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"content": "\u003cp>The year was 1989. Movies like “Batman,” “When Harry Met Sally” and “Back to the Future Part II” were Hollywood hits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On the other side of Hollywood, miles from the production studios and industry gatekeepers, two Mexican-American brothers from East Los Angeles embarked on a plan to deliver movie magic to their side of town.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=“medium” align=”right” citation=\"Martin Felix\"]‘We were one of the first to actually pioneer [movie delivery].’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Martin and Eddie Felix purchased used VHS tapes from the rental stores on the Westside of Los Angeles. Once they had a sizable collection of ’80s crowd-favorites, they converted their parent’s garage in East Los Angeles into a video library.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They called their business Fastlane Video, and unlike the nearby video rental spots, they took their cue from pizzerias. They advertised free delivery and pickup, with a free bag of microwavable popcorn for every two-movie rental.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11750247\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 729px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/RS37368_156702-qut.jpg\" alt=\"An original flyer Martin and Eddie Felix printed and mailed to households across East Los Angeles.\" width=\"729\" height=\"900\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11750247\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/RS37368_156702-qut.jpg 729w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/RS37368_156702-qut-160x198.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 729px) 100vw, 729px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">An original flyer Martin and Eddie Felix printed and mailed to households across East Los Angeles. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Martin Felix)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Already running a successful print shop out of the same garage, 21-year-old-Martin and his older brother Eddie designed mini catalogs of their VHS inventory. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They mailed them out to households across East L.A so customers could call in their orders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We were one of the first to actually pioneer [movie delivery],” says Martin Felix.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than a decade before Netflix would come to dominate the rental market and mail DVDs in red envelopes, the Felix brothers were finding innovative ways to collect their share of the lucrative movie industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Martin and Eddie enlisted their neighborhood buddies with cars to deliver from Soto Street to Whittier Boulevard, all the way to the 10 freeway.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11750245\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11750245\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/RS37367_fastlane-video-1990-pico-rivera-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1567\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/RS37367_fastlane-video-1990-pico-rivera-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/RS37367_fastlane-video-1990-pico-rivera-qut-160x131.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/RS37367_fastlane-video-1990-pico-rivera-qut-800x653.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/RS37367_fastlane-video-1990-pico-rivera-qut-1020x832.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/RS37367_fastlane-video-1990-pico-rivera-qut-1200x979.jpg 1200w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Fastlane Video began as a movie delivery service to households throughout East Los Angeles. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Martin Felix)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Business got so good that eager customers started showing up to the Felix’s family home — the address was noted on the return address of the mailed catalogs and flyers — expecting a storefront, only to find a garage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We needed a new location because more people wanted to actually come into a shop than for us to deliver,” says Martin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 1990, the brothers expanded from their parents’ East L.A. garage to a storefront in the nearby suburb of Pico Rivera. Two years later, the brothers went their separate ways but remained close.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Martin moved Fastlane Video to the city of Whittier and Eddie opened his own printing shop, Fastlane Printing, next door.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=EkNxT89CgFE\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since Martin was a party promoter before the days of Fastlane Video, he knew how to attract large crowds to the store.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the ’90s he often organized autograph-signings with acts like \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=XB91QfyBuz8\">Sweet Sensation\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Of-uhhQWNeA\">Miranda\u003c/a>, and eager teens would show up to get the latest mix-tapes and CDs for their backyard parties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The part-video-store, part-record-shop quickly became a hub for local DJs and big name recording artists in the house music and \u003ca href=\"https://tropicsofmeta.com/2016/11/30/the-other-freestyle-recovering-80s-latin-dance-music/\">freestyle\u003c/a> scene.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11750249\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/RS37364_clubs-mannequinz-49-qut-800x405.jpg\" alt=\"In the '80's and '90's, the Felix brothers promoted big warehouse parties where freestyle and house music reigned supreme among the mostly Latino crowds.\" width=\"800\" height=\"405\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11750249\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/RS37364_clubs-mannequinz-49-qut-800x405.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/RS37364_clubs-mannequinz-49-qut-160x81.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/RS37364_clubs-mannequinz-49-qut-1020x516.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/RS37364_clubs-mannequinz-49-qut-1200x607.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/RS37364_clubs-mannequinz-49-qut.jpg 1670w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">In the ’80’s and ’90’s, the Felix brothers promoted big warehouse parties where freestyle and house music reigned supreme among the mostly Latino crowds.\u003cbr> \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Martin Felix)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Unable to compete with the free digital music market kick-started by Napster, Martin discontinued the music side of the business in 2002. When his customers began requesting the newest releases on DVDs, he shifted his business model once again, this time from analog to digital.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our location is so small, we got to the point that we had to give away all our VHS tapes,” says Martin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today the only VHS tapes in the store are collecting dust in the back closet, left over from DVD transfers Martin makes for customers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now that streaming platforms have replaced video stores it’s hard to believe that \u003ca href=\"http://www.fastlanevideo.com/\">Fastlane Video is still standing\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There used to be a video store on every corner,” says Martin. “I was surrounded by 15 video stores, but we’re still here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s not a hipster spot with retro decor and underground art house films. Instead, Martin has the big blockbuster titles on 4K and Blu Ray DVDs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11750248\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1279px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11750248 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/RS37369_fastlane-records-dj-trajic-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1279\" height=\"994\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/RS37369_fastlane-records-dj-trajic-qut.jpg 1279w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/RS37369_fastlane-records-dj-trajic-qut-160x124.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/RS37369_fastlane-records-dj-trajic-qut-800x622.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/RS37369_fastlane-records-dj-trajic-qut-1020x793.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/RS37369_fastlane-records-dj-trajic-qut-1200x933.jpg 1200w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1279px) 100vw, 1279px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A flyer for autograph signings at Fastlane Video & Records, a hub for fans of freestyle and house music. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Martin Felix)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Martin says keeping his shop modern is key to its survival.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Either we move with the technology and learn from it or just close our doors and say, ‘I’m not going to deal with it,’ ” he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The modest place is crammed with more than 15,000 DVDs, leaving little room to move around. Stark fluorescent lighting beams from the ceiling — reminiscent of the early days when Fastlane Video began 30 years ago out of a garage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Making that customer smile. That’s the only thing that hasn’t changed in this industry,” says Martin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He’s even kept his free popcorn special from the early days.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11750236\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11750236 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/RS37365_IMG_7039-qut-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/RS37365_IMG_7039-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/RS37365_IMG_7039-qut-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/RS37365_IMG_7039-qut-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/RS37365_IMG_7039-qut-1200x900.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/RS37365_IMG_7039-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/RS37365_IMG_7039-qut-1832x1374.jpg 1832w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/RS37365_IMG_7039-qut-1376x1032.jpg 1376w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/RS37365_IMG_7039-qut-1044x783.jpg 1044w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/RS37365_IMG_7039-qut-632x474.jpg 632w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/RS37365_IMG_7039-qut-536x402.jpg 536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Martin Felix started Fastlane Video with his older brother at age 21, and hasn’t closed his doors since. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Martin Felix)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Just like Martin’s original customers from 1989, who preferred the experience of visiting a store over the convenience of home delivery, so do today’s customers, like Angelo Sarni.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I use Netflix, but I still like walking into a video place and renting videos the old school way,” says Sarni, who on this day is renting copies of “The Equalizer 2” and “Crazy Rich Asians.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For others, paying subscription fees to various streaming platforms on top of their internet bill is out of reach. Fastlane Video is an affordable alternative that comes with the bonus of face-to-face interaction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Whittier resident Louie Davis frequents the store to rent the latest Marvel movie, and chat about superhero trivia with a familiar face.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11750244\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/RS37366_fastlane-video-front-day-qut-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"Fastlane Video is still going strong in the Los Angeles suburb of Whittier.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11750244\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/RS37366_fastlane-video-front-day-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/RS37366_fastlane-video-front-day-qut-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/RS37366_fastlane-video-front-day-qut-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/RS37366_fastlane-video-front-day-qut-1044x783.jpg 1044w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/RS37366_fastlane-video-front-day-qut-632x474.jpg 632w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/RS37366_fastlane-video-front-day-qut-536x402.jpg 536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/RS37366_fastlane-video-front-day-qut.jpg 1145w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Fastlane Video is still going strong in the Los Angeles suburb of Whittier. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Martin Felix)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Many customers come here to just talk to somebody. That’s what I am to most of them,” says Martin. “Some of them rent movies, some of them don’t, but I enjoy being here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The crowded store every Christmas Eve is a testament to Fastlane Video’s popularity in the community, explains customer Donald Calkims. In order to clear up shelf space for newer movies, Martin sets up tables in the parking lot stacked with overstocked DVDs that are free for his customers to take home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Now, I have a lot of customers that [bring] not just their kids but even their grandkids. So I have four generations that come in here to rent movies,” says Martin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11750254\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/RS37370_fastlane-video-christmas-drawing-2018-qut-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"Longtime customers turned out for Fastlane Video’s annual Christmas giveaway.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11750254\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/RS37370_fastlane-video-christmas-drawing-2018-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/RS37370_fastlane-video-christmas-drawing-2018-qut-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/RS37370_fastlane-video-christmas-drawing-2018-qut-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/RS37370_fastlane-video-christmas-drawing-2018-qut-1200x900.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/RS37370_fastlane-video-christmas-drawing-2018-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/RS37370_fastlane-video-christmas-drawing-2018-qut-1832x1374.jpg 1832w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/RS37370_fastlane-video-christmas-drawing-2018-qut-1376x1032.jpg 1376w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/RS37370_fastlane-video-christmas-drawing-2018-qut-1044x783.jpg 1044w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/RS37370_fastlane-video-christmas-drawing-2018-qut-632x474.jpg 632w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/RS37370_fastlane-video-christmas-drawing-2018-qut-536x402.jpg 536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Longtime customers turned out for Fastlane Video’s annual Christmas giveaway. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Martin Felix)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>While streaming platforms have altered the way we consume media, Fastlane Video is a reminder of a time when movies brought people together instead of isolating us on our individual screens.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And as long as the neighborhood keeps coming, Martin Felix says he plans to keep his doors open for as long as he can.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"title": "How an Old-School L.A. Video Store Thrives in a Netflix World | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The year was 1989. Movies like “Batman,” “When Harry Met Sally” and “Back to the Future Part II” were Hollywood hits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On the other side of Hollywood, miles from the production studios and industry gatekeepers, two Mexican-American brothers from East Los Angeles embarked on a plan to deliver movie magic to their side of town.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Martin and Eddie Felix purchased used VHS tapes from the rental stores on the Westside of Los Angeles. Once they had a sizable collection of ’80s crowd-favorites, they converted their parent’s garage in East Los Angeles into a video library.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They called their business Fastlane Video, and unlike the nearby video rental spots, they took their cue from pizzerias. They advertised free delivery and pickup, with a free bag of microwavable popcorn for every two-movie rental.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11750247\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 729px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/RS37368_156702-qut.jpg\" alt=\"An original flyer Martin and Eddie Felix printed and mailed to households across East Los Angeles.\" width=\"729\" height=\"900\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11750247\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/RS37368_156702-qut.jpg 729w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/RS37368_156702-qut-160x198.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 729px) 100vw, 729px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">An original flyer Martin and Eddie Felix printed and mailed to households across East Los Angeles. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Martin Felix)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Already running a successful print shop out of the same garage, 21-year-old-Martin and his older brother Eddie designed mini catalogs of their VHS inventory. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They mailed them out to households across East L.A so customers could call in their orders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We were one of the first to actually pioneer [movie delivery],” says Martin Felix.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than a decade before Netflix would come to dominate the rental market and mail DVDs in red envelopes, the Felix brothers were finding innovative ways to collect their share of the lucrative movie industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Martin and Eddie enlisted their neighborhood buddies with cars to deliver from Soto Street to Whittier Boulevard, all the way to the 10 freeway.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11750245\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11750245\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/RS37367_fastlane-video-1990-pico-rivera-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1567\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/RS37367_fastlane-video-1990-pico-rivera-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/RS37367_fastlane-video-1990-pico-rivera-qut-160x131.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/RS37367_fastlane-video-1990-pico-rivera-qut-800x653.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/RS37367_fastlane-video-1990-pico-rivera-qut-1020x832.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/RS37367_fastlane-video-1990-pico-rivera-qut-1200x979.jpg 1200w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Fastlane Video began as a movie delivery service to households throughout East Los Angeles. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Martin Felix)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Business got so good that eager customers started showing up to the Felix’s family home — the address was noted on the return address of the mailed catalogs and flyers — expecting a storefront, only to find a garage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We needed a new location because more people wanted to actually come into a shop than for us to deliver,” says Martin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 1990, the brothers expanded from their parents’ East L.A. garage to a storefront in the nearby suburb of Pico Rivera. Two years later, the brothers went their separate ways but remained close.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Martin moved Fastlane Video to the city of Whittier and Eddie opened his own printing shop, Fastlane Printing, next door.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/EkNxT89CgFE'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/EkNxT89CgFE'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>Since Martin was a party promoter before the days of Fastlane Video, he knew how to attract large crowds to the store.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the ’90s he often organized autograph-signings with acts like \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=XB91QfyBuz8\">Sweet Sensation\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Of-uhhQWNeA\">Miranda\u003c/a>, and eager teens would show up to get the latest mix-tapes and CDs for their backyard parties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The part-video-store, part-record-shop quickly became a hub for local DJs and big name recording artists in the house music and \u003ca href=\"https://tropicsofmeta.com/2016/11/30/the-other-freestyle-recovering-80s-latin-dance-music/\">freestyle\u003c/a> scene.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11750249\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/RS37364_clubs-mannequinz-49-qut-800x405.jpg\" alt=\"In the '80's and '90's, the Felix brothers promoted big warehouse parties where freestyle and house music reigned supreme among the mostly Latino crowds.\" width=\"800\" height=\"405\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11750249\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/RS37364_clubs-mannequinz-49-qut-800x405.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/RS37364_clubs-mannequinz-49-qut-160x81.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/RS37364_clubs-mannequinz-49-qut-1020x516.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/RS37364_clubs-mannequinz-49-qut-1200x607.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/RS37364_clubs-mannequinz-49-qut.jpg 1670w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">In the ’80’s and ’90’s, the Felix brothers promoted big warehouse parties where freestyle and house music reigned supreme among the mostly Latino crowds.\u003cbr> \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Martin Felix)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Unable to compete with the free digital music market kick-started by Napster, Martin discontinued the music side of the business in 2002. When his customers began requesting the newest releases on DVDs, he shifted his business model once again, this time from analog to digital.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our location is so small, we got to the point that we had to give away all our VHS tapes,” says Martin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today the only VHS tapes in the store are collecting dust in the back closet, left over from DVD transfers Martin makes for customers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now that streaming platforms have replaced video stores it’s hard to believe that \u003ca href=\"http://www.fastlanevideo.com/\">Fastlane Video is still standing\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There used to be a video store on every corner,” says Martin. “I was surrounded by 15 video stores, but we’re still here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s not a hipster spot with retro decor and underground art house films. Instead, Martin has the big blockbuster titles on 4K and Blu Ray DVDs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11750248\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1279px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11750248 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/RS37369_fastlane-records-dj-trajic-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1279\" height=\"994\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/RS37369_fastlane-records-dj-trajic-qut.jpg 1279w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/RS37369_fastlane-records-dj-trajic-qut-160x124.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/RS37369_fastlane-records-dj-trajic-qut-800x622.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/RS37369_fastlane-records-dj-trajic-qut-1020x793.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/RS37369_fastlane-records-dj-trajic-qut-1200x933.jpg 1200w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1279px) 100vw, 1279px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A flyer for autograph signings at Fastlane Video & Records, a hub for fans of freestyle and house music. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Martin Felix)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Martin says keeping his shop modern is key to its survival.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Either we move with the technology and learn from it or just close our doors and say, ‘I’m not going to deal with it,’ ” he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The modest place is crammed with more than 15,000 DVDs, leaving little room to move around. Stark fluorescent lighting beams from the ceiling — reminiscent of the early days when Fastlane Video began 30 years ago out of a garage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Making that customer smile. That’s the only thing that hasn’t changed in this industry,” says Martin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He’s even kept his free popcorn special from the early days.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11750236\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11750236 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/RS37365_IMG_7039-qut-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/RS37365_IMG_7039-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/RS37365_IMG_7039-qut-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/RS37365_IMG_7039-qut-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/RS37365_IMG_7039-qut-1200x900.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/RS37365_IMG_7039-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/RS37365_IMG_7039-qut-1832x1374.jpg 1832w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/RS37365_IMG_7039-qut-1376x1032.jpg 1376w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/RS37365_IMG_7039-qut-1044x783.jpg 1044w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/RS37365_IMG_7039-qut-632x474.jpg 632w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/RS37365_IMG_7039-qut-536x402.jpg 536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Martin Felix started Fastlane Video with his older brother at age 21, and hasn’t closed his doors since. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Martin Felix)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Just like Martin’s original customers from 1989, who preferred the experience of visiting a store over the convenience of home delivery, so do today’s customers, like Angelo Sarni.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I use Netflix, but I still like walking into a video place and renting videos the old school way,” says Sarni, who on this day is renting copies of “The Equalizer 2” and “Crazy Rich Asians.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For others, paying subscription fees to various streaming platforms on top of their internet bill is out of reach. Fastlane Video is an affordable alternative that comes with the bonus of face-to-face interaction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Whittier resident Louie Davis frequents the store to rent the latest Marvel movie, and chat about superhero trivia with a familiar face.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11750244\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/RS37366_fastlane-video-front-day-qut-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"Fastlane Video is still going strong in the Los Angeles suburb of Whittier.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11750244\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/RS37366_fastlane-video-front-day-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/RS37366_fastlane-video-front-day-qut-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/RS37366_fastlane-video-front-day-qut-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/RS37366_fastlane-video-front-day-qut-1044x783.jpg 1044w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/RS37366_fastlane-video-front-day-qut-632x474.jpg 632w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/RS37366_fastlane-video-front-day-qut-536x402.jpg 536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/RS37366_fastlane-video-front-day-qut.jpg 1145w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Fastlane Video is still going strong in the Los Angeles suburb of Whittier. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Martin Felix)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Many customers come here to just talk to somebody. That’s what I am to most of them,” says Martin. “Some of them rent movies, some of them don’t, but I enjoy being here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The crowded store every Christmas Eve is a testament to Fastlane Video’s popularity in the community, explains customer Donald Calkims. In order to clear up shelf space for newer movies, Martin sets up tables in the parking lot stacked with overstocked DVDs that are free for his customers to take home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Now, I have a lot of customers that [bring] not just their kids but even their grandkids. So I have four generations that come in here to rent movies,” says Martin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11750254\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/RS37370_fastlane-video-christmas-drawing-2018-qut-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"Longtime customers turned out for Fastlane Video’s annual Christmas giveaway.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11750254\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/RS37370_fastlane-video-christmas-drawing-2018-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/RS37370_fastlane-video-christmas-drawing-2018-qut-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/RS37370_fastlane-video-christmas-drawing-2018-qut-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/RS37370_fastlane-video-christmas-drawing-2018-qut-1200x900.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/RS37370_fastlane-video-christmas-drawing-2018-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/RS37370_fastlane-video-christmas-drawing-2018-qut-1832x1374.jpg 1832w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/RS37370_fastlane-video-christmas-drawing-2018-qut-1376x1032.jpg 1376w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/RS37370_fastlane-video-christmas-drawing-2018-qut-1044x783.jpg 1044w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/RS37370_fastlane-video-christmas-drawing-2018-qut-632x474.jpg 632w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/RS37370_fastlane-video-christmas-drawing-2018-qut-536x402.jpg 536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Longtime customers turned out for Fastlane Video’s annual Christmas giveaway. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Martin Felix)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>While streaming platforms have altered the way we consume media, Fastlane Video is a reminder of a time when movies brought people together instead of isolating us on our individual screens.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And as long as the neighborhood keeps coming, Martin Felix says he plans to keep his doors open for as long as he can.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"disqusTitle": "Free Immigration Applications May Become Harder to Get Under Federal Proposal",
"title": "Free Immigration Applications May Become Harder to Get Under Federal Proposal",
"headTitle": "The California Report | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>A plan in the works from the Trump administration could make it harder for immigrants to request an exemption from fees when they seek to become citizens or legal permanent residents of the United States.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Monday is the deadline for public comments on a proposal that would eliminate proof of means-tested benefits, such as Medi-Cal or CalFresh food stamps, as a way to qualify for fee waivers in immigration applications. The agency would still offer to waive fees for applicants who can show through other documents they are very low income or have a financial hardship.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, the move could exclude more than 200,000 potential applicants for citizenship from obtaining fee waivers, and is likely to discourage others from applying, according to researchers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An application for citizenship costs a total of $725, while a request for a green card is $1,225.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Opponents argue that the proposal from U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services would lengthen and complicate the process of requesting a free application by dropping the most straightforward way for people to prove that their income is low.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This proposal has the potential to affect our clients really seriously, and limit their ability to file their applications,” said Alyssa Simpson, supervising attorney with Catholic Charities of the East Bay. The nonprofit helps about 1,600 low-income immigrants per year to apply for citizenship and humanitarian relief and other visas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside tag='immigration-policy' label='More on Immigration Policy']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s going to be a longer and dragged-out process,” Simpson added. “It's the sort of thing that's going to make people have to seek out lawyers or community agencies when, in the past, they might have been able to file on their own.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Currently, USCIS will waive the application fees of immigrants who are enrolled in means-tested programs administered by states, or who can prove through other documents that they are very low income or have a financial hardship.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agency argues that the “means-tested benefit receipt” is unfair and should be eliminated, because different states use different income levels to grant food stamps and other federally funded programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Consequently, a fee waiver may be granted for one person who has a certain level of income in one state, but denied for a person with that same income who lives in another state,” according to the USCIS \u003ca href=\"https://www.federalregister.gov/documents/2019/04/05/2019-06657/agency-information-collection-activities-revision-of-a-currently-approved-collection-request-for-fee\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">notice\u003c/a> in the Federal Register.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>USCIS did not return requests for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11745015\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11745015\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/RS36944_Photo-2-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/RS36944_Photo-2-qut.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/RS36944_Photo-2-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/RS36944_Photo-2-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/RS36944_Photo-2-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/RS36944_Photo-2-qut-1200x800.jpg 1200w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A student reviews a civics lesson for the citizenship exam on March 22, 2018, at a community center in Redwood City, California. \u003ccite>(Farida Jhabvala Romero/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>About 220,000 people in California who are eligible for citizenship and also enrolled in means-tested programs would no longer qualify for a free application if the new policy takes effect, said Michael Hotard, a researcher with the Immigration Policy Lab at Stanford University.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said the changes could deter eligible green card holders from becoming U.S. citizens.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Making it harder to use the fee waiver will certainly discourage some potential citizens from actually applying,” said Hotard, the lead author in a recent \u003ca href=\"https://immigrationlab.org/project/how-a-simple-nudge-could-boost-citizenship-rates/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">study\u003c/a> that found that just telling low-income immigrants that they might qualify for a fee waiver boosted citizenship application rates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size='small' align='right' citation='Melissa Rodgers, director of programs for New Americans Campaign']'I think it's an extremely cynical proposal from an agency that right now is proposing to make it harder for poor people to access immigration benefits for which they qualify by attacking the fee waiver pathway'[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, roughly 2.4 million people are eligible to become naturalized citizens, and about half of them are eligible to have their application fee waived, a higher proportion than for the rest of the country, according to Hotard.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposed change to fee waivers comes as the Department of Homeland Security, which oversees USCIS, put forward a \u003ca href=\"http://src.bna.com/wmv\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">budget plan\u003c/a> earlier this year to move nearly $208 million in revenue from USCIS application fees to support agents working on immigration enforcement. Congress declined the request, citing concerns about USCIS’s backlog of more than 750,000 pending immigration applications.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Melissa Rodgers, who directs the New Americans Campaign, a national coalition of nonprofits, decried that plan to divert money from processing immigration applications to Immigration and Customs Enforcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think it's an extremely cynical proposal from an agency that right now is proposing to make it harder for poor people to access immigration benefits for which they qualify by attacking the fee waiver pathway,” said Rodgers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside tag='green-card' label='Naturalization in the U.S.']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unlike most other federal agencies, which are funded by appropriations from Congress, USCIS depends on the fees it collects from immigrants to cover the majority of its operating costs. The agency periodically reviews its fees, and implemented its latest fee increase in 2016.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>USCIS waived an estimated $344 million in fees in fiscal year 2016, up from $223 million in 2013, according to a U.S. Department of Homeland Security \u003ca href=\"https://www.dhs.gov/sites/default/files/publications/USCIS%20-%20Fee%20Waiver%20Policies%20and%20Data.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">report\u003c/a> to Congress.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Becoming naturalized U.S. citizens gives people born abroad the right to vote and protects them from deportation. Research also suggests that immigrants who become citizens are able to earn higher wages, which can benefit their families and larger communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We live in areas where immigrants are living and working, and they're our friends our neighbors, and so I think it affects all of us,” said Simpson, the attorney.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"headline": "Free Immigration Applications May Become Harder to Get Under Federal Proposal",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A plan in the works from the Trump administration could make it harder for immigrants to request an exemption from fees when they seek to become citizens or legal permanent residents of the United States.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Monday is the deadline for public comments on a proposal that would eliminate proof of means-tested benefits, such as Medi-Cal or CalFresh food stamps, as a way to qualify for fee waivers in immigration applications. The agency would still offer to waive fees for applicants who can show through other documents they are very low income or have a financial hardship.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, the move could exclude more than 200,000 potential applicants for citizenship from obtaining fee waivers, and is likely to discourage others from applying, according to researchers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An application for citizenship costs a total of $725, while a request for a green card is $1,225.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Opponents argue that the proposal from U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services would lengthen and complicate the process of requesting a free application by dropping the most straightforward way for people to prove that their income is low.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This proposal has the potential to affect our clients really seriously, and limit their ability to file their applications,” said Alyssa Simpson, supervising attorney with Catholic Charities of the East Bay. The nonprofit helps about 1,600 low-income immigrants per year to apply for citizenship and humanitarian relief and other visas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s going to be a longer and dragged-out process,” Simpson added. “It's the sort of thing that's going to make people have to seek out lawyers or community agencies when, in the past, they might have been able to file on their own.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Currently, USCIS will waive the application fees of immigrants who are enrolled in means-tested programs administered by states, or who can prove through other documents that they are very low income or have a financial hardship.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agency argues that the “means-tested benefit receipt” is unfair and should be eliminated, because different states use different income levels to grant food stamps and other federally funded programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Consequently, a fee waiver may be granted for one person who has a certain level of income in one state, but denied for a person with that same income who lives in another state,” according to the USCIS \u003ca href=\"https://www.federalregister.gov/documents/2019/04/05/2019-06657/agency-information-collection-activities-revision-of-a-currently-approved-collection-request-for-fee\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">notice\u003c/a> in the Federal Register.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>USCIS did not return requests for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11745015\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11745015\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/RS36944_Photo-2-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/RS36944_Photo-2-qut.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/RS36944_Photo-2-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/RS36944_Photo-2-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/RS36944_Photo-2-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/RS36944_Photo-2-qut-1200x800.jpg 1200w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A student reviews a civics lesson for the citizenship exam on March 22, 2018, at a community center in Redwood City, California. \u003ccite>(Farida Jhabvala Romero/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>About 220,000 people in California who are eligible for citizenship and also enrolled in means-tested programs would no longer qualify for a free application if the new policy takes effect, said Michael Hotard, a researcher with the Immigration Policy Lab at Stanford University.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said the changes could deter eligible green card holders from becoming U.S. citizens.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Making it harder to use the fee waiver will certainly discourage some potential citizens from actually applying,” said Hotard, the lead author in a recent \u003ca href=\"https://immigrationlab.org/project/how-a-simple-nudge-could-boost-citizenship-rates/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">study\u003c/a> that found that just telling low-income immigrants that they might qualify for a fee waiver boosted citizenship application rates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "'I think it's an extremely cynical proposal from an agency that right now is proposing to make it harder for poor people to access immigration benefits for which they qualify by attacking the fee waiver pathway'",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, roughly 2.4 million people are eligible to become naturalized citizens, and about half of them are eligible to have their application fee waived, a higher proportion than for the rest of the country, according to Hotard.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposed change to fee waivers comes as the Department of Homeland Security, which oversees USCIS, put forward a \u003ca href=\"http://src.bna.com/wmv\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">budget plan\u003c/a> earlier this year to move nearly $208 million in revenue from USCIS application fees to support agents working on immigration enforcement. Congress declined the request, citing concerns about USCIS’s backlog of more than 750,000 pending immigration applications.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Melissa Rodgers, who directs the New Americans Campaign, a national coalition of nonprofits, decried that plan to divert money from processing immigration applications to Immigration and Customs Enforcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think it's an extremely cynical proposal from an agency that right now is proposing to make it harder for poor people to access immigration benefits for which they qualify by attacking the fee waiver pathway,” said Rodgers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unlike most other federal agencies, which are funded by appropriations from Congress, USCIS depends on the fees it collects from immigrants to cover the majority of its operating costs. The agency periodically reviews its fees, and implemented its latest fee increase in 2016.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>USCIS waived an estimated $344 million in fees in fiscal year 2016, up from $223 million in 2013, according to a U.S. Department of Homeland Security \u003ca href=\"https://www.dhs.gov/sites/default/files/publications/USCIS%20-%20Fee%20Waiver%20Policies%20and%20Data.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">report\u003c/a> to Congress.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Becoming naturalized U.S. citizens gives people born abroad the right to vote and protects them from deportation. Research also suggests that immigrants who become citizens are able to earn higher wages, which can benefit their families and larger communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We live in areas where immigrants are living and working, and they're our friends our neighbors, and so I think it affects all of us,” said Simpson, the attorney.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>A California couple who beat, tortured and abused 12 of their 13 children for years were sentenced to life in prison during an emotional hearing that included testimony from some of the victims.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>David and Louise Turpin pleaded guilty in February to 14 felony counts each, including counts of torture, false imprisonment, cruelty to dependent adults and child endangerment, after police discovered they had held their children captive, starving them and forcing them to live in horrific conditions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My parents took my whole life from me,” said one of their elder daughters, whose name was not revealed in court. She was one of the two adult children who read statements to the court before the sentencing. “Life may have been bad, but it made me strong. I saw my dad change my mom, they almost changed me. I’m a fighter, I’m strong.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But now,” she said, “I’m taking my life back. … Life is great.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her mother wept as she looked on, the Associated Press reported.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I cannot describe in words what we went through growing up. Sometimes I still have nightmares of things that happened, such as my siblings being chained up or getting beaten,” said the couple’s son.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But that is the past and this is now,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like his sister and at least one other sibling, he is enrolled in college and says he is optimistic about the future. He is studying to be a software engineer and has learned to ride a bike.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I love my parents and have forgiven them for a lot of the things that they did to us,” he told the court, speaking slowly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both siblings sat in the courtroom accompanied by a support and comfort dog named Raider, from the Corona Police Department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote class=\"twitter-tweet\">\n\u003cp dir=\"ltr\" lang=\"en\">David and Louise Turpin, seen here talking with their attorneys after today’s hearing, were sentenced by Judge Bernard Schwartz to 25 years to life for the torture and abuse of their children. The judge told the Turpins their actions were “selfish, cruel, and inhumane.” MORE … \u003ca href=\"https://t.co/bdurOvU4Gu\">pic.twitter.com/bdurOvU4Gu\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>— Riverside County DA’s Office (@RivCoDA) \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/RivCoDA/status/1119326401885241345?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw\">April 19, 2019\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>The sentencing came just over a year after the couple’s then-17-year-old daughter \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/thetwo-way/2018/01/18/578923611/this-is-depraved-conduct-couple-charged-with-torture-after-kids-found-shackled\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">escaped through a window\u003c/a> of the family’s Perris, Calif., home and called 911. It was the culmination of a \u003ca href=\"http://www.rivcoda.org/opencms/system/galleries/download/daReleases/NEWS_RELEASE_--_DA_Hestrin_announces_charges_in_Perris_child_torture_case.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">two-year plan\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The girl directed police to the house where officials found the children — ages 2 to 29 at the time — living in appalling squalor. Some were “\u003ca href=\"http://nixle.us/9TFYK\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">shackled to their beds with chains and padlocks in dark and foul-smelling surroundings\u003c/a>,” according to the Riverside Sheriff’s Department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They were so malnourished and emaciated that police mistook them for much younger children. In fact, they believed the 17-year-old was only 10. Police were also shocked to discover seven adults among the group, ranging in age from 18 to 29 — the eldest weighed 82 pounds when found. Officials also concluded several of the victims suffered cognitive impairment and neuropathy as result of the extreme and prolonged physical abuse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Further investigations revealed the siblings were restrained by ropes and later chains as a form of punishment. They were often beaten, strangled or tied up for “weeks or even months at a time.” They were only allowed to shower once a year, and their parents often taunted them by keeping food and toys just out of reach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align='left' citation='Louise Turpin' ]‘I only want the best for them; their happiness is very important to me. They are very smart, amazing individuals. I hope they get all the education they need.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The youngest child, who was 2 when the Turpins were arrested, was apparently spared the abuse, the Riverside County district attorney determined.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both parents offered tearful apologies to their children in court, saying they acted out of love.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m sorry for everything I’ve done to hurt my children,” Louise Turpin said, weeping. “I love my children so much. I’m blessed to be the mother of each one of them. I only want the best for them; their happiness is very important to me. They are very smart, amazing individuals. I hope they get all the education they need.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Their father, David, spoke briefly before breaking down. “I am so proud of each and every one of my children. I miss all of my children and I will be praying for them. I long for the opportunity to have contact with them again,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align='right' citation='David Turpin' ]‘My home schooling and discipline had good intentions. … I’m sorry if I’ve done anything to cause them harm.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His lawyer finished reading the statement saying, “My home schooling and discipline had good intentions. … I’m sorry if I’ve done anything to cause them harm.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Judge Bernard Schwartz had harsh words for the Turpins and the irreparable years of maltreatment they inflicted on their offspring.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Their lives have been permanently altered in their ability to learn, grow and thrive. You have delayed their mental, physical and emotional development,” Schwartz said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“To the extent that they do thrive, and it appears from today that perhaps a couple are, it will be not because of you both, but in spite of you both,” he rebuked the pair.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The couple will be eligible for parole after 25 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2019 NPR. To see more, visit https://www.npr.org.\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=California+Parents+Sentenced+To+Life+In+Prison+After+Years+Of+Torturing+12+Children&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I cannot describe in words what we went through growing up. Sometimes I still have nightmares of things that happened, such as my siblings being chained up or getting beaten,” said the couple’s son.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But that is the past and this is now,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like his sister and at least one other sibling, he is enrolled in college and says he is optimistic about the future. He is studying to be a software engineer and has learned to ride a bike.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I love my parents and have forgiven them for a lot of the things that they did to us,” he told the court, speaking slowly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both siblings sat in the courtroom accompanied by a support and comfort dog named Raider, from the Corona Police Department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote class=\"twitter-tweet\">\n\u003cp dir=\"ltr\" lang=\"en\">David and Louise Turpin, seen here talking with their attorneys after today’s hearing, were sentenced by Judge Bernard Schwartz to 25 years to life for the torture and abuse of their children. The judge told the Turpins their actions were “selfish, cruel, and inhumane.” MORE … \u003ca href=\"https://t.co/bdurOvU4Gu\">pic.twitter.com/bdurOvU4Gu\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>— Riverside County DA’s Office (@RivCoDA) \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/RivCoDA/status/1119326401885241345?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw\">April 19, 2019\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>The sentencing came just over a year after the couple’s then-17-year-old daughter \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/thetwo-way/2018/01/18/578923611/this-is-depraved-conduct-couple-charged-with-torture-after-kids-found-shackled\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">escaped through a window\u003c/a> of the family’s Perris, Calif., home and called 911. It was the culmination of a \u003ca href=\"http://www.rivcoda.org/opencms/system/galleries/download/daReleases/NEWS_RELEASE_--_DA_Hestrin_announces_charges_in_Perris_child_torture_case.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">two-year plan\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The girl directed police to the house where officials found the children — ages 2 to 29 at the time — living in appalling squalor. Some were “\u003ca href=\"http://nixle.us/9TFYK\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">shackled to their beds with chains and padlocks in dark and foul-smelling surroundings\u003c/a>,” according to the Riverside Sheriff’s Department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They were so malnourished and emaciated that police mistook them for much younger children. In fact, they believed the 17-year-old was only 10. Police were also shocked to discover seven adults among the group, ranging in age from 18 to 29 — the eldest weighed 82 pounds when found. Officials also concluded several of the victims suffered cognitive impairment and neuropathy as result of the extreme and prolonged physical abuse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Further investigations revealed the siblings were restrained by ropes and later chains as a form of punishment. They were often beaten, strangled or tied up for “weeks or even months at a time.” They were only allowed to shower once a year, and their parents often taunted them by keeping food and toys just out of reach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The youngest child, who was 2 when the Turpins were arrested, was apparently spared the abuse, the Riverside County district attorney determined.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both parents offered tearful apologies to their children in court, saying they acted out of love.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m sorry for everything I’ve done to hurt my children,” Louise Turpin said, weeping. “I love my children so much. I’m blessed to be the mother of each one of them. I only want the best for them; their happiness is very important to me. They are very smart, amazing individuals. I hope they get all the education they need.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Their father, David, spoke briefly before breaking down. “I am so proud of each and every one of my children. I miss all of my children and I will be praying for them. I long for the opportunity to have contact with them again,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘My home schooling and discipline had good intentions. … I’m sorry if I’ve done anything to cause them harm.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His lawyer finished reading the statement saying, “My home schooling and discipline had good intentions. … I’m sorry if I’ve done anything to cause them harm.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Judge Bernard Schwartz had harsh words for the Turpins and the irreparable years of maltreatment they inflicted on their offspring.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Their lives have been permanently altered in their ability to learn, grow and thrive. You have delayed their mental, physical and emotional development,” Schwartz said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“To the extent that they do thrive, and it appears from today that perhaps a couple are, it will be not because of you both, but in spite of you both,” he rebuked the pair.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The couple will be eligible for parole after 25 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2019 NPR. To see more, visit https://www.npr.org.\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=California+Parents+Sentenced+To+Life+In+Prison+After+Years+Of+Torturing+12+Children&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>The U.S. Missile Defense Agency says it has conducted \u003ca href=\"https://www.mda.mil/news/19news0003.html\">another successful test\u003c/a> of its ground-based interceptor system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Monday’s test involved a missile carrying a dummy warhead fired from Kwajalein Atoll in the Pacific Ocean toward the West Coast of the United States. Sensors tracked the missile as it flew, and then two interceptors were launched from Vandenberg Air Force Base in Santa Barbara County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The first interceptor successfully slammed into the dummy warhead high over the Pacific. As designed, the second interceptor appeared to continue to seek a target, eventually hitting the largest chunk of debris it could find, according to \u003ca href=\"https://www.csis.org/people/thomas-karako\">Thomas Karako\u003c/a>, director of the Missile Defense Project at the Center for Strategic and International Studies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This was the first salvo test,” Karako says, referring to the fact that more than one interceptor was fired at a target. It proved that the trailing interceptor wouldn’t be confused by the leading one and could continue to seek a target. That’s important, Karako says, because if the system was used against a real warhead, multiple interceptors would be fired.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In the event of a real threat, of course they would fire more than one,” he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The test is the latest for the \u003ca href=\"https://www.mda.mil/system/gmd.html\">Ground-Based Midcourse Defense\u003c/a> system, which is designed to strike intercontinental ballistic missiles coming from countries such as North Korea.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At present, there are 40 interceptors based at Fort Greely, Alaska, and four at Vandenberg. The latest test is the third success in recent years. In 2017, a single interceptor struck a single warhead in a similar test. And in 2014, an interceptor struck a warhead delivered by a smaller, intermediate range ballistic missile.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think yesterday’s test contributes substantially to the confidence of the warfighter and the American people,” Karako says. “This system has been proven yet again.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But not everyone is convinced. “The test was really secretive, much more so than in past years,” says Laura Grego, a physicist with the Union of Concerned Scientists.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Grego notes that details about the nature of the intercept make it difficult to tell whether the system would work in the real world. “It was called a success, but we can’t tell from public information how high the bar for success was set.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Karako says that the system as it is currently configured can provide some defense against a small nuclear upstart like North Korea. But he says it would be easily overwhelmed by the larger nuclear arsenals of countries such as Russia and China.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Grego cautions against relying on the system at all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We should not be thinking about the [Ground-Based Midcourse Defense] as a robust defense, or a robust deterrent,” she says. “It does not provide protection in a real-world sense.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Pentagon’s missile defense review calls for increasing the number of interceptors to 64 as soon as 2023. But even that would not provide a global defense. The report also calls for investigating space-based systems that might provide more comprehensive coverage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this year, President Trump called for a missile defense system that could “detect and destroy any missile launched against the United States, anywhere, any time, any place.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2019 NPR. To see more, visit \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">https://www.npr.org\u003c/a>.\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=Missile+Defense+Agency+Claims+Successful+Warhead+Intercept&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The U.S. Missile Defense Agency says it has conducted \u003ca href=\"https://www.mda.mil/news/19news0003.html\">another successful test\u003c/a> of its ground-based interceptor system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Monday’s test involved a missile carrying a dummy warhead fired from Kwajalein Atoll in the Pacific Ocean toward the West Coast of the United States. Sensors tracked the missile as it flew, and then two interceptors were launched from Vandenberg Air Force Base in Santa Barbara County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The first interceptor successfully slammed into the dummy warhead high over the Pacific. As designed, the second interceptor appeared to continue to seek a target, eventually hitting the largest chunk of debris it could find, according to \u003ca href=\"https://www.csis.org/people/thomas-karako\">Thomas Karako\u003c/a>, director of the Missile Defense Project at the Center for Strategic and International Studies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This was the first salvo test,” Karako says, referring to the fact that more than one interceptor was fired at a target. It proved that the trailing interceptor wouldn’t be confused by the leading one and could continue to seek a target. That’s important, Karako says, because if the system was used against a real warhead, multiple interceptors would be fired.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In the event of a real threat, of course they would fire more than one,” he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The test is the latest for the \u003ca href=\"https://www.mda.mil/system/gmd.html\">Ground-Based Midcourse Defense\u003c/a> system, which is designed to strike intercontinental ballistic missiles coming from countries such as North Korea.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At present, there are 40 interceptors based at Fort Greely, Alaska, and four at Vandenberg. The latest test is the third success in recent years. In 2017, a single interceptor struck a single warhead in a similar test. And in 2014, an interceptor struck a warhead delivered by a smaller, intermediate range ballistic missile.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think yesterday’s test contributes substantially to the confidence of the warfighter and the American people,” Karako says. “This system has been proven yet again.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But not everyone is convinced. “The test was really secretive, much more so than in past years,” says Laura Grego, a physicist with the Union of Concerned Scientists.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Grego notes that details about the nature of the intercept make it difficult to tell whether the system would work in the real world. “It was called a success, but we can’t tell from public information how high the bar for success was set.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Karako says that the system as it is currently configured can provide some defense against a small nuclear upstart like North Korea. But he says it would be easily overwhelmed by the larger nuclear arsenals of countries such as Russia and China.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Grego cautions against relying on the system at all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We should not be thinking about the [Ground-Based Midcourse Defense] as a robust defense, or a robust deterrent,” she says. “It does not provide protection in a real-world sense.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Pentagon’s missile defense review calls for increasing the number of interceptors to 64 as soon as 2023. But even that would not provide a global defense. The report also calls for investigating space-based systems that might provide more comprehensive coverage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this year, President Trump called for a missile defense system that could “detect and destroy any missile launched against the United States, anywhere, any time, any place.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2019 NPR. To see more, visit \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">https://www.npr.org\u003c/a>.\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=Missile+Defense+Agency+Claims+Successful+Warhead+Intercept&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "how-charter-schools-became-such-a-big-player-in-californias-education-system",
"title": "How Charter Schools Became Such a Big Player in California's Education System",
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"content": "\u003cp>In the recent school walkouts in Oakland and Los Angeles, striking teachers and their unions took particular aim at charter schools, accusing them of stripping traditional public schools of crucial resources.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both cities have higher concentrations of students enrolled in charters than nearly anywhere else in California. And in the deals that ultimately ended the two labor disputes, each district agreed to consider moratoriums on new charters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oakland’s school board, which hasn’t approved any new charters in several years, is expected to vote this week on whether to officially suspend the approval process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For the last two decades, Oakland has been a veritable charter boomtown: There are now \u003ca href=\"https://www.ousdcharters.net/charters-authorized-in-oakland.html\">45 charter schools\u003c/a> attended by about 30 percent of the city’s K-12 students, up from 13 charters in 2003. Largely as a result, the district lost about 17,000 students in those 16 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The first charter school in Oakland, and one of the first in the California, opened in 1993 in the Fruitvale neighborhood, just a year after the state Legislature gave charters the green light. Oakland’s public school system had long struggled academically and financially, and with residents eager for better educational options for their children, the city became fertile ground for new charters to take root.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fueled by a large influx of outside funding from wealthy donors and a succession of charter-friendly district superintendents and city and state officials, new charter schools in Oakland proliferated, particularly in the decade after 2000, when the number of charter schools in the city more than tripled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11732119\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 600px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/03/enrollment_-_oakland_schools-final.gif\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11732119\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/03/enrollment_-_oakland_schools-final.gif\" alt=\"https://docs.google.com/document/d/18der2D2inCn9SpWtnc1MbGB_mLCDjIwbwATf1qtKz8E/edit\" width=\"600\" height=\"450\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Graphic: A steady decrease in public school enrollment is matched by a similar steady increase in charter school enrollment. \u003ccite>(Elena Lacey/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://e.infogram.com/9e6db336-6bf3-410c-a22b-8b125f6dc07d?src=embed\" title=\"Copy: Oakland Small Schools\" width=\"800\" height=\"750\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border:none;\" allowfullscreen=\"allowfullscreen\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And while certainly not the sole cause of Oakland Unified’s perennial budget woes, the rise of charters is a factor that has undeniably contributed to the district’s fiscal distress. Because OUSD receives per-pupil state funding, having fewer students means a lot less money for the district, even as its school building and administrative costs remain roughly the same. The Los Angeles and Oakland teachers unions frequently cite a 2018 report by the left-leaning Bay Area policy center, In The Public Interest, estimating that charter growth cost \u003cu>\u003ca href=\"http://www.inthepublicinterest.org/wp-content/uploads/ITPI_LAUSDCharters_PolicyBrief_May2016.pdf\">L.A. Unified \u003c/a>\u003c/u>more than $508 million in 2014-15 and \u003cu>\u003ca href=\"https://www.inthepublicinterest.org/report-the-cost-of-charter-schools-for-public-school-districts/\">Oakland Unified \u003c/a>\u003c/u>$57 million in 2016-17.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Charter school advocates, though, are quick to dismiss the report as blatantly biased, noting that IPI is affiliated with the Partnership for Working Families, whose funders include organized labor. They say that charters are being unfairly scapegoated, and argue that these schools fill a dire need for educational alternatives in many underserved communities, where traditional public schools have largely failed to provide students with the quality education they deserve. Charter schools offer parents and students more choices, which they contend is an inherently good thing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters also argue that charters offer a more innovative, customized approach to learning for many students, particularly those in low-income communities, who might otherwise fall through the cracks in traditional public schools. Charters, they say, provide greater academic and financial autonomy and have more direct accountability to the communities they serve.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After two decades of rapid, largely unchecked growth throughout the state, charter schools are now a flashpoint in the debate over the fate of public education in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As part of his pledge to bring “long overdue” transparency and accountability measures to California’s charter schools, Gov. Gavin Newsom signed \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200SB126\">new legislation\u003c/a> in early March, requiring them to adhere to the same conflict-of-interest and open-meeting rules as their traditional counterparts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The move marks a departure from the lighter-touch approach taken by his charter school-friendly predecessor, Gov. Jerry Brown, who twice vetoed similar legislation — and as mayor of Oakland, \u003ca href=\"https://edsource.org/2019/until-the-end-gov-brown-opposes-more-data-collection-and-charter-school-regulation/606684\">helped launch two charter schools\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SB 126 is just the first of a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11731298/common-sense-regulations-or-an-extended-middle-finger-how-far-will-california-go-on-charter-schools\">cascade of new bills\u003c/a> introduced by lawmakers that would subject the state’s more than 1,300 charter schools to an increased level of scrutiny and cap their growth statewide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So let’s take a step back. What exactly are charter schools? And how did they establish such a strong and controversial foothold within California’s education system?\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The basic gist\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Charter schools are publicly funded but privately run K-12 schools that are tuition-free. They are considered part of the public school system, although not subject to some of the rules and oversight of traditional schools.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Each of California’s roughly 1,300 charter schools has its own specific goals and operating procedures as laid out in an original proposal (“charter”) that’s been approved by the school district, or the county or state board of education.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many charter schools in California are run independently and got their start through grassroots community organizing efforts. A significant number, though, are overseen by large groups, known as charter management organizations, which operate multiple schools and often receive hefty funding from affluent charter boosters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of the larger, more well-known of these organizations have expanded to other states, including \u003ca href=\"http://www.kipp.org/\">Knowledge is Power Program (KIPP)\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"http://aspirepublicschools.org/\">Aspire Public Schools\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://greendot.org/\">Green Dot Public Schools\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While conventional public schools generally serve students who live within specific geographic zones, most charters are known as “schools of choice,” meaning that anyone can attend, regardless of home address.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The majority of charter teachers — \u003ca href=\"http://blogs.edweek.org/edweek/teacherbeat/2018/12/nations_first_charter_school_strike_ended.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">upward of 90 percent\u003c/a> — don’t belong to a union. Teachers can technically vote to join one, and some have, including the roughly 600 teachers and counselors at Green Dot Schools, who are part of \u003ca href=\"https://www.amuanimo.org/\">Asociación de Maestros Unidos\u003c/a>, a California Teachers Association/National Education Association affiliate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Until recently, California’s charter schools could be run by both nonprofit and for-profit organizations, as they are in many other states around the country. That changed \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billCompareClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180AB406\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">under a 2018 state law\u003c/a>, which banned new for-profit charters. Prior to the law’s enactment, \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/education/2018/09/18/california-gov-brown-signs-bill-banning-for-profit-charter-schools-will-it-really-do-that/?utm_term=.3ff28d863045\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">five for-profit groups operated roughly 35 schools\u003c/a> statewide. The law, which takes effect July 1, allows schools currently run or managed by for-profit companies to remain open as long as they switch to nonprofit management when their charters are up for renewal.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>When did charter schools start in California … and why?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In 1992 the state Legislature passed the\u003ca href=\"http://www.dhcs.ca.gov/provgovpart/Documents/sb_1448_bill_chaptered.pdf\"> Charter Schools Act (SB 1448)\u003c/a>, making California the second state in the nation (after Minnesota) to allow public charters. The law’s stated intent was to “provide opportunities for teachers, parents, pupils, and community members to establish and maintain schools that operate independently from the existing school district structure.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The initial law limited the total number of charters in the state to 100, and no more than 10 per school district (except Los Angeles, which was allowed 20) — a cap soon scrapped by subsequent legislation. Funding would “follow the student” after leaving a traditional public school. In 1993, \u003ca href=\"https://scclc.net/\">San Carlos Charter Learning Center\u003c/a>, an elementary school in San Mateo County, became the first charter school in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Charter schools in California got a more solid footing after \u003ca href=\"https://www.cde.ca.gov/sp/cs/as/proposition39.asp\">voters passed Proposition 39 in 2000\u003c/a>, requiring school districts to make facilities available to charter schools that serve students who live within the district.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since then, their numbers have skyrocketed, with steady, rapid growth across the state, which has only recently begun to slow.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" title=\"”Chart:\" aria-describedby=\"”Only\" id=\"”datawrapper-chart-WYs07″\" src=\"%E2%80%9D//datawrapper.dwcdn.net/WYs07/6/%E2%80%9D\" scrolling=\"”no”\" frameborder=\"”0″\" style=\"”width:\" height=\"”332″>\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003cbr>\n\n\u003c/p>\u003cp>With more than 600,000 students in the state’s roughly 1,300 charters schools – about 10 percent of all public school students statewide – California leads the nation in both the number of charters and the number of students attending them (although states like Arizona, Florida and Utah have higher percentages).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They’re often started in traditionally low-income school districts, as smaller, locally controlled alternatives to underperforming neighborhood schools. Los Angeles and the Bay Area, particularly Oakland, have some of the highest concentrations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" title=\"”Map:\" aria-describedby=\"”The\" id=\"”datawrapper-chart-bPbYB”\" src=\"%E2%80%9D//datawrapper.dwcdn.net/bPbYB/8/%E2%80%9D\" scrolling=\"”no”\" frameborder=\"”0″\" style=\"”width:\" height=\"”400″>\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003cbr>\n\n\u003c/p>\u003cp>As recently as the mid-1970s, California’s public school system was regarded as among the best in the nation, and the state, not coincidentally, also had one of the nation’s highest per-pupil spending rates. Then, largely as a result of a series of statewide tax measures — namely Proposition 13 — funding quickly slowed to a trickle, and in many districts across the state, the quality of public schools followed suit. Today, California \u003ca href=\"https://www.politifact.com/california/statements/2018/jan/17/delaine-eastin/does-california-rank-41st-student-spending-no-1-pr/\">ranks a dismal 41st nationally \u003c/a>in per-pupil public school spending.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Who are some big supporters and opponents?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Despite the generally friendly reception charter schools have received in California over the last two decades, particularly by key state leaders like Gov. Jerry Brown and his predecessor, Arnold Schwarzenegger, they’ve also faced strong resistance from the \u003ca href=\"https://www.cta.org/\">California Teachers Association\u003c/a> and the local district-level unions it represents. The CTA has consistently lobbied lawmakers to limit their growth and require greater accountability, an effort that seems to now be bearing fruit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Interestingly, one of the earliest boosters of the concept of charter schools was Albert Shanker, president of the American Federation of Teachers, who \u003ca href=\"https://reuther.wayne.edu/files/64.43.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">in the late 1980s\u003c/a> promoted the idea of creating experimental schools that would be better equipped to accommodate students who had failed in their traditional schools. Just five years later, however, \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/charter-schools-are-leading-to-an-unhealthy-divide-in-american-education/2018/06/22/73430df8-7016-11e8-afd5-778aca903bbe_story.html?utm_term=.f3de9ff27b0c\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">he publicly renounced the idea\u003c/a>, arguing that it had been adopted by anti-union businesses seeking profits. “Vouchers, charter schools, for-profit management schemes are all quick fixes that won’t fix anything,” \u003ca title=\"books.google.com\" href=\"https://books.google.com/books?id=dxsFuYUCKcoC&lpg=PA314&ots=pkEjpi111m&dq=vouchers%2C%20charter%20schools%2C%20for-profit%20management%20schemes%20are%20all%20quick%20fixes%20that%20won%E2%80%99t%20fix%20anything&pg=PA314#v=onepage&q=vouchers,%20charter%20schools,%20for-profit%20management%20schemes%20are%20all%20quick%20fixes%20that%20won%E2%80%99t%20fix%20anything&f=false\">he wrote\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pushing back against stricter regulations is the\u003ca href=\"https://www.ccsa.org/\"> California Charter Schools Association\u003c/a>, which represents most of the state’s charters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Not for a second will I apologize for the growth of charters that are meeting the needs of parents and are contributing to lifting up our brown and black kids, our disadvantaged students and providing them a lifeline of opportunity for greater success in our great state,” Myrna Castrejón, president of CCSA, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/california-charter-school-data-enrollment-cost-teachers-unions/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">told CALmatters\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The charter school sector is also commonly criticized for receiving large amounts of funding from corporate philanthropies like the Walton Family Foundation and the Gates Foundation, which have both poured millions into charter organizations across the country and strongly influenced education policy in a number of states, including California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/92dc914dd97c487a9b9aa4b006909a8c\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">2018 Associated Press investigation\u003c/a> found that philanthropists and their private foundations and charities have given almost half a billion dollars to state-level charter support organizations since 2006. California’s charter industry has been a major recipient of that funding, with donors contributing more than $100 million to the CCSA alone, according to the AP, money that the group has used to start up new schools throughout the state as well as lobby for charter-friendly legislation and push pro-charter candidates in local and statewide elections.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Do charters have to follow the same rules as traditional schools, and how do they line up academically?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Charters are largely unbeholden to school boards and school districts and most don’t have to a negotiate with teachers unions. They also generally have a lot more flexibility in terms of hiring, fundraising and allocating resources.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But they still do have to follow some of the same state and federal academic requirements. Students in charters, for instance, have to take the same \u003ca href=\"https://www.cde.ca.gov/sp/cs/re/qandasec6mar04.asp\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">statewide standardized tests\u003c/a> as those in traditional public schools based on Common Core State Standards. And similar to traditional California public schools, charters are required to be nonpartisan in all aspects of their operations, including academic programming, admissions and employment. They can’t charge tuition or discriminate against any student on the basis of gender, ethnicity, country of origin or disability.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Charter critics, however, argue that oversight is often lax in many charter schools, and some deliberately attract higher-performing students. That position was supported by \u003ca href=\"http://bit.ly/2rKinzE\">a 2017 study\u003c/a> of charter schools in Oakland, which found that charters there tend to enroll students who are more academically prepared than students who attend district-run schools, \u003ca href=\"https://edsource.org/2017/oakland-charters-more-likely-to-enroll-higher-performing-students-than-district-schools/583582\">giving those schools an edge\u003c/a> when compared academically. The study also found that while charters in Oakland receive less public funding than do district schools, they serve a much lower percentage of students with disabilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even so, there’s little evidence suggesting that charter schools, on average, have higher academic performance rates than traditional public schools. Much depends on the individual school and district.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How do you start a charter?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Anyone — a parent, teacher, student, educational organization, etc. — can create and circulate a charter petition to start a new charter school or convert a traditional school. As detailed in\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/codes_displayText.xhtml?lawCode=EDC&division=4.&title=2.&part=26.8.&chapter=2.&article=\"> California’s Education Code\u003c/a>, the petition must include a description of the school’s structure and student performance expectations, as well as an outline of the operational and management procedures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The petition needs to be signed by either the equivalent of half the number of teachers expected to work at the school during its first year or by the parents or guardians of half the number of students expected to enroll.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>School boards are expected to approve charters in their district unless it can be clearly demonstrated that the plan is educationally unsound. The fiscal impact of the charter can’t be considered in the decision — one of the rules that some legislators are now trying to upend.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If a local district denies a charter, petitioners can appeal to the county board of education and eventually to the State Board of Education.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Charter schools are approved for up to five years, with subsequent five-year renewals. Charters can be revoked if financial mismanagement occurs, or if the school fails to adhere to the terms of the original charter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Correction: An earlier version of this story incorrectly stated that students in California charter schools have to take the California High School Exit Exam and that charters are ranked based on the statewide Academic Performance Index. Both of those measures have since been phased out for all schools in California. Charter school and traditional public school students must now participate in the \u003ca href=\"https://www.cde.ca.gov/ta/tg/sa/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Smarter Balanced Assessment System\u003c/a> based on Common Core State Standards.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"title": "How Charter Schools Became Such a Big Player in California's Education System | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>In the recent school walkouts in Oakland and Los Angeles, striking teachers and their unions took particular aim at charter schools, accusing them of stripping traditional public schools of crucial resources.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both cities have higher concentrations of students enrolled in charters than nearly anywhere else in California. And in the deals that ultimately ended the two labor disputes, each district agreed to consider moratoriums on new charters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oakland’s school board, which hasn’t approved any new charters in several years, is expected to vote this week on whether to officially suspend the approval process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For the last two decades, Oakland has been a veritable charter boomtown: There are now \u003ca href=\"https://www.ousdcharters.net/charters-authorized-in-oakland.html\">45 charter schools\u003c/a> attended by about 30 percent of the city’s K-12 students, up from 13 charters in 2003. Largely as a result, the district lost about 17,000 students in those 16 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The first charter school in Oakland, and one of the first in the California, opened in 1993 in the Fruitvale neighborhood, just a year after the state Legislature gave charters the green light. Oakland’s public school system had long struggled academically and financially, and with residents eager for better educational options for their children, the city became fertile ground for new charters to take root.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fueled by a large influx of outside funding from wealthy donors and a succession of charter-friendly district superintendents and city and state officials, new charter schools in Oakland proliferated, particularly in the decade after 2000, when the number of charter schools in the city more than tripled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11732119\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 600px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/03/enrollment_-_oakland_schools-final.gif\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11732119\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/03/enrollment_-_oakland_schools-final.gif\" alt=\"https://docs.google.com/document/d/18der2D2inCn9SpWtnc1MbGB_mLCDjIwbwATf1qtKz8E/edit\" width=\"600\" height=\"450\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Graphic: A steady decrease in public school enrollment is matched by a similar steady increase in charter school enrollment. \u003ccite>(Elena Lacey/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://e.infogram.com/9e6db336-6bf3-410c-a22b-8b125f6dc07d?src=embed\" title=\"Copy: Oakland Small Schools\" width=\"800\" height=\"750\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border:none;\" allowfullscreen=\"allowfullscreen\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And while certainly not the sole cause of Oakland Unified’s perennial budget woes, the rise of charters is a factor that has undeniably contributed to the district’s fiscal distress. Because OUSD receives per-pupil state funding, having fewer students means a lot less money for the district, even as its school building and administrative costs remain roughly the same. The Los Angeles and Oakland teachers unions frequently cite a 2018 report by the left-leaning Bay Area policy center, In The Public Interest, estimating that charter growth cost \u003cu>\u003ca href=\"http://www.inthepublicinterest.org/wp-content/uploads/ITPI_LAUSDCharters_PolicyBrief_May2016.pdf\">L.A. Unified \u003c/a>\u003c/u>more than $508 million in 2014-15 and \u003cu>\u003ca href=\"https://www.inthepublicinterest.org/report-the-cost-of-charter-schools-for-public-school-districts/\">Oakland Unified \u003c/a>\u003c/u>$57 million in 2016-17.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Charter school advocates, though, are quick to dismiss the report as blatantly biased, noting that IPI is affiliated with the Partnership for Working Families, whose funders include organized labor. They say that charters are being unfairly scapegoated, and argue that these schools fill a dire need for educational alternatives in many underserved communities, where traditional public schools have largely failed to provide students with the quality education they deserve. Charter schools offer parents and students more choices, which they contend is an inherently good thing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters also argue that charters offer a more innovative, customized approach to learning for many students, particularly those in low-income communities, who might otherwise fall through the cracks in traditional public schools. Charters, they say, provide greater academic and financial autonomy and have more direct accountability to the communities they serve.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After two decades of rapid, largely unchecked growth throughout the state, charter schools are now a flashpoint in the debate over the fate of public education in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As part of his pledge to bring “long overdue” transparency and accountability measures to California’s charter schools, Gov. Gavin Newsom signed \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200SB126\">new legislation\u003c/a> in early March, requiring them to adhere to the same conflict-of-interest and open-meeting rules as their traditional counterparts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The move marks a departure from the lighter-touch approach taken by his charter school-friendly predecessor, Gov. Jerry Brown, who twice vetoed similar legislation — and as mayor of Oakland, \u003ca href=\"https://edsource.org/2019/until-the-end-gov-brown-opposes-more-data-collection-and-charter-school-regulation/606684\">helped launch two charter schools\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SB 126 is just the first of a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11731298/common-sense-regulations-or-an-extended-middle-finger-how-far-will-california-go-on-charter-schools\">cascade of new bills\u003c/a> introduced by lawmakers that would subject the state’s more than 1,300 charter schools to an increased level of scrutiny and cap their growth statewide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So let’s take a step back. What exactly are charter schools? And how did they establish such a strong and controversial foothold within California’s education system?\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The basic gist\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Charter schools are publicly funded but privately run K-12 schools that are tuition-free. They are considered part of the public school system, although not subject to some of the rules and oversight of traditional schools.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Each of California’s roughly 1,300 charter schools has its own specific goals and operating procedures as laid out in an original proposal (“charter”) that’s been approved by the school district, or the county or state board of education.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many charter schools in California are run independently and got their start through grassroots community organizing efforts. A significant number, though, are overseen by large groups, known as charter management organizations, which operate multiple schools and often receive hefty funding from affluent charter boosters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of the larger, more well-known of these organizations have expanded to other states, including \u003ca href=\"http://www.kipp.org/\">Knowledge is Power Program (KIPP)\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"http://aspirepublicschools.org/\">Aspire Public Schools\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://greendot.org/\">Green Dot Public Schools\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While conventional public schools generally serve students who live within specific geographic zones, most charters are known as “schools of choice,” meaning that anyone can attend, regardless of home address.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The majority of charter teachers — \u003ca href=\"http://blogs.edweek.org/edweek/teacherbeat/2018/12/nations_first_charter_school_strike_ended.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">upward of 90 percent\u003c/a> — don’t belong to a union. Teachers can technically vote to join one, and some have, including the roughly 600 teachers and counselors at Green Dot Schools, who are part of \u003ca href=\"https://www.amuanimo.org/\">Asociación de Maestros Unidos\u003c/a>, a California Teachers Association/National Education Association affiliate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Until recently, California’s charter schools could be run by both nonprofit and for-profit organizations, as they are in many other states around the country. That changed \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billCompareClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180AB406\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">under a 2018 state law\u003c/a>, which banned new for-profit charters. Prior to the law’s enactment, \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/education/2018/09/18/california-gov-brown-signs-bill-banning-for-profit-charter-schools-will-it-really-do-that/?utm_term=.3ff28d863045\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">five for-profit groups operated roughly 35 schools\u003c/a> statewide. The law, which takes effect July 1, allows schools currently run or managed by for-profit companies to remain open as long as they switch to nonprofit management when their charters are up for renewal.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>When did charter schools start in California … and why?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In 1992 the state Legislature passed the\u003ca href=\"http://www.dhcs.ca.gov/provgovpart/Documents/sb_1448_bill_chaptered.pdf\"> Charter Schools Act (SB 1448)\u003c/a>, making California the second state in the nation (after Minnesota) to allow public charters. The law’s stated intent was to “provide opportunities for teachers, parents, pupils, and community members to establish and maintain schools that operate independently from the existing school district structure.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The initial law limited the total number of charters in the state to 100, and no more than 10 per school district (except Los Angeles, which was allowed 20) — a cap soon scrapped by subsequent legislation. Funding would “follow the student” after leaving a traditional public school. In 1993, \u003ca href=\"https://scclc.net/\">San Carlos Charter Learning Center\u003c/a>, an elementary school in San Mateo County, became the first charter school in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Charter schools in California got a more solid footing after \u003ca href=\"https://www.cde.ca.gov/sp/cs/as/proposition39.asp\">voters passed Proposition 39 in 2000\u003c/a>, requiring school districts to make facilities available to charter schools that serve students who live within the district.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since then, their numbers have skyrocketed, with steady, rapid growth across the state, which has only recently begun to slow.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" title=\"”Chart:\" aria-describedby=\"”Only\" id=\"”datawrapper-chart-WYs07″\" src=\"%E2%80%9D//datawrapper.dwcdn.net/WYs07/6/%E2%80%9D\" scrolling=\"”no”\" frameborder=\"”0″\" style=\"”width:\" height=\"”332″>\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003cbr>\n\n\u003c/p>\u003cp>With more than 600,000 students in the state’s roughly 1,300 charters schools – about 10 percent of all public school students statewide – California leads the nation in both the number of charters and the number of students attending them (although states like Arizona, Florida and Utah have higher percentages).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They’re often started in traditionally low-income school districts, as smaller, locally controlled alternatives to underperforming neighborhood schools. Los Angeles and the Bay Area, particularly Oakland, have some of the highest concentrations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" title=\"”Map:\" aria-describedby=\"”The\" id=\"”datawrapper-chart-bPbYB”\" src=\"%E2%80%9D//datawrapper.dwcdn.net/bPbYB/8/%E2%80%9D\" scrolling=\"”no”\" frameborder=\"”0″\" style=\"”width:\" height=\"”400″>\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003cbr>\n\n\u003c/p>\u003cp>As recently as the mid-1970s, California’s public school system was regarded as among the best in the nation, and the state, not coincidentally, also had one of the nation’s highest per-pupil spending rates. Then, largely as a result of a series of statewide tax measures — namely Proposition 13 — funding quickly slowed to a trickle, and in many districts across the state, the quality of public schools followed suit. Today, California \u003ca href=\"https://www.politifact.com/california/statements/2018/jan/17/delaine-eastin/does-california-rank-41st-student-spending-no-1-pr/\">ranks a dismal 41st nationally \u003c/a>in per-pupil public school spending.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Who are some big supporters and opponents?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Despite the generally friendly reception charter schools have received in California over the last two decades, particularly by key state leaders like Gov. Jerry Brown and his predecessor, Arnold Schwarzenegger, they’ve also faced strong resistance from the \u003ca href=\"https://www.cta.org/\">California Teachers Association\u003c/a> and the local district-level unions it represents. The CTA has consistently lobbied lawmakers to limit their growth and require greater accountability, an effort that seems to now be bearing fruit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Interestingly, one of the earliest boosters of the concept of charter schools was Albert Shanker, president of the American Federation of Teachers, who \u003ca href=\"https://reuther.wayne.edu/files/64.43.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">in the late 1980s\u003c/a> promoted the idea of creating experimental schools that would be better equipped to accommodate students who had failed in their traditional schools. Just five years later, however, \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/charter-schools-are-leading-to-an-unhealthy-divide-in-american-education/2018/06/22/73430df8-7016-11e8-afd5-778aca903bbe_story.html?utm_term=.f3de9ff27b0c\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">he publicly renounced the idea\u003c/a>, arguing that it had been adopted by anti-union businesses seeking profits. “Vouchers, charter schools, for-profit management schemes are all quick fixes that won’t fix anything,” \u003ca title=\"books.google.com\" href=\"https://books.google.com/books?id=dxsFuYUCKcoC&lpg=PA314&ots=pkEjpi111m&dq=vouchers%2C%20charter%20schools%2C%20for-profit%20management%20schemes%20are%20all%20quick%20fixes%20that%20won%E2%80%99t%20fix%20anything&pg=PA314#v=onepage&q=vouchers,%20charter%20schools,%20for-profit%20management%20schemes%20are%20all%20quick%20fixes%20that%20won%E2%80%99t%20fix%20anything&f=false\">he wrote\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pushing back against stricter regulations is the\u003ca href=\"https://www.ccsa.org/\"> California Charter Schools Association\u003c/a>, which represents most of the state’s charters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Not for a second will I apologize for the growth of charters that are meeting the needs of parents and are contributing to lifting up our brown and black kids, our disadvantaged students and providing them a lifeline of opportunity for greater success in our great state,” Myrna Castrejón, president of CCSA, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/california-charter-school-data-enrollment-cost-teachers-unions/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">told CALmatters\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The charter school sector is also commonly criticized for receiving large amounts of funding from corporate philanthropies like the Walton Family Foundation and the Gates Foundation, which have both poured millions into charter organizations across the country and strongly influenced education policy in a number of states, including California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/92dc914dd97c487a9b9aa4b006909a8c\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">2018 Associated Press investigation\u003c/a> found that philanthropists and their private foundations and charities have given almost half a billion dollars to state-level charter support organizations since 2006. California’s charter industry has been a major recipient of that funding, with donors contributing more than $100 million to the CCSA alone, according to the AP, money that the group has used to start up new schools throughout the state as well as lobby for charter-friendly legislation and push pro-charter candidates in local and statewide elections.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Do charters have to follow the same rules as traditional schools, and how do they line up academically?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Charters are largely unbeholden to school boards and school districts and most don’t have to a negotiate with teachers unions. They also generally have a lot more flexibility in terms of hiring, fundraising and allocating resources.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But they still do have to follow some of the same state and federal academic requirements. Students in charters, for instance, have to take the same \u003ca href=\"https://www.cde.ca.gov/sp/cs/re/qandasec6mar04.asp\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">statewide standardized tests\u003c/a> as those in traditional public schools based on Common Core State Standards. And similar to traditional California public schools, charters are required to be nonpartisan in all aspects of their operations, including academic programming, admissions and employment. They can’t charge tuition or discriminate against any student on the basis of gender, ethnicity, country of origin or disability.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Charter critics, however, argue that oversight is often lax in many charter schools, and some deliberately attract higher-performing students. That position was supported by \u003ca href=\"http://bit.ly/2rKinzE\">a 2017 study\u003c/a> of charter schools in Oakland, which found that charters there tend to enroll students who are more academically prepared than students who attend district-run schools, \u003ca href=\"https://edsource.org/2017/oakland-charters-more-likely-to-enroll-higher-performing-students-than-district-schools/583582\">giving those schools an edge\u003c/a> when compared academically. The study also found that while charters in Oakland receive less public funding than do district schools, they serve a much lower percentage of students with disabilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even so, there’s little evidence suggesting that charter schools, on average, have higher academic performance rates than traditional public schools. Much depends on the individual school and district.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How do you start a charter?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Anyone — a parent, teacher, student, educational organization, etc. — can create and circulate a charter petition to start a new charter school or convert a traditional school. As detailed in\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/codes_displayText.xhtml?lawCode=EDC&division=4.&title=2.&part=26.8.&chapter=2.&article=\"> California’s Education Code\u003c/a>, the petition must include a description of the school’s structure and student performance expectations, as well as an outline of the operational and management procedures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The petition needs to be signed by either the equivalent of half the number of teachers expected to work at the school during its first year or by the parents or guardians of half the number of students expected to enroll.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>School boards are expected to approve charters in their district unless it can be clearly demonstrated that the plan is educationally unsound. The fiscal impact of the charter can’t be considered in the decision — one of the rules that some legislators are now trying to upend.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If a local district denies a charter, petitioners can appeal to the county board of education and eventually to the State Board of Education.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Charter schools are approved for up to five years, with subsequent five-year renewals. Charters can be revoked if financial mismanagement occurs, or if the school fails to adhere to the terms of the original charter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Correction: An earlier version of this story incorrectly stated that students in California charter schools have to take the California High School Exit Exam and that charters are ranked based on the statewide Academic Performance Index. Both of those measures have since been phased out for all schools in California. Charter school and traditional public school students must now participate in the \u003ca href=\"https://www.cde.ca.gov/ta/tg/sa/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Smarter Balanced Assessment System\u003c/a> based on Common Core State Standards.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Law Enforcement, Advocates Split on Report Showing Almost No Racial Profiling By California Cops",
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"content": "\u003cp>California's first-in-the-nation attempt to track racial profiling complaints against police produced numbers so unrealistically small that the board overseeing the tally wants departments to make changes to encourage more people to come forward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The panel's most recent report found 17 percent of California's law enforcement agencies \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/286be749ffdf41b4a9158b506fb4feb6\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">reported\u003c/a> not a single complaint in 2017.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And of 659 profiling complaints that were filed in a state of nearly 40 million people, just 10 were sustained. Three-quarters of the profiling complaints involve race or ethnicity, but they can also include age, gender, religion, physical or mental disability, or sexual orientation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The people who share leadership of the California Racial and Identity Profiling Advisory Board are divided over the seriousness of the problem and whether changes are needed \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/sites/all/files/agweb/pdfs/ripa/ripa-board-report-2019.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">based on the results\u003c/a> of the second annual report.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Andrea Guerrero, executive director of the advocacy group Alliance San Diego, doesn't believe the numbers and thinks it might be the result of police protecting their own.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We know we have a profiling problem in the state,\" she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her co-chair, Kings County Sheriff David Robinson, disputed that. He said the numbers reflect the reality that it's \"so rare and far between that someone is racist.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under current standards, people who lodge formal complaints generally must use their name to report concerns that can range from an officer being rude or disrespectful up to false arrests or racially targeted traffic stops. And often they must go to a police station and fill out a form.\u003cbr>\n[aside label=\"Police Secrets Revealed\" tag=\"police-records\"]\u003cbr>\nRobinson said most people prefer a more informal process that often doesn't show up in official statistics, like having a police supervisor hear the complaint and talk to the officer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The panel has recommended that local agencies allow anonymous and third-party complaints to shield victims from retaliation, while making it easier to file complaints, including by providing materials in many languages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There should be follow-ups so complainants don't feel they're being ignored, Guerrero said, and civilian oversight panels with \"teeth in them\" should oversee complaint investigations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Plumas County Sheriff's Deputy Ed Obayashi, an expert on use-of-force policies who teaches other law enforcement personnel around the state, said the racial numbers don't reflect reality, but he discounted any nefarious intent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Southern California, the San Diego County Sheriff's Department, where Obayashi used to work, reported just one racial profiling complaint in 2017, while the Riverside County Sheriff's Department had seven. About 3.34 million people live in San Diego County, while the population of Riverside County, which includes the cities of Riverside and Palm Springs, is around 2.42 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Los Angeles County Sheriff's Department, the United States' largest sheriff's agency, recorded 31. \"There's no way,\" Obayashi said. \"People who see this report are going to say, 'They're covering this up.'\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He and others blamed conservative reporting policies that leave out informal complaints, coupled with \"complaint fatigue\" by people who are too frightened to complain or believe they'll be ignored.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proving a complaint is even tougher, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"To sustain a complaint would require the officer to say, 'I stopped that motorist because he was black or Hispanic.' And what officer is going to admit to that?\" Obayashi said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 7,400-officer California Highway Patrol reported just 24 profiling complaints from nearly 4 million contacts with the public. None was substantiated by the department, which board member Warren Stanley, the CHP's first black commissioner, said shows the professionalism of the agency's personnel.\u003cbr>\n[pullquote size=\"large\" align=”right” citation=\"Plumas County Sheriff's Deputy Ed Obayashi\"]\"To sustain a complaint would require the officer to say, 'I stopped that motorist because he was black or Hispanic.' And what officer is going to admit to that?\"[/pullquote]\u003cbr>\nMorgan Hill Police Chief David Swing, who represents police chiefs on the board, said he isn't surprised by the low reported statewide numbers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"There are some that may have, or had, a perception that there are more racial or identity profiles being made, but the data that we have doesn't bear that out,\" Swing said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Sacramento, the department reported 18 civilian complaints in 2017, none of them alleging racial or identity profiling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We actually get a lot more than that,\" acknowledged Sacramento police spokesman Sgt. Vance Chandler. But the department counts only formal complaints that under state law could result in an officer being disciplined, omitting what it calls informal inquiries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The department plans to provide more accurate information on the number of complaints and their outcome as part of reform efforts, Chandler said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Betty Williams, president of the NAACP branch in Sacramento, said racial profiling is \"undersold and underreported in such a shameless fashion.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She feels the low numbers are reported \"so you won't have stronger policies and procedures and laws in place that will give a little more protection from law enforcement.\"\u003cbr>\n[pullquote size=\"large\" align=”right” citation=\"Eugene O'Donnell, former New York City police officer\"]\"It's essentially inviting people to make a very serious allegation against officers who are acting in good faith, that they're profiling people.\"[/pullquote]\u003cbr>\nThe next statewide report in January will for the first time include statistics from California's eight largest police agencies on the perceived race, gender, sexual orientation and other characteristics of motorists during traffic stops.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In December, the Los Angeles County Sheriff's Department suspended operations of a team of deputies who targeted vehicles on Interstate 5, the main West Coast highway between Mexico and Canada, for drugs and other contraband. The decision came amid accusations of racial profiling after a Los Angeles Times investigation found 69 percent of drivers stopped were Latino and that two-thirds had their vehicles searched, a far higher rate than other racial and ethnic groups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the federal level, legislation twice proposed by New York U.S. Sen. Kirsten Gillibrand, most recently with her fellow Democratic presidential hopeful Massachusetts U.S. Sen. Elizabeth Warren, would require federal border agents to track and report why they conduct stops and searches that critics fear are frequently based on racial profiling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eugene O'Donnell, a former New York City police officer, prosecutor and now a policing expert at John Jay College of Criminal Justice, fears that well-intended efforts by \"elite critics, including politicians\" to discourage racial profiling will ultimately discourage law enforcement efforts and dissuade recruits from becoming police officers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It's essentially inviting people to make a very serious allegation against officers who are acting in good faith, that they're profiling people,\" he said.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>California's first-in-the-nation attempt to track racial profiling complaints against police produced numbers so unrealistically small that the board overseeing the tally wants departments to make changes to encourage more people to come forward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The panel's most recent report found 17 percent of California's law enforcement agencies \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/286be749ffdf41b4a9158b506fb4feb6\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">reported\u003c/a> not a single complaint in 2017.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And of 659 profiling complaints that were filed in a state of nearly 40 million people, just 10 were sustained. Three-quarters of the profiling complaints involve race or ethnicity, but they can also include age, gender, religion, physical or mental disability, or sexual orientation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The people who share leadership of the California Racial and Identity Profiling Advisory Board are divided over the seriousness of the problem and whether changes are needed \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/sites/all/files/agweb/pdfs/ripa/ripa-board-report-2019.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">based on the results\u003c/a> of the second annual report.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Andrea Guerrero, executive director of the advocacy group Alliance San Diego, doesn't believe the numbers and thinks it might be the result of police protecting their own.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We know we have a profiling problem in the state,\" she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her co-chair, Kings County Sheriff David Robinson, disputed that. He said the numbers reflect the reality that it's \"so rare and far between that someone is racist.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under current standards, people who lodge formal complaints generally must use their name to report concerns that can range from an officer being rude or disrespectful up to false arrests or racially targeted traffic stops. And often they must go to a police station and fill out a form.\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cbr>\nRobinson said most people prefer a more informal process that often doesn't show up in official statistics, like having a police supervisor hear the complaint and talk to the officer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The panel has recommended that local agencies allow anonymous and third-party complaints to shield victims from retaliation, while making it easier to file complaints, including by providing materials in many languages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There should be follow-ups so complainants don't feel they're being ignored, Guerrero said, and civilian oversight panels with \"teeth in them\" should oversee complaint investigations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Plumas County Sheriff's Deputy Ed Obayashi, an expert on use-of-force policies who teaches other law enforcement personnel around the state, said the racial numbers don't reflect reality, but he discounted any nefarious intent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Southern California, the San Diego County Sheriff's Department, where Obayashi used to work, reported just one racial profiling complaint in 2017, while the Riverside County Sheriff's Department had seven. About 3.34 million people live in San Diego County, while the population of Riverside County, which includes the cities of Riverside and Palm Springs, is around 2.42 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Los Angeles County Sheriff's Department, the United States' largest sheriff's agency, recorded 31. \"There's no way,\" Obayashi said. \"People who see this report are going to say, 'They're covering this up.'\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He and others blamed conservative reporting policies that leave out informal complaints, coupled with \"complaint fatigue\" by people who are too frightened to complain or believe they'll be ignored.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proving a complaint is even tougher, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"To sustain a complaint would require the officer to say, 'I stopped that motorist because he was black or Hispanic.' And what officer is going to admit to that?\" Obayashi said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 7,400-officer California Highway Patrol reported just 24 profiling complaints from nearly 4 million contacts with the public. None was substantiated by the department, which board member Warren Stanley, the CHP's first black commissioner, said shows the professionalism of the agency's personnel.\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cbr>\nMorgan Hill Police Chief David Swing, who represents police chiefs on the board, said he isn't surprised by the low reported statewide numbers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"There are some that may have, or had, a perception that there are more racial or identity profiles being made, but the data that we have doesn't bear that out,\" Swing said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Sacramento, the department reported 18 civilian complaints in 2017, none of them alleging racial or identity profiling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We actually get a lot more than that,\" acknowledged Sacramento police spokesman Sgt. Vance Chandler. But the department counts only formal complaints that under state law could result in an officer being disciplined, omitting what it calls informal inquiries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The department plans to provide more accurate information on the number of complaints and their outcome as part of reform efforts, Chandler said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Betty Williams, president of the NAACP branch in Sacramento, said racial profiling is \"undersold and underreported in such a shameless fashion.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She feels the low numbers are reported \"so you won't have stronger policies and procedures and laws in place that will give a little more protection from law enforcement.\"\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>A series of photos featuring teenagers crowded around a swastika made of red plastic cups — laughing, toasting and Sieg Heiling over the Nazi symbol — is shaking swaths of predominantly \u003ca href=\"https://datausa.io/profile/geo/newport-beach-ca/#demographics\">white \u003c/a>and \u003ca href=\"https://datausa.io/profile/geo/newport-beach-ca/\">affluent\u003c/a> communities across Orange County, where at least some of the teens are enrolled in high school.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/shaunking/status/1102457783247691777\">pictures \u003c/a>were taken at a recent party and posted to Twitter and Snapchat over the weekend, going viral and capturing the attention of local law enforcement and Newport-Mesa Unified School District officials, which have both launched investigations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“While these actions did not occur on any school campus or (at a) school function, we condemn all acts of anti-Semitism and hate in all their forms,” the district told NPR in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The statement followed a \u003ca href=\"http://web.nmusd.us/pf4/cms2/news_themed_display?id=1551698647180\">letter \u003c/a>sent to parents on Sunday confirming some students “created inappropriate anti-semitic symbols.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We take our responsibility to students seriously when they are in our care and when their actions outside our care impact our learning environment,” officials said, adding that the district does not “shy away from this responsibility.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Adriana Angulo, a spokeswoman for the district, said officials are cooperating with Costa Mesa and Newport Beach police departments in an investigation to determine a course of action; students are suspected of underage drinking.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most of the teenage boys and girls in the photo are hamming it up for the camera, celebrating as nearly all raise their right hand to deliver what looks like the Nazi salute. A few of them are holding their phones and at least one girl appears to be taking a picture of the swastika, made up of about 100 red plastic cups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several outraged Instagram and Twitter users have been sharing the images, adding what they say are the names of the individuals involved — an act that is drawing some criticism from people who argue the students are too young to have their identities published.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Charlene Metoyer, president of the school board, \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2019/03/04/students-seen-in-photo-on-social-media-flashing-nazi-salute-around-swastika-formed-with-cups/\">told\u003c/a> \u003cem>The Mercury News\u003c/em> she was “simply devastated.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As a school board, we’re not only concerned by the underage drinking, but also the mental health of the students who participated in this horrendous act and all their fellow students who will be affected by it. This is appalling to not just our Jewish student community, but to all of us who care about human rights.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Keegan Hankes, a senior researcher at the Southern Poverty Law Center Intelligence Project, told NPR that hate groups are on the rise in Orange County. Over the last year, the organization has identified eight new groups, including some that “have made a calculated attempt to bring younger people into the movement.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We continue to be surprised that it’s happening. Which is really a call for all of us to do something more,” said Peter Levi of the Anti-Defamation League in Orange County. “That the current remedies of saying — ‘Oh, they’re just kids, oh, it’s just a joke’ — that is not sufficient.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Groups like Patriot Front, a spinoff of \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/thetwo-way/2017/08/13/543176250/charlottesville-attack-james-alex-fields-jr\">Vanguard America\u003c/a> that was founded by Thomas Rousseau when he was 19 years old, and Identity Europa, aggressively try to recruit teens on high school and college campuses, Hankes said. He said the internet and social media outlets have proved invaluable to recruitment efforts by these groups and hastened the spread of their racist ideologies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Anti-Defamation League \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/thetwo-way/2018/02/27/589119452/anti-semitic-incidents-see-largest-single-year-increase-on-record-audit-finds\">noted \u003c/a>the largest single-year increase in anti-Semitic activity in 2017, since it began tracking incidents in 1979. As NPR’s Emily Sullivan reported, that year “K-12 schools surpassed public areas as the locations with the highest number of anti-Semitic incidents.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In November, a group of Wisconsin students created a \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/CarlySidey/status/1061828592001265664\">viral prom photo\u003c/a> in which a few dozen boys posed in the Nazi salute.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A student at Newport Harbor High School \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/local/lanow/la-me-ln-nazi-party-newport-beach-20190303-story.html\">told \u003c/a>the \u003cem>Los Angeles Times\u003c/em> she was not necessarily surprised by the photos featuring the swastika or the Nazi salute. Jocelyn Navarro told the paper most students self-segregate into groups of people with similar ethnic backgrounds and that she has witnessed instances of casual racism on campus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another Newport Harbor student, Josdel Hernandez, said some members of the junior class recently finished a lesson on the Holocaust, adding that it’s unlikely the students in the photos were not aware of any offense the Nazi pose might cause.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They showed us graphic videos of the concentration camps,” she said. “It’s not like our teachers need to show us any more about the Holocaust. They knew what it means.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>School district leaders have scheduled two community meetings this week to discuss the offensive social media posts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s Michelle Wiley contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A series of photos featuring teenagers crowded around a swastika made of red plastic cups — laughing, toasting and Sieg Heiling over the Nazi symbol — is shaking swaths of predominantly \u003ca href=\"https://datausa.io/profile/geo/newport-beach-ca/#demographics\">white \u003c/a>and \u003ca href=\"https://datausa.io/profile/geo/newport-beach-ca/\">affluent\u003c/a> communities across Orange County, where at least some of the teens are enrolled in high school.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/shaunking/status/1102457783247691777\">pictures \u003c/a>were taken at a recent party and posted to Twitter and Snapchat over the weekend, going viral and capturing the attention of local law enforcement and Newport-Mesa Unified School District officials, which have both launched investigations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“While these actions did not occur on any school campus or (at a) school function, we condemn all acts of anti-Semitism and hate in all their forms,” the district told NPR in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The statement followed a \u003ca href=\"http://web.nmusd.us/pf4/cms2/news_themed_display?id=1551698647180\">letter \u003c/a>sent to parents on Sunday confirming some students “created inappropriate anti-semitic symbols.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We take our responsibility to students seriously when they are in our care and when their actions outside our care impact our learning environment,” officials said, adding that the district does not “shy away from this responsibility.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Adriana Angulo, a spokeswoman for the district, said officials are cooperating with Costa Mesa and Newport Beach police departments in an investigation to determine a course of action; students are suspected of underage drinking.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most of the teenage boys and girls in the photo are hamming it up for the camera, celebrating as nearly all raise their right hand to deliver what looks like the Nazi salute. A few of them are holding their phones and at least one girl appears to be taking a picture of the swastika, made up of about 100 red plastic cups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several outraged Instagram and Twitter users have been sharing the images, adding what they say are the names of the individuals involved — an act that is drawing some criticism from people who argue the students are too young to have their identities published.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Charlene Metoyer, president of the school board, \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2019/03/04/students-seen-in-photo-on-social-media-flashing-nazi-salute-around-swastika-formed-with-cups/\">told\u003c/a> \u003cem>The Mercury News\u003c/em> she was “simply devastated.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As a school board, we’re not only concerned by the underage drinking, but also the mental health of the students who participated in this horrendous act and all their fellow students who will be affected by it. This is appalling to not just our Jewish student community, but to all of us who care about human rights.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Keegan Hankes, a senior researcher at the Southern Poverty Law Center Intelligence Project, told NPR that hate groups are on the rise in Orange County. Over the last year, the organization has identified eight new groups, including some that “have made a calculated attempt to bring younger people into the movement.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We continue to be surprised that it’s happening. Which is really a call for all of us to do something more,” said Peter Levi of the Anti-Defamation League in Orange County. “That the current remedies of saying — ‘Oh, they’re just kids, oh, it’s just a joke’ — that is not sufficient.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Groups like Patriot Front, a spinoff of \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/thetwo-way/2017/08/13/543176250/charlottesville-attack-james-alex-fields-jr\">Vanguard America\u003c/a> that was founded by Thomas Rousseau when he was 19 years old, and Identity Europa, aggressively try to recruit teens on high school and college campuses, Hankes said. He said the internet and social media outlets have proved invaluable to recruitment efforts by these groups and hastened the spread of their racist ideologies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Anti-Defamation League \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/thetwo-way/2018/02/27/589119452/anti-semitic-incidents-see-largest-single-year-increase-on-record-audit-finds\">noted \u003c/a>the largest single-year increase in anti-Semitic activity in 2017, since it began tracking incidents in 1979. As NPR’s Emily Sullivan reported, that year “K-12 schools surpassed public areas as the locations with the highest number of anti-Semitic incidents.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In November, a group of Wisconsin students created a \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/CarlySidey/status/1061828592001265664\">viral prom photo\u003c/a> in which a few dozen boys posed in the Nazi salute.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A student at Newport Harbor High School \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/local/lanow/la-me-ln-nazi-party-newport-beach-20190303-story.html\">told \u003c/a>the \u003cem>Los Angeles Times\u003c/em> she was not necessarily surprised by the photos featuring the swastika or the Nazi salute. Jocelyn Navarro told the paper most students self-segregate into groups of people with similar ethnic backgrounds and that she has witnessed instances of casual racism on campus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another Newport Harbor student, Josdel Hernandez, said some members of the junior class recently finished a lesson on the Holocaust, adding that it’s unlikely the students in the photos were not aware of any offense the Nazi pose might cause.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They showed us graphic videos of the concentration camps,” she said. “It’s not like our teachers need to show us any more about the Holocaust. They knew what it means.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>School district leaders have scheduled two community meetings this week to discuss the offensive social media posts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s Michelle Wiley contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "'Sanctuary' Cities are Getting Law Enforcement Grants Despite Threats From Trump Administration",
"title": "'Sanctuary' Cities are Getting Law Enforcement Grants Despite Threats From Trump Administration",
"headTitle": "The California Report | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>About 18 months after the Trump administration threatened to withhold law enforcement grants from nearly 30 places around the country it felt weren't doing enough to work with federal immigration agents, all but one have received or been cleared to get the money, the Justice Department said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In most cases, courts chipped away at the crackdown that escalated in November 2017 with letters from the Justice Department of former Attorney General Jeff Sessions to 29 cities, metro areas, counties or states it considered as having adopted \"sanctuary policies\" saying those policies may violate federal law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 29 jurisdictions include cities as large as Los Angeles and as small as Burlington, Vermont. Of the listed jurisdictions, 12 are from California:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Berkeley\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Contra Costa County\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Fremont\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Los Angeles\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Monterey County\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Riverside County\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Sacramento County\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>City and County of San Francisco\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Santa Ana\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Santa Clara County\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Sonoma County\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Watsonville\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Only Oregon has yet to be cleared to receive the grants from 2017, a Justice Department spokesman told The Associated Press this week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vermont officials announced Monday that they had been told the state Department of Public Safety would be getting $2.3 million in law enforcement grants that had been blocked. Vermont had not joined any of the legal cases, instead corresponding directly with the Justice Department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. Sen. Patrick Leahy, a Vermont Democrat, declared victory, saying the money would be used primarily on anti-drug efforts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"State and local law enforcement agencies already are stretched thin, and withholding these federal grants only makes their work more difficult,\" Leahy said in an email to the AP. \"It's unthinkable that the Trump Justice Department would hold these funds hostage over an unrelated dispute on immigration policy.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last summer, the U.S. Conference of Mayors sued in Illinois on behalf of its member cities focusing on the issue. In September, a federal court temporarily blocked the Justice Department from withholding the funds for the jurisdictions represented by the conference.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The conference's litigation is now focused on making the order affecting the 2017 grants permanent and apply to 2018 grants, as well, said Kate O'Brien, a Chicago attorney who represented the mayors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other federal courts \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11696955/federal-judge-rules-for-s-f-and-california-in-sanctuary-case\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">have ruled\u003c/a> against the Justice Department. Similar cases are being litigated across the country, and the Justice Department is considering appealing some unfavorable rulings.\u003cbr>\nThe Trump administration has long argued that places that don't cooperate with federal immigration authorities, often called \"sanctuary cities,\" pose a threat to public safety.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I continue to urge all jurisdictions under review to reconsider policies that place the safety of their communities and their residents at risk,\" Sessions said in a statement in January 2018. \"Protecting criminal aliens from federal immigration authorities defies common sense and undermines the rule of law.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The details differ by jurisdiction, but the Justice Department felt law enforcement agencies in those communities weren't sufficiently committing themselves to cooperating with federal immigration agents when officers came in contact with people who might not be in the country legally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Aside from confirming the clearance of grants to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/opa/pr/justice-department-sends-letters-29-jurisdictions-regarding-their-compliance-8-usc-1373\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">28 jurisdictions\u003c/a>, Justice Department spokesman Steven Stafford declined to comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some, but not all, of the 28 jurisdictions were cleared for the grants without changing the policies that triggered the original concern from the Justice Department, now led by Attorney General William Barr. And not all of the places actually have the money in hand yet, or have been told they've been cleared to get it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ken Martinez, the county attorney for Bernalillo County, New Mexico, said officials there had yet to hear about 2017 grant funding and are eager to get it. \"It will be incredibly helpful,\" Martinez said. \"I can tell you there's been a high level of frustration from people on both sides of the issue.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In West Palm Beach, Florida, the Justice Department was concerned about the wording of a city resolution dealing with police investigations involving citizenship or immigration status.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A year ago, a memo was sent to city employees saying they \"may\" share information with federal authorities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"So no funds (were) lost on our end,\" said police Sgt. David Lefont, noting the total was less than $100,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of the threatened cities ended up changing their policies amounts to at least a partial victory for the Trump administration, said Jessica Vaughan, the director of policy studies for the Center For Immigration Studies, which advocates for tight restrictions on immigration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"What it looks like to me, the Trump Administration is not able to fully enforce cooperation with ICE (Immigration and Customs Enforcement) to the extent they would like to, but it is able to fully enforce compliance with existing federal law that some sanctuary jurisdictions have had to change their policies in order to get their money,\" Vaughan said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But other jurisdictions were cleared to get the money without having to change anything.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The court in our cases, and in similar cases throughout the country, has found the attorney general is not authorized to impose these conditions,\" said O'Brien, the attorney for the mayors' group.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Vermont settlement of the 2017 grants is among the last.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even before the 2017 letters were sent, federal courts across the country \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/a0e35587fcfa42f6bb767a3829325273\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">had begun to rule\u003c/a> against the Trump administration's efforts. And they continue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A federal judge in Los Angeles \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/a0e35587fcfa42f6bb767a3829325273\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">ruled\u003c/a> Feb. 15 that the Justice Department exceeded its authority and ordered a permanent, nationwide injunction against requiring police departments to cooperate with immigration authorities in order to receive the grants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oregon, the only one of the 29 jurisdictions not yet cleared for the 2017 grants, last fall filed its own lawsuit against the Justice Department. The lawsuit, which also covers grants for 2018, accused Trump and Matthew Whitaker, acting attorney general at the time, of trying to \"impermissibly commandeer the resources\" of Oregon and its largest city, Portland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"For years, these grants have provided millions of dollars to law enforcement in Oregon,\" Rosenblum said in November. \"But, suddenly these public safety funds have been withdrawn because Oregon will not submit to U.S. DOJ's demand that Oregon participate in its immigration enforcement efforts.\"\u003cbr>\n___\u003cbr>\nContributing to this report were Associated Press writers Eliot Spagat in San Diego; Paul Elias in San Francisco; Susan Montoya Bryan in Albuquerque, New Mexico; Andrew Selsky in Salem, Oregon; and AP News Researcher Jennifer Farrar in New York.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>About 18 months after the Trump administration threatened to withhold law enforcement grants from nearly 30 places around the country it felt weren't doing enough to work with federal immigration agents, all but one have received or been cleared to get the money, the Justice Department said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In most cases, courts chipped away at the crackdown that escalated in November 2017 with letters from the Justice Department of former Attorney General Jeff Sessions to 29 cities, metro areas, counties or states it considered as having adopted \"sanctuary policies\" saying those policies may violate federal law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 29 jurisdictions include cities as large as Los Angeles and as small as Burlington, Vermont. Of the listed jurisdictions, 12 are from California:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Berkeley\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Contra Costa County\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Fremont\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Los Angeles\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Monterey County\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Riverside County\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Sacramento County\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>City and County of San Francisco\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Santa Ana\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Santa Clara County\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Sonoma County\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Watsonville\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Only Oregon has yet to be cleared to receive the grants from 2017, a Justice Department spokesman told The Associated Press this week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vermont officials announced Monday that they had been told the state Department of Public Safety would be getting $2.3 million in law enforcement grants that had been blocked. Vermont had not joined any of the legal cases, instead corresponding directly with the Justice Department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. Sen. Patrick Leahy, a Vermont Democrat, declared victory, saying the money would be used primarily on anti-drug efforts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"State and local law enforcement agencies already are stretched thin, and withholding these federal grants only makes their work more difficult,\" Leahy said in an email to the AP. \"It's unthinkable that the Trump Justice Department would hold these funds hostage over an unrelated dispute on immigration policy.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last summer, the U.S. Conference of Mayors sued in Illinois on behalf of its member cities focusing on the issue. In September, a federal court temporarily blocked the Justice Department from withholding the funds for the jurisdictions represented by the conference.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The conference's litigation is now focused on making the order affecting the 2017 grants permanent and apply to 2018 grants, as well, said Kate O'Brien, a Chicago attorney who represented the mayors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other federal courts \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11696955/federal-judge-rules-for-s-f-and-california-in-sanctuary-case\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">have ruled\u003c/a> against the Justice Department. Similar cases are being litigated across the country, and the Justice Department is considering appealing some unfavorable rulings.\u003cbr>\nThe Trump administration has long argued that places that don't cooperate with federal immigration authorities, often called \"sanctuary cities,\" pose a threat to public safety.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I continue to urge all jurisdictions under review to reconsider policies that place the safety of their communities and their residents at risk,\" Sessions said in a statement in January 2018. \"Protecting criminal aliens from federal immigration authorities defies common sense and undermines the rule of law.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The details differ by jurisdiction, but the Justice Department felt law enforcement agencies in those communities weren't sufficiently committing themselves to cooperating with federal immigration agents when officers came in contact with people who might not be in the country legally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Aside from confirming the clearance of grants to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/opa/pr/justice-department-sends-letters-29-jurisdictions-regarding-their-compliance-8-usc-1373\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">28 jurisdictions\u003c/a>, Justice Department spokesman Steven Stafford declined to comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some, but not all, of the 28 jurisdictions were cleared for the grants without changing the policies that triggered the original concern from the Justice Department, now led by Attorney General William Barr. And not all of the places actually have the money in hand yet, or have been told they've been cleared to get it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ken Martinez, the county attorney for Bernalillo County, New Mexico, said officials there had yet to hear about 2017 grant funding and are eager to get it. \"It will be incredibly helpful,\" Martinez said. \"I can tell you there's been a high level of frustration from people on both sides of the issue.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In West Palm Beach, Florida, the Justice Department was concerned about the wording of a city resolution dealing with police investigations involving citizenship or immigration status.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A year ago, a memo was sent to city employees saying they \"may\" share information with federal authorities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"So no funds (were) lost on our end,\" said police Sgt. David Lefont, noting the total was less than $100,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of the threatened cities ended up changing their policies amounts to at least a partial victory for the Trump administration, said Jessica Vaughan, the director of policy studies for the Center For Immigration Studies, which advocates for tight restrictions on immigration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"What it looks like to me, the Trump Administration is not able to fully enforce cooperation with ICE (Immigration and Customs Enforcement) to the extent they would like to, but it is able to fully enforce compliance with existing federal law that some sanctuary jurisdictions have had to change their policies in order to get their money,\" Vaughan said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But other jurisdictions were cleared to get the money without having to change anything.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The court in our cases, and in similar cases throughout the country, has found the attorney general is not authorized to impose these conditions,\" said O'Brien, the attorney for the mayors' group.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Vermont settlement of the 2017 grants is among the last.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even before the 2017 letters were sent, federal courts across the country \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/a0e35587fcfa42f6bb767a3829325273\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">had begun to rule\u003c/a> against the Trump administration's efforts. And they continue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A federal judge in Los Angeles \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/a0e35587fcfa42f6bb767a3829325273\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">ruled\u003c/a> Feb. 15 that the Justice Department exceeded its authority and ordered a permanent, nationwide injunction against requiring police departments to cooperate with immigration authorities in order to receive the grants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oregon, the only one of the 29 jurisdictions not yet cleared for the 2017 grants, last fall filed its own lawsuit against the Justice Department. The lawsuit, which also covers grants for 2018, accused Trump and Matthew Whitaker, acting attorney general at the time, of trying to \"impermissibly commandeer the resources\" of Oregon and its largest city, Portland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"For years, these grants have provided millions of dollars to law enforcement in Oregon,\" Rosenblum said in November. \"But, suddenly these public safety funds have been withdrawn because Oregon will not submit to U.S. DOJ's demand that Oregon participate in its immigration enforcement efforts.\"\u003cbr>\n___\u003cbr>\nContributing to this report were Associated Press writers Eliot Spagat in San Diego; Paul Elias in San Francisco; Susan Montoya Bryan in Albuquerque, New Mexico; Andrew Selsky in Salem, Oregon; and AP News Researcher Jennifer Farrar in New York.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Hoping to save California taxpayers some money after spending \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/california-wildfires-statistics-tracker/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">nearly $1 billion\u003c/a> to fight wildfires last year, three officials say it’s time to look at purchasing disaster insurance for the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Napa Democratic Sen. Bill Dodd, Insurance Commissioner Ricardo Lara and Treasurer Fiona Ma announced Senate Bill 290, which would authorize the state to explore purchasing a policy to cover wildfires, earthquakes, floods and other disasters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It works just like your home insurance but for our state,” Lara said at a Capitol press conference Thursday. “You pay a premium each year and we are protected. If a disaster strikes, once you cover the deductible, the plan pays you back for your losses.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other states and even the federal government have used reinsurance policies to manage costs associated with natural disasters. Notably the Federal Emergency Management Agency purchases protection on their flood response to hurricanes. And Oregon has saved millions by paying premiums to cover their wildfire costs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dodd and Lara say the state needs to get creative in confronting \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/cost-of-california-climate-change/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">climate change-driven disasters\u003c/a>, which have transformed California into “a tinderbox” during fire season. Last year, more than 6,000 wildfires burned 876,000 acres, leveled thousands of homes and killed 104 people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state recorded $24 billion in insured losses in the two most destructive wildfires—the Tubbs Fire in 2017 and the Camp Fire in 2018. As a result, the state has exceeded fire suppression costs in seven of the last 10 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2018, California spent $947 million on fire suppression and emergency response, far exceeding the budgeted $450 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a smart approach to one of the biggest challenges ever faced by the state of California and that is, how to keep the public safe without breaking the bank,” Dodd said.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Hoping to save California taxpayers some money after spending \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/california-wildfires-statistics-tracker/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">nearly $1 billion\u003c/a> to fight wildfires last year, three officials say it’s time to look at purchasing disaster insurance for the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Napa Democratic Sen. Bill Dodd, Insurance Commissioner Ricardo Lara and Treasurer Fiona Ma announced Senate Bill 290, which would authorize the state to explore purchasing a policy to cover wildfires, earthquakes, floods and other disasters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It works just like your home insurance but for our state,” Lara said at a Capitol press conference Thursday. “You pay a premium each year and we are protected. If a disaster strikes, once you cover the deductible, the plan pays you back for your losses.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other states and even the federal government have used reinsurance policies to manage costs associated with natural disasters. Notably the Federal Emergency Management Agency purchases protection on their flood response to hurricanes. And Oregon has saved millions by paying premiums to cover their wildfire costs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dodd and Lara say the state needs to get creative in confronting \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/cost-of-california-climate-change/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">climate change-driven disasters\u003c/a>, which have transformed California into “a tinderbox” during fire season. Last year, more than 6,000 wildfires burned 876,000 acres, leveled thousands of homes and killed 104 people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state recorded $24 billion in insured losses in the two most destructive wildfires—the Tubbs Fire in 2017 and the Camp Fire in 2018. As a result, the state has exceeded fire suppression costs in seven of the last 10 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2018, California spent $947 million on fire suppression and emergency response, far exceeding the budgeted $450 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a smart approach to one of the biggest challenges ever faced by the state of California and that is, how to keep the public safe without breaking the bank,” Dodd said.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cb>Shutdown Breakthrough\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Earlier today, President Trump said he would support a plan to end the longest government shutdown in U.S. history, which has furloughed 800,000 federal employees or forced them to work without pay. The deal would reopen the federal government for three weeks, giving congressional lawmakers time to negotiate a plan for border security. Pressure had been growing on Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell and Trump, as delays and security concerns mounted at the nation’s airports over growing numbers of TSA workers and air traffic controllers calling in sick. On Thursday, competing bills to end the shutdown died on the Senate floor, while House Democrats were prepared to offer billions of dollars more to boost border security through the use of drones and hiring more personnel at ports of entry. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Guests:\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Aimee Allison, Founder, She the People\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Carla Marinucci, Senior Writer, Politico\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Sean Walsh, GOP Consultant, Wilson Walsh Consulting\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Criminal Justice Reforms\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Last year, Jerry Brown signed legislation that would have ended cash bail for criminal defendants. The practice was widely viewed as being discriminatory, keeping low-income people behind bars awaiting trial. But the law will now be put on hold pending the outcome of a measure challenging it, which has qualified for the 2020 ballot. This week, Gov. Gavin Newsom unveiled a plan to shift control of the state’s youth prisons in an effort to focus on rehabilitation instead of incarceration for juvenile offenders. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Guests:\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Marisa Lagos, KQED California Politics and Government Reporter\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Daniel Macallair, Executive Director, Center on Juvenile and Criminal Justice\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Cannabis Update\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">California recently released its final set of rules for cannabis businesses. One of those rules now allows marijuana deliveries to anyone 21 or older anywhere in the state, including cities and counties that have banned sales of the drug. And while there were $2.5 billion in legal sales of cannabis last year in California, that’s a decrease from 2017, when only medical marijuana sales were allowed. The black market continues to be a problem, along with other challenges for the industry, such as consistency among labs that are required to test the safety and purity of pot products. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Guest:\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">David Downs, California Cannabis Bureau Chief, Leafly.com \u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\n",
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"id": "commonwealth-club",
"title": "Commonwealth Club of California Podcast",
"info": "The Commonwealth Club of California is the nation's oldest and largest public affairs forum. As a non-partisan forum, The Club brings to the public airwaves diverse viewpoints on important topics. The Club's weekly radio broadcast - the oldest in the U.S., dating back to 1924 - is carried across the nation on public radio stations and is now podcasting. Our website archive features audio of our recent programs, as well as selected speeches from our long and distinguished history. This podcast feed is usually updated twice a week and is always un-edited.",
"airtime": "THU 10pm, FRI 1am",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Commonwealth-Club-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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"meta": {
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"source": "Commonwealth Club of California"
},
"link": "/radio/program/commonwealth-club",
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cDovL3d3dy5jb21tb253ZWFsdGhjbHViLm9yZy9hdWRpby9wb2RjYXN0L3dlZWtseS54bWw",
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},
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"id": "forum",
"title": "Forum",
"tagline": "The conversation starts here",
"info": "KQED’s live call-in program discussing local, state, national and international issues, as well as in-depth interviews.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 9am-11am, 10pm-11pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Forum-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED Forum with Mina Kim and Alexis Madrigal",
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"order": 9
},
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"id": "freakonomics-radio",
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"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/freakonomicsRadio.png",
"officialWebsiteLink": "http://freakonomics.com/",
"airtime": "SUN 1am-2am, SAT 3pm-4pm",
"meta": {
"site": "radio",
"source": "WNYC"
},
"link": "/radio/program/freakonomics-radio",
"subscribe": {
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/freakonomics-radio/id354668519",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/podcasts/WNYC-Podcasts/Freakonomics-Radio-p272293/",
"rss": "https://feeds.feedburner.com/freakonomicsradio"
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},
"fresh-air": {
"id": "fresh-air",
"title": "Fresh Air",
"info": "Hosted by Terry Gross, \u003cem>Fresh Air from WHYY\u003c/em> is the Peabody Award-winning weekday magazine of contemporary arts and issues. One of public radio's most popular programs, Fresh Air features intimate conversations with today's biggest luminaries.",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/WebObjects/MZStore.woa/wa/viewPodcast?s=143441&mt=2&id=214089682&at=11l79Y&ct=nprdirectory",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/381444908/podcast.xml"
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"info": "A live production of NPR and WBUR Boston, in collaboration with stations across the country, Here & Now reflects the fluid world of news as it's happening in the middle of the day, with timely, in-depth news, interviews and conversation. Hosted by Robin Young, Jeremy Hobson and Tonya Mosley.",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510051/podcast.xml"
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},
"hidden-brain": {
"id": "hidden-brain",
"title": "Hidden Brain",
"info": "Shankar Vedantam uses science and storytelling to reveal the unconscious patterns that drive human behavior, shape our choices and direct our relationships.",
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"airtime": "SUN 7pm-8pm",
"meta": {
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"source": "NPR"
},
"link": "/radio/program/hidden-brain",
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},
"how-i-built-this": {
"id": "how-i-built-this",
"title": "How I Built This with Guy Raz",
"info": "Guy Raz dives into the stories behind some of the world's best known companies. How I Built This weaves a narrative journey about innovators, entrepreneurs and idealists—and the movements they built.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/howIBuiltThis.png",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/podcasts/510313/how-i-built-this",
"airtime": "SUN 7:30pm-8pm",
"meta": {
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},
"link": "/radio/program/how-i-built-this",
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"npr": "https://rpb3r.app.goo.gl/3zxy",
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/how-i-built-this-with-guy-raz/id1150510297?mt=2",
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},
"hyphenacion": {
"id": "hyphenacion",
"title": "Hyphenación",
"tagline": "Where conversation and cultura meet",
"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/03/Hyphenacion_FinalAssets_PodcastTile.png",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/hyphenacion",
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"order": 15
},
"link": "/podcasts/hyphenacion",
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"spotify": "https://open.spotify.com/show/2p3Fifq96nw9BPcmFdIq0o?si=39209f7b25774f38",
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},
"jerrybrown": {
"id": "jerrybrown",
"title": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown",
"tagline": "Lessons from a lifetime in politics",
"info": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown brings listeners the wisdom of the former Governor, Mayor, and presidential candidate. Scott Shafer interviewed Brown for more than 40 hours, covering the former governor's life and half-century in the political game – and Brown has some lessons he'd like to share. ",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-Political-Mind-of-Jerry-Brown-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/jerrybrown",
"meta": {
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"order": 18
},
"link": "/podcasts/jerrybrown",
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}
},
"latino-usa": {
"id": "latino-usa",
"title": "Latino USA",
"airtime": "MON 1am-2am, SUN 6pm-7pm",
"info": "Latino USA, the radio journal of news and culture, is the only national, English-language radio program produced from a Latino perspective.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/latinoUsa.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "http://latinousa.org/",
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},
"link": "/radio/program/latino-usa",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/WebObjects/MZStore.woa/wa/viewPodcast?s=143441&mt=2&id=79681317&at=11l79Y&ct=nprdirectory",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510016/podcast.xml"
}
},
"marketplace": {
"id": "marketplace",
"title": "Marketplace",
"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 4pm-4:30pm, MON-WED 6:30pm-7pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Marketplace-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.marketplace.org/",
"meta": {
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"source": "American Public Media"
},
"link": "/radio/program/marketplace",
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"rss": "https://feeds.publicradio.org/public_feeds/marketplace-pm/rss/rss"
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},
"masters-of-scale": {
"id": "masters-of-scale",
"title": "Masters of Scale",
"info": "Masters of Scale is an original podcast in which LinkedIn co-founder and Greylock Partner Reid Hoffman sets out to describe and prove theories that explain how great entrepreneurs take their companies from zero to a gazillion in ingenious fashion.",
"airtime": "Every other Wednesday June 12 through October 16 at 8pm (repeats Thursdays at 2am)",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Masters-of-Scale-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://mastersofscale.com/",
"meta": {
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"source": "WaitWhat"
},
"link": "/radio/program/masters-of-scale",
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"apple": "http://mastersofscale.app.link/",
"rss": "https://rss.art19.com/masters-of-scale"
}
},
"mindshift": {
"id": "mindshift",
"title": "MindShift",
"tagline": "A podcast about the future of learning and how we raise our kids",
"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Mindshift-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED MindShift: How We Will Learn",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/mindshift/",
"meta": {
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 12
},
"link": "/podcasts/mindshift",
"subscribe": {
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM1NzY0NjAwNDI5",
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}
},
"morning-edition": {
"id": "morning-edition",
"title": "Morning Edition",
"info": "\u003cem>Morning Edition\u003c/em> takes listeners around the country and the world with multi-faceted stories and commentaries every weekday. Hosts Steve Inskeep, David Greene and Rachel Martin bring you the latest breaking news and features to prepare you for the day.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 3am-9am",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Morning-Edition-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/programs/morning-edition/",
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"link": "/radio/program/morning-edition"
},
"onourwatch": {
"id": "onourwatch",
"title": "On Our Watch",
"tagline": "Deeply-reported investigative journalism",
"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/On-Our-Watch-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "On Our Watch from NPR and KQED",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/onourwatch",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "kqed",
"order": 11
},
"link": "/podcasts/onourwatch",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "https://podcasts.apple.com/podcast/id1567098962",
"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5ucHIub3JnLzUxMDM2MC9wb2RjYXN0LnhtbD9zYz1nb29nbGVwb2RjYXN0cw",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510360/podcast.xml"
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},
"on-the-media": {
"id": "on-the-media",
"title": "On The Media",
"info": "Our weekly podcast explores how the media 'sausage' is made, casts an incisive eye on fluctuations in the marketplace of ideas, and examines threats to the freedom of information and expression in America and abroad. For one hour a week, the show tries to lift the veil from the process of \"making media,\" especially news media, because it's through that lens that we see the world and the world sees us",
"airtime": "SUN 2pm-3pm, MON 12am-1am",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/onTheMedia.png",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.wnycstudios.org/shows/otm",
"meta": {
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"source": "wnyc"
},
"link": "/radio/program/on-the-media",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/on-the-media/id73330715?mt=2",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/radio/On-the-Media-p69/",
"rss": "http://feeds.wnyc.org/onthemedia"
}
},
"pbs-newshour": {
"id": "pbs-newshour",
"title": "PBS NewsHour",
"info": "Analysis, background reports and updates from the PBS NewsHour putting today's news in context.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 3pm-4pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/PBS-News-Hour-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.pbs.org/newshour/",
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"source": "pbs"
},
"link": "/radio/program/pbs-newshour",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/pbs-newshour-full-show/id394432287?mt=2",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/radio/PBS-NewsHour---Full-Show-p425698/",
"rss": "https://www.pbs.org/newshour/feeds/rss/podcasts/show"
}
},
"perspectives": {
"id": "perspectives",
"title": "Perspectives",
"tagline": "KQED's series of daily listener commentaries since 1991",
"info": "KQED's series of daily listener commentaries since 1991.",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/01/Perspectives_Tile_Final.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED Perspectives",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/perspectives/",
"meta": {
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 14
},
"link": "/perspectives",
"subscribe": {
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"npr": "https://www.npr.org/podcasts/432309616/perspectives",
"rss": "https://ww2.kqed.org/perspectives/category/perspectives/feed/",
"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly93dzIua3FlZC5vcmcvcGVyc3BlY3RpdmVzL2NhdGVnb3J5L3BlcnNwZWN0aXZlcy9mZWVkLw"
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},
"planet-money": {
"id": "planet-money",
"title": "Planet Money",
"info": "The economy explained. Imagine you could call up a friend and say, Meet me at the bar and tell me what's going on with the economy. Now imagine that's actually a fun evening.",
"airtime": "SUN 3pm-4pm",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/planetmoney.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/sections/money/",
"meta": {
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"source": "npr"
},
"link": "/radio/program/planet-money",
"subscribe": {
"npr": "https://rpb3r.app.goo.gl/M4f5",
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/planet-money/id290783428?mt=2",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/podcasts/Business--Economics-Podcasts/Planet-Money-p164680/",
"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510289/podcast.xml"
}
},
"politicalbreakdown": {
"id": "politicalbreakdown",
"title": "Political Breakdown",
"tagline": "Politics from a personal perspective",
"info": "Political Breakdown is a new series that explores the political intersection of California and the nation. Each week hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos are joined with a new special guest to unpack politics -- with personality — and offer an insider’s glimpse at how politics happens.",
"airtime": "THU 6:30pm-7pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Political-Breakdown-2024-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED Political Breakdown",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/politicalbreakdown",
"meta": {
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 5
},
"link": "/podcasts/politicalbreakdown",
"subscribe": {
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"amazon": "https://music.amazon.com/podcasts/e0c2d153-ad36-4c8d-901d-f1da6a724824/political-breakdown",
"npr": "https://www.npr.org/podcasts/572155894/political-breakdown",
"stitcher": "https://www.stitcher.com/podcast/kqed/political-breakdown",
"spotify": "https://open.spotify.com/show/07RVyIjIdk2WDuVehvBMoN",
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