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"content": "\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12059600/newsom-vetoes-stall-californias-reparations-push-for-black-descendants\">advanced California’s reparations efforts\u003c/a> by signing five bills from the Legislative Black Caucus’ Road to Repair 2025 \u003ca href=\"https://blackcaucus.legislature.ca.gov/news/california-legislative-black-caucus-announces-signing-several-key-legislative-priorities\">package\u003c/a> into law, with additional measures to be revisited next legislative cycle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Key among them is SB 518 (Weber‑Pierson), which creates the Bureau for Descendants of American Slavery and lays the foundation needed to move reparations from theory to reality. Too many news outlets have framed this as a loss, but the outcome should be seen in the context of many wins already achieved in California — another step forward in this journey.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cities and states across the nation are taking inspiration from California, the first state to establish a reparations task force to address the legacy of slavery and its enduring consequences. While progress may seem slow, California’s advances are groundbreaking. They align with established global practices in international law, where states provide reparations for violations committed against their citizens or for failing to protect them from harm.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>From my work listening to harmed communities around the globe collectively tell their stories, I’ve learned that reparations are about the journey — not just the destination.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the highest level, “reparations” is the process of the state making amends for harm. While many people think of reparations solely as compensation, it also includes a broader range of material, systemic and symbolic repair for victims, their families and society at large.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Following the \u003ca href=\"https://www.ohchr.org/en/instruments-mechanisms/instruments/basic-principles-and-guidelines-right-remedy-and-reparation\">United Nations Guidelines on the Right to a Remedy and Reparation,\u003c/a> these bills are part of the comprehensive reparations package clearly articulated in the California Reparations Task Force’s final report, including restitution, compensation, satisfaction (stopping violations, revealing the truth, public apology), rehabilitation (medical and psychological care as well as legal and social services) and guarantees of non-recurrence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11976639\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11976639\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/AP24032786348814-scaled-e1760735466495.jpg\" alt=\"A group of men and women pose for a photo onstage.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">From left, state Sen. Steven Bradford, Secretary of State Shirley Weber, task force member Lisa Holder and Assemblymember Reggie Jones-Sawyer hold up a final report of the California Task Force to Study and Develop Reparation Proposals for African Americans during a hearing in Sacramento on June 29, 2023. \u003ccite>(Haven Daley/AP)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>A multi-generational, multi-racial coalition of lawyers, advocates and academics — called The Alliance for Reparations, Reconciliation and Truth (ARRT) — is the driving force behind this long-term strategy towards full repair.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As highlighted in a recent \u003ca href=\"https://drive.google.com/file/d/1vAdD6ctYmAMGWEhblWLoE2xXNrJVlC1w/view\">poll\u003c/a> from \u003ca href=\"https://www.liberationventures.org/\">Liberation Ventures\u003c/a>, a nonprofit dedicated to racial repair, 45% of Californians express support for comprehensive reparations that include direct payments alongside an apology, healing services and other investments in Black communities, while another 18% are neutral. Over half of respondents support investments in education, healthcare, land restitution, and economic development targeted to Black communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This growing public support mirrors significant legislative and public policy advances. Last year, Newsom signed \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2024/09/26/governor-newsom-signs-california-legislative-black-caucus-priority-bills-including-a-formal-bipartisan-apology-for-the-states-role-in-slavery/\">10 bills\u003c/a> as part of the “Road to Repair” package. Key among them was a public \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/2024/09/9.26.24-California-Apology.pdf\">apology\u003c/a> in which the state of California recognized and accepted responsibility for the harms of slavery and its enduring legacy, including systemic structures of discrimination, and pledged to restore and repair affected communities with actions beyond the apology itself.[aside postID=news_12059600 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/CaliforniaReparationsGetty.jpg']This acknowledgment is an essential step towards reparations, signaling the state’s commitment to taking concrete actions to make things right.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Globally, we have seen the crucial role apologies play in paving the way for comprehensive reparations. In Canada, for example, standing outside the Parliament building in June 2008 when Prime Minister Stephen Harper \u003ca href=\"https://nctr.ca/exhibits/indian-residential-school-apology/\">apologized\u003c/a> for Indian Residential Schools and its assimilationist policy designed to “kill the Indian in the child,” I witnessed the impact it had on the members of different tribal nations present — and how it spurred the Truth and Reconciliation Commission, and ongoing efforts to achieve comprehensive reparations for Indigenous Canadians.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Looking beyond our borders underscores that reparations require many steps and iterations. In Chile, it took over 30 years of negotiations and several rounds of legislation to implement reparations through health care benefits, pension plans, educational scholarships and other measures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the U.S., it took nearly 50 years of advocacy for reparations for Japanese Americans to become a reality. After Congress and President Jimmy Carter established the Commission on Wartime Relocation and Internment in 1980, it took almost a decade before President Ronald Reagan signed the Civil Liberties Act in 1988, leading to the first payment being issued in 1990.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12037638\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12037638\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/011_Oakland_ReparationsMarch_10162021_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/011_Oakland_ReparationsMarch_10162021_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/011_Oakland_ReparationsMarch_10162021_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/011_Oakland_ReparationsMarch_10162021_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/011_Oakland_ReparationsMarch_10162021_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/011_Oakland_ReparationsMarch_10162021_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/011_Oakland_ReparationsMarch_10162021_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Demonstrators march in support of reparations for African people in Oakland on Oct. 16, 2021, organized by the Uhuru Movement. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Considering that the country’s violations against Black Americans spanned more than 400 years, it will take more than one or two legislative cycles to redress and repair these harms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While this work takes time, those whose rights have been and continue to be violated deserve to see meaningful changes now. We all share a responsibility to make this journey — this process — reparatory itself by staying unified, respectful and focused on progress. In this political landscape, all eyes are on California and Newsom. His follow-through on the commitment he made in 2021 when he convened the task force is pivotal to the process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By leading by example, he can continue to distinguish himself by guiding a reparatory process that unites and makes reparations both common sense and commonplace. Together, we can — and we will — build a more just and equitable society for all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12060425\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 250px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12060425\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/Virginie-Ladisch-head-shot.jpg.jpeg\" alt=\"\" width=\"250\" height=\"250\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/Virginie-Ladisch-head-shot.jpg.jpeg 250w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/Virginie-Ladisch-head-shot.jpg-160x160.jpeg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 250px) 100vw, 250px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Virginie Ladisch\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Virginie Ladisch is senior director of state and local initiatives at \u003ca href=\"https://www.liberationventures.org/\">Liberation Ventures\u003c/a>, a field catalyst in the U.S. movement for reparations for slavery and its legacies. She has over 20 years of experience supporting truth-telling and reparations processes around the world, including in Australia, Canada, Chile, Colombia, Côte d’Ivoire, The Gambia, Kenya, Tunisia and Uganda.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12059600/newsom-vetoes-stall-californias-reparations-push-for-black-descendants\">advanced California’s reparations efforts\u003c/a> by signing five bills from the Legislative Black Caucus’ Road to Repair 2025 \u003ca href=\"https://blackcaucus.legislature.ca.gov/news/california-legislative-black-caucus-announces-signing-several-key-legislative-priorities\">package\u003c/a> into law, with additional measures to be revisited next legislative cycle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Key among them is SB 518 (Weber‑Pierson), which creates the Bureau for Descendants of American Slavery and lays the foundation needed to move reparations from theory to reality. Too many news outlets have framed this as a loss, but the outcome should be seen in the context of many wins already achieved in California — another step forward in this journey.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cities and states across the nation are taking inspiration from California, the first state to establish a reparations task force to address the legacy of slavery and its enduring consequences. While progress may seem slow, California’s advances are groundbreaking. They align with established global practices in international law, where states provide reparations for violations committed against their citizens or for failing to protect them from harm.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>From my work listening to harmed communities around the globe collectively tell their stories, I’ve learned that reparations are about the journey — not just the destination.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the highest level, “reparations” is the process of the state making amends for harm. While many people think of reparations solely as compensation, it also includes a broader range of material, systemic and symbolic repair for victims, their families and society at large.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Following the \u003ca href=\"https://www.ohchr.org/en/instruments-mechanisms/instruments/basic-principles-and-guidelines-right-remedy-and-reparation\">United Nations Guidelines on the Right to a Remedy and Reparation,\u003c/a> these bills are part of the comprehensive reparations package clearly articulated in the California Reparations Task Force’s final report, including restitution, compensation, satisfaction (stopping violations, revealing the truth, public apology), rehabilitation (medical and psychological care as well as legal and social services) and guarantees of non-recurrence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11976639\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11976639\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/AP24032786348814-scaled-e1760735466495.jpg\" alt=\"A group of men and women pose for a photo onstage.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">From left, state Sen. Steven Bradford, Secretary of State Shirley Weber, task force member Lisa Holder and Assemblymember Reggie Jones-Sawyer hold up a final report of the California Task Force to Study and Develop Reparation Proposals for African Americans during a hearing in Sacramento on June 29, 2023. \u003ccite>(Haven Daley/AP)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>A multi-generational, multi-racial coalition of lawyers, advocates and academics — called The Alliance for Reparations, Reconciliation and Truth (ARRT) — is the driving force behind this long-term strategy towards full repair.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As highlighted in a recent \u003ca href=\"https://drive.google.com/file/d/1vAdD6ctYmAMGWEhblWLoE2xXNrJVlC1w/view\">poll\u003c/a> from \u003ca href=\"https://www.liberationventures.org/\">Liberation Ventures\u003c/a>, a nonprofit dedicated to racial repair, 45% of Californians express support for comprehensive reparations that include direct payments alongside an apology, healing services and other investments in Black communities, while another 18% are neutral. Over half of respondents support investments in education, healthcare, land restitution, and economic development targeted to Black communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This growing public support mirrors significant legislative and public policy advances. Last year, Newsom signed \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2024/09/26/governor-newsom-signs-california-legislative-black-caucus-priority-bills-including-a-formal-bipartisan-apology-for-the-states-role-in-slavery/\">10 bills\u003c/a> as part of the “Road to Repair” package. Key among them was a public \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/2024/09/9.26.24-California-Apology.pdf\">apology\u003c/a> in which the state of California recognized and accepted responsibility for the harms of slavery and its enduring legacy, including systemic structures of discrimination, and pledged to restore and repair affected communities with actions beyond the apology itself.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>This acknowledgment is an essential step towards reparations, signaling the state’s commitment to taking concrete actions to make things right.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Globally, we have seen the crucial role apologies play in paving the way for comprehensive reparations. In Canada, for example, standing outside the Parliament building in June 2008 when Prime Minister Stephen Harper \u003ca href=\"https://nctr.ca/exhibits/indian-residential-school-apology/\">apologized\u003c/a> for Indian Residential Schools and its assimilationist policy designed to “kill the Indian in the child,” I witnessed the impact it had on the members of different tribal nations present — and how it spurred the Truth and Reconciliation Commission, and ongoing efforts to achieve comprehensive reparations for Indigenous Canadians.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Looking beyond our borders underscores that reparations require many steps and iterations. In Chile, it took over 30 years of negotiations and several rounds of legislation to implement reparations through health care benefits, pension plans, educational scholarships and other measures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the U.S., it took nearly 50 years of advocacy for reparations for Japanese Americans to become a reality. After Congress and President Jimmy Carter established the Commission on Wartime Relocation and Internment in 1980, it took almost a decade before President Ronald Reagan signed the Civil Liberties Act in 1988, leading to the first payment being issued in 1990.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12037638\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12037638\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/011_Oakland_ReparationsMarch_10162021_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/011_Oakland_ReparationsMarch_10162021_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/011_Oakland_ReparationsMarch_10162021_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/011_Oakland_ReparationsMarch_10162021_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/011_Oakland_ReparationsMarch_10162021_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/011_Oakland_ReparationsMarch_10162021_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/011_Oakland_ReparationsMarch_10162021_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Demonstrators march in support of reparations for African people in Oakland on Oct. 16, 2021, organized by the Uhuru Movement. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Considering that the country’s violations against Black Americans spanned more than 400 years, it will take more than one or two legislative cycles to redress and repair these harms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While this work takes time, those whose rights have been and continue to be violated deserve to see meaningful changes now. We all share a responsibility to make this journey — this process — reparatory itself by staying unified, respectful and focused on progress. In this political landscape, all eyes are on California and Newsom. His follow-through on the commitment he made in 2021 when he convened the task force is pivotal to the process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By leading by example, he can continue to distinguish himself by guiding a reparatory process that unites and makes reparations both common sense and commonplace. Together, we can — and we will — build a more just and equitable society for all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12060425\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 250px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12060425\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/Virginie-Ladisch-head-shot.jpg.jpeg\" alt=\"\" width=\"250\" height=\"250\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/Virginie-Ladisch-head-shot.jpg.jpeg 250w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/Virginie-Ladisch-head-shot.jpg-160x160.jpeg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 250px) 100vw, 250px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Virginie Ladisch\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Virginie Ladisch is senior director of state and local initiatives at \u003ca href=\"https://www.liberationventures.org/\">Liberation Ventures\u003c/a>, a field catalyst in the U.S. movement for reparations for slavery and its legacies. She has over 20 years of experience supporting truth-telling and reparations processes around the world, including in Australia, Canada, Chile, Colombia, Côte d’Ivoire, The Gambia, Kenya, Tunisia and Uganda.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "California Rejected a Bill to Return Stolen Land. Here's Why It Worked in Germany",
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"content": "\u003cp>On a recent afternoon, Francesca Thomas walked along the edge of the San Francisco Bay in Hayward, trying to picture where \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11922175/remembering-russell-city-a-thriving-east-bay-town-razed-by-racist-government\">Russell City\u003c/a> once stood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The community was demolished before Thomas, 57, was born, but she grew up hearing stories from relatives who lived there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the 1930s, Thomas’ great-great-grandmother, Leona Alves, was one of the few Black women who owned and operated a business in Russell City — a restaurant called Ideal Dining. Like the city’s residents, the clientele were mostly Black, Latino and poor white families boxed out of other Bay Area neighborhoods by redlining and the cost of living.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>White linen tablecloths and bouquets of fresh-cut flowers adorned the tables; at night, one end of the small dining room became a \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ADo9-YAflaQ\">stage for musicians\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On some evenings, Thomas said her mom and aunt — then just kids and not allowed into the restaurant at night — would slip into the dining room and hide under the tables to watch the performances.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12057118\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/LIVE-MUSIC-AT-IDEAL-DINING-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12057118\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/LIVE-MUSIC-AT-IDEAL-DINING-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1223\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/LIVE-MUSIC-AT-IDEAL-DINING-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/LIVE-MUSIC-AT-IDEAL-DINING-KQED-160x98.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/LIVE-MUSIC-AT-IDEAL-DINING-KQED-1536x939.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Musicians performing at Ideal Dining, a restaurant owned by Leona Alves in Russell City. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Francesca Thomas)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“My aunt says that L.C. Robinson was her favorite artist to listen to,” she said, referring to the Texan-turned-Californian blues legend.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 1963, Alameda County leveled Russell City’s 24 city blocks using federal urban renewal funds and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11999415/california-reparations-bill-for-racist-land-seizures-advances-to-newsoms-desk\">eminent domain laws\u003c/a>, which allow the government to force the sale of private property to make way for infrastructure projects that, they say, serve the public good. The move displaced more than 1,000 people, including Thomas’ family.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last week, the Legislature approved Assembly Bill 62, which would have allowed people who lost homes and businesses through discriminatory uses of eminent domain to seek compensation — a first-in-the-nation attempt at reparations for this kind of displacement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Oct. 13, Gov. Gavin Newsom vetoed AB 62, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12059600/newsom-vetoes-stall-californias-reparations-push-for-black-descendants\">among several other proposed laws that would have advanced\u003c/a> the cause of reparations for Black descendants of enslaved people. The bill would have allowed people who lost property through the racist use of eminent domain laws to apply for compensation from the state. In his veto statement, Newsom said the plan was too expensive and complicated to implement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters of California’s reparations movement point to Germany’s decades-long programs for Holocaust survivors as proof that restitution, though imperfect, can restore a measure of dignity and wealth to families torn apart by state-sanctioned injustice.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Racially Motivated Eminent Domain\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In 2021, the city of Hayward made a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11897843/decades-after-cultural-genocide-residents-of-a-bulldozed-community-get-apology-from-hayward\">formal apology\u003c/a> to former residents, acknowledging that the destruction of Russell City — like \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11825401/how-urban-renewal-decimated-the-fillmore-district-and-took-jazz-with-it\">the destruction of the Fillmore\u003c/a> District across the Bay in San Francisco — was part of a nationwide \u003ca href=\"https://www.nationalgeographic.com/history/article/urban-renewal-projects-maps-united-states\">pattern \u003c/a>of uprooting communities of color.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/bills/ca_202520260ab62\">AB 62\u003c/a> would have been the first law in the United States to create a pathway to reparations for victims of these practices. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11999415/california-reparations-bill-for-racist-land-seizures-advances-to-newsoms-desk\">Newsom vetoed a similar bill\u003c/a> last year over design flaws.[aside postID=news_12049197 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/IMG_2829-1020x765.jpg']The law stems from a series of recommendations made by the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11953025/reparations-task-forces-final-report-covers-much-more-than-money\">California reparations task force\u003c/a>, designed to end and redress the legacy of anti-Black policies throughout the state’s history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, California’s Legislative Black Caucus introduced a package of 14 priority reparations bills. Six were enacted, including \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12006819/california-to-issue-apology-for-slavery-as-newsom-signs-reparations-bills\">an official apology\u003c/a> to address the role of California officials who promoted slavery at the state’s founding and for persisting racial disparities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Oct. 13, however, Newsom vetoed a handful of bills advancing the cause of reparations for Black Californians, dealing the latest blow to the movement to atone for state-inflicted harms from slavery to the present day. This included a series of bills that would give public universities the option to prioritize descendants of enslaved people for admission and would expand access to homebuyer loans and professional licenses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The vetoes come days after reparations advocates were encouraged by Newsom’s approval of Senate Bill 518, which created a new state agency to oversee restitution for descendants of enslaved people. The law, authored by state Sen. Akilah Weber Pierson, D-San Diego, establishes a bureau within the Civil Rights Department that will verify eligibility, process claims and recommend how the state might deliver tangible repair.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s reparations plan is the first of its kind in the nation, but it builds on global precedents. One of the oldest is Germany’s reparations programs for survivors of the Holocaust and their descendants. \u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12053828\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250806-HOLOCAUSTREPARATIONS-04-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12053828\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250806-HOLOCAUSTREPARATIONS-04-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250806-HOLOCAUSTREPARATIONS-04-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250806-HOLOCAUSTREPARATIONS-04-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250806-HOLOCAUSTREPARATIONS-04-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Francesca Thomas, a Hayward native and great-granddaughter of Leona Alves, owner of Ideal Dining, a restaurant and nightclub in Russell City, holds a photograph of five generations of her family, from her mother to great-great-great-grandmother, in Hayward on Aug. 6, 2025. She is involved in efforts to preserve the community’s history through the Russell City Reparative Justice Project. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“What German Holocaust reparations started,” said Thomas Craemer, a German political scientist who advised the California task force, “was to serve as a historical precedent for systematically addressing past atrocities and to say that a government is responsible for its actions or what actions it allows.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As California lawmakers consider reparations policies for the second year in a row, KQED spoke with Bay Area residents who received reparations for the Holocaust to hear what the German programs meant to them and what similar proposals in California could mean for us.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘It could have been lost to history’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>On a recent rainy afternoon in Berlin, Sam Hollenbach, 27, sat by the front windows of Cafe Quitte in the city’s Kreuzberg neighborhood. Hollenbach said he’s not much of an art guy but, as he scrolled through photos of lithograph prints on his phone, he had to admit: his great-great-grandfather, Max Rosenfeld, had good taste.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The prints are a series of monochromatic maritime scenes that once belonged to Rosenfeld, a German Jew and art collector. They remind Hollenbach of his early childhood, living on a boat in the San Francisco Bay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12057122\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250922-HOLOCAUST-REPARATIONS-DIPTYCH-1-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12057122\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250922-HOLOCAUST-REPARATIONS-DIPTYCH-1-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"724\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250922-HOLOCAUST-REPARATIONS-DIPTYCH-1-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250922-HOLOCAUST-REPARATIONS-DIPTYCH-1-KQED-160x58.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250922-HOLOCAUST-REPARATIONS-DIPTYCH-1-KQED-1536x556.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">During the Holocaust, 23 lithographs by the German-Uruguayan artist Carlos Grethe, among other works of art, were taken from Max Rosenfeld. Recently, the Stuttgart Art Museum displayed the pieces in an exhibit about post-WWII art restitution, then returned the prints to Rosenfeld’s descendants in Oakland. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Sam Hollenbach)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“To see this is what my great-great-grandfather liked and collected?” said Hollenbach, who never met Rosenfeld. “It’s funny to see that appreciation passed down.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During the Holocaust, Rosenfeld’s children, Sam’s great-grandparents, fled to the U.S. Rosenfeld chose initially to stay behind, and eventually, the Nazis arrested him. According to what his family has been able to uncover, Rosenfeld became sick and died in Nazi custody. His art collection was lost.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, the art is slowly making its way to the house in Oakland where Hollenbach grew up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It began with an email.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I almost didn’t even open it,” Jill Hollenbach, Sam’s mother, said over Zoom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jill Hollenbach, Rosenfeld’s great-granddaughter, grew up in Los Angeles. She remembers hearing the story of her family’s escape from Germany: her grandparents pretending to leave on a short business trip; her mother, a baby, hidden in a laundry basket.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When I was a young kid and other kids were having nightmares about monsters,” Jill Hollenbach, 60, said, “I was having nightmares about Nazis.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12053832\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250821-HOLOCAUSTREPARATIONS-12-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12053832\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250821-HOLOCAUSTREPARATIONS-12-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250821-HOLOCAUSTREPARATIONS-12-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250821-HOLOCAUSTREPARATIONS-12-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250821-HOLOCAUSTREPARATIONS-12-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Jill Hollenbach holds a portrait of her great-grandfather by an artist whose work he collected at her home in Oakland on Aug. 21, 2025. The pieces were returned to her family by the German government as part of post-World War II restitution efforts to restore property stolen from Jewish families during the Holocaust. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Even after she’d grown out of childhood fears, she remained wary of the country her grandparents fled. When she met Germans, she couldn’t help but wonder about \u003cem>their\u003c/em> grandparents: “Were they smashing out my grandparents’ windows? Were they ratting them out to the SS?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The language was the language of people I loved very much. The food is the food [that] people I loved very much made for me,” said Jill Hollenbach, who was close with her German-born grandparents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2021, Hollenbach heard from a cousin that she could apply for German citizenship through a special program for descendants of Holocaust survivors. She began to fill out applications for herself and her two kids. As part of the process, she had to prove her lineage — similar to what the California reparations plan proposes for people hoping to claim benefits earmarked for the descendants of enslaved Africans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I reconnected to the idea of the fact that this is our country — my family’s history is in Germany,” she said. “Why shouldn’t we be German citizens? I felt like we were reclaiming something that should have been ours.”[aside postID=news_12046328 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS58685_DSC01673-qut-1020x680.jpg']The email that arrived later that year gave her additional reason to believe Germany today might be different from the place her family fled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The message was from an art historian working in a public museum in Stuttgart and read: “Are you the granddaughter or great-granddaughter of Max Rosenfeld? We have some \u003ca href=\"https://www.kunstmuseum-stuttgart.de/en/provenance-research\">artwork\u003c/a> that we think belonged to him.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are hundreds of state-employed researchers examining the origin of art in German collections. If found to be ill-gotten, they facilitate the art’s return to its rightful owners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After reaching Hollenbach, the Stuttgart Art Museum began sending Rosenfeld’s art to Oakland. The first pieces arrived this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To Sam Hollenbach, who is using his new German citizenship to live in Berlin, the return of his great-great-grandfather’s art shows some Germans are dedicated to a meaningful effort to, where possible, do right by the families that lost property during the Holocaust.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s no reason that they needed to return that to us. We had no idea that these art pieces existed … It could have just been lost to history,” Hollenbach said. “But the fact that there was such an effort made to return these pieces goes a long way to make me, now someone who has returned to Germany, feel comfortable being here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"mceTemp\">\u003c/div>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12057119\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/SAM-H_2-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12057119\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/SAM-H_2-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/SAM-H_2-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/SAM-H_2-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/SAM-H_2-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Sam Hollenbach, born and raised in Oakland poses for a portrait in Cafe Quitte in Berlin, Germany on June 10, 2025. \u003ccite>(Annelise Finney/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>When Hollenbach thinks about California’s reparations plan, he worries about a possible backlash to some of the recommendations, especially as the Trump administration condemns diversity, equity and inclusion initiatives. But generally, he’s supportive of the state’s efforts to atone for its past racist policies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s no way to undo what happened,” he said. “You can at least kind of ease the pain for the people who were affected by it, and at some point, that’s the best you can do. I hope that we can do more of that in the U.S. in general. I’m glad to hear California is leading the charge.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>“To make good again”\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The art return and renaturalization initiatives that the Hollenbachs benefit from are part of a larger commitment Germany made after World War II to address the damage the Holocaust wrought on individual lives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the time, post-war Germany sought distance from the Nazis, Israel needed funds to absorb Holocaust refugees, and Jewish groups abroad pushed for financial support. The three interests converged.[aside postID=news_12044638 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/12m-Reparations-1.jpg']The resulting compensation agreements, signed in 1952, became key pillars of what in Germany is known as \u003cem>Wiedergutmachung\u003c/em>, or “to make good again.” Since then, the German government has created more than a \u003ca href=\"https://www.archivportal-d.de/content/themenportale/wiedergutmachung/geschichte\">dozen \u003c/a>compensation programs paying out more than $90 billion to Holocaust survivors and their spouses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of those payments are lump sums meant to address specific harms — such as being subjected to slave labor for German businesses or mistreated as a prisoner of war — and others are ongoing monthly pensions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition to compensation, restitution laws, including changes to German property law, have allowed for the return of art, businesses and homes stolen by the Nazis or sold under pressure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thousands of stolen artworks and cultural objects have been \u003ca href=\"https://kulturgutverluste.de/en\">returned\u003c/a>. Still, researchers at the Jerusalem Center for Security and Foreign Affairs say \u003ca href=\"https://jcpa.org/article/restitution-of-holocaust-era-assets-promises-and-reality/\">less than 20%\u003c/a> of assets stolen from Jewish owners by the Nazis and their collaborators have been returned. The return of homes has proven complicated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Anselmo, California, Elissa Eckman knows this firsthand.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>“It was our house, my grandmother’s house”\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Growing up, Eckman, the mother of KQED reporter Azul Dahlstrom-Eckman, was often one of the few Jewish kids in her schools.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I used to get bullied for being a Jew in Oregon, in Utah, and even in Illinois, where we lived,” said Eckman, 77.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12053835\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250826-HOLOCAUSTREPARATIONS-09-BL-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12053835\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250826-HOLOCAUSTREPARATIONS-09-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250826-HOLOCAUSTREPARATIONS-09-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250826-HOLOCAUSTREPARATIONS-09-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250826-HOLOCAUSTREPARATIONS-09-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Elissa Eckman looks through family photos at her home in San Anselmo on Aug. 26, 2025. Her family had a home in Eisenach, Germany, which was taken from them during the Holocaust and later returned through post-World War II restitution. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Before the Holocaust, Eckman’s grandmother, Renata Eckmann, lived in the central German town of Eisenach, Germany, in a three-story home. Her husband ran a department store on one of the city’s main drags. The name Eckmann was emblazoned in bold letters above the shop’s second-floor windows.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the Nazis rose to power in the 1930s, Renata’s children left for the U.S. When they arrived, they dropped the second N from their last name. Renata stayed, was arrested, and, along with the other Jewish residents of Eisenach, was imprisoned at \u003ca href=\"https://encyclopedia.ushmm.org/content/en/article/theresienstadt\">Theresienstadt\u003c/a>, a concentration camp in what was then Nazi-occupied Czechoslovakia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the war’s end, she was one of the few survivors. By then, her home was in the hands of new owners. She made her way to the U.S. to join her children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Renata heard of the start of restitution programs, she filed a claim with the German government to get her house back. But it was complicated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My grandmother supposedly sold the house to some German people, and they owned the house. So that became the issue. Who owned the house?” Eckman recalled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ensuing court battle wound on for decades, outlasting Renata. After her death, Elissa, then a young public defender in the Bay Area, sought out a German lawyer to take up the case.[aside postID=news_12036599 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250409-LIVERMORE-BLACK-LAND-MD-10-KQED-1-1020x680.jpg']“I felt that I was fighting the Nazis, so to speak,” Eckman said. “This was a wrong that needed to be righted, and it had to be done. I was going to make sure that we got that house back.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 1994, a German court ruled that the Nazis pressured Renata to sell the home for less than it was worth. It returned the home to the family. Her descendants sold the house and split the money; Eckman said she received about $30,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was nice to have the money because I didn’t have a lot of money,” she said, laughing. “But it wasn’t about the money.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In retrospect, Eckman said the long and complicated process of getting her grandmother’s house back reveals some of the messiness of trying to make things right.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Germany’s programs were and are controversial. Some people were left out, and the claim review processes have been criticized as being overly burdensome and demeaning to victims. Property return, in particular, is considered by some to be woefully incomplete.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Germany’s reparations commitments also include material and political support for Israel, which has come under increased scrutiny as UN officials and some Holocaust scholars accuse Israel of committing an ongoing genocide in Gaza. Over the last two years, Germans protesting their government’s support for Israel have \u003ca href=\"https://www.dw.com/en/germany-dozens-injured-at-berlin-pro-palestinian-protest/a-72568069\">staged street demonstrations\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=9Txy6MnoEDE\">campus occupations\u003c/a> in Berlin, prompting crackdowns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12053833\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250826-HOLOCAUSTREPARATIONS-06-BL-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12053833\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250826-HOLOCAUSTREPARATIONS-06-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250826-HOLOCAUSTREPARATIONS-06-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250826-HOLOCAUSTREPARATIONS-06-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250826-HOLOCAUSTREPARATIONS-06-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Elissa Eckman holds a photo of her family home in Eisenach, Germany, at her home in San Anselmo on Aug. 26, 2025. The house had been taken from her family during the Holocaust and was later returned through post-World War II restitution. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Even the word \u003cem>Wiedergutmachung\u003c/em> has drawn condemnation for its implication that the murder of six million Jews, the mass theft and displacement of families and years of forced labor during the Holocaust could ever be “made good again.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eckman said she’d like to see Germany’s property return processes streamlined but thinks the general idea could be applied to other places, including in California: “I think that if people can establish that they had property that was taken from them, they should get it back.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Russell City\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>While there are meaningful differences between the theft of Jewish property during the Holocaust and American slavery’s legacy of anti-Black policies, Germany’s Holocaust reparations programs still offer valuable lessons about reconciliation and repair, however imperfect.[aside postID=news_12033789 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/250324-WongKimArk-02-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg']Thomas said she finds herself imagining what Russell City would have been like — if Alameda County and Hayward hadn’t destroyed it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think many people would still be here getting the benefit of that generational wealth,” Thomas said. “I think it would have been a thriving community if they had just been given a chance.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the neighborhood was bulldozed, Alameda County sold the area for $2.4 million to a developer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In an eminent domain situation, normally you have land that is put to public use, like a freeway, like a school,” Thomas said. “When I look around and see that it’s just an industrial park — that you removed people from their businesses and their homes to create an industrial park? I’m sorry, it just makes me ill.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This summer, Alameda County and Hayward created a $1 million \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12048684/alameda-county-set-to-approve-reparations-fund-for-displaced-russell-city-residents#:~:text=Aisha%20Knowles'%20father%20grew%20up%20in%20a,1960s%2C%20forcibly%20displacing%20more%20than%201%2C000%20people.\">Russell City Redress Fund\u003c/a>, which it said will make direct payments to living former Russell City residents who had property seized.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.hayward-ca.gov/russell-city-reparative-justice-project\">The city of Hayward\u003c/a> said the money isn’t compensation or tied to property value, but a way to acknowledge the lasting harm from Russell City’s destruction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12053827\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250806-HOLOCAUSTREPARATIONS-02-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12053827\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250806-HOLOCAUSTREPARATIONS-02-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250806-HOLOCAUSTREPARATIONS-02-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250806-HOLOCAUSTREPARATIONS-02-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250806-HOLOCAUSTREPARATIONS-02-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Francesca Thomas, a native of Hayward and great‑granddaughter of Leona Alves, who owned Ideal Dining and Miss Alves, a restaurant and club, in Russell City, holds a historic photo from the city in Hayward on Aug. 6, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Thomas said local efforts like this are a step in the right direction. Her four surviving relatives, who are former residents of Russell City, are planning to apply.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Until then, Thomas said it’s inspiring to hear that some Californians have already benefited from property return laws, even if they come from another country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not a matter of taking a particular model and copying it,” Thomas said of Germany’s efforts. “It would be a matter of taking a particular model and improving on it, right? And taking into account what we’ve experienced in our own country, to do so.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>On a recent afternoon, Francesca Thomas walked along the edge of the San Francisco Bay in Hayward, trying to picture where \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11922175/remembering-russell-city-a-thriving-east-bay-town-razed-by-racist-government\">Russell City\u003c/a> once stood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The community was demolished before Thomas, 57, was born, but she grew up hearing stories from relatives who lived there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the 1930s, Thomas’ great-great-grandmother, Leona Alves, was one of the few Black women who owned and operated a business in Russell City — a restaurant called Ideal Dining. Like the city’s residents, the clientele were mostly Black, Latino and poor white families boxed out of other Bay Area neighborhoods by redlining and the cost of living.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>White linen tablecloths and bouquets of fresh-cut flowers adorned the tables; at night, one end of the small dining room became a \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ADo9-YAflaQ\">stage for musicians\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On some evenings, Thomas said her mom and aunt — then just kids and not allowed into the restaurant at night — would slip into the dining room and hide under the tables to watch the performances.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12057118\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/LIVE-MUSIC-AT-IDEAL-DINING-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12057118\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/LIVE-MUSIC-AT-IDEAL-DINING-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1223\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/LIVE-MUSIC-AT-IDEAL-DINING-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/LIVE-MUSIC-AT-IDEAL-DINING-KQED-160x98.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/LIVE-MUSIC-AT-IDEAL-DINING-KQED-1536x939.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Musicians performing at Ideal Dining, a restaurant owned by Leona Alves in Russell City. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Francesca Thomas)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“My aunt says that L.C. Robinson was her favorite artist to listen to,” she said, referring to the Texan-turned-Californian blues legend.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 1963, Alameda County leveled Russell City’s 24 city blocks using federal urban renewal funds and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11999415/california-reparations-bill-for-racist-land-seizures-advances-to-newsoms-desk\">eminent domain laws\u003c/a>, which allow the government to force the sale of private property to make way for infrastructure projects that, they say, serve the public good. The move displaced more than 1,000 people, including Thomas’ family.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last week, the Legislature approved Assembly Bill 62, which would have allowed people who lost homes and businesses through discriminatory uses of eminent domain to seek compensation — a first-in-the-nation attempt at reparations for this kind of displacement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Oct. 13, Gov. Gavin Newsom vetoed AB 62, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12059600/newsom-vetoes-stall-californias-reparations-push-for-black-descendants\">among several other proposed laws that would have advanced\u003c/a> the cause of reparations for Black descendants of enslaved people. The bill would have allowed people who lost property through the racist use of eminent domain laws to apply for compensation from the state. In his veto statement, Newsom said the plan was too expensive and complicated to implement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters of California’s reparations movement point to Germany’s decades-long programs for Holocaust survivors as proof that restitution, though imperfect, can restore a measure of dignity and wealth to families torn apart by state-sanctioned injustice.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Racially Motivated Eminent Domain\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In 2021, the city of Hayward made a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11897843/decades-after-cultural-genocide-residents-of-a-bulldozed-community-get-apology-from-hayward\">formal apology\u003c/a> to former residents, acknowledging that the destruction of Russell City — like \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11825401/how-urban-renewal-decimated-the-fillmore-district-and-took-jazz-with-it\">the destruction of the Fillmore\u003c/a> District across the Bay in San Francisco — was part of a nationwide \u003ca href=\"https://www.nationalgeographic.com/history/article/urban-renewal-projects-maps-united-states\">pattern \u003c/a>of uprooting communities of color.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/bills/ca_202520260ab62\">AB 62\u003c/a> would have been the first law in the United States to create a pathway to reparations for victims of these practices. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11999415/california-reparations-bill-for-racist-land-seizures-advances-to-newsoms-desk\">Newsom vetoed a similar bill\u003c/a> last year over design flaws.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The law stems from a series of recommendations made by the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11953025/reparations-task-forces-final-report-covers-much-more-than-money\">California reparations task force\u003c/a>, designed to end and redress the legacy of anti-Black policies throughout the state’s history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, California’s Legislative Black Caucus introduced a package of 14 priority reparations bills. Six were enacted, including \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12006819/california-to-issue-apology-for-slavery-as-newsom-signs-reparations-bills\">an official apology\u003c/a> to address the role of California officials who promoted slavery at the state’s founding and for persisting racial disparities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Oct. 13, however, Newsom vetoed a handful of bills advancing the cause of reparations for Black Californians, dealing the latest blow to the movement to atone for state-inflicted harms from slavery to the present day. This included a series of bills that would give public universities the option to prioritize descendants of enslaved people for admission and would expand access to homebuyer loans and professional licenses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The vetoes come days after reparations advocates were encouraged by Newsom’s approval of Senate Bill 518, which created a new state agency to oversee restitution for descendants of enslaved people. The law, authored by state Sen. Akilah Weber Pierson, D-San Diego, establishes a bureau within the Civil Rights Department that will verify eligibility, process claims and recommend how the state might deliver tangible repair.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s reparations plan is the first of its kind in the nation, but it builds on global precedents. One of the oldest is Germany’s reparations programs for survivors of the Holocaust and their descendants. \u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12053828\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250806-HOLOCAUSTREPARATIONS-04-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12053828\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250806-HOLOCAUSTREPARATIONS-04-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250806-HOLOCAUSTREPARATIONS-04-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250806-HOLOCAUSTREPARATIONS-04-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250806-HOLOCAUSTREPARATIONS-04-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Francesca Thomas, a Hayward native and great-granddaughter of Leona Alves, owner of Ideal Dining, a restaurant and nightclub in Russell City, holds a photograph of five generations of her family, from her mother to great-great-great-grandmother, in Hayward on Aug. 6, 2025. She is involved in efforts to preserve the community’s history through the Russell City Reparative Justice Project. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“What German Holocaust reparations started,” said Thomas Craemer, a German political scientist who advised the California task force, “was to serve as a historical precedent for systematically addressing past atrocities and to say that a government is responsible for its actions or what actions it allows.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As California lawmakers consider reparations policies for the second year in a row, KQED spoke with Bay Area residents who received reparations for the Holocaust to hear what the German programs meant to them and what similar proposals in California could mean for us.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘It could have been lost to history’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>On a recent rainy afternoon in Berlin, Sam Hollenbach, 27, sat by the front windows of Cafe Quitte in the city’s Kreuzberg neighborhood. Hollenbach said he’s not much of an art guy but, as he scrolled through photos of lithograph prints on his phone, he had to admit: his great-great-grandfather, Max Rosenfeld, had good taste.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The prints are a series of monochromatic maritime scenes that once belonged to Rosenfeld, a German Jew and art collector. They remind Hollenbach of his early childhood, living on a boat in the San Francisco Bay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12057122\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250922-HOLOCAUST-REPARATIONS-DIPTYCH-1-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12057122\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250922-HOLOCAUST-REPARATIONS-DIPTYCH-1-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"724\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250922-HOLOCAUST-REPARATIONS-DIPTYCH-1-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250922-HOLOCAUST-REPARATIONS-DIPTYCH-1-KQED-160x58.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250922-HOLOCAUST-REPARATIONS-DIPTYCH-1-KQED-1536x556.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">During the Holocaust, 23 lithographs by the German-Uruguayan artist Carlos Grethe, among other works of art, were taken from Max Rosenfeld. Recently, the Stuttgart Art Museum displayed the pieces in an exhibit about post-WWII art restitution, then returned the prints to Rosenfeld’s descendants in Oakland. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Sam Hollenbach)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“To see this is what my great-great-grandfather liked and collected?” said Hollenbach, who never met Rosenfeld. “It’s funny to see that appreciation passed down.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During the Holocaust, Rosenfeld’s children, Sam’s great-grandparents, fled to the U.S. Rosenfeld chose initially to stay behind, and eventually, the Nazis arrested him. According to what his family has been able to uncover, Rosenfeld became sick and died in Nazi custody. His art collection was lost.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, the art is slowly making its way to the house in Oakland where Hollenbach grew up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It began with an email.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I almost didn’t even open it,” Jill Hollenbach, Sam’s mother, said over Zoom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jill Hollenbach, Rosenfeld’s great-granddaughter, grew up in Los Angeles. She remembers hearing the story of her family’s escape from Germany: her grandparents pretending to leave on a short business trip; her mother, a baby, hidden in a laundry basket.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When I was a young kid and other kids were having nightmares about monsters,” Jill Hollenbach, 60, said, “I was having nightmares about Nazis.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12053832\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250821-HOLOCAUSTREPARATIONS-12-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12053832\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250821-HOLOCAUSTREPARATIONS-12-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250821-HOLOCAUSTREPARATIONS-12-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250821-HOLOCAUSTREPARATIONS-12-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250821-HOLOCAUSTREPARATIONS-12-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Jill Hollenbach holds a portrait of her great-grandfather by an artist whose work he collected at her home in Oakland on Aug. 21, 2025. The pieces were returned to her family by the German government as part of post-World War II restitution efforts to restore property stolen from Jewish families during the Holocaust. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Even after she’d grown out of childhood fears, she remained wary of the country her grandparents fled. When she met Germans, she couldn’t help but wonder about \u003cem>their\u003c/em> grandparents: “Were they smashing out my grandparents’ windows? Were they ratting them out to the SS?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The language was the language of people I loved very much. The food is the food [that] people I loved very much made for me,” said Jill Hollenbach, who was close with her German-born grandparents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2021, Hollenbach heard from a cousin that she could apply for German citizenship through a special program for descendants of Holocaust survivors. She began to fill out applications for herself and her two kids. As part of the process, she had to prove her lineage — similar to what the California reparations plan proposes for people hoping to claim benefits earmarked for the descendants of enslaved Africans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I reconnected to the idea of the fact that this is our country — my family’s history is in Germany,” she said. “Why shouldn’t we be German citizens? I felt like we were reclaiming something that should have been ours.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The email that arrived later that year gave her additional reason to believe Germany today might be different from the place her family fled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The message was from an art historian working in a public museum in Stuttgart and read: “Are you the granddaughter or great-granddaughter of Max Rosenfeld? We have some \u003ca href=\"https://www.kunstmuseum-stuttgart.de/en/provenance-research\">artwork\u003c/a> that we think belonged to him.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are hundreds of state-employed researchers examining the origin of art in German collections. If found to be ill-gotten, they facilitate the art’s return to its rightful owners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After reaching Hollenbach, the Stuttgart Art Museum began sending Rosenfeld’s art to Oakland. The first pieces arrived this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To Sam Hollenbach, who is using his new German citizenship to live in Berlin, the return of his great-great-grandfather’s art shows some Germans are dedicated to a meaningful effort to, where possible, do right by the families that lost property during the Holocaust.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s no reason that they needed to return that to us. We had no idea that these art pieces existed … It could have just been lost to history,” Hollenbach said. “But the fact that there was such an effort made to return these pieces goes a long way to make me, now someone who has returned to Germany, feel comfortable being here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"mceTemp\">\u003c/div>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12057119\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/SAM-H_2-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12057119\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/SAM-H_2-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/SAM-H_2-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/SAM-H_2-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/SAM-H_2-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Sam Hollenbach, born and raised in Oakland poses for a portrait in Cafe Quitte in Berlin, Germany on June 10, 2025. \u003ccite>(Annelise Finney/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>When Hollenbach thinks about California’s reparations plan, he worries about a possible backlash to some of the recommendations, especially as the Trump administration condemns diversity, equity and inclusion initiatives. But generally, he’s supportive of the state’s efforts to atone for its past racist policies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s no way to undo what happened,” he said. “You can at least kind of ease the pain for the people who were affected by it, and at some point, that’s the best you can do. I hope that we can do more of that in the U.S. in general. I’m glad to hear California is leading the charge.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>“To make good again”\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The art return and renaturalization initiatives that the Hollenbachs benefit from are part of a larger commitment Germany made after World War II to address the damage the Holocaust wrought on individual lives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the time, post-war Germany sought distance from the Nazis, Israel needed funds to absorb Holocaust refugees, and Jewish groups abroad pushed for financial support. The three interests converged.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The resulting compensation agreements, signed in 1952, became key pillars of what in Germany is known as \u003cem>Wiedergutmachung\u003c/em>, or “to make good again.” Since then, the German government has created more than a \u003ca href=\"https://www.archivportal-d.de/content/themenportale/wiedergutmachung/geschichte\">dozen \u003c/a>compensation programs paying out more than $90 billion to Holocaust survivors and their spouses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of those payments are lump sums meant to address specific harms — such as being subjected to slave labor for German businesses or mistreated as a prisoner of war — and others are ongoing monthly pensions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition to compensation, restitution laws, including changes to German property law, have allowed for the return of art, businesses and homes stolen by the Nazis or sold under pressure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thousands of stolen artworks and cultural objects have been \u003ca href=\"https://kulturgutverluste.de/en\">returned\u003c/a>. Still, researchers at the Jerusalem Center for Security and Foreign Affairs say \u003ca href=\"https://jcpa.org/article/restitution-of-holocaust-era-assets-promises-and-reality/\">less than 20%\u003c/a> of assets stolen from Jewish owners by the Nazis and their collaborators have been returned. The return of homes has proven complicated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Anselmo, California, Elissa Eckman knows this firsthand.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>“It was our house, my grandmother’s house”\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Growing up, Eckman, the mother of KQED reporter Azul Dahlstrom-Eckman, was often one of the few Jewish kids in her schools.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I used to get bullied for being a Jew in Oregon, in Utah, and even in Illinois, where we lived,” said Eckman, 77.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12053835\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250826-HOLOCAUSTREPARATIONS-09-BL-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12053835\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250826-HOLOCAUSTREPARATIONS-09-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250826-HOLOCAUSTREPARATIONS-09-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250826-HOLOCAUSTREPARATIONS-09-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250826-HOLOCAUSTREPARATIONS-09-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Elissa Eckman looks through family photos at her home in San Anselmo on Aug. 26, 2025. Her family had a home in Eisenach, Germany, which was taken from them during the Holocaust and later returned through post-World War II restitution. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Before the Holocaust, Eckman’s grandmother, Renata Eckmann, lived in the central German town of Eisenach, Germany, in a three-story home. Her husband ran a department store on one of the city’s main drags. The name Eckmann was emblazoned in bold letters above the shop’s second-floor windows.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the Nazis rose to power in the 1930s, Renata’s children left for the U.S. When they arrived, they dropped the second N from their last name. Renata stayed, was arrested, and, along with the other Jewish residents of Eisenach, was imprisoned at \u003ca href=\"https://encyclopedia.ushmm.org/content/en/article/theresienstadt\">Theresienstadt\u003c/a>, a concentration camp in what was then Nazi-occupied Czechoslovakia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the war’s end, she was one of the few survivors. By then, her home was in the hands of new owners. She made her way to the U.S. to join her children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Renata heard of the start of restitution programs, she filed a claim with the German government to get her house back. But it was complicated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My grandmother supposedly sold the house to some German people, and they owned the house. So that became the issue. Who owned the house?” Eckman recalled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ensuing court battle wound on for decades, outlasting Renata. After her death, Elissa, then a young public defender in the Bay Area, sought out a German lawyer to take up the case.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“I felt that I was fighting the Nazis, so to speak,” Eckman said. “This was a wrong that needed to be righted, and it had to be done. I was going to make sure that we got that house back.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 1994, a German court ruled that the Nazis pressured Renata to sell the home for less than it was worth. It returned the home to the family. Her descendants sold the house and split the money; Eckman said she received about $30,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was nice to have the money because I didn’t have a lot of money,” she said, laughing. “But it wasn’t about the money.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In retrospect, Eckman said the long and complicated process of getting her grandmother’s house back reveals some of the messiness of trying to make things right.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Germany’s programs were and are controversial. Some people were left out, and the claim review processes have been criticized as being overly burdensome and demeaning to victims. Property return, in particular, is considered by some to be woefully incomplete.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Germany’s reparations commitments also include material and political support for Israel, which has come under increased scrutiny as UN officials and some Holocaust scholars accuse Israel of committing an ongoing genocide in Gaza. Over the last two years, Germans protesting their government’s support for Israel have \u003ca href=\"https://www.dw.com/en/germany-dozens-injured-at-berlin-pro-palestinian-protest/a-72568069\">staged street demonstrations\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=9Txy6MnoEDE\">campus occupations\u003c/a> in Berlin, prompting crackdowns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12053833\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250826-HOLOCAUSTREPARATIONS-06-BL-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12053833\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250826-HOLOCAUSTREPARATIONS-06-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250826-HOLOCAUSTREPARATIONS-06-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250826-HOLOCAUSTREPARATIONS-06-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250826-HOLOCAUSTREPARATIONS-06-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Elissa Eckman holds a photo of her family home in Eisenach, Germany, at her home in San Anselmo on Aug. 26, 2025. The house had been taken from her family during the Holocaust and was later returned through post-World War II restitution. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Even the word \u003cem>Wiedergutmachung\u003c/em> has drawn condemnation for its implication that the murder of six million Jews, the mass theft and displacement of families and years of forced labor during the Holocaust could ever be “made good again.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eckman said she’d like to see Germany’s property return processes streamlined but thinks the general idea could be applied to other places, including in California: “I think that if people can establish that they had property that was taken from them, they should get it back.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Russell City\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>While there are meaningful differences between the theft of Jewish property during the Holocaust and American slavery’s legacy of anti-Black policies, Germany’s Holocaust reparations programs still offer valuable lessons about reconciliation and repair, however imperfect.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Thomas said she finds herself imagining what Russell City would have been like — if Alameda County and Hayward hadn’t destroyed it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think many people would still be here getting the benefit of that generational wealth,” Thomas said. “I think it would have been a thriving community if they had just been given a chance.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the neighborhood was bulldozed, Alameda County sold the area for $2.4 million to a developer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In an eminent domain situation, normally you have land that is put to public use, like a freeway, like a school,” Thomas said. “When I look around and see that it’s just an industrial park — that you removed people from their businesses and their homes to create an industrial park? I’m sorry, it just makes me ill.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This summer, Alameda County and Hayward created a $1 million \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12048684/alameda-county-set-to-approve-reparations-fund-for-displaced-russell-city-residents#:~:text=Aisha%20Knowles'%20father%20grew%20up%20in%20a,1960s%2C%20forcibly%20displacing%20more%20than%201%2C000%20people.\">Russell City Redress Fund\u003c/a>, which it said will make direct payments to living former Russell City residents who had property seized.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.hayward-ca.gov/russell-city-reparative-justice-project\">The city of Hayward\u003c/a> said the money isn’t compensation or tied to property value, but a way to acknowledge the lasting harm from Russell City’s destruction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12053827\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250806-HOLOCAUSTREPARATIONS-02-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12053827\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250806-HOLOCAUSTREPARATIONS-02-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250806-HOLOCAUSTREPARATIONS-02-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250806-HOLOCAUSTREPARATIONS-02-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250806-HOLOCAUSTREPARATIONS-02-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Francesca Thomas, a native of Hayward and great‑granddaughter of Leona Alves, who owned Ideal Dining and Miss Alves, a restaurant and club, in Russell City, holds a historic photo from the city in Hayward on Aug. 6, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Thomas said local efforts like this are a step in the right direction. Her four surviving relatives, who are former residents of Russell City, are planning to apply.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Until then, Thomas said it’s inspiring to hear that some Californians have already benefited from property return laws, even if they come from another country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not a matter of taking a particular model and copying it,” Thomas said of Germany’s efforts. “It would be a matter of taking a particular model and improving on it, right? And taking into account what we’ve experienced in our own country, to do so.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom vetoed a handful of bills advancing the cause of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12027903/california-lawmakers-target-historical-harm-to-black-residents-in-latest-bill-push\">reparations for Black Californians\u003c/a> on Monday, dealing the latest blow to a first-of-its-kind movement to atone for state-inflicted harms from slavery to the present day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom rejected bills that would have \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101910326/checking-in-on-californias-reparations-effort\">allowed the \u003c/a>descendants of enslaved people to receive preference in university admissions, business licenses and loans for first-time homebuyers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Governor’s veto is more than disappointing,” Assemblymember Isaac Bryan, D-Los Angeles, who wrote the college admissions bill, said in a statement. “While the Trump Administration threatens our institutions of higher learning and attacks the foundations of diversity and inclusivity, now is not the time to shy away from the fight to protect students who have descended from legacies of harm and exclusion.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a series of veto messages, the governor argued the bills were either unworkable, unnecessary or legally suspect.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measures were among several reparations-related bills advanced this year by the California Legislative Black Caucus, following a shift in strategy to focus on \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12046328/lineage-not-race-californias-strategy-to-advance-equity-for-descendants-of-slavery\">descendants of enslaved\u003c/a> people rather than race-based programs — an approach designed to withstand mounting legal challenges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 209, passed by voters in 1996, banned affirmative action in public institutions. And in 2023, the U.S. Supreme Court effectively ended affirmative action in college admissions, a decision that reinforced the legal hurdles facing California’s reparations efforts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12054634\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12054634\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/GavinNewsomAP.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/GavinNewsomAP.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/GavinNewsomAP-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/GavinNewsomAP-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gov. Gavin Newsom at a press conference to discuss the measures to redraw the state’s Congressional districts and put new maps before voters in a special election, in Sacramento, California, on Aug. 21, 2025. \u003ccite>(Rich Pedroncelli/AP Photo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Newsom said California universities did not need Bryan’s bill, Assembly Bill 7, to prioritize applicants who were descendants of slaves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I encourage the institutions referenced in this bill to review and determine how, when, and if this type of preference can be adopted,” Newsom wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The governor was more skeptical of the idea behind Assembly Bill 57, which would have set aside 10% of funds in the California Dream for All Program for descendants of enslaved people. The program provides down-payment assistance for first-time home buyers. Newsom instead vowed to set aside money in the state’s home-buying program for residents in low-income census tracts.[aside postID=news_12044638 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/12m-Reparations-1.jpg']“Creating an ancestry-based set-aside presents legal risks that could jeopardize [The California Housing Finance Agency’s] access to federal mortgage markets that are critical to providing housing assistance for thousands of Californians each year,” Newsom wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom vetoed two other reparations bills on Monday. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12056446/what-california-can-learn-from-germanys-holocaust-reparations-program\">Assembly Bill 62\u003c/a> would have allowed residents who lost property through racially motivated eminent domain to petition the state for compensation. And Assembly bill 742 would have expedited the applications for descendants seeking professional licenses needed for professions including architects, barbers and dental hygienists. Newsom said both bills would strain state resources — and added that prioritizing more residents for expedited licenses would diminish the benefit for populations that are already fast-tracked, including military spouses and refugees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The vetoes come days after reparations advocates were encouraged by Newsom’s approval of \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260SB518\">Senate Bill 518\u003c/a>, which created a new state agency to oversee restitution for descendants of enslaved people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The law, authored by state Sen. Akilah Weber Pierson, D-San Diego, establishes a bureau within the Civil Rights Department that will verify eligibility, process claims and recommend how the state might deliver tangible repair.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12037638\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12037638\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/011_Oakland_ReparationsMarch_10162021_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/011_Oakland_ReparationsMarch_10162021_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/011_Oakland_ReparationsMarch_10162021_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/011_Oakland_ReparationsMarch_10162021_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/011_Oakland_ReparationsMarch_10162021_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/011_Oakland_ReparationsMarch_10162021_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/011_Oakland_ReparationsMarch_10162021_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Demonstrators march in support of reparations for African people in Oakland on Oct. 16, 2021, organized by the Uhuru Movement. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The new bureau will formalize a process for verifying lineage and implementing future reparations programs. But the law’s immediate impact is limited; it will require the governor and Legislature to allocate funding before the bureau can begin operations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom highlighted the legislation during a recent appearance on the podcast \u003cem>Higher Learning with Van Lathan and Rachel Lindsay.\u003c/em> “I signed a bill two days ago with the Black Caucus as it relates to creating a new office to address these systemic issues,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Alliance for Reparations, Reconciliation, and Truth praised the governor’s action, calling SB 518 a crucial step toward the vision outlined by the state’s Reparations Task Force.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Reparations are not just about addressing historical slavery; they also focus on the ongoing harms and unfair practices that Black people continue to experience today in education, healthcare, housing and employment,” said Dr. Cheryl Grills, an ARRT leader and former task force member. “Gov. Newsom is helping California right its wrongs and continue laying the groundwork for a fair and equitable future and healing for everyone.”[aside postID=news_11948198 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/Rep-Episode-2_Thumbnail_1-1020x574.png']Lisa Holder, an ARRT leader, former task force member and president of the Equal Justice Society, said the bill reflects the power of broad coalitions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re proud to have played a critical role in the passage of this bill,” she said. “Amid deep divisions, our coalition is advancing a cross-racial alliance that places reparations at the heart of a shared vision for a resilient, multicultural democracy. Truth-telling and collective healing are essential steps toward reconciliation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s current reparations proposals \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11916026/no-the-reparations-task-force-report-isnt-a-watershed-moment-action-will-be\">stem from recommendations\u003c/a> made by the state’s Reparations Task Force in a 2023 report. That 1,100-page document detailed how California lawmakers and institutions advanced the cause of slavery in the state’s early days and discriminated against Black residents in the decades that followed. The task force was created in 2020 when Newsom signed \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/ab3121\">Assembly Bill 3121\u003c/a>, following a wave of national activism after the murder of George Floyd.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since then, Newsom’s enthusiasm for the task force’s full slate of recommendations has cooled. While he has supported symbolic measures, like a formal state apology for slavery and systemic racism, he has resisted the idea of providing cash payments to eligible descendants, arguing that reparations must involve more than direct checks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year’s legislative session ended in frustration for many advocates after disagreements within the Black Caucus and late amendments requested by Newsom derailed a proposal to create a similar agency. The governor later vetoed a bill to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11999415/california-reparations-\">compensate victims of racially motivated property seizures\u003c/a>, saying there was no state entity to manage such a program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those setbacks \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12002804/centerpiece-reparations-bill-derailed-by-newsoms-late-request-heres-why\">galvanized activists\u003c/a>. At the close of the 2024 session, more than 8,500 letters were delivered to Newsom urging him to support a slate of reparations bills. The caucus responded this year with its “Road to Repair” agenda — a rebranded package of measures that avoided the politically charged term “reparations.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For now, advocates say California’s new agency represents a foundation — not a finish line. Its future depends on funding, legislation and political will. Still, for the first time, the state has a structure in place to make good on its promises. As Holder put it, “We cannot move forward as one human family until we confront the harm, acknowledge the debt and take tangible action to repair what has been done.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/otaylor\">\u003cem>Otis R. Taylor Jr.\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> contributed to this report\u003c/em>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a series of veto messages, the governor argued the bills were either unworkable, unnecessary or legally suspect.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measures were among several reparations-related bills advanced this year by the California Legislative Black Caucus, following a shift in strategy to focus on \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12046328/lineage-not-race-californias-strategy-to-advance-equity-for-descendants-of-slavery\">descendants of enslaved\u003c/a> people rather than race-based programs — an approach designed to withstand mounting legal challenges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 209, passed by voters in 1996, banned affirmative action in public institutions. And in 2023, the U.S. Supreme Court effectively ended affirmative action in college admissions, a decision that reinforced the legal hurdles facing California’s reparations efforts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12054634\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12054634\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/GavinNewsomAP.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/GavinNewsomAP.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/GavinNewsomAP-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/GavinNewsomAP-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gov. Gavin Newsom at a press conference to discuss the measures to redraw the state’s Congressional districts and put new maps before voters in a special election, in Sacramento, California, on Aug. 21, 2025. \u003ccite>(Rich Pedroncelli/AP Photo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Newsom said California universities did not need Bryan’s bill, Assembly Bill 7, to prioritize applicants who were descendants of slaves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I encourage the institutions referenced in this bill to review and determine how, when, and if this type of preference can be adopted,” Newsom wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The governor was more skeptical of the idea behind Assembly Bill 57, which would have set aside 10% of funds in the California Dream for All Program for descendants of enslaved people. The program provides down-payment assistance for first-time home buyers. Newsom instead vowed to set aside money in the state’s home-buying program for residents in low-income census tracts.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“Creating an ancestry-based set-aside presents legal risks that could jeopardize [The California Housing Finance Agency’s] access to federal mortgage markets that are critical to providing housing assistance for thousands of Californians each year,” Newsom wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom vetoed two other reparations bills on Monday. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12056446/what-california-can-learn-from-germanys-holocaust-reparations-program\">Assembly Bill 62\u003c/a> would have allowed residents who lost property through racially motivated eminent domain to petition the state for compensation. And Assembly bill 742 would have expedited the applications for descendants seeking professional licenses needed for professions including architects, barbers and dental hygienists. Newsom said both bills would strain state resources — and added that prioritizing more residents for expedited licenses would diminish the benefit for populations that are already fast-tracked, including military spouses and refugees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The vetoes come days after reparations advocates were encouraged by Newsom’s approval of \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260SB518\">Senate Bill 518\u003c/a>, which created a new state agency to oversee restitution for descendants of enslaved people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The law, authored by state Sen. Akilah Weber Pierson, D-San Diego, establishes a bureau within the Civil Rights Department that will verify eligibility, process claims and recommend how the state might deliver tangible repair.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12037638\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12037638\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/011_Oakland_ReparationsMarch_10162021_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/011_Oakland_ReparationsMarch_10162021_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/011_Oakland_ReparationsMarch_10162021_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/011_Oakland_ReparationsMarch_10162021_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/011_Oakland_ReparationsMarch_10162021_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/011_Oakland_ReparationsMarch_10162021_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/011_Oakland_ReparationsMarch_10162021_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Demonstrators march in support of reparations for African people in Oakland on Oct. 16, 2021, organized by the Uhuru Movement. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The new bureau will formalize a process for verifying lineage and implementing future reparations programs. But the law’s immediate impact is limited; it will require the governor and Legislature to allocate funding before the bureau can begin operations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom highlighted the legislation during a recent appearance on the podcast \u003cem>Higher Learning with Van Lathan and Rachel Lindsay.\u003c/em> “I signed a bill two days ago with the Black Caucus as it relates to creating a new office to address these systemic issues,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Alliance for Reparations, Reconciliation, and Truth praised the governor’s action, calling SB 518 a crucial step toward the vision outlined by the state’s Reparations Task Force.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Reparations are not just about addressing historical slavery; they also focus on the ongoing harms and unfair practices that Black people continue to experience today in education, healthcare, housing and employment,” said Dr. Cheryl Grills, an ARRT leader and former task force member. “Gov. Newsom is helping California right its wrongs and continue laying the groundwork for a fair and equitable future and healing for everyone.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Lisa Holder, an ARRT leader, former task force member and president of the Equal Justice Society, said the bill reflects the power of broad coalitions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re proud to have played a critical role in the passage of this bill,” she said. “Amid deep divisions, our coalition is advancing a cross-racial alliance that places reparations at the heart of a shared vision for a resilient, multicultural democracy. Truth-telling and collective healing are essential steps toward reconciliation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s current reparations proposals \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11916026/no-the-reparations-task-force-report-isnt-a-watershed-moment-action-will-be\">stem from recommendations\u003c/a> made by the state’s Reparations Task Force in a 2023 report. That 1,100-page document detailed how California lawmakers and institutions advanced the cause of slavery in the state’s early days and discriminated against Black residents in the decades that followed. The task force was created in 2020 when Newsom signed \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/ab3121\">Assembly Bill 3121\u003c/a>, following a wave of national activism after the murder of George Floyd.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since then, Newsom’s enthusiasm for the task force’s full slate of recommendations has cooled. While he has supported symbolic measures, like a formal state apology for slavery and systemic racism, he has resisted the idea of providing cash payments to eligible descendants, arguing that reparations must involve more than direct checks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year’s legislative session ended in frustration for many advocates after disagreements within the Black Caucus and late amendments requested by Newsom derailed a proposal to create a similar agency. The governor later vetoed a bill to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11999415/california-reparations-\">compensate victims of racially motivated property seizures\u003c/a>, saying there was no state entity to manage such a program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those setbacks \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12002804/centerpiece-reparations-bill-derailed-by-newsoms-late-request-heres-why\">galvanized activists\u003c/a>. At the close of the 2024 session, more than 8,500 letters were delivered to Newsom urging him to support a slate of reparations bills. The caucus responded this year with its “Road to Repair” agenda — a rebranded package of measures that avoided the politically charged term “reparations.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For now, advocates say California’s new agency represents a foundation — not a finish line. Its future depends on funding, legislation and political will. Still, for the first time, the state has a structure in place to make good on its promises. As Holder put it, “We cannot move forward as one human family until we confront the harm, acknowledge the debt and take tangible action to repair what has been done.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/otaylor\">\u003cem>Otis R. Taylor Jr.\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> contributed to this report\u003c/em>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Former residents of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11922175/remembering-russell-city-a-thriving-east-bay-town-razed-by-racist-government\">Russell City\u003c/a> may receive reparations payments after the Alameda County Board of Supervisors on Tuesday approved \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12048684/alameda-county-set-to-approve-reparations-fund-for-displaced-russell-city-residents\">three-quarters of a million dollars\u003c/a> in redress funds for people who were forced out of their homes and businesses when officials bulldozed the community in the early 1960s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supervisors Elisa Márquez and Nate Miley, earlier this month, announced a proposal to earmark nearly a million dollars for the fund. The board’s vote this week agreed to allocate $750,000 to the pool in recognition of the county’s role in the displacement of former Russell City residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city of Hayward pledged an additional $250,000 to the new fund as part of its justice initiative, bringing the total to $1 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The destruction of Russell City is an atrocity that cannot be undone,” Márquez said during the board meeting. “The displacement of homes, businesses and livelihoods represents a profound injustice that continues to affect former residents, including the elders who are still alive and living in Alameda County today, as well as their descendants.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11922175/remembering-russell-city-a-thriving-east-bay-town-razed-by-racist-government\">Russell City\u003c/a>, an unincorporated neighborhood of about 1,400 people near the Hayward Shoreline, was a cultural and residential haven for Black and Latino families in the years following World War II. It was known for its thriving small business sector and its vibrant clubbing and art scene.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11989386\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11989386\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/008_Hayward_RussellCity_12022021_qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/008_Hayward_RussellCity_12022021_qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/008_Hayward_RussellCity_12022021_qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/008_Hayward_RussellCity_12022021_qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/008_Hayward_RussellCity_12022021_qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/008_Hayward_RussellCity_12022021_qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A mural at A Street and Maple Court in Hayward on Dec. 2, 2021, pays tribute to Russell City. Mural artists are Joshua Powell, assisted by Wythe Bowart, Nicole Pierret and Brent McHugh. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Because the city was unincorporated, however, it also lacked essential city services such as sewage, plumbing and electricity. When residents turned to local officials for assistance, they were repeatedly denied. Instead, officials used the conditions to declare Russell City a “blight” on the surrounding communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the early 1960s, Alameda County and the city of Hayward began seizing property in the area through eminent domain as part of a plan to turn the neighborhood into an industrial park. By 1966, the beloved neighborhood was bulldozed to the ground.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than a thousand residents were displaced from their homes, forced to rebuild their lives at a time when racist policies like redlining and racial steering made it extremely difficult for Black and brown people to relocate.[aside postID=news_12048684 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/004_Hayward_RussellCity_12022021_qed.jpg']Márquez acknowledged the role county officials played in the destruction of the community, adding that the funds are a recognition of the pain they inflicted on former residents and the suffering that continues to the present day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2021, following the murder of George Floyd by Minneapolis police and the national reckoning it sparked, Hayward issued a formal apology for its culpability in the takeover of Russell City. It launched the Russell City Reparative Justice Project the following year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It signals to the community that the city of Hayward acknowledges what happened and is willing to take steps forward to apologize … and to make good on something that was so terribly wrong,” said Mayor Mark Salinas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While Hayward officials didn’t issue eviction notices themselves, the city still benefited from the acquisition of Russell City and helped secure investors and developers, Salinas said, adding that it’s time to acknowledge the harm they caused.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I hope cities begin to look at and evaluate their own histories in relation to families of color and neighborhoods of color,” he said. “Things don’t just happen out of thin air. People meet, people plan and people build. That’s where institutional racism and discrimination manifest.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11922192\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11922192\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Property-Russell-City-sized.jpg\" alt=\"Black and white photograph of several wooden buildings including a home, a large shed or garage and several small structures.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1568\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Property-Russell-City-sized.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Property-Russell-City-sized-800x653.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Property-Russell-City-sized-1020x833.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Property-Russell-City-sized-160x131.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Property-Russell-City-sized-1536x1254.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A Russell City home circa 1950. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of the Hayward Area Historical Society)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Alameda County Supervisor David Haubert, who allocated $100,000 to the redress fund from his office, said he hopes that the money will allow families to “move forward.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This doesn’t completely address and redress all of the harms which are long-lasting, which are traumatic, and yet at the same time, I think it is very symbolic in terms of going beyond the apology,” Haubert said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With the funds secured, the next step for officials is to determine eligibility requirements, identify which families lived in Russell City and figure out a process for disbursement, Salinas said. According to the Board of Supervisors’ proposal, direct payments will be provided to former residents who had their property seized by the county and annexed into Hayward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Do you have more questions about the Russell City reparations fund? Read \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12048684/alameda-county-set-to-approve-reparations-fund-for-displaced-russell-city-residents#:~:text=Aisha%20Knowles'%20father%20grew%20up%20in%20a,1960s%2C%20forcibly%20displacing%20more%20than%201%2C000%20people.\">\u003cem>KQED’s explainer here\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/bkrans\">\u003cem>Brian Krans\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Former residents of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11922175/remembering-russell-city-a-thriving-east-bay-town-razed-by-racist-government\">Russell City\u003c/a> may receive reparations payments after the Alameda County Board of Supervisors on Tuesday approved \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12048684/alameda-county-set-to-approve-reparations-fund-for-displaced-russell-city-residents\">three-quarters of a million dollars\u003c/a> in redress funds for people who were forced out of their homes and businesses when officials bulldozed the community in the early 1960s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supervisors Elisa Márquez and Nate Miley, earlier this month, announced a proposal to earmark nearly a million dollars for the fund. The board’s vote this week agreed to allocate $750,000 to the pool in recognition of the county’s role in the displacement of former Russell City residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city of Hayward pledged an additional $250,000 to the new fund as part of its justice initiative, bringing the total to $1 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The destruction of Russell City is an atrocity that cannot be undone,” Márquez said during the board meeting. “The displacement of homes, businesses and livelihoods represents a profound injustice that continues to affect former residents, including the elders who are still alive and living in Alameda County today, as well as their descendants.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11922175/remembering-russell-city-a-thriving-east-bay-town-razed-by-racist-government\">Russell City\u003c/a>, an unincorporated neighborhood of about 1,400 people near the Hayward Shoreline, was a cultural and residential haven for Black and Latino families in the years following World War II. It was known for its thriving small business sector and its vibrant clubbing and art scene.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11989386\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11989386\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/008_Hayward_RussellCity_12022021_qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/008_Hayward_RussellCity_12022021_qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/008_Hayward_RussellCity_12022021_qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/008_Hayward_RussellCity_12022021_qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/008_Hayward_RussellCity_12022021_qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/008_Hayward_RussellCity_12022021_qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A mural at A Street and Maple Court in Hayward on Dec. 2, 2021, pays tribute to Russell City. Mural artists are Joshua Powell, assisted by Wythe Bowart, Nicole Pierret and Brent McHugh. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Because the city was unincorporated, however, it also lacked essential city services such as sewage, plumbing and electricity. When residents turned to local officials for assistance, they were repeatedly denied. Instead, officials used the conditions to declare Russell City a “blight” on the surrounding communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the early 1960s, Alameda County and the city of Hayward began seizing property in the area through eminent domain as part of a plan to turn the neighborhood into an industrial park. By 1966, the beloved neighborhood was bulldozed to the ground.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than a thousand residents were displaced from their homes, forced to rebuild their lives at a time when racist policies like redlining and racial steering made it extremely difficult for Black and brown people to relocate.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Márquez acknowledged the role county officials played in the destruction of the community, adding that the funds are a recognition of the pain they inflicted on former residents and the suffering that continues to the present day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2021, following the murder of George Floyd by Minneapolis police and the national reckoning it sparked, Hayward issued a formal apology for its culpability in the takeover of Russell City. It launched the Russell City Reparative Justice Project the following year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It signals to the community that the city of Hayward acknowledges what happened and is willing to take steps forward to apologize … and to make good on something that was so terribly wrong,” said Mayor Mark Salinas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While Hayward officials didn’t issue eviction notices themselves, the city still benefited from the acquisition of Russell City and helped secure investors and developers, Salinas said, adding that it’s time to acknowledge the harm they caused.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I hope cities begin to look at and evaluate their own histories in relation to families of color and neighborhoods of color,” he said. “Things don’t just happen out of thin air. People meet, people plan and people build. That’s where institutional racism and discrimination manifest.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11922192\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11922192\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Property-Russell-City-sized.jpg\" alt=\"Black and white photograph of several wooden buildings including a home, a large shed or garage and several small structures.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1568\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Property-Russell-City-sized.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Property-Russell-City-sized-800x653.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Property-Russell-City-sized-1020x833.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Property-Russell-City-sized-160x131.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Property-Russell-City-sized-1536x1254.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A Russell City home circa 1950. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of the Hayward Area Historical Society)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Alameda County Supervisor David Haubert, who allocated $100,000 to the redress fund from his office, said he hopes that the money will allow families to “move forward.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This doesn’t completely address and redress all of the harms which are long-lasting, which are traumatic, and yet at the same time, I think it is very symbolic in terms of going beyond the apology,” Haubert said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With the funds secured, the next step for officials is to determine eligibility requirements, identify which families lived in Russell City and figure out a process for disbursement, Salinas said. According to the Board of Supervisors’ proposal, direct payments will be provided to former residents who had their property seized by the county and annexed into Hayward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Do you have more questions about the Russell City reparations fund? Read \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12048684/alameda-county-set-to-approve-reparations-fund-for-displaced-russell-city-residents#:~:text=Aisha%20Knowles'%20father%20grew%20up%20in%20a,1960s%2C%20forcibly%20displacing%20more%20than%201%2C000%20people.\">\u003cem>KQED’s explainer here\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/bkrans\">\u003cem>Brian Krans\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Alameda County Set to Approve Reparations Fund for Displaced Russell City Residents",
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"headTitle": "Alameda County Set to Approve Reparations Fund for Displaced Russell City Residents | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>Aisha Knowles’ father grew up in a place that no longer exists: \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11897843/decades-after-cultural-genocide-residents-of-a-bulldozed-community-get-apology-from-hayward\">Russell City\u003c/a>, a 12-block unincorporated area within Alameda County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The predominantly Black and Latino community was bulldozed by the county and the city of Hayward in the early 1960s, forcibly displacing more than 1,000 people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today, Knowles and her father, James Knowles, work to keep the memory of the once close-knit community alive. James Knowles serves on Alameda County’s\u003ca href=\"https://www.acgov.org/bnc/#/board/a0U4N00000NObxiUAD\"> Reparations Commission\u003c/a>, and Aisha Knowles volunteers for Hayward’s committee focused on\u003ca href=\"https://www.hayward-ca.gov/discover/hayward-history/russell-city/steering-committee\"> Russell City\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As the daughter of someone who lived in Russell City, I didn’t start this fight,” Knowles said. “But I feel like … it is part of my responsibility in living and paying things forward.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, decades later, Knowles’ father and other former residents of Russell City may receive a form of payment from Alameda County and Hayward to make amends.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When she heard the news last week, Knowles said her emotions ranged from surprised to grateful to “a little bit cautious.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a positive start,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What was Russell City?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Due to widespread racist policies like redlining, Russell City was one of the rare places where Black and Latino people could own homes in the Bay Area after World War II. It was a thriving community with schools, clubs, a church and businesses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was also known as \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11897843/decades-after-cultural-genocide-residents-of-a-bulldozed-community-get-apology-from-hayward\">a vibrant culture hub\u003c/a> for blues music, with legendary performers like Etta James and Ray Charles taking the stage there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12048781\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12048781\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/010_Hayward_RussellCity_12022021_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/010_Hayward_RussellCity_12022021_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/010_Hayward_RussellCity_12022021_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/010_Hayward_RussellCity_12022021_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A motorcycle drives by a mural depicting scenes from Russell City at A Street and Maple Court in Hayward on Dec. 2, 2021. Mural artists are Joshua Powell, assisted by Wythe Bowart, Nicole Pierret and Brent McHugh. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But because Russell City was unincorporated, it lacked basic city services such as sewage or plumbing. Residents repeatedly petitioned the county and the city of Hayward for assistance, but were denied. Instead, officials declared the community a “blight,” seized property through eminent domain and made plans to redevelop it into an industrial park. In 1963, officials cleared out \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11897843/decades-after-cultural-genocide-residents-of-a-bulldozed-community-get-apology-from-hayward\">the entire community\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Roughly 1,400 people were forcibly dislocated, including Knowles’ family. She said many former residents struggled to recover, including her grandfather, who lost the auto shop he owned.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was very difficult for him to recover from not being able to have a business,” she said. “He died at the age of 48 …There are a lot of memories, harm, and trauma that many families have experienced.”[aside postID=news_12044638 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/12m-Reparations-1.jpg']After the 2020 murder of George Floyd by Minneapolis police, cities across the country, including in the Bay Area, began taking steps to acknowledge their discriminatory and racist histories. In 2021, Hayward issued\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11897843/decades-after-cultural-genocide-residents-of-a-bulldozed-community-get-apology-from-hayward\"> a public apology\u003c/a> to former residents of Russell City. The following year, the city launched the Russell City Reparative Justice Project, which presented recommendations to the city council in 2024.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People were in support and happy when we did the apology, but it did feel like it wasn’t enough. Those are just words. It wasn’t anything tangible,” said Alameda County Supervisor Elisa Márquez.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In early July, Hayward, Márquez and fellow Alameda County Supervisor Nate Miley announced a \u003ca href=\"https://www.hayward-ca.gov/discover/news/jul25/city-hayward-and-alameda-county-ad-hoc-committee-reparations-announce-creation\">$900,000 fund\u003c/a> dedicated to the former residents of Russell City.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is our commitment to say, ‘We meant what we said publicly with apology,’” Márquez said. “By no means is it meant to cover the cost of what they lost because that’s insurmountable. But we do want to publicly tell them, ‘We care about you. We care about the pain.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This could be just the beginning as well. There might be other ways that we can get at redressing the harm for Russell City,” added Miley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to Márquez, the Alameda County Board of Supervisors is expected to vote to approve the funding for the Russell City fund on Tuesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s just really important that we act as quickly as possible,” Márquez said. “It is really painful to learn every year that another elder has passed away.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How much money is in the fund?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>There is \u003ca href=\"https://www.hayward-ca.gov/discover/news/jul25/city-hayward-and-alameda-county-ad-hoc-committee-reparations-announce-creation\">$900,000\u003c/a> in the redress fund:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>$250,000 will come from the city of Hayward\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>$400,000 from Márquez’s office\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>$250,000 from Miley’s office\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Márquez added she is hoping the fund can reach a million dollars, and that “we’re all gonna work collectively — really hard — engaging in philanthropy as well as local businesses and anyone interested in contributing to the redress fund.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11898070\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11898070\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/KnowlesPicnic.jpg\" alt=\"Three women stand together. The woman on the left is wearing glasses, a turquoise sweater with a brown purse. The woman in the middle with her hand holding her wrist is wearing a green shirt and light brown bag. The woman on the right is wearing a grey shirt with a black purse on her left shoulder.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1440\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/KnowlesPicnic.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/KnowlesPicnic-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/KnowlesPicnic-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/KnowlesPicnic-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/KnowlesPicnic-1536x1152.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Frances Doyal (left), Winny Knowles (center) and Aisha Knowles, former residents and descendants of families from Russell City, pose for a photo during the annual Russell City reunion picnic at Kennedy Park in Hayward on Sept. 3, 2017. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Aisha Knowles)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Knowles pointed out that there have been other government agencies in the area who could also contribute to the redress fund since they “had a role in what happened in Russell City.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[The fund is] a good start. It also is a sign to these other agencies to look at the history within their own organizations,” Knowles said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Márquez said she is also working with the city of Hayward to find a local foundation that can administer the funds.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Who is eligible?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Márquez said her priority is for the funds to go to former residents and elders who are still living. They may consider expanding that criteria depending on how much money is ultimately raised.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11922177\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11922177\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Kids-play-Russell-City-sized.jpg\" alt=\"Black and white photograph of kids playing volleyball by an empty field. Some low buildings rise up in the background\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1080\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Kids-play-Russell-City-sized.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Kids-play-Russell-City-sized-800x450.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Kids-play-Russell-City-sized-1020x574.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Kids-play-Russell-City-sized-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Kids-play-Russell-City-sized-1536x864.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A large group of children playing volleyball on a dirt playground at Russell School, circa 1950. Former Russell City residents fondly remember playing together at the edge of town. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of the Hayward Area Historical Society)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>To identify past residents and collect their information, Márquez said the city did a survey with close to 400 respondents and held two town halls.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That data is being compiled, and that’s what we’ll have to look at, in terms of who do we know that actually lived there,” she said. “Now that the issue has been elevated, [it] is very likely that we’ll learn of more former residents.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How much does a former resident get?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>It depends on how much the fund raises, Márquez said. She said the county is aiming to launch a website containing details in the next few weeks.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>When will people see the compensation?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Márquez said her “ideal” timeline would be 60 to 90 days to get the fund running.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What is the precedent for this?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>“I do feel it’s historic,” said Márquez. “This is a blueprint of what you could do at the local level.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kamilah Moore, an attorney who chaired \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/reparations\">California’s Reparations Task Force\u003c/a>, said some local governments and states created funds or programs to address past harms. In 2019, Evanston, Illinois, established a fund for Black residents using the city’s\u003ca href=\"https://dailynorthwestern.com/2025/04/22/city/poetic-justice-how-cannabis-fuels-evanstons-reparations/\"> 3% sales tax on marijuana\u003c/a>. In the 1990s, \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/graphics/2020/national/rosewood-reparations/\">Florida passed a law\u003c/a> allowing descendants of a Black majority town that suffered a massacre in 1923 to attend college tuition-free.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12029390\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12029390\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/250228-RACIAL-VIOLENCE-CONFERENCE-MD-07-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/250228-RACIAL-VIOLENCE-CONFERENCE-MD-07-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/250228-RACIAL-VIOLENCE-CONFERENCE-MD-07-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/250228-RACIAL-VIOLENCE-CONFERENCE-MD-07-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/250228-RACIAL-VIOLENCE-CONFERENCE-MD-07-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/250228-RACIAL-VIOLENCE-CONFERENCE-MD-07-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/250228-RACIAL-VIOLENCE-CONFERENCE-MD-07-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Kamilah Moore at Northeastern University in Oakland on Feb. 28, 2025. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“This fund in Russell City seems to be unique,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In her studies of international law and reparations, Moore said a key component of making amends is providing payments to survivors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When we talk about recommendations, at the end of the day, we’ve got to make sure it includes compensation,” she said.[aside postID=news_11897843 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/Hayward_RussellCity_Mural-672x372.jpg']From her perspective, conversation about reparations has \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12044638/california-reparations-bills-definition-12-million-explainer\">stagnated on the state level\u003c/a>, even as California officials discuss how to disperse the $12 million allocated toward reparative legislation. But she sees the Russell City fund as an example of momentum building locally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Localities are still doing what they need to do to make sure that they’re rectifying harms,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Knowles — who produced a documentary about Russell City called \u003ca href=\"https://www.theapologyfilm.com/\">\u003cem>The Apology\u003c/em>\u003c/a> — said it is important for communities across California to research past discrimination and violence, ensure harm is repaired and “prevent it from happening in the future.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As an adult, it seems like there were efforts made to erase the history of Russell City,” she said, her voice breaking as she held back tears. “I feel like my grandparents and my relatives who are no longer here are proud of me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My grandmother had faith all the time. She was not an angry woman,” she added. “She believed that there would always be something greater, even if she didn’t get to see it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“With the creation of the redress fund, there is a little bit of peace that I received, in understanding maybe this is what she knew that this would happen one day.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What other questions do you have?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>At KQED News, we aim to publish guides and explainers that dispel confusion and answer pressing questions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you have more inquiries about reparations or racial justice in California, please let us know, and we’ll do our best to answer. It will make our reporting stronger and will help us decide what to cover.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://docs.google.com/forms/d/e/1FAIpQLScwcbTYMD7fA9T1Tm7VvQfBTB1KZpCweq-RO5DfwzU5rfk2mQ/viewform?embedded=true\" width=\"640\" height=\"690\" frameborder=\"0\" marginheight=\"0\" marginwidth=\"0\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/swhitney\">\u003cem>Spencer Whitney\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> and \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11922175/remembering-russell-city-a-thriving-east-bay-town-razed-by-racist-government\">\u003cem>Katrina Schwartz\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> contributed to this report. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Aisha Knowles’ father grew up in a place that no longer exists: \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11897843/decades-after-cultural-genocide-residents-of-a-bulldozed-community-get-apology-from-hayward\">Russell City\u003c/a>, a 12-block unincorporated area within Alameda County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The predominantly Black and Latino community was bulldozed by the county and the city of Hayward in the early 1960s, forcibly displacing more than 1,000 people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today, Knowles and her father, James Knowles, work to keep the memory of the once close-knit community alive. James Knowles serves on Alameda County’s\u003ca href=\"https://www.acgov.org/bnc/#/board/a0U4N00000NObxiUAD\"> Reparations Commission\u003c/a>, and Aisha Knowles volunteers for Hayward’s committee focused on\u003ca href=\"https://www.hayward-ca.gov/discover/hayward-history/russell-city/steering-committee\"> Russell City\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As the daughter of someone who lived in Russell City, I didn’t start this fight,” Knowles said. “But I feel like … it is part of my responsibility in living and paying things forward.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, decades later, Knowles’ father and other former residents of Russell City may receive a form of payment from Alameda County and Hayward to make amends.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When she heard the news last week, Knowles said her emotions ranged from surprised to grateful to “a little bit cautious.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a positive start,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What was Russell City?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Due to widespread racist policies like redlining, Russell City was one of the rare places where Black and Latino people could own homes in the Bay Area after World War II. It was a thriving community with schools, clubs, a church and businesses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was also known as \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11897843/decades-after-cultural-genocide-residents-of-a-bulldozed-community-get-apology-from-hayward\">a vibrant culture hub\u003c/a> for blues music, with legendary performers like Etta James and Ray Charles taking the stage there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12048781\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12048781\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/010_Hayward_RussellCity_12022021_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/010_Hayward_RussellCity_12022021_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/010_Hayward_RussellCity_12022021_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/010_Hayward_RussellCity_12022021_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A motorcycle drives by a mural depicting scenes from Russell City at A Street and Maple Court in Hayward on Dec. 2, 2021. Mural artists are Joshua Powell, assisted by Wythe Bowart, Nicole Pierret and Brent McHugh. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But because Russell City was unincorporated, it lacked basic city services such as sewage or plumbing. Residents repeatedly petitioned the county and the city of Hayward for assistance, but were denied. Instead, officials declared the community a “blight,” seized property through eminent domain and made plans to redevelop it into an industrial park. In 1963, officials cleared out \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11897843/decades-after-cultural-genocide-residents-of-a-bulldozed-community-get-apology-from-hayward\">the entire community\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Roughly 1,400 people were forcibly dislocated, including Knowles’ family. She said many former residents struggled to recover, including her grandfather, who lost the auto shop he owned.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was very difficult for him to recover from not being able to have a business,” she said. “He died at the age of 48 …There are a lot of memories, harm, and trauma that many families have experienced.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>After the 2020 murder of George Floyd by Minneapolis police, cities across the country, including in the Bay Area, began taking steps to acknowledge their discriminatory and racist histories. In 2021, Hayward issued\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11897843/decades-after-cultural-genocide-residents-of-a-bulldozed-community-get-apology-from-hayward\"> a public apology\u003c/a> to former residents of Russell City. The following year, the city launched the Russell City Reparative Justice Project, which presented recommendations to the city council in 2024.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People were in support and happy when we did the apology, but it did feel like it wasn’t enough. Those are just words. It wasn’t anything tangible,” said Alameda County Supervisor Elisa Márquez.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In early July, Hayward, Márquez and fellow Alameda County Supervisor Nate Miley announced a \u003ca href=\"https://www.hayward-ca.gov/discover/news/jul25/city-hayward-and-alameda-county-ad-hoc-committee-reparations-announce-creation\">$900,000 fund\u003c/a> dedicated to the former residents of Russell City.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is our commitment to say, ‘We meant what we said publicly with apology,’” Márquez said. “By no means is it meant to cover the cost of what they lost because that’s insurmountable. But we do want to publicly tell them, ‘We care about you. We care about the pain.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This could be just the beginning as well. There might be other ways that we can get at redressing the harm for Russell City,” added Miley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to Márquez, the Alameda County Board of Supervisors is expected to vote to approve the funding for the Russell City fund on Tuesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s just really important that we act as quickly as possible,” Márquez said. “It is really painful to learn every year that another elder has passed away.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How much money is in the fund?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>There is \u003ca href=\"https://www.hayward-ca.gov/discover/news/jul25/city-hayward-and-alameda-county-ad-hoc-committee-reparations-announce-creation\">$900,000\u003c/a> in the redress fund:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>$250,000 will come from the city of Hayward\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>$400,000 from Márquez’s office\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>$250,000 from Miley’s office\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Márquez added she is hoping the fund can reach a million dollars, and that “we’re all gonna work collectively — really hard — engaging in philanthropy as well as local businesses and anyone interested in contributing to the redress fund.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11898070\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11898070\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/KnowlesPicnic.jpg\" alt=\"Three women stand together. The woman on the left is wearing glasses, a turquoise sweater with a brown purse. The woman in the middle with her hand holding her wrist is wearing a green shirt and light brown bag. The woman on the right is wearing a grey shirt with a black purse on her left shoulder.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1440\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/KnowlesPicnic.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/KnowlesPicnic-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/KnowlesPicnic-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/KnowlesPicnic-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/KnowlesPicnic-1536x1152.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Frances Doyal (left), Winny Knowles (center) and Aisha Knowles, former residents and descendants of families from Russell City, pose for a photo during the annual Russell City reunion picnic at Kennedy Park in Hayward on Sept. 3, 2017. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Aisha Knowles)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Knowles pointed out that there have been other government agencies in the area who could also contribute to the redress fund since they “had a role in what happened in Russell City.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[The fund is] a good start. It also is a sign to these other agencies to look at the history within their own organizations,” Knowles said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Márquez said she is also working with the city of Hayward to find a local foundation that can administer the funds.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Who is eligible?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Márquez said her priority is for the funds to go to former residents and elders who are still living. They may consider expanding that criteria depending on how much money is ultimately raised.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11922177\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11922177\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Kids-play-Russell-City-sized.jpg\" alt=\"Black and white photograph of kids playing volleyball by an empty field. Some low buildings rise up in the background\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1080\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Kids-play-Russell-City-sized.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Kids-play-Russell-City-sized-800x450.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Kids-play-Russell-City-sized-1020x574.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Kids-play-Russell-City-sized-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Kids-play-Russell-City-sized-1536x864.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A large group of children playing volleyball on a dirt playground at Russell School, circa 1950. Former Russell City residents fondly remember playing together at the edge of town. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of the Hayward Area Historical Society)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>To identify past residents and collect their information, Márquez said the city did a survey with close to 400 respondents and held two town halls.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That data is being compiled, and that’s what we’ll have to look at, in terms of who do we know that actually lived there,” she said. “Now that the issue has been elevated, [it] is very likely that we’ll learn of more former residents.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How much does a former resident get?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>It depends on how much the fund raises, Márquez said. She said the county is aiming to launch a website containing details in the next few weeks.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>When will people see the compensation?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Márquez said her “ideal” timeline would be 60 to 90 days to get the fund running.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What is the precedent for this?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>“I do feel it’s historic,” said Márquez. “This is a blueprint of what you could do at the local level.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kamilah Moore, an attorney who chaired \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/reparations\">California’s Reparations Task Force\u003c/a>, said some local governments and states created funds or programs to address past harms. In 2019, Evanston, Illinois, established a fund for Black residents using the city’s\u003ca href=\"https://dailynorthwestern.com/2025/04/22/city/poetic-justice-how-cannabis-fuels-evanstons-reparations/\"> 3% sales tax on marijuana\u003c/a>. In the 1990s, \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/graphics/2020/national/rosewood-reparations/\">Florida passed a law\u003c/a> allowing descendants of a Black majority town that suffered a massacre in 1923 to attend college tuition-free.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12029390\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12029390\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/250228-RACIAL-VIOLENCE-CONFERENCE-MD-07-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/250228-RACIAL-VIOLENCE-CONFERENCE-MD-07-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/250228-RACIAL-VIOLENCE-CONFERENCE-MD-07-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/250228-RACIAL-VIOLENCE-CONFERENCE-MD-07-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/250228-RACIAL-VIOLENCE-CONFERENCE-MD-07-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/250228-RACIAL-VIOLENCE-CONFERENCE-MD-07-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/250228-RACIAL-VIOLENCE-CONFERENCE-MD-07-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Kamilah Moore at Northeastern University in Oakland on Feb. 28, 2025. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“This fund in Russell City seems to be unique,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In her studies of international law and reparations, Moore said a key component of making amends is providing payments to survivors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When we talk about recommendations, at the end of the day, we’ve got to make sure it includes compensation,” she said.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>From her perspective, conversation about reparations has \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12044638/california-reparations-bills-definition-12-million-explainer\">stagnated on the state level\u003c/a>, even as California officials discuss how to disperse the $12 million allocated toward reparative legislation. But she sees the Russell City fund as an example of momentum building locally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Localities are still doing what they need to do to make sure that they’re rectifying harms,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Knowles — who produced a documentary about Russell City called \u003ca href=\"https://www.theapologyfilm.com/\">\u003cem>The Apology\u003c/em>\u003c/a> — said it is important for communities across California to research past discrimination and violence, ensure harm is repaired and “prevent it from happening in the future.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As an adult, it seems like there were efforts made to erase the history of Russell City,” she said, her voice breaking as she held back tears. “I feel like my grandparents and my relatives who are no longer here are proud of me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My grandmother had faith all the time. She was not an angry woman,” she added. “She believed that there would always be something greater, even if she didn’t get to see it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“With the creation of the redress fund, there is a little bit of peace that I received, in understanding maybe this is what she knew that this would happen one day.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What other questions do you have?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>At KQED News, we aim to publish guides and explainers that dispel confusion and answer pressing questions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you have more inquiries about reparations or racial justice in California, please let us know, and we’ll do our best to answer. It will make our reporting stronger and will help us decide what to cover.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://docs.google.com/forms/d/e/1FAIpQLScwcbTYMD7fA9T1Tm7VvQfBTB1KZpCweq-RO5DfwzU5rfk2mQ/viewform?embedded=true\" width=\"640\" height=\"690\" frameborder=\"0\" marginheight=\"0\" marginwidth=\"0\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/swhitney\">\u003cem>Spencer Whitney\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> and \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11922175/remembering-russell-city-a-thriving-east-bay-town-razed-by-racist-government\">\u003cem>Katrina Schwartz\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> contributed to this report. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Two years ago, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/california\">California\u003c/a> released the first-of-its-kind report, documenting harms committed by the government against Black residents — just as the nation’s highest court was dealing a devastating blow to race-conscious policymaking.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was a dramatic split-screen moment: On June 29, 2023, the same day the California Reparations Task Force released a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11953025/reparations-task-forces-final-report-covers-much-more-than-money\">groundbreaking final report\u003c/a>, the Supreme Court issued its monumental decision \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11954709/timeline-a-heated-history-of-affirmative-action-in-america\">banning affirmative action\u003c/a> in higher education.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Legal hurdles and shifting politics around racial justice have stalled many \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12002804/centerpiece-reparations-bill-derailed-by-newsoms-late-request-heres-why\">reparations-related proposals\u003c/a> in the state Legislature.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, California lawmakers are advancing a new strategy: reparations not based on race, but on lineage. They hope to set up a clash over whether descendants of enslaved people can be given preference in areas such as college admissions, mortgage assistance and professional licensing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If it should go up to the Supreme Court, then let it be there,” said Assemblymember Isaac Bryan, D-Los Angeles, vice chair of the California Legislative Black Caucus. “But the country needs to say unequivocally that reparations and repair for slavery are either constitutional or unconstitutional.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s the real foundational question that Black Americans are due [to have] answered in the immediate, and we want to pose that question as quickly as we can.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12002657\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12002657\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/AP24244812299639-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1920\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/AP24244812299639-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/AP24244812299639-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/AP24244812299639-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/AP24244812299639-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/AP24244812299639-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/AP24244812299639-2048x1536.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/AP24244812299639-1920x1440.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Assemblymember Isaac Bryan (right) talks to members of the Coalition for a Just and Equitable California about two reparations bills in the rotunda on the last day of the legislative year on Saturday, Aug. 31, 2024, in Sacramento. \u003ccite>(Tran Nguyen/AP Photo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The move carries legal risk, as opponents argue the bills attempt to circumvent state and federal limits on affirmative action and they, too, welcome a fight in the courts. Years before the Supreme Court’s ruling in \u003cem>Students for Fair Admissions v. Harvard\u003c/em>, California voters passed their own ban on affirmative action in public education, employment and contracting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bills, if they become law, could generate reprisals from a Trump administration that has tried to punish state and local governments that have enacted diversity, equity and inclusion programs in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12041026/new-trump-administration-rules-could-cut-off-crucial-federal-homelessness-funding\">housing\u003c/a> or \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12030028/trump-cut-education-grants-over-dei-it-will-worsen-teacher-shortages-lawsuit-says\">education\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There’s also the unfinished task of determining who qualifies for reparations programs. The Legislature has yet to create a new state agency to implement the report’s proposals or verify ancestry.[aside postID=news_12044638 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/12m-Reparations-1.jpg']Despite broad support in the Capitol for the creation of the task force in 2020, legislators have had \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11981271/track-the-success-of-californias-14-reparations-bills-for-black-residents\">mixed success\u003c/a> turning the panel’s recommendations into laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this year, the California Legislative Black Caucus \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12027903/california-lawmakers-target-historical-harm-to-black-residents-in-latest-bill-push\">announced a package of bills\u003c/a> inspired by the task force’s recommendations, including Assembly Bill 7, which would allow California universities to grant preference in admissions to applicants who are descendants of enslaved people. Importantly, said Bryan, the bill’s author, the words “Black” or “African American” do not appear in the legislation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s no race in AB7 at all,” he added. “It’s a specific harm-based intervention for a group of people who were previously excluded or harmed by institutions of higher learning.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill passed the state Assembly in early June and is set to be heard in the Senate Education Committee on Wednesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stanford Law School professor Ralph Richard Banks predicted the bill would set off an intense legal fight if it is passed by the Legislature and signed by Gov. Gavin Newsom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11945733\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11945733\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/RS63347_042_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForceSac_03032023-qut.jpg\" alt=\"A white sign with black lettering reads "Reparations Now 2023" at a California Reparations Task Force meeting in Sacramento, the state's capital.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/RS63347_042_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForceSac_03032023-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/RS63347_042_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForceSac_03032023-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/RS63347_042_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForceSac_03032023-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/RS63347_042_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForceSac_03032023-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/RS63347_042_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForceSac_03032023-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A sign says, “Reparations Now 2023,” at a California Reparations Task Force meeting in Sacramento on March 3, 2023. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“On one side, you’ll have people saying, ‘Oh, an admissions preference for descendants of slavery — that’s just a transparent proxy for race,” Banks said. “And the other side of the argument will say, ‘Well, actually, there are reasons that we might be concerned about slavery and rectifying and responding to the damage and the harm done by slavery, which is distinct from any concern with race per se.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Banks said the Supreme Court’s affirmative action ruling is likely to suppress race-conscious policies beyond college admissions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The greater significance is that it would naturally be extended to all other sectors of life,” he said. “Not only college admissions, but employment and government policymaking related to housing … so the implications are dramatic and they’re still playing out.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Such a precedent-setting court battle could also include two other bills making their way through the Legislature. Assembly Bill 57 would set aside 10% of funds in the California Dream for All home-loan assistance program for descendants of enslaved people. Assembly Bill 742 would prioritize descendants of enslavement for state licenses required for professions such as barbers, dental hygienists and physical therapists.[aside postID=news_11948198 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/Rep-Episode-2_Thumbnail_1-1020x574.png']Last year, a similar bill proposed to prioritize Black Californians for professional licenses was shelved ahead of a committee hearing, in part due to legal concerns. Another bill aimed at weakening Proposition 209, California’s ban on affirmative action, also failed to advance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Andrew Quinio, a lawyer with the Pacific Legal Foundation, a group opposing the bills, said the legislation is searching for a loophole to enact policies that benefit Black Californians.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think it is absolutely being used as a proxy of a race,” Quinio said. “Not only is the origin and the purpose of AB 7 demonstrative of the fact that it is trying to benefit a racial category, but the ultimate effect will be that only a particular racial category will benefit.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Quinio said the bill’s authors have been explicit about their goal of enacting recommendations of the reparations task force, which was created “to study and develop reparation proposals for African Americans.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The bill package, which includes AB 7, among the other bills, is about repairing centuries of economic damage [and] abuse that was inflicted on Black Californians,” Quinio said. “So it’s very clear as to who the bills were meant to benefit and what the purpose is.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Quinio pointed to a 2000 Supreme Court decision that struck down a Hawaii law restricting voting for a particular state office to people with Hawaiian ancestry. But he acknowledged the nation’s highest court has not ruled definitively on the kind of reparations policies being pursued in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11952793\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11952793\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/230612-Reparations-Getty-1243475910-KQED.jpg\" alt='A man wearing a face mask holds a sign that reads \"World Leaders! Reparations for Slavery Now!\" in a crowd of people.' width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/230612-Reparations-Getty-1243475910-KQED.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/230612-Reparations-Getty-1243475910-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/230612-Reparations-Getty-1243475910-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/230612-Reparations-Getty-1243475910-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/230612-Reparations-Getty-1243475910-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Long-time Los Angeles resident Walter Foster, 80, holds up a sign as the Reparations Task Force listens to public input at the California Science Center in Los Angeles on Sept. 22, 2022. \u003ccite>(Carolyn Cole/Los Angeles Times via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>To invite such a legal showdown, the Legislature will first have to pass Senate Bill 518, a bill that would create a Bureau for Descendants of American Slavery. The new agency would be tasked with verifying an individual’s status as a descendant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A similar proposal stalled last year after opposition from the Newsom administration over cost concerns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dr. Marcus Anthony Hunter, a professor of sociology and African American Studies at UCLA, said his hope for the legal survival of the reparations movement has been buoyed by an unlikely source: conservative Supreme Court Justice Clarence Thomas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In his concurring opinion in the Students for Fair Admissions case, Thomas argued that laws passed by Congress around the time of the 14th Amendment, particularly the establishment of the Freedmen’s Bureau, were race-neutral.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If laws meant to assist freed slaves were considered race-neutral and constitutional, Hunter wondered, could the same be true of laws meant to support their descendants?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Part of what’s happening in the atmosphere is to test that theory out,” Hunter said. “There’s a lot of fear about what they’re going to accept or not accept, but they haven’t yet been made to come into the waters.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Two years ago, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/california\">California\u003c/a> released the first-of-its-kind report, documenting harms committed by the government against Black residents — just as the nation’s highest court was dealing a devastating blow to race-conscious policymaking.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was a dramatic split-screen moment: On June 29, 2023, the same day the California Reparations Task Force released a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11953025/reparations-task-forces-final-report-covers-much-more-than-money\">groundbreaking final report\u003c/a>, the Supreme Court issued its monumental decision \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11954709/timeline-a-heated-history-of-affirmative-action-in-america\">banning affirmative action\u003c/a> in higher education.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Legal hurdles and shifting politics around racial justice have stalled many \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12002804/centerpiece-reparations-bill-derailed-by-newsoms-late-request-heres-why\">reparations-related proposals\u003c/a> in the state Legislature.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, California lawmakers are advancing a new strategy: reparations not based on race, but on lineage. They hope to set up a clash over whether descendants of enslaved people can be given preference in areas such as college admissions, mortgage assistance and professional licensing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If it should go up to the Supreme Court, then let it be there,” said Assemblymember Isaac Bryan, D-Los Angeles, vice chair of the California Legislative Black Caucus. “But the country needs to say unequivocally that reparations and repair for slavery are either constitutional or unconstitutional.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s the real foundational question that Black Americans are due [to have] answered in the immediate, and we want to pose that question as quickly as we can.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12002657\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12002657\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/AP24244812299639-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1920\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/AP24244812299639-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/AP24244812299639-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/AP24244812299639-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/AP24244812299639-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/AP24244812299639-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/AP24244812299639-2048x1536.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/AP24244812299639-1920x1440.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Assemblymember Isaac Bryan (right) talks to members of the Coalition for a Just and Equitable California about two reparations bills in the rotunda on the last day of the legislative year on Saturday, Aug. 31, 2024, in Sacramento. \u003ccite>(Tran Nguyen/AP Photo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The move carries legal risk, as opponents argue the bills attempt to circumvent state and federal limits on affirmative action and they, too, welcome a fight in the courts. Years before the Supreme Court’s ruling in \u003cem>Students for Fair Admissions v. Harvard\u003c/em>, California voters passed their own ban on affirmative action in public education, employment and contracting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bills, if they become law, could generate reprisals from a Trump administration that has tried to punish state and local governments that have enacted diversity, equity and inclusion programs in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12041026/new-trump-administration-rules-could-cut-off-crucial-federal-homelessness-funding\">housing\u003c/a> or \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12030028/trump-cut-education-grants-over-dei-it-will-worsen-teacher-shortages-lawsuit-says\">education\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There’s also the unfinished task of determining who qualifies for reparations programs. The Legislature has yet to create a new state agency to implement the report’s proposals or verify ancestry.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Despite broad support in the Capitol for the creation of the task force in 2020, legislators have had \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11981271/track-the-success-of-californias-14-reparations-bills-for-black-residents\">mixed success\u003c/a> turning the panel’s recommendations into laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this year, the California Legislative Black Caucus \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12027903/california-lawmakers-target-historical-harm-to-black-residents-in-latest-bill-push\">announced a package of bills\u003c/a> inspired by the task force’s recommendations, including Assembly Bill 7, which would allow California universities to grant preference in admissions to applicants who are descendants of enslaved people. Importantly, said Bryan, the bill’s author, the words “Black” or “African American” do not appear in the legislation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s no race in AB7 at all,” he added. “It’s a specific harm-based intervention for a group of people who were previously excluded or harmed by institutions of higher learning.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill passed the state Assembly in early June and is set to be heard in the Senate Education Committee on Wednesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stanford Law School professor Ralph Richard Banks predicted the bill would set off an intense legal fight if it is passed by the Legislature and signed by Gov. Gavin Newsom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11945733\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11945733\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/RS63347_042_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForceSac_03032023-qut.jpg\" alt=\"A white sign with black lettering reads "Reparations Now 2023" at a California Reparations Task Force meeting in Sacramento, the state's capital.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/RS63347_042_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForceSac_03032023-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/RS63347_042_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForceSac_03032023-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/RS63347_042_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForceSac_03032023-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/RS63347_042_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForceSac_03032023-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/RS63347_042_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForceSac_03032023-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A sign says, “Reparations Now 2023,” at a California Reparations Task Force meeting in Sacramento on March 3, 2023. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“On one side, you’ll have people saying, ‘Oh, an admissions preference for descendants of slavery — that’s just a transparent proxy for race,” Banks said. “And the other side of the argument will say, ‘Well, actually, there are reasons that we might be concerned about slavery and rectifying and responding to the damage and the harm done by slavery, which is distinct from any concern with race per se.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Banks said the Supreme Court’s affirmative action ruling is likely to suppress race-conscious policies beyond college admissions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The greater significance is that it would naturally be extended to all other sectors of life,” he said. “Not only college admissions, but employment and government policymaking related to housing … so the implications are dramatic and they’re still playing out.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Such a precedent-setting court battle could also include two other bills making their way through the Legislature. Assembly Bill 57 would set aside 10% of funds in the California Dream for All home-loan assistance program for descendants of enslaved people. Assembly Bill 742 would prioritize descendants of enslavement for state licenses required for professions such as barbers, dental hygienists and physical therapists.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Last year, a similar bill proposed to prioritize Black Californians for professional licenses was shelved ahead of a committee hearing, in part due to legal concerns. Another bill aimed at weakening Proposition 209, California’s ban on affirmative action, also failed to advance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Andrew Quinio, a lawyer with the Pacific Legal Foundation, a group opposing the bills, said the legislation is searching for a loophole to enact policies that benefit Black Californians.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think it is absolutely being used as a proxy of a race,” Quinio said. “Not only is the origin and the purpose of AB 7 demonstrative of the fact that it is trying to benefit a racial category, but the ultimate effect will be that only a particular racial category will benefit.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Quinio said the bill’s authors have been explicit about their goal of enacting recommendations of the reparations task force, which was created “to study and develop reparation proposals for African Americans.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The bill package, which includes AB 7, among the other bills, is about repairing centuries of economic damage [and] abuse that was inflicted on Black Californians,” Quinio said. “So it’s very clear as to who the bills were meant to benefit and what the purpose is.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Quinio pointed to a 2000 Supreme Court decision that struck down a Hawaii law restricting voting for a particular state office to people with Hawaiian ancestry. But he acknowledged the nation’s highest court has not ruled definitively on the kind of reparations policies being pursued in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11952793\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11952793\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/230612-Reparations-Getty-1243475910-KQED.jpg\" alt='A man wearing a face mask holds a sign that reads \"World Leaders! Reparations for Slavery Now!\" in a crowd of people.' width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/230612-Reparations-Getty-1243475910-KQED.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/230612-Reparations-Getty-1243475910-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/230612-Reparations-Getty-1243475910-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/230612-Reparations-Getty-1243475910-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/230612-Reparations-Getty-1243475910-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Long-time Los Angeles resident Walter Foster, 80, holds up a sign as the Reparations Task Force listens to public input at the California Science Center in Los Angeles on Sept. 22, 2022. \u003ccite>(Carolyn Cole/Los Angeles Times via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>To invite such a legal showdown, the Legislature will first have to pass Senate Bill 518, a bill that would create a Bureau for Descendants of American Slavery. The new agency would be tasked with verifying an individual’s status as a descendant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A similar proposal stalled last year after opposition from the Newsom administration over cost concerns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dr. Marcus Anthony Hunter, a professor of sociology and African American Studies at UCLA, said his hope for the legal survival of the reparations movement has been buoyed by an unlikely source: conservative Supreme Court Justice Clarence Thomas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In his concurring opinion in the Students for Fair Admissions case, Thomas argued that laws passed by Congress around the time of the 14th Amendment, particularly the establishment of the Freedmen’s Bureau, were race-neutral.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If laws meant to assist freed slaves were considered race-neutral and constitutional, Hunter wondered, could the same be true of laws meant to support their descendants?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Part of what’s happening in the atmosphere is to test that theory out,” Hunter said. “There’s a lot of fear about what they’re going to accept or not accept, but they haven’t yet been made to come into the waters.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "faith-family-and-fillmore-rev-amos-c-browns-legacy-in-san-francisco",
"title": "'A Pastor's Heart': How Rev. Amos C. Brown Shaped Faith in SF for Nearly 50 Years",
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"headTitle": "‘A Pastor’s Heart’: How Rev. Amos C. Brown Shaped Faith in SF for Nearly 50 Years | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>I slipped into the Third Baptist Church of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco\">San Francisco\u003c/a> on the first Sunday in June. The usher handed me a program, communion crackers and grape juice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Oh, thanks,” I said, tearing open the packet and popping the wafer into my mouth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He tapped my shoulder, stifling a laugh. “Not yet,” he whispered.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Oops,” I muttered, spitting the cracker into my palm and quickly pocketing it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I hadn’t been to church in a while. But watching Rev. Dr. Amos C. Brown beam proudly behind his successor, Rev. Devon Jerome Crawford, I realized I wasn’t a visitor. I was home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After delivering his final sermon as pastor of the historic San Francisco church last Sunday, Brown leaves behind more than a pulpit — he leaves a legacy. Over nearly five decades, he helped shape the spiritual, cultural and political life of Black San Francisco, mentoring generations, fighting injustice and anchoring a community amid constant change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His departure marks the end of an era — and the start of a new one.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12045573\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/REVAMOS_BROWN-78-MO-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12045573\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/REVAMOS_BROWN-78-MO-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/REVAMOS_BROWN-78-MO-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/REVAMOS_BROWN-78-MO-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/REVAMOS_BROWN-78-MO-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Family, politicians and congregants gather at the Third Baptist Church for a ceremony honoring the legacy of Rev. Amos C. Brown in San Francisco on June 22, 2025. \u003ccite>(Manuel Orbegozo for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>As a civil rights icon, spiritual leader and moral compass, his influence is now etched into the fabric of the city — from the pews of a Fillmore church to the chambers of City Hall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The news of Brown’s retirement hit me with an unexpected sadness, the kind that settles deep in your chest and makes you realize how much time you’ve let slip away. As a child growing up in San Francisco, I never had to ask who Brown was. Church was part of my social life. Beyond worshiping on Sunday, it was a cultural hub, a gathering place for political activism, a place to feel safe.[aside postID=news_12003610 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/022_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForce_04132022_qed-1020x679.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>My grandmother attended Third Baptist Church, sang in the choir and even prepared Sunday dinner for fellow congregants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I have memories woven into the walls of Third Baptist: attending services in my Easter dress as a child, performing with the Touch of Class Choir from Phillip and Sala Burton High School under musical director Gregory Cole as a teen, and showing up to support friends who had lost loved ones.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Third Baptist wasn’t just a church. It was the heartbeat of Black San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But as time passed, gentrification crept in, neighborhoods shifted, elders passed away — and so did the culture of the Black church. As an adult, I realized I hadn’t spent enough time with Brown, learning from him. In this era of generational change in Black leadership, I felt an urgency to support him, to absorb his wisdom while I still could.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The weight of our current moment — the cultural chaos, the relentless demands of being Black and resilient in a city that often feels indifferent to our struggles — had left me spiritually depleted. I needed the kind of restoration that only comes from being among your people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the service, I approached Brown to reintroduce myself.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Where are your grandparents from?” he asked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My grandpas are from Alabama, and my grandmas are from Houston and Galveston,” I said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He smiled, a quiet recognition in his eyes. “I know you,” he said. “I better see you at church.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12045564\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/REVAMOS_BROWN-25-MO-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12045564\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/REVAMOS_BROWN-25-MO-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/REVAMOS_BROWN-25-MO-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/REVAMOS_BROWN-25-MO-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/REVAMOS_BROWN-25-MO-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A new street sign honoring Rev. Amos C. Brown was unveiled outside of Third Baptist Church of San Francisco on June 21, 2025. Photo by Manuel Orbegozo for KQED. \u003ccite>(Manuel Orbegozo for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>Spread love the Dr. Amos C. Brown Way\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>When I learned Supervisor Bilal Mahmood had prepared legislation to rename a street in Brown’s honor, I went to City Hall on June 2 to witness the moment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown walked into City Hall that afternoon with the quiet confidence of someone who has outlasted empires. His brown suit was pressed crisp, his steps measured and his presence filled the hallway. At 84, he moved like a man who has carried the weight of a community for nearly half a century and was finally ready to set it down.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The San Francisco Board of Supervisors’ Land Use and Transportation Committee unanimously advanced legislation to rename the 800 and 900 blocks of Pierce Street as Dr. Amos C. Brown Way.[aside postID=news_11948198 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/Rep-Episode-2_Thumbnail_1-1020x574.png']Crawford, Brown’s torchbearer, spoke of walking beside his mentor through the community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve had the honor of walking with Dr. Brown through the streets of the Fillmore, standing beside him in the sanctuary of Third Baptist Church, getting haircuts and encouraging local youth at the Chicago Barbershop and sitting with grieving families as they prayed over loved ones during their most difficult hours,” he said. “And in every setting, he is the same: a man of integrity, a prophet with a pastor’s heart.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Crawford, who relocated to the Bay Area earlier this year, called the street naming morally essential. “We are honoring a movement of justice, compassion, peace and, ultimately, love that has shaped generations,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Board President Rafael Mandelman embraced Brown after the vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In a time when things are so divisive at the federal level, it feels right that we’re doing something decent and unifying here in San Francisco,” he told me.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown showed me the desk in the Board of Supervisors hearing room where he had carved “Rev. Amos Brown sat here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On his way out, he tipped his hat with a smile. “I’ll see you in church on Sunday,” said Brown, who served on the board for five years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12045562\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/REVAMOS_BROWN-9-MO-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12045562\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/REVAMOS_BROWN-9-MO-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/REVAMOS_BROWN-9-MO-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/REVAMOS_BROWN-9-MO-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/REVAMOS_BROWN-9-MO-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Rev. Amos C. Brown waves to the crowd during a street renaming ceremony outside of the Third Baptist Church in the Fillmore District on June 21, 2025. \u003ccite>(Manuel Orbegozo for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Supervisor Shamann Walton, who co-authored the street naming legislation, shared a personal detail that underscored his deep connection to Brown: “On his first Sunday as pastor, he christened me when I was one year old at Third Baptist, and we share February as our birthday month,” he said.[aside postID=news_12044638 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/12m-Reparations-1.jpg']Brown hasn’t just preached to San Francisco’s Black community; he has taught, inspired, baptized, eulogized and fought for them in boardrooms where they couldn’t get a seat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among those honored alongside Brown on June 3 was former \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/bill-scott\">Police Chief Bill Scott\u003c/a>, recognized for his decades of public service. When Scott took the podium, he became emotional and acknowledged Brown first, his voice breaking as he spoke about the person who has been “a straight-up champion, in San Francisco and beyond.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This community owes him a debt of gratitude. I owe him a debt of gratitude,” Scott said. “As an African American man, I’m so proud of that. When I listen to him, and I’ve heard him preach many times, it always brings everybody into the conversation. He wants what’s best for everybody.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Former Assistant Chief David Lazar recalled Brown’s hands-on approach. Twenty-six years ago, when Lazar was a vice officer dealing with prostitution problems in the Mission, Brown — then a member of the Board of Supervisors — insisted on seeing the situation for himself.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He got in the car with me. That was the first time I met him. We went around and looked at everything,” Lazar recalled. “That’s a perfect example of someone on the ground. Here he was, in city government, but he came out to the community to see what was happening.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12045563\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12045563\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/REVAMOS_BROWN-22-MO-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/REVAMOS_BROWN-22-MO-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/REVAMOS_BROWN-22-MO-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/REVAMOS_BROWN-22-MO-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Rev. Amos C. Brown stands outside Third Baptist Church in San Francisco on June 21, 2025, for the unveiling of a street sign and ceremony renaming a section of Pierce Street in his honor. \u003ccite>(Manuel Orbegozo for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>That personal approach defined Brown’s ministry. Former Mayor London Breed recalled how during the height of gun violence in the city, “time and again, young Black men were being killed. Families had no place to bury their sons.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown never hesitated. “Every single time a call was made to Rev. Brown, he said, ‘Yes.’ Every time,” Breed said. “He wasn’t seeking recognition. Most of the time, he didn’t even want people to know what he had done.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When San Francisco Mayor Daniel Lurie stood alongside Brown on the steps of City Hall on June 12, joined by other faith leaders and community groups, he reaffirmed the city’s commitment to remaining a sanctuary amid a wave of immigration raids and detentions that have \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12043596/protesters-swarm-sf-immigration-court-after-more-ice-arrests\">sparked protests across California\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Board of Supervisors unanimously passed the street renaming. Jonathan Butler, the current president of the San Francisco NAACP, said the street renaming is “a legacy carved in concrete.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s an opportunity to teach our students in San Francisco about civil rights and the people who fought for it right here in this city,” he added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the June 21 unveiling of the Dr. Amos C. Brown Way street sign, Breed spoke about the impact of Brown’s service.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are even more people who don’t even realize that because of him, they are who they are,” she said. “I’m one of those people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12045583\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GettyImages-569336329-scaled.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12045583\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GettyImages-569336329-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1693\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GettyImages-569336329-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GettyImages-569336329-2000x1323.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GettyImages-569336329-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GettyImages-569336329-1536x1016.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GettyImages-569336329-2048x1355.jpg 2048w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Former San Francisco Mayor Art Agnos and Rev. Amos C. Brown, then president of the San Francisco NAACP, on Jan. 1, 1990. \u003ccite>(Photo by Clarence Gatson Collection/Gado/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>A sanctuary in the city\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The doors of Third Baptist swing open for everyone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Faith is welcome but not required. Your skin color doesn’t matter. Your zip code is irrelevant. What matters is that you come with reverence — for the history held in these walls, the culture that pulses through this community and the movement still unfolding in a space where civil rights and spiritual purpose have always been one.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown was mentored by Medgar Evers, the NAACP’s field secretary for Mississippi, who was murdered at his home in 1963. Inspired by Evers, a World War II veteran and civil rights activist, Brown founded the NAACP’s first youth council in Jackson, Mississippi.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Rnw3ozE43qQ\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown, whose great-grandfather was born enslaved, is one of eight students to take the only college class ever taught by Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. at Morehouse College.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After taking over Third Baptist in June 1976, Brown transformed the church into a hub for activism, interfaith coalition-building and empowerment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12045549\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 930px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GettyImages-1321530122.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12045549\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GettyImages-1321530122.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"930\" height=\"1230\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GettyImages-1321530122.jpg 930w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GettyImages-1321530122-160x212.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 930px) 100vw, 930px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Rev. Amos C. Brown as a San Francisco supervisor. \u003ccite>(Photo By Liz Hafalia/The San Francisco Chronicle via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>He served on the San Francisco Board of Supervisors from 1996 to 2001, first appointed by former Mayor Willie Brown Jr., then elected to the role. As president of the San Francisco NAACP, he led campaigns against police misconduct and government discrimination, pushing for equity in education, housing, public safety and healthcare.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In my efforts to be concerned about the rights of Black people, I didn’t stop with just Black people,” he told me in a recent interview. “I’ve always been committed to equal protection under the law for LGBTQ+ people, for Asians, for Latinos and for immigrants, especially those from Africa and the Caribbean. Our activism must be rooted in justice for all.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Fillmore, a district once dubbed the Harlem of the West, is where his legacy is most deeply felt. He was one of the earliest and most vocal critics of the urban renewal programs that \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11961026/thousands-sf-homes-destroyed-decades-ago-rebuilt-under-new-bill\">displaced thousands of Black families\u003c/a> during the 1960s and ‘70s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“San Francisco has often looked at Black folks, but hasn’t truly seen us as worthy of having our watering hole, our gathering place, where we would be able to thrive and survive in this city,” Brown told me.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown, who served on the California Reparations Task Force, the first statewide body to study and recommend \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/reparations\">reparative measures for Black people\u003c/a> who suffered racial harm, continues advocating for spaces where the community can gather, celebrate culture and access resources denied by racist policies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As former Vice President Kamala Harris — whose ascension to the highest levels of government began in Oakland and San Francisco — launched her presidential campaign last July, conservative media personalities \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12003610/kamala-harris-embraced-reparations-5-years-ago-her-sf-pastor-says-criticism-is-unjust\">assailed her position on reparations\u003c/a> as extremist and zeroed in on her relationship with Brown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown, who led the closing prayer at the Democratic National Convention on the night Harris accepted the nomination, said those who used reparations to attack Harris were misguided.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They don’t know history,” Brown told KQED. “Anybody who just cancels out and says no, they don’t respect the humanity of Black people, and they have a deep, deep problem. For we are human, and we deserve the same thing that other human beings have received in terms of repair for harms done.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s what reparations is all about, repairing the harm that was done to an individual, to a people, to a situation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12045566\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/REVAMOS_BROWN-51-MO-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12045566\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/REVAMOS_BROWN-51-MO-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/REVAMOS_BROWN-51-MO-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/REVAMOS_BROWN-51-MO-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/REVAMOS_BROWN-51-MO-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Rev. Devon Crawford waves to the congregation at Third Baptist Church in San Francisco on June 22. He succeeds Rev. Amos C. Brown, who led the church for nearly 50 years. \u003ccite>(Manuel Orbegozo for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In retirement, Brown told me he’s working on a book chronicling his journey through faith, civil rights and public service.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Retirement doesn’t mean I’m going to sit in a rocking chair and twiddle my thumbs,” he said. “I’ve always been an activist. I’ll just be working from a different corner of God’s Earth, so to speak.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He’ll continue mentoring the next generation, including Crawford. “He’s got common sense, what we call motherwit. And he’s got empathy,” Brown said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As San Francisco etches his name into concrete and memory, something deeper is happening.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This isn’t just about honoring the past — it’s about inheritance, the kind rooted in Sunday morning wisdom and weekday action, and in the understanding that some paths are meant to be walked together.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A street now bears Brown’s name, but the true monument lies in the choice to keep walking, to keep showing up, to keep returning to the places that shaped us — and continue the work that defines us.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And yes, I’ve been going to church — arriving right on time, communion wafer intact.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://www.linkedin.com/in/meaghanmitchellsf/\">Meaghan Mitchell\u003c/a> is a San Francisco native and narrative journalist whose first-person reporting is deeply rooted in the communities she covers. She was an early team member at the San Francisco Standard and previously served as an editor at Hoodline. Her work has appeared in SFGATE, San Francisco Bay View and SFist, among other outlets. She covers arts, culture and community life in underrepresented neighborhoods — centering stories on engagement, cultural identity, and social equity, while highlighting the resilience of San Francisco’s Black and Brown communities.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "After nearly five decades shaping faith, justice and community, Rev. Amos C. Brown stepped down as pastor of Third Baptist Church of San Francisco — leaving behind a legacy now honored with a San Francisco street bearing his name.",
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"title": "'A Pastor's Heart': How Rev. Amos C. Brown Shaped Faith in SF for Nearly 50 Years | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>I slipped into the Third Baptist Church of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco\">San Francisco\u003c/a> on the first Sunday in June. The usher handed me a program, communion crackers and grape juice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Oh, thanks,” I said, tearing open the packet and popping the wafer into my mouth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He tapped my shoulder, stifling a laugh. “Not yet,” he whispered.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Oops,” I muttered, spitting the cracker into my palm and quickly pocketing it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I hadn’t been to church in a while. But watching Rev. Dr. Amos C. Brown beam proudly behind his successor, Rev. Devon Jerome Crawford, I realized I wasn’t a visitor. I was home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After delivering his final sermon as pastor of the historic San Francisco church last Sunday, Brown leaves behind more than a pulpit — he leaves a legacy. Over nearly five decades, he helped shape the spiritual, cultural and political life of Black San Francisco, mentoring generations, fighting injustice and anchoring a community amid constant change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His departure marks the end of an era — and the start of a new one.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12045573\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/REVAMOS_BROWN-78-MO-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12045573\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/REVAMOS_BROWN-78-MO-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/REVAMOS_BROWN-78-MO-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/REVAMOS_BROWN-78-MO-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/REVAMOS_BROWN-78-MO-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Family, politicians and congregants gather at the Third Baptist Church for a ceremony honoring the legacy of Rev. Amos C. Brown in San Francisco on June 22, 2025. \u003ccite>(Manuel Orbegozo for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>As a civil rights icon, spiritual leader and moral compass, his influence is now etched into the fabric of the city — from the pews of a Fillmore church to the chambers of City Hall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The news of Brown’s retirement hit me with an unexpected sadness, the kind that settles deep in your chest and makes you realize how much time you’ve let slip away. As a child growing up in San Francisco, I never had to ask who Brown was. Church was part of my social life. Beyond worshiping on Sunday, it was a cultural hub, a gathering place for political activism, a place to feel safe.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>My grandmother attended Third Baptist Church, sang in the choir and even prepared Sunday dinner for fellow congregants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I have memories woven into the walls of Third Baptist: attending services in my Easter dress as a child, performing with the Touch of Class Choir from Phillip and Sala Burton High School under musical director Gregory Cole as a teen, and showing up to support friends who had lost loved ones.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Third Baptist wasn’t just a church. It was the heartbeat of Black San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But as time passed, gentrification crept in, neighborhoods shifted, elders passed away — and so did the culture of the Black church. As an adult, I realized I hadn’t spent enough time with Brown, learning from him. In this era of generational change in Black leadership, I felt an urgency to support him, to absorb his wisdom while I still could.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The weight of our current moment — the cultural chaos, the relentless demands of being Black and resilient in a city that often feels indifferent to our struggles — had left me spiritually depleted. I needed the kind of restoration that only comes from being among your people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the service, I approached Brown to reintroduce myself.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Where are your grandparents from?” he asked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My grandpas are from Alabama, and my grandmas are from Houston and Galveston,” I said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He smiled, a quiet recognition in his eyes. “I know you,” he said. “I better see you at church.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12045564\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/REVAMOS_BROWN-25-MO-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12045564\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/REVAMOS_BROWN-25-MO-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/REVAMOS_BROWN-25-MO-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/REVAMOS_BROWN-25-MO-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/REVAMOS_BROWN-25-MO-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A new street sign honoring Rev. Amos C. Brown was unveiled outside of Third Baptist Church of San Francisco on June 21, 2025. Photo by Manuel Orbegozo for KQED. \u003ccite>(Manuel Orbegozo for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>Spread love the Dr. Amos C. Brown Way\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>When I learned Supervisor Bilal Mahmood had prepared legislation to rename a street in Brown’s honor, I went to City Hall on June 2 to witness the moment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown walked into City Hall that afternoon with the quiet confidence of someone who has outlasted empires. His brown suit was pressed crisp, his steps measured and his presence filled the hallway. At 84, he moved like a man who has carried the weight of a community for nearly half a century and was finally ready to set it down.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The San Francisco Board of Supervisors’ Land Use and Transportation Committee unanimously advanced legislation to rename the 800 and 900 blocks of Pierce Street as Dr. Amos C. Brown Way.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Crawford, Brown’s torchbearer, spoke of walking beside his mentor through the community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve had the honor of walking with Dr. Brown through the streets of the Fillmore, standing beside him in the sanctuary of Third Baptist Church, getting haircuts and encouraging local youth at the Chicago Barbershop and sitting with grieving families as they prayed over loved ones during their most difficult hours,” he said. “And in every setting, he is the same: a man of integrity, a prophet with a pastor’s heart.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Crawford, who relocated to the Bay Area earlier this year, called the street naming morally essential. “We are honoring a movement of justice, compassion, peace and, ultimately, love that has shaped generations,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Board President Rafael Mandelman embraced Brown after the vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In a time when things are so divisive at the federal level, it feels right that we’re doing something decent and unifying here in San Francisco,” he told me.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown showed me the desk in the Board of Supervisors hearing room where he had carved “Rev. Amos Brown sat here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On his way out, he tipped his hat with a smile. “I’ll see you in church on Sunday,” said Brown, who served on the board for five years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12045562\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/REVAMOS_BROWN-9-MO-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12045562\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/REVAMOS_BROWN-9-MO-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/REVAMOS_BROWN-9-MO-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/REVAMOS_BROWN-9-MO-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/REVAMOS_BROWN-9-MO-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Rev. Amos C. Brown waves to the crowd during a street renaming ceremony outside of the Third Baptist Church in the Fillmore District on June 21, 2025. \u003ccite>(Manuel Orbegozo for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Supervisor Shamann Walton, who co-authored the street naming legislation, shared a personal detail that underscored his deep connection to Brown: “On his first Sunday as pastor, he christened me when I was one year old at Third Baptist, and we share February as our birthday month,” he said.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Brown hasn’t just preached to San Francisco’s Black community; he has taught, inspired, baptized, eulogized and fought for them in boardrooms where they couldn’t get a seat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among those honored alongside Brown on June 3 was former \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/bill-scott\">Police Chief Bill Scott\u003c/a>, recognized for his decades of public service. When Scott took the podium, he became emotional and acknowledged Brown first, his voice breaking as he spoke about the person who has been “a straight-up champion, in San Francisco and beyond.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This community owes him a debt of gratitude. I owe him a debt of gratitude,” Scott said. “As an African American man, I’m so proud of that. When I listen to him, and I’ve heard him preach many times, it always brings everybody into the conversation. He wants what’s best for everybody.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Former Assistant Chief David Lazar recalled Brown’s hands-on approach. Twenty-six years ago, when Lazar was a vice officer dealing with prostitution problems in the Mission, Brown — then a member of the Board of Supervisors — insisted on seeing the situation for himself.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He got in the car with me. That was the first time I met him. We went around and looked at everything,” Lazar recalled. “That’s a perfect example of someone on the ground. Here he was, in city government, but he came out to the community to see what was happening.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12045563\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12045563\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/REVAMOS_BROWN-22-MO-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/REVAMOS_BROWN-22-MO-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/REVAMOS_BROWN-22-MO-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/REVAMOS_BROWN-22-MO-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Rev. Amos C. Brown stands outside Third Baptist Church in San Francisco on June 21, 2025, for the unveiling of a street sign and ceremony renaming a section of Pierce Street in his honor. \u003ccite>(Manuel Orbegozo for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>That personal approach defined Brown’s ministry. Former Mayor London Breed recalled how during the height of gun violence in the city, “time and again, young Black men were being killed. Families had no place to bury their sons.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown never hesitated. “Every single time a call was made to Rev. Brown, he said, ‘Yes.’ Every time,” Breed said. “He wasn’t seeking recognition. Most of the time, he didn’t even want people to know what he had done.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When San Francisco Mayor Daniel Lurie stood alongside Brown on the steps of City Hall on June 12, joined by other faith leaders and community groups, he reaffirmed the city’s commitment to remaining a sanctuary amid a wave of immigration raids and detentions that have \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12043596/protesters-swarm-sf-immigration-court-after-more-ice-arrests\">sparked protests across California\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Board of Supervisors unanimously passed the street renaming. Jonathan Butler, the current president of the San Francisco NAACP, said the street renaming is “a legacy carved in concrete.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s an opportunity to teach our students in San Francisco about civil rights and the people who fought for it right here in this city,” he added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the June 21 unveiling of the Dr. Amos C. Brown Way street sign, Breed spoke about the impact of Brown’s service.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are even more people who don’t even realize that because of him, they are who they are,” she said. “I’m one of those people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12045583\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GettyImages-569336329-scaled.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12045583\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GettyImages-569336329-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1693\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GettyImages-569336329-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GettyImages-569336329-2000x1323.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GettyImages-569336329-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GettyImages-569336329-1536x1016.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GettyImages-569336329-2048x1355.jpg 2048w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Former San Francisco Mayor Art Agnos and Rev. Amos C. Brown, then president of the San Francisco NAACP, on Jan. 1, 1990. \u003ccite>(Photo by Clarence Gatson Collection/Gado/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>A sanctuary in the city\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The doors of Third Baptist swing open for everyone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Faith is welcome but not required. Your skin color doesn’t matter. Your zip code is irrelevant. What matters is that you come with reverence — for the history held in these walls, the culture that pulses through this community and the movement still unfolding in a space where civil rights and spiritual purpose have always been one.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown was mentored by Medgar Evers, the NAACP’s field secretary for Mississippi, who was murdered at his home in 1963. Inspired by Evers, a World War II veteran and civil rights activist, Brown founded the NAACP’s first youth council in Jackson, Mississippi.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/Rnw3ozE43qQ'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/Rnw3ozE43qQ'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>Brown, whose great-grandfather was born enslaved, is one of eight students to take the only college class ever taught by Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. at Morehouse College.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After taking over Third Baptist in June 1976, Brown transformed the church into a hub for activism, interfaith coalition-building and empowerment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12045549\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 930px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GettyImages-1321530122.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12045549\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GettyImages-1321530122.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"930\" height=\"1230\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GettyImages-1321530122.jpg 930w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GettyImages-1321530122-160x212.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 930px) 100vw, 930px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Rev. Amos C. Brown as a San Francisco supervisor. \u003ccite>(Photo By Liz Hafalia/The San Francisco Chronicle via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>He served on the San Francisco Board of Supervisors from 1996 to 2001, first appointed by former Mayor Willie Brown Jr., then elected to the role. As president of the San Francisco NAACP, he led campaigns against police misconduct and government discrimination, pushing for equity in education, housing, public safety and healthcare.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In my efforts to be concerned about the rights of Black people, I didn’t stop with just Black people,” he told me in a recent interview. “I’ve always been committed to equal protection under the law for LGBTQ+ people, for Asians, for Latinos and for immigrants, especially those from Africa and the Caribbean. Our activism must be rooted in justice for all.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Fillmore, a district once dubbed the Harlem of the West, is where his legacy is most deeply felt. He was one of the earliest and most vocal critics of the urban renewal programs that \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11961026/thousands-sf-homes-destroyed-decades-ago-rebuilt-under-new-bill\">displaced thousands of Black families\u003c/a> during the 1960s and ‘70s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“San Francisco has often looked at Black folks, but hasn’t truly seen us as worthy of having our watering hole, our gathering place, where we would be able to thrive and survive in this city,” Brown told me.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown, who served on the California Reparations Task Force, the first statewide body to study and recommend \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/reparations\">reparative measures for Black people\u003c/a> who suffered racial harm, continues advocating for spaces where the community can gather, celebrate culture and access resources denied by racist policies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As former Vice President Kamala Harris — whose ascension to the highest levels of government began in Oakland and San Francisco — launched her presidential campaign last July, conservative media personalities \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12003610/kamala-harris-embraced-reparations-5-years-ago-her-sf-pastor-says-criticism-is-unjust\">assailed her position on reparations\u003c/a> as extremist and zeroed in on her relationship with Brown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown, who led the closing prayer at the Democratic National Convention on the night Harris accepted the nomination, said those who used reparations to attack Harris were misguided.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They don’t know history,” Brown told KQED. “Anybody who just cancels out and says no, they don’t respect the humanity of Black people, and they have a deep, deep problem. For we are human, and we deserve the same thing that other human beings have received in terms of repair for harms done.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s what reparations is all about, repairing the harm that was done to an individual, to a people, to a situation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12045566\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/REVAMOS_BROWN-51-MO-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12045566\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/REVAMOS_BROWN-51-MO-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/REVAMOS_BROWN-51-MO-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/REVAMOS_BROWN-51-MO-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/REVAMOS_BROWN-51-MO-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Rev. Devon Crawford waves to the congregation at Third Baptist Church in San Francisco on June 22. He succeeds Rev. Amos C. Brown, who led the church for nearly 50 years. \u003ccite>(Manuel Orbegozo for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In retirement, Brown told me he’s working on a book chronicling his journey through faith, civil rights and public service.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Retirement doesn’t mean I’m going to sit in a rocking chair and twiddle my thumbs,” he said. “I’ve always been an activist. I’ll just be working from a different corner of God’s Earth, so to speak.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He’ll continue mentoring the next generation, including Crawford. “He’s got common sense, what we call motherwit. And he’s got empathy,” Brown said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As San Francisco etches his name into concrete and memory, something deeper is happening.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This isn’t just about honoring the past — it’s about inheritance, the kind rooted in Sunday morning wisdom and weekday action, and in the understanding that some paths are meant to be walked together.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A street now bears Brown’s name, but the true monument lies in the choice to keep walking, to keep showing up, to keep returning to the places that shaped us — and continue the work that defines us.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And yes, I’ve been going to church — arriving right on time, communion wafer intact.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://www.linkedin.com/in/meaghanmitchellsf/\">Meaghan Mitchell\u003c/a> is a San Francisco native and narrative journalist whose first-person reporting is deeply rooted in the communities she covers. She was an early team member at the San Francisco Standard and previously served as an editor at Hoodline. Her work has appeared in SFGATE, San Francisco Bay View and SFist, among other outlets. She covers arts, culture and community life in underrepresented neighborhoods — centering stories on engagement, cultural identity, and social equity, while highlighting the resilience of San Francisco’s Black and Brown communities.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "Palm Springs Payment Lag Reveals Hurdles in California’s Racial Justice Efforts",
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"content": "\u003cp>Palm Springs is one step closer to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11991098/burned-displaced-and-fighting-back-a-battle-for-reparations-in-palm-springs\">paying reparations to Black and Latino families\u003c/a> who were forcibly removed from their homes more than 60 years ago. But more than six months after the city \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12014575/palm-springs-oks-5-9-million-in-reparations-for-black-and-latino-families-whose-homes-the-city-burned\">approved a historic $5.9 million settlement\u003c/a>, survivors are still waiting for the money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>City officials say they’re ready to release the funds, but they’re still waiting on a final, verified list of eligible recipients from civil rights attorney Areva Martin, who represents the group Section 14 Survivors. Martin says the vetting process has taken time and that’s intentional.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re more interested in fairness and making sure everyone that wants to participate is given an opportunity to do so than driven by any deadlines,” she told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>From the late 1950s through the early 1960s, the city of Palm Springs bulldozed and burned homes in Section 14, a 1-square-mile neighborhood that was home to mostly Black and Latino families with low income.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With city approval, fire crews torched homes, and residents were pushed out to make way for commercial development. In recent years, survivors and descendants have come forward to demand recognition and repair.[aside postID=news_12044638 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/12m-Reparations-1.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After years of advocacy, the Palm Springs City Council unanimously approved the cash settlement last November, along with a broader reparations package that includes $21 million for housing and small business investment over the next decade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To qualify for the cash settlement, survivors and their descendants had to submit three documents proving they lived in Section 14 during the years the city cleared the neighborhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s proved challenging for many applicants in their late 70s and 80s who don’t use email or online platforms. Martin’s team received about 350 claims, relying on records like phone books, school documents and marriage certificates to verify eligibility.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re using Docusign — something very common for people in the workplace, but not for 75- and 80-year-old people,” Martin said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11988779\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1333px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11988779\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/PALM-SPRINGS-30-ZS-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1333\" height=\"2000\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/PALM-SPRINGS-30-ZS-KQED.jpg 1333w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/PALM-SPRINGS-30-ZS-KQED-800x1200.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/PALM-SPRINGS-30-ZS-KQED-1020x1530.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/PALM-SPRINGS-30-ZS-KQED-160x240.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/PALM-SPRINGS-30-ZS-KQED-1024x1536.jpg 1024w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1333px) 100vw, 1333px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Pearl Devers, a former Section 14 resident, in Palm Springs on May 30, 2024. \u003ccite>(Zaydee Sanchez for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Each application is now being reviewed by a retired California Supreme Court justice working pro bono. Martin says the process should be completed in 60 to 90 days.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This effort is part of a growing push across California to address racial harms. A year after the failure of key reparations bills \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12002804/centerpiece-reparations-bill-derailed-by-newsoms-late-request-heres-why\">drew backlash from activists\u003c/a>, the California Legislative Black Caucus introduced several new measures this session.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One is SB 518, introduced by state Sen. Akilah Weber Pierson (D-San Diego). The bill would establish a state framework to support local reparations programs, like the one in Palm Springs, by helping cities identify eligible recipients, develop cultural restoration projects and distribute funds fairly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For centuries, systemic discrimination has created barriers for opportunity for economic security, housing, education, health and so much more,” Weber Pierson said. “The effects of these injustices are still felt today and action is long overdue.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Beyond cash payouts, Palm Springs also committed to cultural and community investments, including plans for a healing center, a public monument, and a permanent day of remembrance for Section 14. So far, the programs haven’t been launched. The city says more details will be released later this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Pearl Devers, one of the former Section 14 residents, the journey has been emotional.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I suppressed a lot of what happened in my family all these years until the floodgates opened,” she said. “Then I was able to shed my first tear.”[aside postID=news_12027903 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/CMReparations01.jpg']In digging into her family’s history, Devers discovered that her father had been a member of the NAACP. She says being part of the reparations process feels like continuing his work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a full life-circle moment for me, to complete something I know my father’s passion and hard work was a part of,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Section 14 survivors and supporters celebrated the progress with a gala last weekend in Palm Springs, but for many, the true milestone will come when the first check is delivered.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Martin says the momentum from Palm Springs is already rippling out. Tulsa’s new reparative justice plan, she says, mirrors aspects of the Section 14 settlement, and more cities are reaching out for guidance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Repair is possible,” Martin said. “Communities across the country are watching this, seeing it can be done.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Palm Springs is one step closer to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11991098/burned-displaced-and-fighting-back-a-battle-for-reparations-in-palm-springs\">paying reparations to Black and Latino families\u003c/a> who were forcibly removed from their homes more than 60 years ago. But more than six months after the city \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12014575/palm-springs-oks-5-9-million-in-reparations-for-black-and-latino-families-whose-homes-the-city-burned\">approved a historic $5.9 million settlement\u003c/a>, survivors are still waiting for the money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>City officials say they’re ready to release the funds, but they’re still waiting on a final, verified list of eligible recipients from civil rights attorney Areva Martin, who represents the group Section 14 Survivors. Martin says the vetting process has taken time and that’s intentional.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re more interested in fairness and making sure everyone that wants to participate is given an opportunity to do so than driven by any deadlines,” she told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After years of advocacy, the Palm Springs City Council unanimously approved the cash settlement last November, along with a broader reparations package that includes $21 million for housing and small business investment over the next decade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To qualify for the cash settlement, survivors and their descendants had to submit three documents proving they lived in Section 14 during the years the city cleared the neighborhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s proved challenging for many applicants in their late 70s and 80s who don’t use email or online platforms. Martin’s team received about 350 claims, relying on records like phone books, school documents and marriage certificates to verify eligibility.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re using Docusign — something very common for people in the workplace, but not for 75- and 80-year-old people,” Martin said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11988779\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1333px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11988779\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/PALM-SPRINGS-30-ZS-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1333\" height=\"2000\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/PALM-SPRINGS-30-ZS-KQED.jpg 1333w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/PALM-SPRINGS-30-ZS-KQED-800x1200.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/PALM-SPRINGS-30-ZS-KQED-1020x1530.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/PALM-SPRINGS-30-ZS-KQED-160x240.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/PALM-SPRINGS-30-ZS-KQED-1024x1536.jpg 1024w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1333px) 100vw, 1333px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Pearl Devers, a former Section 14 resident, in Palm Springs on May 30, 2024. \u003ccite>(Zaydee Sanchez for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Each application is now being reviewed by a retired California Supreme Court justice working pro bono. Martin says the process should be completed in 60 to 90 days.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This effort is part of a growing push across California to address racial harms. A year after the failure of key reparations bills \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12002804/centerpiece-reparations-bill-derailed-by-newsoms-late-request-heres-why\">drew backlash from activists\u003c/a>, the California Legislative Black Caucus introduced several new measures this session.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One is SB 518, introduced by state Sen. Akilah Weber Pierson (D-San Diego). The bill would establish a state framework to support local reparations programs, like the one in Palm Springs, by helping cities identify eligible recipients, develop cultural restoration projects and distribute funds fairly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For centuries, systemic discrimination has created barriers for opportunity for economic security, housing, education, health and so much more,” Weber Pierson said. “The effects of these injustices are still felt today and action is long overdue.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Beyond cash payouts, Palm Springs also committed to cultural and community investments, including plans for a healing center, a public monument, and a permanent day of remembrance for Section 14. So far, the programs haven’t been launched. The city says more details will be released later this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Pearl Devers, one of the former Section 14 residents, the journey has been emotional.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I suppressed a lot of what happened in my family all these years until the floodgates opened,” she said. “Then I was able to shed my first tear.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>In digging into her family’s history, Devers discovered that her father had been a member of the NAACP. She says being part of the reparations process feels like continuing his work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a full life-circle moment for me, to complete something I know my father’s passion and hard work was a part of,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Section 14 survivors and supporters celebrated the progress with a gala last weekend in Palm Springs, but for many, the true milestone will come when the first check is delivered.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Martin says the momentum from Palm Springs is already rippling out. Tulsa’s new reparative justice plan, she says, mirrors aspects of the Section 14 settlement, and more cities are reaching out for guidance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Repair is possible,” Martin said. “Communities across the country are watching this, seeing it can be done.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "california-reparations-bills-definition-12-million-explainer",
"title": "Newsom Pledged $12 Million for Racial Justice in California. What Now?",
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"headTitle": "Newsom Pledged $12 Million for Racial Justice in California. What Now? | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>In June 2024, Gov. Gavin Newsom set aside \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11992846/california-sets-aside-up-to-12-million-for-reparations-bills-to-make-amends-for-racist-legacy\">$12 million\u003c/a> to spend on reparations legislation, a historic move by the state to atone for its legacy of racism and discrimination against Black residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the dispersal of the money is still being decided in the state Legislature, disagreements over how it should be used have surfaced between politicians, academics and reparative justice advocates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With the state budget deadline approaching, some restorative justice advocates see an opportunity to advance the movement — despite efforts by the Trump administration to curtail conversations about race and accountability. Three bills backed by reparative justice advocates — and based on recommendations from the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/reparations\">California Reparations Task Force\u003c/a> — are set to be voted on this year, with a recently passed bill creating a new state agency to oversee restitution for descendants of enslaved people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KQED spoke to lawmakers, academics and advocates to figure out what is happening with the $12 million, how we got here and what the future holds for the reparations movement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Jump to:\u003c/strong>\u003cstrong> \u003ca href=\"#california-reparations-future\">What does the future of reparations in California look like?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"Understandingthe$12million\">\u003c/a>What is the $12 million for?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The $12 million is coming from the state’s \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240SB108\">general fund\u003c/a>. It’s a small slice of the fiscal year’s \u003ca href=\"https://ebudget.ca.gov/budget/publication/#/e/2024-25/Home\">$297.9 billion budget\u003c/a>, approximately 0.004%, but the state is grappling with \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12040025/newsom-blames-trump-california-budget-deficit-aims-cap-undocumented-health-care\">a projected shortfall of billions of dollars\u003c/a> and proposed cuts to services such as health care for undocumented people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As former state Sen. Steven Bradford, who was on the task force, said \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/07/07/nx-s1-5030141/what-could-reparations-look-like-in-california#:~:text=Earlier%20this%20month%2C%20California%20lawmakers,%2C%20politically%2C%20it's%20been%20tough.\">to NPR last year\u003c/a>, the $12 million does not “come close to healing or addressing all the massive wrongs and continued vestiges of slavery and discrimination,” but “it lets folks know that we’re serious about it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a beginning,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11942341\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11942341\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/IMG_4305.jpg\" alt=\"A Black man wearing a jacket and tie, sitting at a desk.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1371\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/IMG_4305.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/IMG_4305-800x571.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/IMG_4305-1020x728.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/IMG_4305-160x114.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/IMG_4305-1536x1097.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">California state Sen. Steven Bradford (D-Gardena), a member of California’s reparations task force, in his office in Sacramento on Aug. 10, 2022. \u003ccite>(Guy Marzorati/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Will there be cash payments?\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Reparations are often associated with direct payments to individuals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the abolishment of slavery in the United States, a government program promised to provide “40 Acres and a Mule” to formerly enslaved people. But the promise was never fulfilled. The few Black families who were given property had it swiftly taken away after President Abraham Lincoln’s assassination, according to \u003ca href=\"https://www.motherjones.com/politics/2024/06/40-acres-and-a-lie/\">an investigation by \u003cem>Mother Jones\u003c/em>, the Center of Public Integrity and \u003cem>Reveal\u003c/em>\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Reparation was never about a check. It was about land. It was about property ownership,” Bradford, who was also the vice chair of the California Legislative Black Caucus, said. “But if it were to be a check, the minimum it should be is \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=oTES5mX9-Co\">[around $350,000]\u003c/a>, because that was clearly identified through leading economists of what the wealth gap is between African American families and their white counterparts. That should be the floor, not the ceiling.”[aside postID=arts_13976970 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/2/2025/06/20240619_JuneteenthCookout_GC-5_qed-1020x680.jpg']“I don’t think this state — or this nation — can ever fully compensate those descendants of slavery who built this country,” Bradford added. “It’s not enough money in our coffers to do so, but we can make amends and provide some kind of level of recognition.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The government has doled out cash payments for reparations before. In 1988, demand pushed the United States government to distribute \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11906015/how-japanese-americans-in-the-bay-area-are-carrying-forward-the-legacy-of-reparations\">reparations to around 82,000 people\u003c/a> for the mass incarceration of people of Japanese ancestry during World War II. In 2024, some Californian women who were \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12008246/i-would-have-been-a-great-mom-california-finally-pays-reparations-to-woman-it-sterilized\">forcibly sterilized in prison\u003c/a> received payments from the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of the top recommendations from the California Reparations Task Force was \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2023/05/california-payment-calculator-reparations/\">direct cash payments\u003c/a> — totaling hundreds of thousands of dollars — to descendants of enslaved people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the idea of payments has been difficult to get support from political figures, like Newsom, who cite \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/07/07/nx-s1-5030141/what-could-reparations-look-like-in-california#:~:text=Earlier%20this%20month%2C%20California%20lawmakers,%2C%20politically%2C%20it's%20been%20tough.\">budgetary issues\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The $12 million has been allotted for “\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240SB108\">the implementation of reparations legislation that is enacted into law\u003c/a>,” meaning any bills or proposals that pass through the state government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12020007\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12020007\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241010-RiseEastDeepDown-35-BL.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241010-RiseEastDeepDown-35-BL.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241010-RiseEastDeepDown-35-BL-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241010-RiseEastDeepDown-35-BL-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241010-RiseEastDeepDown-35-BL-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241010-RiseEastDeepDown-35-BL-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241010-RiseEastDeepDown-35-BL-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Carolyn Johnson, CEO of Black Culture Zone, discusses plans to remake part of the Allen Temple Baptist Church into a community space during a fundraising walking tour for the Rise East collective along International Boulevard in Oakland on Oct. 10, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“The intent is for the Administration to work with the Legislature on the allocation of these funds,” a spokesperson for the California Department of Finance said in a statement to KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The spokesperson said that there are no requirements for the bill at present, and there is no specific timeline associated with appropriation of the money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Bay Area will see a glimpse of how reparations can work when invested in public infrastructure. In East Oakland, a collective of nonprofits called Rise East unlocked a $50 million grant from Blue Meridian Partners, a national philanthropic organization, by \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12021914/rise-east-unlocks-100-million-to-reimagine-east-oakland\">raising a matching $50 million\u003c/a>. The money will be used for Rise East’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.riseeast.org/\">10-year plan to address decades of harm\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How did we get here?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Although California entered the union as a free state in 1850, it did not ratify the 14th and 15th Amendments — granting citizenship and voting rights, respectively — for more than a century. After the abolishment of slavery, attacks on Black people continued. In the 1920s, the Ku Klux Klan had a sizable presence in California, and discriminatory housing laws and redlining dismantled neighborhoods like \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11825401/how-urban-renewal-decimated-the-fillmore-district-and-took-jazz-with-it\">San Francisco’s Fillmore District\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the reparations task force noted in its report, the life expectancy gap between Black Californians and their white counterparts can be “interpreted as the cumulative effect of unequal treatment.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11942566\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11942566\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63355_048_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForceSac_03032023-qut.jpg\" alt=\"Three African American men have a standing conversation.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63355_048_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForceSac_03032023-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63355_048_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForceSac_03032023-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63355_048_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForceSac_03032023-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63355_048_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForceSac_03032023-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63355_048_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForceSac_03032023-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">State Sen. Steven Bradford (D-Gardena) speaks with attendees during a California Reparations Task Force meeting in Sacramento on March 3, 2023. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Reparations were never a handout,” Bradford said to KQED. “It was never charity. It was what was promised and what was owed and what’s 160 years overdue — whether it’s in the form of a check, continued education, ongoing health care, homebuyers assistance, tax exemptions for a period of time, business loans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s many ways that we can provide opportunities to folks who have been disenfranchised in this country simply because of the color of their skin.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Reparations gained momentum across the United States after the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11987911/how-george-floyds-murder-ignited-solidarity-in-the-streets-and-californias-reparations-movement\">murder of George Floyd\u003c/a> by Minneapolis officers five years ago, as protests against police brutality and anti-Black racism \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/george-floyd-protests\">blossomed in California and across the country\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The social upheaval from four years ago provided the legislative support for Assembly Bill 3121, which created \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11948198/examining-reparations-and-the-historical-harms-of-slavery-and-racism-in-california\">the reparations task force\u003c/a> — the first statewide body to study reparative measures for Black people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In June 2023, after two years of research, the task force \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11953025/reparations-task-forces-final-report-covers-much-more-than-money\">released a final report\u003c/a> of more than 1,000 pages outlining policies to help close racial gaps in housing, education and health — including a K–12 Black studies curriculum, wellness centers in Black communities and free tuition at California public colleges and universities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition to direct payments, another major recommendation was the creation of the \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/system/files/media/ch18-ca-reparations.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">California American Freedman Affairs Agency (PDF)\u003c/a>, which would administer reparations, offer legal services and operate a genealogy office.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>How genealogy comes into play\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>One major point of contention the reparations task force addressed was determining who would be eligible for reparations. While some members of the task force were in favor of limiting restitution to those who can prove they are the descendants of an enslaved person, others argued for race-based eligibility. Under the latter, any Black person in the state would be eligible for reparations regardless of descendancy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2022, the task force voted 5–4 to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11909471/unpacking-reparations-eligibility-in-california\">limit its compensation eligibility\u003c/a> to people whose lineage can be traced to an enslaved person. While some of the recommendations in the task force’s final report addressed systemic issues that affect all Black Californians, the decision to limit eligibility for direct compensation was controversial.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12044680\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12044680\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/031_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForce_04142022_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/031_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForce_04142022_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/031_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForce_04142022_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/031_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForce_04142022_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Task force members Lisa Holder and Don Tamaki speak during the 2nd day of an in-person meeting of the California Reparations Task Force at the Third Baptist Church in San Francisco on April 14, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Lisa Holder, a task force member and president of the Oakland-based Equal Justice Society, said she supports race-based reparations because the harm experienced by Black people did not end with the abolition of slavery.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Holder said decades of segregation in the United States, along with its history of colonization in Africa and the Caribbean, have denied many Black and African people the opportunities they should have had access to. Discriminatory practices in the educational system and the United States’ financial institutions, as well as abuses by law enforcement, have also perpetuated a continued cycle of race-based harm, she added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Black people throughout the diaspora have been harmed by anti-Black animus and anti-Black hate,” Holder said. “All Black people deserve repair.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other task force members and reparations advocates expressed concern that race-based reparations could be more vulnerable to legal challenges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12042500\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12042500 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/ErwinChemerinskyGetty.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1373\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/ErwinChemerinskyGetty.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/ErwinChemerinskyGetty-800x549.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/ErwinChemerinskyGetty-1020x700.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/ErwinChemerinskyGetty-160x110.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/ErwinChemerinskyGetty-1536x1054.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/ErwinChemerinskyGetty-1920x1318.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">UC Berkeley law school dean Erwin Chemerinsky at his home in Oakland, on Jan. 19, 2021. \u003ccite>(Carlos Avila Gonzalez/The San Francisco Chronicle via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Erwin Chemerinsky, dean of the UC Berkeley School of Law, said the Supreme Court has made it clear that it is hostile to policies that include “racial preference,” even those that are meant to remediate past instances of discrimination. They could be declared unconstitutional, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chemerinsky, who testified before the task force in 2022, said a reparations package based on lineage would be more likely to hold up in court because it avoids the kind of racial classifications that have undermined policies like affirmative action.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Although most enslaved individuals were Black individuals, there were also individuals who were not Black who were enslaved,” Chemerinsky told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s not a matter of the greatest social good, but rather what will most likely survive judicial examination, he said. Racial considerations were used for recommendations that look at broader systemic change, according to Holder.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not just about a check in the mail,” Holder said. “It is about rehabilitating our systems.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The reparations package and the 115 bills that we introduced as a task force toggle back and forth between direct payments and financial compensation and systemic repair. All Black people — frankly, all people — are eligible for that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What bills were on the table in 2024?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Last year, the California Legislative Black Caucus introduced a slate of bills incorporating many of the task force’s policy proposals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11981271/track-the-success-of-californias-14-reparations-bills-for-black-residents\">signed six of the 14 bills\u003c/a>, including one that requires the state to issue a formal apology for its \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12006819/california-to-issue-apology-for-slavery-as-newsom-signs-reparations-bills\">role in harming Black residents\u003c/a> through racist and oppressive policies. Under Assembly Bill 3089, a plaque displaying the official apology is set to be installed in the State Capitol Building in Sacramento, though no action has been taken yet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12040807\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12040807\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250506-SACRAMENTOFILE-11-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250506-SACRAMENTOFILE-11-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250506-SACRAMENTOFILE-11-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250506-SACRAMENTOFILE-11-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250506-SACRAMENTOFILE-11-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250506-SACRAMENTOFILE-11-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250506-SACRAMENTOFILE-11-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The California State Capitol in Sacramento on May 6, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The Department of General Services \u003ca href=\"https://bcp.dof.ca.gov/2526/FY2526_ORG7760_BCP7787.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">requested $500,000 (PDF)\u003c/a> for the plaque, which the Department of Finance said is separate from the $12 million. According to the Department of General Services, there is no timeline on the plaque until the item is approved by the state Legislature and the budget is signed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other bills signed by Newsom last year include:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Assembly Bill 1815\u003c/strong>: Prohibits discrimination based on certain traits associated with race, such as hair texture or style.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Senate Bill 1089\u003c/strong>: Requires grocery stores and pharmacies to provide employees, county officials and surrounding communities with advanced notice of their impending closures.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Assembly Bill 1986\u003c/strong>: Allows the Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation’s Office of the Inspector General to track and publicize which books are banned in state prisons.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Assembly Bill 1929\u003c/strong>: Requires data tracking of who receives state technical education grants to be disaggregated by race.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Assembly Bill 3131\u003c/strong>: Requires the state Department of Education to prioritize socioeconomically disadvantaged communities in historically redlined communities for career education grants.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" title=\"Reparations (and reparations-adjacent) bills in California\" aria-label=\"Table\" id=\"datawrapper-chart-BvlhD\" src=\"https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/BvlhD/2/\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"width: 0; min-width: 100% !important; border: none;\" height=\"900\" data-external=\"1\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Tensions rising\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>For many organizers and reparations advocates, it was not enough.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The reparations task force “did a really good job of working out the mechanics,” said Kamilah Moore, the former chair of the task force. “I’ve been trying to stay optimistic, but it is a bit disconcerting — even upsetting — given that the task force ended June ’23. It’ll be almost two years, and there hasn’t been much progress.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Former state Sen. Steven Bradford introduced three bills last year that many in the movement saw as the centerpiece of the CLBC’s reparations package. All three failed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11948415\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11948415\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS55334_044_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForce_04142022-qut.jpg\" alt=\"A Black woman wearing glasses, a navy blue jacket and yellow and black designed shirt, shakes hands with a Black woman wearing a patterned hat and black shirt in a building with other people in the background.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS55334_044_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForce_04142022-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS55334_044_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForce_04142022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS55334_044_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForce_04142022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS55334_044_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForce_04142022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS55334_044_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForce_04142022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Task force chair Kamilah Moore speaks with attendees during the 2nd day of an in-person meeting of the California Reparations Task Force at the Third Baptist Church in San Francisco on April 14, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Senate Bill 1403 would have created the California American Freedmen Agency to implement the reparations task force’s recommendations, while Senate Bill 1331 would have funded it. Both bills were ultimately pulled off the floor by members of the Black Caucus before they could be voted on after \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12002804/centerpiece-reparations-bill-derailed-by-newsoms-late-request-heres-why\">pressure from Newsom’s office\u003c/a>, sparking backlash from reparations activists who criticized members of the Black Caucus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many were frustrated by what they felt was a unilateral decision to reject Bradford’s bills, despite what constituents were calling for.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m living in Sacramento. There’s no Black Caucus member that represents the Sacramento area,” said Chris Lodgson, an organizer with the Coalition for a Just and Equitable California, or CJEC. “I can’t vote against them if I don’t like what they do.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12044684\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12044684\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/241022-Prop36-15-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/241022-Prop36-15-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/241022-Prop36-15-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/241022-Prop36-15-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Chris Lodgson, an organizer with the Coalition for a Just and Equitable California, a reparations advocacy group, speaks during a rally against Proposition 36 at the Upper Haight bookstore, Booksmith, in San Francisco on Oct. 22, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Senate Bill 1050, which would have provided compensation to people affected by racist land seizures, received approval from both legislative houses but was vetoed. According to Newsom, there is no existing agency that could implement the bill, though SB 1403 would have created one.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In May 2024, \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/wendyfry_/status/1836047838217904612?s=46\">\u003cem>CalMatters\u003c/em> reported\u003c/a> that members of the CLBC sent a letter to Newsom asking that $6 million of the $12 million allocation be sent to the California Black Freedom Fund, a $100 million initiative dedicated to funding nonprofits that support Black communities and tackle anti-Blackness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to Moore, community organizations such as the ones supported by the fund can be difficult to track and oversee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re not denigrating the utility of nonprofits or the work that they’ve done for our communities,” Moore said. “But this is a reparations commission. … The state should not outsource the solutions to nonprofits.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What are the bills in play right now in 2025?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>While there is only one bill that seeks funding from the $12 million, there are several bills in session meant to address the harms of institutional racism that have attracted the attention of reparations activists.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11841803\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 960px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11841803\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RepNowMural.jpg\" alt=\"A street mural on Ellis Street in South Berkeley spells out 'Reparations Now!'\" width=\"960\" height=\"720\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RepNowMural.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RepNowMural-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RepNowMural-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RepNowMural-632x474.jpg 632w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RepNowMural-536x402.jpg 536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 960px) 100vw, 960px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A street mural on Ellis Street in South Berkeley spells out ‘Reparations Now!’ \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Todd Matthews)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>\u003cu>Senate Bill 518 \u003c/u>\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Status: \u003c/strong>Passed\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Who introduced the bill? \u003c/strong>State Sen. Akilah Weber Pierson (D-San Diego).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>What does it do? \u003c/strong>This bill would create a \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260SB518\">Bureau for Descendants of American Slavery\u003c/a> within the Department of Justice. The leader of the bureau would be appointed by the attorney general and confirmed by the Senate. The bureau would “determine how an individual’s status as a descendant would be confirmed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>What is the discussion around it? \u003c/strong> Newsom signed the bill into law on Oct. 10.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“California is not just confronting the past. We are investing in the future,” Weber Pierson said in \u003ca href=\"https://blackcaucus.legislature.ca.gov/news/governor-newsom-signs-landmark-bill-creating-slavery-descendants-bureau\">a news release\u003c/a>. “With SB 518, we have created a model for how states can move from study to structure, from intention to action. This is about building something permanent that honors the truth and restores dignity to the descendants of those who endured generations of injustice.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CJEC pushed back on the bureau’s language in June, saying the bill would open services to non-descendants of slavery.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t want to have to go to the state’s top law enforcement body to do my reparations claims. Or have my genealogy data sitting with the state’s top police,” Lodgson added. “That is crazy to me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>\u003cu>Senate Bill 437\u003c/u>\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Status: \u003c/strong>In progress\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Who introduced the bill? \u003c/strong>Weber Pierson (D-San Diego)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>What does it do? \u003c/strong>It seeks $6 million to enable “the California State University to conduct research in furtherance of the recommendations of the task force, thereby making an appropriation.” Citing the task force, the guidelines of the bill would propose research to conduct and determine ways to confirm an individual’s status as a descendant of an enslaved person.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>What is the discussion around it? \u003c/strong>Some critics argue that the bill is redundant. Last year, Newsom’s administration offered the same language as an amendment to one of Bradford’s bills, which he rejected, saying it recreated what the task force had already done.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The task force studied reparations for two years,” Bradford said. “No disrespect to the CSUs … [but] they would just further meat on the bone, so to speak, on how it would be structured. But not the implementation of reparations. There are professional genealogists out there already.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lodgson agreed, saying that the task force’s recommendation to provide genealogy services is “very different from giving the CSU $6 million to research how to do genealogy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12006891\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12006891\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/ReparationsOaklandAP.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/ReparationsOaklandAP.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/ReparationsOaklandAP-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/ReparationsOaklandAP-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/ReparationsOaklandAP-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/ReparationsOaklandAP-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/ReparationsOaklandAP-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Morris Griffin holds up a sign during a meeting by the Task Force to Study and Develop Reparation Proposals for African Americans in Oakland, Dec. 14, 2022. \u003ccite>(Jeff Chiu/AP Photo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"text-decoration: underline\">\u003cstrong>Assembly Bill 1315\u003c/strong>\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Status: \u003c/strong>In progress\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Who introduced the bill? \u003c/strong>Former Assemblymember Bill Essayli, who is currently the interim United States attorney for the Central District of California. The bill needs a new author, Lodgson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>What does it do? \u003c/strong>This bill would create a California American Freedmen Affairs Agency within the state government. The leader of the agency would be appointed by the governor and confirmed by the Senate. The \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260AB1315\">purpose\u003c/a> of the agency is to “verify a resident’s status as an American Freedman, as defined, and create and maintain an accurate database registry of American Freedmen residents.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>What is the discussion around it? \u003c/strong>As described by Lodgson, the legislation is “in direct competition” with Weber Pierson’s bill and was brought to Essayli by the CJEC. Lodgson defended working with a Republican lawmaker, saying it follows what the task force recommended more closely. Moore \u003ca href=\"https://www.kcra.com/article/california-fight-for-reparations-unexpected-pair/63965892\">agreed\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In mid-October, Gov. Gavin Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12059600/newsom-vetoes-stall-californias-reparations-push-for-black-descendants\">vetoed several reparations-related bills\u003c/a>, arguing they were unnecessary, would strain state resources or posed legal risks. The measures included:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>AB 7\u003c/strong>, which would have allowed descendants of enslaved people to receive preference in university admissions, business licenses and first-time homebuyer loans.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>AB 57\u003c/strong>, which proposed setting aside 10% of funds in the California Dream for All Program for descendants of enslaved people.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>AB 62\u003c/strong>, which would have allowed residents who lost property through racist eminent domain policies to petition the state for compensation.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>AB 742\u003c/strong>, which sought to prioritize professional license applications for descendants of enslaved people.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"california-reparations-future\">\u003c/a>What does the future of reparations in California look like?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>For many racial justice advocates, the mass protests following George Floyd’s murder in 2020 marked a moment of racial reckoning for institutions across the United States.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Politicians and government agencies, media outlets and corporations responded with urgency, issuing \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/business/2020/06/13/after-years-marginalizing-black-employees-customers-corporate-america-says-black-lives-matter/\">statements of solidarity\u003c/a> and introducing initiatives that would increase diversity, equity and inclusion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11879375\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11879375\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/gettyimages-1325462782-11cedddb24505af92a60e86c49c305934cf5ab34-scaled-e1624651309323.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1440\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Two children view a mural of George Floyd in Minneapolis on Friday, as a Hennepin County court weighed the sentence to impose on former police officer Derek Chauvin. \u003ccite>(Brandon Bell/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Some of it was meaningful,” Eric Garcia, co-director of Detour Productions in San Francisco, told \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/arts/13977200/the-great-quiet-quitting-of-dei-in-bay-area-arts\">KQED Arts.\u003c/a> “A lot of it was reactive, short-lived and ultimately self-serving.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Five years later, the political landscape in the United States has taken a sharp, rightward turn. As the Trump administration continues to condemn efforts to improve diversity and equity in both the public and private sectors, reparations advocates are searching for new ways to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12034699/racial-justice-advocates-stay-course-dei-faces-mounting-attacks\">advance the racial justice movement\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There is tremendous hostility from the White House to civil rights,” said Chemerinsky, the dean of the UC Berkeley School of Law. “It’s impossible at this moment to know how successful the Trump administration will be in undermining civil rights law, but there’s no doubt that they’re engaged in a concerted effort to do so.”[aside postID=news_11944986 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63478_005_KQED_AlisonFordBerkeley_03022023-qut-1020x680.jpg']It has also impacted how policymakers approach racial justice policies. Black legislators in California, for example, have avoided using the term “reparations” in bills due to its association with direct cash payments, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://www.politico.com/newsletters/california-playbook-pm/2025/02/20/black-caucus-reparations-00205352\">report\u003c/a> by \u003cem>Politico\u003c/em>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I feel the California Legislative Black Caucus is very much committed to this issue and committed to staying with the issue for more than one legislative session,” said Holder. “This is not a one-and-done program. This is not about trying to fix 400 years of harm in 15 minutes. That’s unrealistic and that will be unsuccessful.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She continued: “In this moment, when we are dealing essentially with an apex predator who’s attacking democracy and who has hijacked our federal government and our resources, we have to really be strategic.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lodgson argued that not much has changed for him, as the bills he supported failed under a Democratic administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Democrats and Republicans — none of these administrations supported reparations at the federal level. None of them,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bradford said California missed a critical opportunity last year to enact reparations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We first must understand the history and understand why, when it comes to African Americans, we always continue to have to take a back seat and say, ‘Get over it’ or ‘It’s not a priority,’” he said. “It’s still a priority. It still needs to be addressed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci data-stringify-type=\"italic\">KQED’s \u003c/i>\u003ci data-stringify-type=\"italic\">\u003ca class=\"c-link\" href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/gmarzorati\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\" data-stringify-link=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/gmarzorati\" data-sk=\"tooltip_parent\">Guy Marzorati\u003c/a>\u003c/i>\u003ci data-stringify-type=\"italic\"> contributed to this report.\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What questions do you have?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>At KQED News, we aim to publish guides that dispel confusion and answer burning questions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you have more inquiries about reparations or racial justice, please let us know, and we’ll do our best to answer. It will make our reporting stronger and will help us decide what to cover.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://docs.google.com/forms/d/e/1FAIpQLScwcbTYMD7fA9T1Tm7VvQfBTB1KZpCweq-RO5DfwzU5rfk2mQ/viewform?embedded=true\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "KQED spoke with lawmakers, academics and advocates to uncover what’s happening with the $12 million California set aside for reparations legislation. The short answer: not much.",
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"title": "Newsom Pledged $12 Million for Racial Justice in California. What Now? | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>In June 2024, Gov. Gavin Newsom set aside \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11992846/california-sets-aside-up-to-12-million-for-reparations-bills-to-make-amends-for-racist-legacy\">$12 million\u003c/a> to spend on reparations legislation, a historic move by the state to atone for its legacy of racism and discrimination against Black residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the dispersal of the money is still being decided in the state Legislature, disagreements over how it should be used have surfaced between politicians, academics and reparative justice advocates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With the state budget deadline approaching, some restorative justice advocates see an opportunity to advance the movement — despite efforts by the Trump administration to curtail conversations about race and accountability. Three bills backed by reparative justice advocates — and based on recommendations from the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/reparations\">California Reparations Task Force\u003c/a> — are set to be voted on this year, with a recently passed bill creating a new state agency to oversee restitution for descendants of enslaved people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KQED spoke to lawmakers, academics and advocates to figure out what is happening with the $12 million, how we got here and what the future holds for the reparations movement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Jump to:\u003c/strong>\u003cstrong> \u003ca href=\"#california-reparations-future\">What does the future of reparations in California look like?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"Understandingthe$12million\">\u003c/a>What is the $12 million for?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The $12 million is coming from the state’s \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240SB108\">general fund\u003c/a>. It’s a small slice of the fiscal year’s \u003ca href=\"https://ebudget.ca.gov/budget/publication/#/e/2024-25/Home\">$297.9 billion budget\u003c/a>, approximately 0.004%, but the state is grappling with \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12040025/newsom-blames-trump-california-budget-deficit-aims-cap-undocumented-health-care\">a projected shortfall of billions of dollars\u003c/a> and proposed cuts to services such as health care for undocumented people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As former state Sen. Steven Bradford, who was on the task force, said \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/07/07/nx-s1-5030141/what-could-reparations-look-like-in-california#:~:text=Earlier%20this%20month%2C%20California%20lawmakers,%2C%20politically%2C%20it's%20been%20tough.\">to NPR last year\u003c/a>, the $12 million does not “come close to healing or addressing all the massive wrongs and continued vestiges of slavery and discrimination,” but “it lets folks know that we’re serious about it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a beginning,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11942341\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11942341\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/IMG_4305.jpg\" alt=\"A Black man wearing a jacket and tie, sitting at a desk.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1371\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/IMG_4305.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/IMG_4305-800x571.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/IMG_4305-1020x728.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/IMG_4305-160x114.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/IMG_4305-1536x1097.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">California state Sen. Steven Bradford (D-Gardena), a member of California’s reparations task force, in his office in Sacramento on Aug. 10, 2022. \u003ccite>(Guy Marzorati/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Will there be cash payments?\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Reparations are often associated with direct payments to individuals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the abolishment of slavery in the United States, a government program promised to provide “40 Acres and a Mule” to formerly enslaved people. But the promise was never fulfilled. The few Black families who were given property had it swiftly taken away after President Abraham Lincoln’s assassination, according to \u003ca href=\"https://www.motherjones.com/politics/2024/06/40-acres-and-a-lie/\">an investigation by \u003cem>Mother Jones\u003c/em>, the Center of Public Integrity and \u003cem>Reveal\u003c/em>\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Reparation was never about a check. It was about land. It was about property ownership,” Bradford, who was also the vice chair of the California Legislative Black Caucus, said. “But if it were to be a check, the minimum it should be is \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=oTES5mX9-Co\">[around $350,000]\u003c/a>, because that was clearly identified through leading economists of what the wealth gap is between African American families and their white counterparts. That should be the floor, not the ceiling.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“I don’t think this state — or this nation — can ever fully compensate those descendants of slavery who built this country,” Bradford added. “It’s not enough money in our coffers to do so, but we can make amends and provide some kind of level of recognition.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The government has doled out cash payments for reparations before. In 1988, demand pushed the United States government to distribute \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11906015/how-japanese-americans-in-the-bay-area-are-carrying-forward-the-legacy-of-reparations\">reparations to around 82,000 people\u003c/a> for the mass incarceration of people of Japanese ancestry during World War II. In 2024, some Californian women who were \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12008246/i-would-have-been-a-great-mom-california-finally-pays-reparations-to-woman-it-sterilized\">forcibly sterilized in prison\u003c/a> received payments from the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of the top recommendations from the California Reparations Task Force was \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2023/05/california-payment-calculator-reparations/\">direct cash payments\u003c/a> — totaling hundreds of thousands of dollars — to descendants of enslaved people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the idea of payments has been difficult to get support from political figures, like Newsom, who cite \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/07/07/nx-s1-5030141/what-could-reparations-look-like-in-california#:~:text=Earlier%20this%20month%2C%20California%20lawmakers,%2C%20politically%2C%20it's%20been%20tough.\">budgetary issues\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The $12 million has been allotted for “\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240SB108\">the implementation of reparations legislation that is enacted into law\u003c/a>,” meaning any bills or proposals that pass through the state government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12020007\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12020007\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241010-RiseEastDeepDown-35-BL.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241010-RiseEastDeepDown-35-BL.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241010-RiseEastDeepDown-35-BL-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241010-RiseEastDeepDown-35-BL-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241010-RiseEastDeepDown-35-BL-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241010-RiseEastDeepDown-35-BL-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241010-RiseEastDeepDown-35-BL-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Carolyn Johnson, CEO of Black Culture Zone, discusses plans to remake part of the Allen Temple Baptist Church into a community space during a fundraising walking tour for the Rise East collective along International Boulevard in Oakland on Oct. 10, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“The intent is for the Administration to work with the Legislature on the allocation of these funds,” a spokesperson for the California Department of Finance said in a statement to KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The spokesperson said that there are no requirements for the bill at present, and there is no specific timeline associated with appropriation of the money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Bay Area will see a glimpse of how reparations can work when invested in public infrastructure. In East Oakland, a collective of nonprofits called Rise East unlocked a $50 million grant from Blue Meridian Partners, a national philanthropic organization, by \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12021914/rise-east-unlocks-100-million-to-reimagine-east-oakland\">raising a matching $50 million\u003c/a>. The money will be used for Rise East’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.riseeast.org/\">10-year plan to address decades of harm\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How did we get here?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Although California entered the union as a free state in 1850, it did not ratify the 14th and 15th Amendments — granting citizenship and voting rights, respectively — for more than a century. After the abolishment of slavery, attacks on Black people continued. In the 1920s, the Ku Klux Klan had a sizable presence in California, and discriminatory housing laws and redlining dismantled neighborhoods like \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11825401/how-urban-renewal-decimated-the-fillmore-district-and-took-jazz-with-it\">San Francisco’s Fillmore District\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the reparations task force noted in its report, the life expectancy gap between Black Californians and their white counterparts can be “interpreted as the cumulative effect of unequal treatment.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11942566\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11942566\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63355_048_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForceSac_03032023-qut.jpg\" alt=\"Three African American men have a standing conversation.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63355_048_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForceSac_03032023-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63355_048_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForceSac_03032023-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63355_048_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForceSac_03032023-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63355_048_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForceSac_03032023-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63355_048_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForceSac_03032023-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">State Sen. Steven Bradford (D-Gardena) speaks with attendees during a California Reparations Task Force meeting in Sacramento on March 3, 2023. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Reparations were never a handout,” Bradford said to KQED. “It was never charity. It was what was promised and what was owed and what’s 160 years overdue — whether it’s in the form of a check, continued education, ongoing health care, homebuyers assistance, tax exemptions for a period of time, business loans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s many ways that we can provide opportunities to folks who have been disenfranchised in this country simply because of the color of their skin.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Reparations gained momentum across the United States after the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11987911/how-george-floyds-murder-ignited-solidarity-in-the-streets-and-californias-reparations-movement\">murder of George Floyd\u003c/a> by Minneapolis officers five years ago, as protests against police brutality and anti-Black racism \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/george-floyd-protests\">blossomed in California and across the country\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The social upheaval from four years ago provided the legislative support for Assembly Bill 3121, which created \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11948198/examining-reparations-and-the-historical-harms-of-slavery-and-racism-in-california\">the reparations task force\u003c/a> — the first statewide body to study reparative measures for Black people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In June 2023, after two years of research, the task force \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11953025/reparations-task-forces-final-report-covers-much-more-than-money\">released a final report\u003c/a> of more than 1,000 pages outlining policies to help close racial gaps in housing, education and health — including a K–12 Black studies curriculum, wellness centers in Black communities and free tuition at California public colleges and universities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition to direct payments, another major recommendation was the creation of the \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/system/files/media/ch18-ca-reparations.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">California American Freedman Affairs Agency (PDF)\u003c/a>, which would administer reparations, offer legal services and operate a genealogy office.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>How genealogy comes into play\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>One major point of contention the reparations task force addressed was determining who would be eligible for reparations. While some members of the task force were in favor of limiting restitution to those who can prove they are the descendants of an enslaved person, others argued for race-based eligibility. Under the latter, any Black person in the state would be eligible for reparations regardless of descendancy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2022, the task force voted 5–4 to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11909471/unpacking-reparations-eligibility-in-california\">limit its compensation eligibility\u003c/a> to people whose lineage can be traced to an enslaved person. While some of the recommendations in the task force’s final report addressed systemic issues that affect all Black Californians, the decision to limit eligibility for direct compensation was controversial.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12044680\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12044680\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/031_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForce_04142022_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/031_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForce_04142022_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/031_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForce_04142022_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/031_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForce_04142022_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Task force members Lisa Holder and Don Tamaki speak during the 2nd day of an in-person meeting of the California Reparations Task Force at the Third Baptist Church in San Francisco on April 14, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Lisa Holder, a task force member and president of the Oakland-based Equal Justice Society, said she supports race-based reparations because the harm experienced by Black people did not end with the abolition of slavery.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Holder said decades of segregation in the United States, along with its history of colonization in Africa and the Caribbean, have denied many Black and African people the opportunities they should have had access to. Discriminatory practices in the educational system and the United States’ financial institutions, as well as abuses by law enforcement, have also perpetuated a continued cycle of race-based harm, she added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Black people throughout the diaspora have been harmed by anti-Black animus and anti-Black hate,” Holder said. “All Black people deserve repair.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other task force members and reparations advocates expressed concern that race-based reparations could be more vulnerable to legal challenges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12042500\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12042500 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/ErwinChemerinskyGetty.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1373\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/ErwinChemerinskyGetty.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/ErwinChemerinskyGetty-800x549.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/ErwinChemerinskyGetty-1020x700.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/ErwinChemerinskyGetty-160x110.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/ErwinChemerinskyGetty-1536x1054.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/ErwinChemerinskyGetty-1920x1318.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">UC Berkeley law school dean Erwin Chemerinsky at his home in Oakland, on Jan. 19, 2021. \u003ccite>(Carlos Avila Gonzalez/The San Francisco Chronicle via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Erwin Chemerinsky, dean of the UC Berkeley School of Law, said the Supreme Court has made it clear that it is hostile to policies that include “racial preference,” even those that are meant to remediate past instances of discrimination. They could be declared unconstitutional, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chemerinsky, who testified before the task force in 2022, said a reparations package based on lineage would be more likely to hold up in court because it avoids the kind of racial classifications that have undermined policies like affirmative action.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Although most enslaved individuals were Black individuals, there were also individuals who were not Black who were enslaved,” Chemerinsky told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s not a matter of the greatest social good, but rather what will most likely survive judicial examination, he said. Racial considerations were used for recommendations that look at broader systemic change, according to Holder.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not just about a check in the mail,” Holder said. “It is about rehabilitating our systems.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The reparations package and the 115 bills that we introduced as a task force toggle back and forth between direct payments and financial compensation and systemic repair. All Black people — frankly, all people — are eligible for that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What bills were on the table in 2024?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Last year, the California Legislative Black Caucus introduced a slate of bills incorporating many of the task force’s policy proposals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11981271/track-the-success-of-californias-14-reparations-bills-for-black-residents\">signed six of the 14 bills\u003c/a>, including one that requires the state to issue a formal apology for its \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12006819/california-to-issue-apology-for-slavery-as-newsom-signs-reparations-bills\">role in harming Black residents\u003c/a> through racist and oppressive policies. Under Assembly Bill 3089, a plaque displaying the official apology is set to be installed in the State Capitol Building in Sacramento, though no action has been taken yet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12040807\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12040807\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250506-SACRAMENTOFILE-11-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250506-SACRAMENTOFILE-11-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250506-SACRAMENTOFILE-11-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250506-SACRAMENTOFILE-11-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250506-SACRAMENTOFILE-11-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250506-SACRAMENTOFILE-11-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250506-SACRAMENTOFILE-11-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The California State Capitol in Sacramento on May 6, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The Department of General Services \u003ca href=\"https://bcp.dof.ca.gov/2526/FY2526_ORG7760_BCP7787.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">requested $500,000 (PDF)\u003c/a> for the plaque, which the Department of Finance said is separate from the $12 million. According to the Department of General Services, there is no timeline on the plaque until the item is approved by the state Legislature and the budget is signed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other bills signed by Newsom last year include:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Assembly Bill 1815\u003c/strong>: Prohibits discrimination based on certain traits associated with race, such as hair texture or style.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Senate Bill 1089\u003c/strong>: Requires grocery stores and pharmacies to provide employees, county officials and surrounding communities with advanced notice of their impending closures.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Assembly Bill 1986\u003c/strong>: Allows the Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation’s Office of the Inspector General to track and publicize which books are banned in state prisons.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Assembly Bill 1929\u003c/strong>: Requires data tracking of who receives state technical education grants to be disaggregated by race.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Assembly Bill 3131\u003c/strong>: Requires the state Department of Education to prioritize socioeconomically disadvantaged communities in historically redlined communities for career education grants.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" title=\"Reparations (and reparations-adjacent) bills in California\" aria-label=\"Table\" id=\"datawrapper-chart-BvlhD\" src=\"https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/BvlhD/2/\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"width: 0; min-width: 100% !important; border: none;\" height=\"900\" data-external=\"1\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Tensions rising\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>For many organizers and reparations advocates, it was not enough.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The reparations task force “did a really good job of working out the mechanics,” said Kamilah Moore, the former chair of the task force. “I’ve been trying to stay optimistic, but it is a bit disconcerting — even upsetting — given that the task force ended June ’23. It’ll be almost two years, and there hasn’t been much progress.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Former state Sen. Steven Bradford introduced three bills last year that many in the movement saw as the centerpiece of the CLBC’s reparations package. All three failed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11948415\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11948415\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS55334_044_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForce_04142022-qut.jpg\" alt=\"A Black woman wearing glasses, a navy blue jacket and yellow and black designed shirt, shakes hands with a Black woman wearing a patterned hat and black shirt in a building with other people in the background.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS55334_044_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForce_04142022-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS55334_044_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForce_04142022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS55334_044_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForce_04142022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS55334_044_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForce_04142022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS55334_044_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForce_04142022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Task force chair Kamilah Moore speaks with attendees during the 2nd day of an in-person meeting of the California Reparations Task Force at the Third Baptist Church in San Francisco on April 14, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Senate Bill 1403 would have created the California American Freedmen Agency to implement the reparations task force’s recommendations, while Senate Bill 1331 would have funded it. Both bills were ultimately pulled off the floor by members of the Black Caucus before they could be voted on after \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12002804/centerpiece-reparations-bill-derailed-by-newsoms-late-request-heres-why\">pressure from Newsom’s office\u003c/a>, sparking backlash from reparations activists who criticized members of the Black Caucus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many were frustrated by what they felt was a unilateral decision to reject Bradford’s bills, despite what constituents were calling for.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m living in Sacramento. There’s no Black Caucus member that represents the Sacramento area,” said Chris Lodgson, an organizer with the Coalition for a Just and Equitable California, or CJEC. “I can’t vote against them if I don’t like what they do.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12044684\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12044684\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/241022-Prop36-15-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/241022-Prop36-15-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/241022-Prop36-15-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/241022-Prop36-15-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Chris Lodgson, an organizer with the Coalition for a Just and Equitable California, a reparations advocacy group, speaks during a rally against Proposition 36 at the Upper Haight bookstore, Booksmith, in San Francisco on Oct. 22, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Senate Bill 1050, which would have provided compensation to people affected by racist land seizures, received approval from both legislative houses but was vetoed. According to Newsom, there is no existing agency that could implement the bill, though SB 1403 would have created one.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In May 2024, \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/wendyfry_/status/1836047838217904612?s=46\">\u003cem>CalMatters\u003c/em> reported\u003c/a> that members of the CLBC sent a letter to Newsom asking that $6 million of the $12 million allocation be sent to the California Black Freedom Fund, a $100 million initiative dedicated to funding nonprofits that support Black communities and tackle anti-Blackness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to Moore, community organizations such as the ones supported by the fund can be difficult to track and oversee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re not denigrating the utility of nonprofits or the work that they’ve done for our communities,” Moore said. “But this is a reparations commission. … The state should not outsource the solutions to nonprofits.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What are the bills in play right now in 2025?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>While there is only one bill that seeks funding from the $12 million, there are several bills in session meant to address the harms of institutional racism that have attracted the attention of reparations activists.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11841803\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 960px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11841803\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RepNowMural.jpg\" alt=\"A street mural on Ellis Street in South Berkeley spells out 'Reparations Now!'\" width=\"960\" height=\"720\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RepNowMural.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RepNowMural-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RepNowMural-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RepNowMural-632x474.jpg 632w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RepNowMural-536x402.jpg 536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 960px) 100vw, 960px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A street mural on Ellis Street in South Berkeley spells out ‘Reparations Now!’ \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Todd Matthews)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>\u003cu>Senate Bill 518 \u003c/u>\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Status: \u003c/strong>Passed\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Who introduced the bill? \u003c/strong>State Sen. Akilah Weber Pierson (D-San Diego).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>What does it do? \u003c/strong>This bill would create a \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260SB518\">Bureau for Descendants of American Slavery\u003c/a> within the Department of Justice. The leader of the bureau would be appointed by the attorney general and confirmed by the Senate. The bureau would “determine how an individual’s status as a descendant would be confirmed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>What is the discussion around it? \u003c/strong> Newsom signed the bill into law on Oct. 10.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“California is not just confronting the past. We are investing in the future,” Weber Pierson said in \u003ca href=\"https://blackcaucus.legislature.ca.gov/news/governor-newsom-signs-landmark-bill-creating-slavery-descendants-bureau\">a news release\u003c/a>. “With SB 518, we have created a model for how states can move from study to structure, from intention to action. This is about building something permanent that honors the truth and restores dignity to the descendants of those who endured generations of injustice.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CJEC pushed back on the bureau’s language in June, saying the bill would open services to non-descendants of slavery.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t want to have to go to the state’s top law enforcement body to do my reparations claims. Or have my genealogy data sitting with the state’s top police,” Lodgson added. “That is crazy to me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>\u003cu>Senate Bill 437\u003c/u>\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Status: \u003c/strong>In progress\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Who introduced the bill? \u003c/strong>Weber Pierson (D-San Diego)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>What does it do? \u003c/strong>It seeks $6 million to enable “the California State University to conduct research in furtherance of the recommendations of the task force, thereby making an appropriation.” Citing the task force, the guidelines of the bill would propose research to conduct and determine ways to confirm an individual’s status as a descendant of an enslaved person.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>What is the discussion around it? \u003c/strong>Some critics argue that the bill is redundant. Last year, Newsom’s administration offered the same language as an amendment to one of Bradford’s bills, which he rejected, saying it recreated what the task force had already done.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The task force studied reparations for two years,” Bradford said. “No disrespect to the CSUs … [but] they would just further meat on the bone, so to speak, on how it would be structured. But not the implementation of reparations. There are professional genealogists out there already.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lodgson agreed, saying that the task force’s recommendation to provide genealogy services is “very different from giving the CSU $6 million to research how to do genealogy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12006891\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12006891\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/ReparationsOaklandAP.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/ReparationsOaklandAP.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/ReparationsOaklandAP-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/ReparationsOaklandAP-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/ReparationsOaklandAP-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/ReparationsOaklandAP-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/ReparationsOaklandAP-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Morris Griffin holds up a sign during a meeting by the Task Force to Study and Develop Reparation Proposals for African Americans in Oakland, Dec. 14, 2022. \u003ccite>(Jeff Chiu/AP Photo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"text-decoration: underline\">\u003cstrong>Assembly Bill 1315\u003c/strong>\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Status: \u003c/strong>In progress\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Who introduced the bill? \u003c/strong>Former Assemblymember Bill Essayli, who is currently the interim United States attorney for the Central District of California. The bill needs a new author, Lodgson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>What does it do? \u003c/strong>This bill would create a California American Freedmen Affairs Agency within the state government. The leader of the agency would be appointed by the governor and confirmed by the Senate. The \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260AB1315\">purpose\u003c/a> of the agency is to “verify a resident’s status as an American Freedman, as defined, and create and maintain an accurate database registry of American Freedmen residents.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>What is the discussion around it? \u003c/strong>As described by Lodgson, the legislation is “in direct competition” with Weber Pierson’s bill and was brought to Essayli by the CJEC. Lodgson defended working with a Republican lawmaker, saying it follows what the task force recommended more closely. Moore \u003ca href=\"https://www.kcra.com/article/california-fight-for-reparations-unexpected-pair/63965892\">agreed\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In mid-October, Gov. Gavin Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12059600/newsom-vetoes-stall-californias-reparations-push-for-black-descendants\">vetoed several reparations-related bills\u003c/a>, arguing they were unnecessary, would strain state resources or posed legal risks. The measures included:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>AB 7\u003c/strong>, which would have allowed descendants of enslaved people to receive preference in university admissions, business licenses and first-time homebuyer loans.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>AB 57\u003c/strong>, which proposed setting aside 10% of funds in the California Dream for All Program for descendants of enslaved people.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>AB 62\u003c/strong>, which would have allowed residents who lost property through racist eminent domain policies to petition the state for compensation.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>AB 742\u003c/strong>, which sought to prioritize professional license applications for descendants of enslaved people.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"california-reparations-future\">\u003c/a>What does the future of reparations in California look like?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>For many racial justice advocates, the mass protests following George Floyd’s murder in 2020 marked a moment of racial reckoning for institutions across the United States.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Politicians and government agencies, media outlets and corporations responded with urgency, issuing \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/business/2020/06/13/after-years-marginalizing-black-employees-customers-corporate-america-says-black-lives-matter/\">statements of solidarity\u003c/a> and introducing initiatives that would increase diversity, equity and inclusion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11879375\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11879375\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/gettyimages-1325462782-11cedddb24505af92a60e86c49c305934cf5ab34-scaled-e1624651309323.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1440\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Two children view a mural of George Floyd in Minneapolis on Friday, as a Hennepin County court weighed the sentence to impose on former police officer Derek Chauvin. \u003ccite>(Brandon Bell/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Some of it was meaningful,” Eric Garcia, co-director of Detour Productions in San Francisco, told \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/arts/13977200/the-great-quiet-quitting-of-dei-in-bay-area-arts\">KQED Arts.\u003c/a> “A lot of it was reactive, short-lived and ultimately self-serving.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Five years later, the political landscape in the United States has taken a sharp, rightward turn. As the Trump administration continues to condemn efforts to improve diversity and equity in both the public and private sectors, reparations advocates are searching for new ways to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12034699/racial-justice-advocates-stay-course-dei-faces-mounting-attacks\">advance the racial justice movement\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There is tremendous hostility from the White House to civil rights,” said Chemerinsky, the dean of the UC Berkeley School of Law. “It’s impossible at this moment to know how successful the Trump administration will be in undermining civil rights law, but there’s no doubt that they’re engaged in a concerted effort to do so.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>It has also impacted how policymakers approach racial justice policies. Black legislators in California, for example, have avoided using the term “reparations” in bills due to its association with direct cash payments, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://www.politico.com/newsletters/california-playbook-pm/2025/02/20/black-caucus-reparations-00205352\">report\u003c/a> by \u003cem>Politico\u003c/em>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I feel the California Legislative Black Caucus is very much committed to this issue and committed to staying with the issue for more than one legislative session,” said Holder. “This is not a one-and-done program. This is not about trying to fix 400 years of harm in 15 minutes. That’s unrealistic and that will be unsuccessful.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She continued: “In this moment, when we are dealing essentially with an apex predator who’s attacking democracy and who has hijacked our federal government and our resources, we have to really be strategic.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lodgson argued that not much has changed for him, as the bills he supported failed under a Democratic administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Democrats and Republicans — none of these administrations supported reparations at the federal level. None of them,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bradford said California missed a critical opportunity last year to enact reparations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We first must understand the history and understand why, when it comes to African Americans, we always continue to have to take a back seat and say, ‘Get over it’ or ‘It’s not a priority,’” he said. “It’s still a priority. It still needs to be addressed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci data-stringify-type=\"italic\">KQED’s \u003c/i>\u003ci data-stringify-type=\"italic\">\u003ca class=\"c-link\" href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/gmarzorati\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\" data-stringify-link=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/gmarzorati\" data-sk=\"tooltip_parent\">Guy Marzorati\u003c/a>\u003c/i>\u003ci data-stringify-type=\"italic\"> contributed to this report.\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What questions do you have?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>At KQED News, we aim to publish guides that dispel confusion and answer burning questions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you have more inquiries about reparations or racial justice, please let us know, and we’ll do our best to answer. It will make our reporting stronger and will help us decide what to cover.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cdiv class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__shortcodes__shortcodeWrapper'>\n \u003ciframe\n src='https://docs.google.com/forms/d/e/1FAIpQLScwcbTYMD7fA9T1Tm7VvQfBTB1KZpCweq-RO5DfwzU5rfk2mQ/viewform?embedded=true?embedded=true'\n title='https://docs.google.com/forms/d/e/1FAIpQLScwcbTYMD7fA9T1Tm7VvQfBTB1KZpCweq-RO5DfwzU5rfk2mQ/viewform?embedded=true'\n width='760' height='500'\n frameborder='0'\n marginheight='0' marginwidth='0'>\u003c/iframe>\u003c/div>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
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