used to see more Medi-Cal patients, but that changed as the state has largely moved its Medi-Cal program from a fee-for-service model (in which patients could see any provider who accepted Medi-Cal and the state paid providers for each service rendered) to managed care (considered a more cost-effective model, in which the state pays health insurance companies a fixed amount per enrollee).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In managed care, part of the way that model works is it includes narrower clinician networks and more limited hospital choices,” Alvarnas said. “If you have high blood pressure or you’ve got a condition that can be cared for by many types of doctors, that’s an OK model.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But when it comes to cancer care, your network of clinicians may not have an expert in leukemia or relapsed myeloma.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hospitals sometimes must send some of their sickest patients to cancer centers like City of Hope — as was the case for Patrick Nandy of Whittier. In 2008, during his senior year of college, he was diagnosed with acute lymphoblastic leukemia, a cancer of the blood and bone marrow that can progress very quickly. Nandy said that when oncologists at St. Jude Medical Center could no longer treat him, he was transferred to City of Hope, where he participated in a chemotherapy clinical trial and a cord blood stem cell transplant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think about how lucky I am,” Nandy said. “Doctors said two more weeks and I probably would have been gone.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These are the types of therapies that should be available to all patients with complex or aggressive cancers, but that’s not always the case, Alvarnas said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://escholarship.org/content/qt8xc078vj/qt8xc078vj_noSplash_451b26b4f066a1cfb27ba71f52096a73.pdf?t=nxk0lm\">2015 analysis by the University of California, Davis (PDF)\u003c/a> found worse outcomes for cancer patients with Medi-Cal compared to people with other types of insurance. Among some of the findings: Thirty-nine percent of breast cancer patients on Medi-Cal were diagnosed at an early stage compared to 61% of those who were privately insured.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The study also found Medi-Cal patients diagnosed with early stage lung cancer had a 48% five-year survival rate, lower than the 65% five-year survival rate for those with private insurance. Medi-Cal patients also were less likely to receive the necessary therapies or treatments for several cancer types.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The law will apply to people with rare or complex cancers, including advanced stage brain cancer, lung cancer, colorectal cancer, leukemia and lymphoma, among others, Alvarnas said. The sought- after treatment and research centers include City of Hope, University of California comprehensive cancer centers, the Stanford Cancer Institute, as well as a number of Kaiser Permanente sites and the Cedars-Sinai Cancer Institute.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the law as passed had no registered opposition, it was watered down during negotiations involving providers, health plans and the California Department of Health Care Services, which oversees the Medi-Cal program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/wp-content/uploads/2022/06/SB-987-Portantino-Author-OPPOSE-4.12.22.pdf\">Health insurance plans initially opposed Portantino’s bill (PDF)\u003c/a> because requiring plans to contract with centers, they warned, comes with new administrative hurdles that could disrupt or delay patient care.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"'The state has worked very hard over the last decade to improve health care coverage. The issue, though, is there's a gulf between coverage and real access, because there is also a focus by the state to make sure that health care costs are somewhat controlled.'","name":"pullquote","attributes":{"named":{"size":"medium","align":"right","citation":"Dr. Joseph Alvarnas, vice president of government affairs, City of Hope","label":""},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Linda Nguy, an advocate with the Western Center on Law and Poverty, said her organization withdrew its support after the bill was narrowed. “Actually requiring plans [to contract with cancer centers] — that would have brought some meat to the table,” Nguy said. “From our understanding, plans already make efforts to contract with as many providers as possible, but it comes down to a reimbursement issue.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Medi-Cal, which covers about a third of Californians, pays providers \u003ca href=\"https://www.urban.org/sites/default/files/publication/88836/2001180-medicaid-physician-fees-after-the-aca-primary-care-fee-bump_0.pdf\">a lower rate than other insurance types (PDF)\u003c/a>. While lower reimbursement rates make the program \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbpp.org/research/health/frequently-asked-questions-about-medicaid\">more cost-efficient\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.healthaffairs.org/do/10.1377/forefront.20190401.678690/full/\">low payments can deter providers\u003c/a> from participating in Medi-Cal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The debate over cancer care equity shows the complexities of achieving true access even in a state that has expanded insurance coverage to more people. California is scheduled to become the first state in the country to offer Medi-Cal coverage to all income-eligible people regardless of immigration status. Last week, Gov. Gavin Newsom’s office announced that \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2022/10/19/medi-cal-expansion-provided-286000-undocumented-californians-with-comprehensive-health-care/#:~:text=SACRAMENTO%20%E2%80%93%20Today%2C%20Governor%20Gavin%20Newsom,years%20of%20age%20and%20older%2C\">286,000 undocumented people age 50 and older started to receive comprehensive coverage in May\u003c/a>. In 2024, California will open the Medi-Cal program to approximately 700,000 more people ages 26 to 49.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The state has worked very hard over the last decade to improve health care coverage,” Alvarnas said. “The issue, though, is there’s a gulf between coverage and real access, because there is also a focus by the state to make sure that health care costs are somewhat controlled.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the bill fell short of what supporters initially aimed for, the work to make cancer care more easily accessible will continue, said Autumn Ogden-Smith, director of state legislation for the American Cancer Society Cancer Action Network, another sponsor of the bill. For instance, how to more easily get a patient into one of these cancer centers if they don’t live nearby is a priority, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you pull up a map, you’ll see these centers tend to cover certain areas — San Diego, Los Angeles, San Francisco, Davis-Sacramento,” Ogden-Smith said. “We’re going to have to focus on how we get the people in Northern California and in the middle of the state” to cancer centers, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"fullwidth"},"numeric":["fullwidth"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"floatright"},"numeric":["floatright"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}}],"link":"/news/11930432/new-california-law-targets-inequity-in-cancer-care-some-say-it-doesnt-go-far-enough","authors":["byline_news_11930432"],"categories":["news_457","news_6188","news_8","news_248"],"tags":["news_17617","news_31917","news_21405","news_1054","news_2605"],"affiliates":["news_18481"],"featImg":"news_11930455","label":"news_18481"},"news_11895338":{"type":"posts","id":"news_11895338","meta":{"index":"posts_1591205157","site":"news","id":"11895338","score":null,"sort":[1636466442000]},"guestAuthors":[],"slug":"high-pain-low-gain-how-bridge-toll-penalties-pile-debt-on-low-income-drivers","title":"'High Pain, Low Gain': How Bridge Toll Penalties Pile Debt on Lower-Income Drivers","publishDate":1636466442,"format":"audio","headTitle":"KQED News","labelTerm":{"site":"news"},"content":"\u003cp>\u003cem>This story contains a \u003ca href=\"#correction\">correction\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A new report from a Bay Area public policy group is calling for a major overhaul of the region's system of penalties for late payment of bridge tolls — one that economic justice advocates say has become a debt trap for thousands of Bay Area drivers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Rio Scharf, attorney with the Lawyers' Committee for Civil Rights of the San Francisco Bay Area\"]'For people who lack the funds to pay, they are hit with enormous financial penalties that punish them at a rate that is really pretty exceptional, even compared to how we punish people for failure to pay in the traffic court system or the criminal court system.'[/pullquote]\u003ca href=\"https://www.spur.org/publications/spur-report/2021-11-04/bridging-gap\">The report from SPUR, a San Francisco urban planning research organization\u003c/a>, analyzes a system that mails out millions of violation notices each year, many of which never get to the drivers they're addressed to.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The system has left some motorists facing the possibility that what may start out as a handful of unpaid $6 tolls can metastasize into hundreds or even thousands of dollars in fees and penalties they have little hope of paying — and which can lead to their vehicle registrations getting blocked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"They're pushing me into bankruptcy, basically,\" said Kelly Cadwallader, an Alameda resident facing a bill of over $30,000 — more than 90% of it in penalties. \"It's inevitable at this point, because they're not letting me make a deal.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Lower-income drivers bear heaviest burden\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The SPUR study, \"Bridging the Gap,\" finds the biggest debt burden tends to fall on lower-income drivers and Bay Area neighborhoods with substantial populations of people of color and non-English-speaking residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jacob Denney, SPUR's economic justice policy director and one of the report's authors, said breaking down 2019 toll penalty data by ZIP code shows that \"our lowest-income communities and our most diverse communities were the ones who are disproportionately receiving toll violations. We're talking about per capita rates of more than one toll violation per person living there.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11895607\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/11/map_fig-3.png\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11895607\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/11/map_fig-3.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1502\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/11/map_fig-3.png 2000w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/11/map_fig-3-800x601.png 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/11/map_fig-3-1020x766.png 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/11/map_fig-3-160x120.png 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/11/map_fig-3-1536x1154.png 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/11/map_fig-3-1920x1442.png 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">This map shows the rate of violations per capita by Bay Area ZIP code, as compared to poverty rates by ZIP code. The SPUR study found that lower-income communities in the Bay Area have much higher rates of unpaid tolls than wealthier ZIP codes. Source: MTC toll violation data and the Census Bureau's 2019 American Community Survey five-year estimates. \u003ccite>(SPUR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Among the communities cited in the SPUR report and in a parallel Metropolitan Transportation Commission analysis as having high levels of violations are parts of Oakland, Richmond, Vallejo, Pittsburg, Antioch and San Francisco's Bayview-Hunters Point neighborhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Not much cash recovered\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The SPUR report also finds that the penalties, administered by the \u003ca href=\"https://www.bayareafastrak.org/en/home/index.shtml\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">FasTrak\u003c/a> toll collection system, are largely ineffective at getting drivers to pay tolls they've missed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>MTC statistics show that just 12% of the 5.1 million \"second notice\" violations issued between Jan. 1 and Aug. 31, 2021 — which carry the maximum penalty of $70, plus the original $6 toll — were actually paid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rio Scharf, an attorney with the Lawyers' Committee for Civil Rights of the San Francisco Bay Area, who represents Cadwallader and other clients facing similar debt burdens, characterizes the system as \"high pain and low gain.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It results in very little additional revenue, but it causes a variety of pretty severe consequences for the people that it does impact,\" Scharf said. \"... For people who lack the funds to pay, they are hit with enormous financial penalties that punish them at a rate that is really pretty exceptional, even compared to how we punish people for failure to pay in the traffic court system or the criminal court system.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The SPUR report comes as the MTC and the Bay Area Toll Authority, or BATA, an MTC sister agency that manages toll revenue and FasTrak, have taken the first steps to lighten the burden of toll penalties. As part of a new equity action plan adopted earlier this year, BATA recently voted to sharply cut late-payment fines and fees and take other steps, such as reducing the cost of getting and using a FasTrak toll tag.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This week, a BATA committee will discuss further steps, such as how to create payment plans for those with high levels of toll debt.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under a series of measures approved by Bay Area voters over the last three decades, bridge tolls pay for ongoing maintenance of the region's \u003ca href=\"https://511.org/driving/bridges\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">seven state-owned bridges\u003c/a> and serve as a source of funding for billions of dollars of other highway, transit and transportation needs around the region. Toll penalties have been imposed, in large part, to guarantee revenue needed to repay bonds issued to fund those projects.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>The penalty system\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The penalty system works like this: When drivers cross one of those seven bridges, they're charged a $6 toll. Drivers can pay with a FasTrak toll tag or a FasTrak license plate account, both of which require registration and a prepaid balance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If drivers don't have a FasTrak account set up, cameras capture their license plate numbers and send an invoice to each vehicle's registered address. (When this cashless toll system took effect at the beginning of the pandemic in March 2020, every crossing generated a separate invoice, resulting in a blizzard of notices sent to non-FasTrak users. Now, the system generates just one invoice per vehicle per month.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Drivers currently have three weeks to pay their toll invoices. But under the system that had been in place before the recent BATA changes, failure to pay on time would result in a $25 penalty for each bridge crossing on the invoice. For example, paying late for 10 bridge trips would result in $250 in late penalties plus the original $60 in tolls owed, for a total of $310.[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_11868435,news_11807874\"]If that bill were to remain unpaid for 60 days after the first notice, drivers would get a \"second notice of delinquent toll evasion,\" and FasTrak would tack on an extra $45 per crossing — adding up to an additional $450 in penalties for 10 bridge trips, or $760 in all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At that point, if the bill still remained unpaid, FasTrak could turn the account over to a collection agency or to the DMV for a registration hold.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>BATA's new policy cuts the first-notice fee from $25 to $5 per crossing, with second-notice fees dropping from $45 to $10, for a total of $15 in penalties. In the 10-trip example, that would drop the total owed in tolls and penalties to $210 for those who incurred second violation notices — still more than three times the original toll. The new fee schedule is retroactive to Jan. 1, 2021. FasTrak will issue refunds to those who paid penalties this year at the former higher levels.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new policy does not cover the Golden Gate Bridge, \u003ca href=\"https://www.goldengate.org/\">which is owned and operated by a separate transportation district\u003c/a> and uses the FasTrak toll collection system with the higher penalties in force. That district says it's \"evaluating options and impacts associated with reducing the penalties for unpaid tolls.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>FasTrak monitors license plates, not individual drivers, so it's hard to say with any certainty how many people may be buried in toll debt. But MTC statistics show that between Jan. 1 and Aug. 31, 2021, 6,000 vehicles had racked up 75 or more unpaid tolls. The minimum total due for each of those vehicles, including added penalties for failure to pay on time. would be $5,700.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bills that high, or even higher, are not hypothetical. Public commenters at BATA meetings last month testified to bills that have reached into the tens of thousands of dollars.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>'A Kafkaesque bureaucracy'\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Paul Briley, who lives in the East Bay, told the panel that his troubles started when Caltrans pulled toll collectors from the bridge at the start of the pandemic. Since then, he said, FasTrak violation notices were sent to his old address rather than his current post office box listed with the DMV, with $588 in missed tolls mushrooming to a debt of more than $6,500.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I have a reputation for paying my dues,\" Briley said. \"If there was still a person in the booth, I would have paid my dues ... whereas now I have to come and find you and pay you your money. And if I don't have your money, you're telling me you want 10 times the amount.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kelly Cadwallader, the Alameda resident, said $2,500 in missed toll payments for her have ballooned to $31,000 in penalties. FasTrak has sent her case to the DMV, she said, which has since blocked her vehicle registration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"A lot of this is my fault,\" Cadwallader said in an interview last week. She said she racked up the unpaid tolls — which date back to before the pandemic and aren't eligible for the lower fees BATA just approved — during a period where she had lost steady employment and was working as a gig driver to make ends meet. A single parent, she said the sheer scale of the debt leaves her with few options.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"What am I going to do?\" she asked. \"I'm going to be forced into bankruptcy.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cadwallader's inability to register her vehicle makes her situation even more precarious.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I'm driving a car that can be taken away from me at any time, a 2015 Honda Civic that I have two more payments on,\" she said. \"At any moment, any time now, I could be pulled over and that car can just be taken away from me and it'll be gone.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Scharf, Cadwallader's attorney, said the process of trying to work with FasTrak to get penalties reduced or to have clients pay off the original tolls they missed is also flawed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Anne Stuhldreher, director of San Francisco's Financial Justice Project\"]'I think it's really important to keep in mind who's going over the bridge these days. It's not people like me who can often work from home. It's essential workers.'[/pullquote]\"I have multiple clients where we said, 'Let me pay you, please let me pay you the tolls. But as long as you're charging me $70 penalties on each toll, I am not in a position to pay off my complete balance,'\" Scharf said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It's a Kafkaesque bureaucracy — each person you talk to has a different understanding of what the policies are,\" he said. \"Some people believe that there's payment plans available. Some people believe that you can get fines and penalties reduced at least once in your lifetime. Other people are very supportive and helpful with trying to reduce people's outstanding balance. But the penalty structure that exists is ineffective because it prevents many people from making the base payments.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Denney from SPUR, and others who have examined the impact of toll penalties on lower-income drivers, say they welcome BATA's vote to reduce fines, but argue that reforms need to go much further. Among other problems they say BATA needs to address are making the FasTrak billing and notification system more reliable and creating payment plans for those who need more time to pay their accumulated tolls.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I think chief on that list for me is establishing a payment plan for people for both unpaid fines and unpaid tolls,\" Denney said. \"So people can pay over time what they owe in a way that's realistic for them.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He says FasTrak can borrow from other agencies to improve its notification system. “We have great evidence from other states and places where they do everything, where you get a text, an app notification, an email and a mailed letter every time you pass a toll bridge,\" he said. \"I would love to see them building on that.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>No relief for lower-income drivers\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Those types of changes are also top priorities for Anne Stuhldreher, who heads San Francisco's \u003ca href=\"https://sfgov.org/financialjustice/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Financial Justice Project\u003c/a>, a city-funded office aimed at reducing the impact of government-imposed fees and fines on residents with lower incomes and communities of color.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Right now, there's no payment plan offered,\" Stuhldreher said. \"So if someone misses these [violation] notices, what they owe can add up quite quickly and exceed their ability to pay it. ... There's no relief option for people with low incomes.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She says even the reduced penalties weigh heavily on drivers with lower incomes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I think it's really important to keep in mind who's going over the bridge these days,\" Stuhldreher said. \"It's not people like me who can often work from home. It's essential workers. It's people who are working at schools or working in hospitals, it's service workers. That's really who these penalties are hitting right now.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition to recommending the use of payment plans for toll debt and improving the system of violation notices, the SPUR report calls on BATA to grant amnesty on all existing toll debts; cut fines to a maximum of $3 per violation; limit the total fine imposed against each driver to a maximum of $100; end the use of DMV holds and collection agencies; and develop a system of discount tolls for drivers with low incomes.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>'An issue of fairness'\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>John Goodwin, a spokesperson for BATA and the MTC, said the evolving FasTrak equity plan is trying to address the fact that toll debt \"falls disproportionately on people of lesser means.\" He said one challenge is doing that while meeting the bridge agency's obligation to bondholders and not letting those who would have no problem paying but simply refuse to off the hook.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It's an issue of fairness, that we're all in this together,\" Goodwin said. \"There are some folks who just don't want to play by the rules and we need to have mechanisms in place.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nick Josefowitz, the MTC's vice chair and SPUR's chief policy officer, said there should be \"no tolerance\" for drivers who are simply taking advantage of the toll payment system to get free rides across the bridges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"But we can't create a system which is only designed for them and ends up creating huge, additional, disproportionate burdens to low-income people. ... Government agencies shouldn't be driving people into poverty because of mistakes they've made, especially mistakes that are so small, like forgetting to pay a toll or not updating their address at the DMV.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca id=\"correction\">\u003c/a>\u003cem>Nov. 17: This story has been edited to correct the revised toll penalty schedule adopted by the Bay Area Toll Authority in October 2021. BATA's new policy cuts the fee for the first notice of a late toll payment from $25 to $5 per crossing, with second-notice fees dropping from $45 to $10, for a total of $15 in penalties per crossing.\u003c/em> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n","blocks":[],"excerpt":"Economic justice advocates are calling for major reforms in a system that has left scores of drivers, often with lower incomes, facing debts of thousands or even tens of thousands of dollars. ","status":"publish","parent":0,"modified":1637179063,"stats":{"hasAudio":false,"hasVideo":false,"hasChartOrMap":false,"iframeSrcs":[],"hasGoogleForm":false,"hasGallery":false,"hasHearkenModule":false,"hasPolis":false,"paragraphCount":48,"wordCount":2529},"headData":{"title":"'High Pain, Low Gain': How Bridge Toll Penalties Pile Debt on Lower-Income Drivers | KQED","description":"Economic justice advocates are calling for major reforms in a system that has left scores of drivers, often with lower incomes, facing debts of thousands or even tens of thousands of dollars. ","ogTitle":"","ogDescription":"","ogImgId":"","twTitle":"","twDescription":"","twImgId":"","schema":{"@context":"http://schema.org","@type":"NewsArticle","headline":"'High Pain, Low Gain': How Bridge Toll Penalties Pile Debt on Lower-Income Drivers","datePublished":"2021-11-09T14:00:42.000Z","dateModified":"2021-11-17T19:57:43.000Z","image":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png","isAccessibleForFree":"Y","publisher":{"@type":"NewsMediaOrganization","@id":"https://www.kqed.org/#organization","name":"KQED","url":"https://www.kqed.org","logo":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png"}}},"disqusIdentifier":"11895338 https://ww2.kqed.org/news/?p=11895338","disqusUrl":"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2021/11/09/high-pain-low-gain-how-bridge-toll-penalties-pile-debt-on-low-income-drivers/","disqusTitle":"'High Pain, Low Gain': How Bridge Toll Penalties Pile Debt on Lower-Income Drivers","audioUrl":"https://traffic.omny.fm/d/clips/0af137ef-751e-4b19-a055-aaef00d2d578/ffca7e9f-6831-41c5-bcaf-aaef00f5a073/ec0d499d-508b-4637-aa10-addd012d1cc3/audio.mp3","airdate":"1636588800","excludeFromSiteSearch":"Include","path":"/news/11895338/high-pain-low-gain-how-bridge-toll-penalties-pile-debt-on-low-income-drivers","audioTrackLength":null,"parsedContent":[{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>This story contains a \u003ca href=\"#correction\">correction\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A new report from a Bay Area public policy group is calling for a major overhaul of the region's system of penalties for late payment of bridge tolls — one that economic justice advocates say has become a debt trap for thousands of Bay Area drivers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"'For people who lack the funds to pay, they are hit with enormous financial penalties that punish them at a rate that is really pretty exceptional, even compared to how we punish people for failure to pay in the traffic court system or the criminal court system.'","name":"pullquote","attributes":{"named":{"align":"right","size":"medium","citation":"Rio Scharf, attorney with the Lawyers' Committee for Civil Rights of the San Francisco Bay Area","label":""},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.spur.org/publications/spur-report/2021-11-04/bridging-gap\">The report from SPUR, a San Francisco urban planning research organization\u003c/a>, analyzes a system that mails out millions of violation notices each year, many of which never get to the drivers they're addressed to.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The system has left some motorists facing the possibility that what may start out as a handful of unpaid $6 tolls can metastasize into hundreds or even thousands of dollars in fees and penalties they have little hope of paying — and which can lead to their vehicle registrations getting blocked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"They're pushing me into bankruptcy, basically,\" said Kelly Cadwallader, an Alameda resident facing a bill of over $30,000 — more than 90% of it in penalties. \"It's inevitable at this point, because they're not letting me make a deal.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Lower-income drivers bear heaviest burden\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The SPUR study, \"Bridging the Gap,\" finds the biggest debt burden tends to fall on lower-income drivers and Bay Area neighborhoods with substantial populations of people of color and non-English-speaking residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jacob Denney, SPUR's economic justice policy director and one of the report's authors, said breaking down 2019 toll penalty data by ZIP code shows that \"our lowest-income communities and our most diverse communities were the ones who are disproportionately receiving toll violations. We're talking about per capita rates of more than one toll violation per person living there.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11895607\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/11/map_fig-3.png\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11895607\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/11/map_fig-3.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1502\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/11/map_fig-3.png 2000w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/11/map_fig-3-800x601.png 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/11/map_fig-3-1020x766.png 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/11/map_fig-3-160x120.png 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/11/map_fig-3-1536x1154.png 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/11/map_fig-3-1920x1442.png 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">This map shows the rate of violations per capita by Bay Area ZIP code, as compared to poverty rates by ZIP code. The SPUR study found that lower-income communities in the Bay Area have much higher rates of unpaid tolls than wealthier ZIP codes. Source: MTC toll violation data and the Census Bureau's 2019 American Community Survey five-year estimates. \u003ccite>(SPUR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Among the communities cited in the SPUR report and in a parallel Metropolitan Transportation Commission analysis as having high levels of violations are parts of Oakland, Richmond, Vallejo, Pittsburg, Antioch and San Francisco's Bayview-Hunters Point neighborhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Not much cash recovered\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The SPUR report also finds that the penalties, administered by the \u003ca href=\"https://www.bayareafastrak.org/en/home/index.shtml\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">FasTrak\u003c/a> toll collection system, are largely ineffective at getting drivers to pay tolls they've missed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>MTC statistics show that just 12% of the 5.1 million \"second notice\" violations issued between Jan. 1 and Aug. 31, 2021 — which carry the maximum penalty of $70, plus the original $6 toll — were actually paid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rio Scharf, an attorney with the Lawyers' Committee for Civil Rights of the San Francisco Bay Area, who represents Cadwallader and other clients facing similar debt burdens, characterizes the system as \"high pain and low gain.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It results in very little additional revenue, but it causes a variety of pretty severe consequences for the people that it does impact,\" Scharf said. \"... For people who lack the funds to pay, they are hit with enormous financial penalties that punish them at a rate that is really pretty exceptional, even compared to how we punish people for failure to pay in the traffic court system or the criminal court system.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The SPUR report comes as the MTC and the Bay Area Toll Authority, or BATA, an MTC sister agency that manages toll revenue and FasTrak, have taken the first steps to lighten the burden of toll penalties. As part of a new equity action plan adopted earlier this year, BATA recently voted to sharply cut late-payment fines and fees and take other steps, such as reducing the cost of getting and using a FasTrak toll tag.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This week, a BATA committee will discuss further steps, such as how to create payment plans for those with high levels of toll debt.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under a series of measures approved by Bay Area voters over the last three decades, bridge tolls pay for ongoing maintenance of the region's \u003ca href=\"https://511.org/driving/bridges\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">seven state-owned bridges\u003c/a> and serve as a source of funding for billions of dollars of other highway, transit and transportation needs around the region. Toll penalties have been imposed, in large part, to guarantee revenue needed to repay bonds issued to fund those projects.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>The penalty system\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The penalty system works like this: When drivers cross one of those seven bridges, they're charged a $6 toll. Drivers can pay with a FasTrak toll tag or a FasTrak license plate account, both of which require registration and a prepaid balance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If drivers don't have a FasTrak account set up, cameras capture their license plate numbers and send an invoice to each vehicle's registered address. (When this cashless toll system took effect at the beginning of the pandemic in March 2020, every crossing generated a separate invoice, resulting in a blizzard of notices sent to non-FasTrak users. Now, the system generates just one invoice per vehicle per month.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Drivers currently have three weeks to pay their toll invoices. But under the system that had been in place before the recent BATA changes, failure to pay on time would result in a $25 penalty for each bridge crossing on the invoice. For example, paying late for 10 bridge trips would result in $250 in late penalties plus the original $60 in tolls owed, for a total of $310.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"aside","attributes":{"named":{"label":"Related Stories ","postid":"news_11868435,news_11807874"},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>If that bill were to remain unpaid for 60 days after the first notice, drivers would get a \"second notice of delinquent toll evasion,\" and FasTrak would tack on an extra $45 per crossing — adding up to an additional $450 in penalties for 10 bridge trips, or $760 in all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At that point, if the bill still remained unpaid, FasTrak could turn the account over to a collection agency or to the DMV for a registration hold.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>BATA's new policy cuts the first-notice fee from $25 to $5 per crossing, with second-notice fees dropping from $45 to $10, for a total of $15 in penalties. In the 10-trip example, that would drop the total owed in tolls and penalties to $210 for those who incurred second violation notices — still more than three times the original toll. The new fee schedule is retroactive to Jan. 1, 2021. FasTrak will issue refunds to those who paid penalties this year at the former higher levels.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new policy does not cover the Golden Gate Bridge, \u003ca href=\"https://www.goldengate.org/\">which is owned and operated by a separate transportation district\u003c/a> and uses the FasTrak toll collection system with the higher penalties in force. That district says it's \"evaluating options and impacts associated with reducing the penalties for unpaid tolls.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>FasTrak monitors license plates, not individual drivers, so it's hard to say with any certainty how many people may be buried in toll debt. But MTC statistics show that between Jan. 1 and Aug. 31, 2021, 6,000 vehicles had racked up 75 or more unpaid tolls. The minimum total due for each of those vehicles, including added penalties for failure to pay on time. would be $5,700.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bills that high, or even higher, are not hypothetical. Public commenters at BATA meetings last month testified to bills that have reached into the tens of thousands of dollars.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>'A Kafkaesque bureaucracy'\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Paul Briley, who lives in the East Bay, told the panel that his troubles started when Caltrans pulled toll collectors from the bridge at the start of the pandemic. Since then, he said, FasTrak violation notices were sent to his old address rather than his current post office box listed with the DMV, with $588 in missed tolls mushrooming to a debt of more than $6,500.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I have a reputation for paying my dues,\" Briley said. \"If there was still a person in the booth, I would have paid my dues ... whereas now I have to come and find you and pay you your money. And if I don't have your money, you're telling me you want 10 times the amount.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kelly Cadwallader, the Alameda resident, said $2,500 in missed toll payments for her have ballooned to $31,000 in penalties. FasTrak has sent her case to the DMV, she said, which has since blocked her vehicle registration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"A lot of this is my fault,\" Cadwallader said in an interview last week. She said she racked up the unpaid tolls — which date back to before the pandemic and aren't eligible for the lower fees BATA just approved — during a period where she had lost steady employment and was working as a gig driver to make ends meet. A single parent, she said the sheer scale of the debt leaves her with few options.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"What am I going to do?\" she asked. \"I'm going to be forced into bankruptcy.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cadwallader's inability to register her vehicle makes her situation even more precarious.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I'm driving a car that can be taken away from me at any time, a 2015 Honda Civic that I have two more payments on,\" she said. \"At any moment, any time now, I could be pulled over and that car can just be taken away from me and it'll be gone.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Scharf, Cadwallader's attorney, said the process of trying to work with FasTrak to get penalties reduced or to have clients pay off the original tolls they missed is also flawed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"'I think it's really important to keep in mind who's going over the bridge these days. It's not people like me who can often work from home. It's essential workers.'","name":"pullquote","attributes":{"named":{"align":"right","size":"medium","citation":"Anne Stuhldreher, director of San Francisco's Financial Justice Project","label":""},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\"I have multiple clients where we said, 'Let me pay you, please let me pay you the tolls. But as long as you're charging me $70 penalties on each toll, I am not in a position to pay off my complete balance,'\" Scharf said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It's a Kafkaesque bureaucracy — each person you talk to has a different understanding of what the policies are,\" he said. \"Some people believe that there's payment plans available. Some people believe that you can get fines and penalties reduced at least once in your lifetime. Other people are very supportive and helpful with trying to reduce people's outstanding balance. But the penalty structure that exists is ineffective because it prevents many people from making the base payments.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Denney from SPUR, and others who have examined the impact of toll penalties on lower-income drivers, say they welcome BATA's vote to reduce fines, but argue that reforms need to go much further. Among other problems they say BATA needs to address are making the FasTrak billing and notification system more reliable and creating payment plans for those who need more time to pay their accumulated tolls.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I think chief on that list for me is establishing a payment plan for people for both unpaid fines and unpaid tolls,\" Denney said. \"So people can pay over time what they owe in a way that's realistic for them.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He says FasTrak can borrow from other agencies to improve its notification system. “We have great evidence from other states and places where they do everything, where you get a text, an app notification, an email and a mailed letter every time you pass a toll bridge,\" he said. \"I would love to see them building on that.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>No relief for lower-income drivers\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Those types of changes are also top priorities for Anne Stuhldreher, who heads San Francisco's \u003ca href=\"https://sfgov.org/financialjustice/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Financial Justice Project\u003c/a>, a city-funded office aimed at reducing the impact of government-imposed fees and fines on residents with lower incomes and communities of color.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Right now, there's no payment plan offered,\" Stuhldreher said. \"So if someone misses these [violation] notices, what they owe can add up quite quickly and exceed their ability to pay it. ... There's no relief option for people with low incomes.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She says even the reduced penalties weigh heavily on drivers with lower incomes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I think it's really important to keep in mind who's going over the bridge these days,\" Stuhldreher said. \"It's not people like me who can often work from home. It's essential workers. It's people who are working at schools or working in hospitals, it's service workers. That's really who these penalties are hitting right now.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition to recommending the use of payment plans for toll debt and improving the system of violation notices, the SPUR report calls on BATA to grant amnesty on all existing toll debts; cut fines to a maximum of $3 per violation; limit the total fine imposed against each driver to a maximum of $100; end the use of DMV holds and collection agencies; and develop a system of discount tolls for drivers with low incomes.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>'An issue of fairness'\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>John Goodwin, a spokesperson for BATA and the MTC, said the evolving FasTrak equity plan is trying to address the fact that toll debt \"falls disproportionately on people of lesser means.\" He said one challenge is doing that while meeting the bridge agency's obligation to bondholders and not letting those who would have no problem paying but simply refuse to off the hook.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It's an issue of fairness, that we're all in this together,\" Goodwin said. \"There are some folks who just don't want to play by the rules and we need to have mechanisms in place.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nick Josefowitz, the MTC's vice chair and SPUR's chief policy officer, said there should be \"no tolerance\" for drivers who are simply taking advantage of the toll payment system to get free rides across the bridges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"But we can't create a system which is only designed for them and ends up creating huge, additional, disproportionate burdens to low-income people. ... Government agencies shouldn't be driving people into poverty because of mistakes they've made, especially mistakes that are so small, like forgetting to pay a toll or not updating their address at the DMV.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca id=\"correction\">\u003c/a>\u003cem>Nov. 17: This story has been edited to correct the revised toll penalty schedule adopted by the Bay Area Toll Authority in October 2021. BATA's new policy cuts the fee for the first notice of a late toll payment from $25 to $5 per crossing, with second-notice fees dropping from $45 to $10, for a total of $15 in penalties per crossing.\u003c/em> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"fullwidth"},"numeric":["fullwidth"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"floatright"},"numeric":["floatright"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}}],"link":"/news/11895338/high-pain-low-gain-how-bridge-toll-penalties-pile-debt-on-low-income-drivers","authors":["222"],"categories":["news_8","news_1397"],"tags":["news_231","news_30208","news_21405","news_27626","news_20008","news_3131"],"featImg":"news_11895597","label":"news"}},"programsReducer":{"possible":{"id":"possible","title":"Possible","info":"Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.","airtime":"SUN 2pm","imageSrc":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Possible-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg","officialWebsiteLink":"https://www.possible.fm/","meta":{"site":"news","source":"Possible"},"link":"/radio/program/possible","subscribe":{"apple":"https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/possible/id1677184070","spotify":"https://open.spotify.com/show/730YpdUSNlMyPQwNnyjp4k"}},"1a":{"id":"1a","title":"1A","info":"1A is home to the national conversation. 1A brings on great guests and frames the best debate in ways that make you think, share and engage.","airtime":"MON-THU 11pm-12am","imageSrc":"https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/1a.jpg","officialWebsiteLink":"https://the1a.org/","meta":{"site":"news","source":"npr"},"link":"/radio/program/1a","subscribe":{"npr":"https://rpb3r.app.goo.gl/RBrW","apple":"https://itunes.apple.com/WebObjects/MZStore.woa/wa/viewPodcast?s=143441&mt=2&id=1188724250&at=11l79Y&ct=nprdirectory","tuneIn":"https://tunein.com/radio/1A-p947376/","rss":"https://feeds.npr.org/510316/podcast.xml"}},"all-things-considered":{"id":"all-things-considered","title":"All Things Considered","info":"Every weekday, \u003cem>All Things Considered\u003c/em> hosts Robert Siegel, Audie Cornish, Ari Shapiro, and Kelly McEvers present the program's trademark mix of news, interviews, commentaries, reviews, and offbeat features. 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You ask the questions. You decide what Bay Curious investigates. 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You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>","imageSrc":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Mindshift-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg","imageAlt":"KQED MindShift: How We Will Learn","officialWebsiteLink":"/mindshift/","meta":{"site":"news","source":"kqed","order":"2"},"link":"/podcasts/mindshift","subscribe":{"apple":"https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/mindshift-podcast/id1078765985","google":"https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM1NzY0NjAwNDI5","npr":"https://www.npr.org/podcasts/464615685/mind-shift-podcast","stitcher":"https://www.stitcher.com/podcast/kqed/stories-teachers-share","spotify":"https://open.spotify.com/show/0MxSpNYZKNprFLCl7eEtyx"}},"morning-edition":{"id":"morning-edition","title":"Morning Edition","info":"\u003cem>Morning Edition\u003c/em> takes listeners around the country and the world with multi-faceted stories and commentaries every weekday. 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On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. 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