A group of Indivisible protestors at the climate march in D.C. (Courtesy of Indivisible)
The Indivisible Guide has become a 26-page must-read for people looking to oppose President Trump’s agenda. The guide — which has been viewed or downloaded more than 2 million times, according to the organization — also offers a supplemental section on how to demand copies of Trump’s tax returns.
“Is Trump colluding with Russia or enriching himself off the presidency? … Until we see Trump’s tax returns, we cannot be certain that foreign governments don’t have leverage over Trump that can be used to influence American policy,” says the supplement.
Yet this progressive political organization — which is founded and staffed by former congressional staffers — has not disclosed where its money is coming from.
The California Report requested financial statements and donor lists for the group. Indivisible spokespeople told us they’ve raised more than $2.2 million from 30,000 individual donations since they started accepting donations in January, including “some foundation money and dollars from high net worth individuals.” They declined repeated requests to name any of these individuals.
Nonprofit organizations often cite privacy concerns as a reason to not disclose their donor lists, and Indivisible says it is no different. Angel Padilla, a former Democratic congressional staffer and one of the founders of Indivisible, said those privacy concerns are the only thing stopping Indivisible from releasing the names of its donors.
Sponsored
Sarah Bryner, research director for the Center for Responsive Politics, a nonprofit that tracks money in politics, said Indivisible has no legal obligation to disclose its donors if it doesn’t run election ads supporting or opposing a particular candidate. Indivisible hasn’t done that yet, but it is set up as a 501(c)(4), a designation that allows the organization to engage in political activity, so long as that is not its primary activity.
“If they’re trying to influence election outcomes, we feel like people should know about who’s funding those efforts,” said Bryner. “But there’s also the question of privacy for donors, and if they’re not spending money in such a way that they would be influencing those election outcomes, then generally people defer towards protecting that privacy.”
The Origin Story
On election night, Padilla, one of the group’s founders, was hanging out with friends and other former congressional staffers, expecting to watch the first female president get elected.
“Watching the forecasting flip throughout the course of the night was a traumatic experience,” said Padilla.
In the following days, as Trump’s victory began to set in, and progressives in California and across the country started planning their resistance, Padilla and his friends realized they could play a unique role.
“We, as former staffers, realized that we’ve kind of been through this before but on the flip side,” he said. “We were on the Hill when Obama was first elected, when Congress was controlled by Democrats, and we saw how organized local activism was able to slow down much of the Obama agenda.”
These staffers had seen the rise and success of the Tea Party and thought they could use those tactics — local activism and defensive politics — to accomplish the same thing, but on the other end of the political spectrum. The goal: stymie Trump and take back Congress.
They put together a public Google document with insider tips for influencing members of Congress, which eventually morphed into the 26-page Indivisible Guide and ultimately the fully fledged nonprofit organization helping local groups organize against the Trump presidency.
The group has tried to create streamlined ways to organize local protestors.
“Like us, you probably deeply disagree with the principles and positions of the Tea Party,” the founders wrote in their guide. “But we can all learn from their success in influencing the national debate and the behavior of national policymakers.”
Tea Party of the Left
As the Tea Party gained power and national recognition, many started asking who was funding what appeared to be a grass-roots movement. Multiple media organizations dug into the group’s finances and reported that Americans for Prosperity — a conservative political advocacy group founded by billionaire Republican mega-donors David and Charles Koch — had been working with and supporting the Tea Party from its inception.
So what about Indivisible? Who are they getting their money from?
Last month, the group published its fundraising philosophy, which is centered on four guiding principles: a focus on small donations; diversified funding sources; only accepting funds from “those who support and uphold our progressive values;” and making fundraising the secondary focus to supporting local chapters.
“We won’t take money from an organization that we don’t think is a progressive organization,” said Padilla. “If there are things they might be involved in that we disagree with, we won’t take their money.”
The group also says it won’t take money from political parties, leaders or candidates to “avoid any appearance of influence on our strategy,” said Padilla. That includes Hillary Clinton, who sent an email to her supporters last month announcing the formation of her new political group and naming Indivisible, among other groups, as an organization it planned to financially support.
Padilla said Indivisible was thankful to be recognized by Clinton, but would not be accepting donations from Clinton’s group or asking for donor lists from her, the Democratic Party or other elected officials.
“We didn’t want it to seem like we were getting money directly from Hillary Clinton,” he said. “We wanted to make sure to everyone that we are maintaining our independence.”
Independent or Institution?
But the Tea Party, the group that Indivisible hopes to emulate, doesn’t buy the talk of independence.
“You didn’t see Karl Rove or John Boehner or Mitch McConnell embrace the Tea Party like you’re seeing Nancy Pelosi, Chuck Schumer and the Democratic Party [embrace Indivisible],” said Taylor Budowich, executive director of the Tea Party Express, one of the most successful national Tea Party organizations. “If there was some sincere organic nature to [Indivisible], it’s been from day one co-opted by the major Democratic and left institutions.”
Budowich finds the talk of Indivisible being the “Tea Party of the left” and copying his group’s tactics silly, he said. It was his group’s message — lower taxes and less government regulation — that resonated with voters and got them engaged, according to Budowich, as opposed to any specific tactics.
He is open, though, to the possibility that Indivisible could succeed like the Tea Party has and said it’s doing a good job of knocking on doors, protesting town halls and raising money. But he argues its ties to the Democratic Party establishment make it fundamentally different from the Tea Party.
“We control literally every branch of government, and we’ve redefined what the Republican Party is,” said Budowich, of the Tea Party. “So, in many ways, this grass-roots movement has co-opted an institution. That can’t happen with this movement on the left, because it’s already the same thing.”
One technique Indivisible has used is connecting people to town halls, like this one held by U.S. Senator Kamala D. Harris in Los Angeles, and encouraging simple “agree” and “disagree” signs for visibility at those events. (David McNew/Getty Images)
The Next Step in a Strategy
Indivisible founder Padilla said their group is in a stronger position now than the Tea Party was at this point eight years ago, citing better-than-expected results for Democratic challengers in special elections to fill seats in traditionally Republican congressional districts.
But Budowich pointed out that Democrats have failed to win any of those seats, while Tea Party-supported Republican Scott Brown surprised many by winning the open U.S. Senate seat in Massachusetts in 2010.
To achieve a similar victory, Indivisible would likely have to continue its imitation of the Tea Party by endorsing candidates for office — which brings it back to the question of political funding.
“Right now, it seems like we’re talking mostly about a grass-roots organization that hasn’t started doing that kind of electioneering yet,” said Bryner, of the Center for Responsive Politics. “If they were to do that, then yes, that [donor] information would need to become public.”
Indivisible is currently formulating an electoral strategy that it hopes will replicate the Tea Party’s success in getting like-minded candidates into office. The group hired Maria Urbina, who used to work for Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid, to be its political director and create a plan.
That strategy — and how far Indivisible chooses to step into the electoral arena — will ultimately determine how much financial information needs to be made public.
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"content": "\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.indivisibleguide.com/guide/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Indivisible Guide\u003c/a> has become a 26-page must-read for people looking to oppose President Trump’s agenda. The guide — which has been viewed or downloaded more than 2 million times, according to the organization — also offers a supplemental section on how to demand copies of Trump’s tax returns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Is Trump colluding with Russia or enriching himself off the presidency? … Until we see Trump’s tax returns, we cannot be certain that foreign governments don’t have leverage over Trump that can be used to influence American policy,” says \u003ca href=\"https://www.indivisibleguide.com/resource/get-trumps-tax-returns/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">the supplement\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=”ZqGfaqQmmLy4W6hycS06PTTc5V9AfMl3″]Yet this progressive political organization — which is founded and staffed by former congressional staffers — has not disclosed where its money is coming from.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The California Report\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> requested financial statements and donor lists for the group. Indivisible spokespeople told us they’ve raised more than $2.2 million from 30,000 individual donations since they started accepting donations in January, including “some foundation money and dollars from high net worth individuals.” They declined repeated requests to name any of these individuals.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Nonprofit organizations often cite privacy concerns as a reason to not disclose their donor lists, and Indivisible says it is no different. Angel Padilla, a former Democratic congressional staffer and one of the founders of Indivisible, said those privacy concerns are the only thing stopping Indivisible from releasing the names of its donors.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Sarah Bryner, research director for the \u003ca href=\"https://www.opensecrets.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Center for Responsive Politics\u003c/a>, a nonprofit that tracks money in politics, said Indivisible has no legal obligation to disclose its donors if it doesn’t run election ads supporting or opposing a particular candidate. Indivisible hasn’t done that yet, but it is set up as a 501(c)(4), \u003ca href=\"https://www.irs.gov/charities-non-profits/other-non-profits/social-welfare-organizations\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">a designation\u003c/a> that allows the organization to engage in political activity, so long as that is not its primary activity.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“If they’re trying to influence election outcomes, we feel like people should know about who’s funding those efforts,” said Bryner. “But there’s also the question of privacy for donors, and if they’re not spending money in such a way that they would be influencing those election outcomes, then generally people defer towards protecting that privacy.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>The Origin Story\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">On election night, Padilla, one of the group’s founders, was hanging out with friends and other former congressional staffers, expecting to watch the first female president get elected. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“Watching the forecasting flip throughout the course of the night was a traumatic experience,” said Padilla.\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignleft\">Like us, you probably deeply disagree with the principles and positions of the Tea Party. But we can all learn from their success in influencing the national debate … \u003ccite>Indivisible Guide\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">In the following days, as Trump’s victory began to set in, and progressives in California and across the country started planning their resistance, Padilla and his friends realized they could play a unique role.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“We, as former staffers, realized that we’ve kind of been through this before but on the flip side,” he said. “We were on the Hill when Obama was first elected, when Congress was controlled by Democrats, and we saw how organized local activism was able to slow down much of the Obama agenda.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">These staffers had seen the rise and success of the Tea Party and thought they could use those tactics — local activism and defensive politics — to accomplish the same thing, but on the other end of the political spectrum. The goal: stymie Trump and take back Congress. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">They put together a public Google document with insider tips for influencing members of Congress, which eventually morphed into the 26-page Indivisible Guide and ultimately the fully fledged nonprofit organization helping local groups organize against the Trump presidency.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11509004\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/15966017_202182136912330_6350498196829704060_n.png\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/15966017_202182136912330_6350498196829704060_n-800x671.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"671\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11509004\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/15966017_202182136912330_6350498196829704060_n-800x671.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/15966017_202182136912330_6350498196829704060_n-160x134.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/15966017_202182136912330_6350498196829704060_n-240x201.png 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/15966017_202182136912330_6350498196829704060_n-375x314.png 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/15966017_202182136912330_6350498196829704060_n-520x436.png 520w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/15966017_202182136912330_6350498196829704060_n.png 940w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The group has tried to create streamlined ways to organize local protestors.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“Like us, you probably deeply disagree with the principles and positions of the Tea Party,” the founders wrote in their guide. “But we can all learn from their success in influencing the national debate and the behavior of national policymakers.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Tea Party of the Left\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">As the Tea Party gained power and national recognition, many started asking who was funding what appeared to be a grass-roots movement. \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"http://www.newyorker.com/magazine/2010/08/30/covert-operations\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Multiple media organizations\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> dug into the group’s finances and reported that Americans for Prosperity — a conservative political advocacy group founded by billionaire Republican mega-donors David and Charles Koch — had been working with and supporting the Tea Party from its inception.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">So what about Indivisible? Who are they getting their money from?\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Last month, the group published its \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.indivisibleguide.com/blog/indivisibles-fundraising-philosophy/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">fundraising philosophy\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">, which is centered on four guiding principles: a focus on small donations; diversified funding sources; only accepting funds from “those who support and uphold our progressive values;” and making fundraising the secondary focus to supporting local chapters.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“We won’t take money from an organization that we don’t think is a progressive organization,” said Padilla. “If there are things they might be involved in that we disagree with, we won’t take their money.” \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The group also says it won’t take money from political parties, leaders or candidates to “avoid any appearance of influence on our strategy,” said Padilla. That includes Hillary Clinton, who \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"http://www.politico.com/story/2017/05/15/hillary-clinton-onward-together-238408\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">sent an email\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> to her supporters last month announcing the formation of her new political group and naming Indivisible, among other groups, as an organization it planned to financially support. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Padilla said Indivisible was thankful to be recognized by Clinton, but would not be accepting donations from Clinton’s group or asking for donor lists from her, the Democratic Party or other elected officials.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">We control literally every branch of government, and we’ve redefined what the Republican Party is.\u003ccite> Taylor Budowich, executive director of the Tea Party Express\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“We didn’t want it to seem like we were getting money directly from Hillary Clinton,” he said. “We wanted to make sure to everyone that we are maintaining our independence.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Independent or Institution?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">But the Tea Party, the group that Indivisible hopes to emulate, doesn’t buy the talk of independence.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“You didn’t see Karl Rove or John Boehner or Mitch McConnell embrace the Tea Party like you’re seeing Nancy Pelosi, Chuck Schumer and the Democratic Party [embrace Indivisible],” said Taylor Budowich, executive director of \u003ca href=\"http://www.teapartyexpress.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">the Tea Party Express\u003c/a>, one of the most successful national Tea Party organizations. “If there was some sincere organic nature to [Indivisible], it’s been from day one co-opted by the major Democratic and left institutions.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Budowich finds the talk of Indivisible being the “Tea Party of the left” and copying his group’s tactics silly, he said. It was his group’s message — lower taxes and less government regulation — that resonated with voters and got them engaged, according to Budowich, as opposed to any specific tactics.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">He is open, though, to the possibility that Indivisible could succeed like the Tea Party has and said it’s doing a good job of knocking on doors, protesting town halls and raising money. But he argues its ties to the Democratic Party establishment make it fundamentally different from the Tea Party.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“We control literally every branch of government, and we’ve redefined what the Republican Party is,” said Budowich, of the Tea Party. “So, in many ways, this grass-roots movement has co-opted an institution. That can’t happen with this movement on the left, because it’s already the same thing.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11509005\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/GettyImages-671305162.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/GettyImages-671305162-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11509005\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/GettyImages-671305162-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/GettyImages-671305162-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/GettyImages-671305162-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/GettyImages-671305162-1920x1280.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/GettyImages-671305162-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/GettyImages-671305162-960x640.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/GettyImages-671305162-240x160.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/GettyImages-671305162-375x250.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/GettyImages-671305162-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">One technique Indivisible has used is connecting people to town halls, like this one held by U.S. Senator Kamala D. Harris in Los Angeles, and encouraging simple “agree” and “disagree” signs for visibility at those events. \u003ccite>(David McNew/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>The Next Step in a Strategy\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Indivisible founder Padilla said their group is in a stronger position now than the Tea Party was at this point eight years ago, citing better-than-expected results for Democratic challengers in special elections to fill seats in traditionally Republican congressional districts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">But Budowich pointed out that Democrats have failed to win any of those seats, while Tea Party-supported Republican Scott Brown surprised many by winning the open U.S. Senate seat in Massachusetts in 2010.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To achieve a similar victory, Indivisible would likely have to continue its imitation of the Tea Party by endorsing candidates for office — which brings it back to the question of political funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“Right now, it seems like we’re talking mostly about a grass-roots organization that hasn’t started doing that kind of electioneering yet,” said Bryner, of the Center for Responsive Politics. “If they were to do that, then yes, that [donor] information would need to become public.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Indivisible is currently formulating an electoral strategy that it hopes will replicate the Tea Party’s success in getting like-minded candidates into office. The group hired Maria Urbina, who used to work for Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid, to be its political director and create a plan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">That strategy — and how far Indivisible chooses to step into the electoral arena — will ultimately determine how much financial information needs to be made public.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.indivisibleguide.com/guide/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Indivisible Guide\u003c/a> has become a 26-page must-read for people looking to oppose President Trump’s agenda. The guide — which has been viewed or downloaded more than 2 million times, according to the organization — also offers a supplemental section on how to demand copies of Trump’s tax returns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Is Trump colluding with Russia or enriching himself off the presidency? … Until we see Trump’s tax returns, we cannot be certain that foreign governments don’t have leverage over Trump that can be used to influence American policy,” says \u003ca href=\"https://www.indivisibleguide.com/resource/get-trumps-tax-returns/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">the supplement\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>Yet this progressive political organization — which is founded and staffed by former congressional staffers — has not disclosed where its money is coming from.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The California Report\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> requested financial statements and donor lists for the group. Indivisible spokespeople told us they’ve raised more than $2.2 million from 30,000 individual donations since they started accepting donations in January, including “some foundation money and dollars from high net worth individuals.” They declined repeated requests to name any of these individuals.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Nonprofit organizations often cite privacy concerns as a reason to not disclose their donor lists, and Indivisible says it is no different. Angel Padilla, a former Democratic congressional staffer and one of the founders of Indivisible, said those privacy concerns are the only thing stopping Indivisible from releasing the names of its donors.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Sarah Bryner, research director for the \u003ca href=\"https://www.opensecrets.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Center for Responsive Politics\u003c/a>, a nonprofit that tracks money in politics, said Indivisible has no legal obligation to disclose its donors if it doesn’t run election ads supporting or opposing a particular candidate. Indivisible hasn’t done that yet, but it is set up as a 501(c)(4), \u003ca href=\"https://www.irs.gov/charities-non-profits/other-non-profits/social-welfare-organizations\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">a designation\u003c/a> that allows the organization to engage in political activity, so long as that is not its primary activity.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“If they’re trying to influence election outcomes, we feel like people should know about who’s funding those efforts,” said Bryner. “But there’s also the question of privacy for donors, and if they’re not spending money in such a way that they would be influencing those election outcomes, then generally people defer towards protecting that privacy.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>The Origin Story\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">On election night, Padilla, one of the group’s founders, was hanging out with friends and other former congressional staffers, expecting to watch the first female president get elected. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“Watching the forecasting flip throughout the course of the night was a traumatic experience,” said Padilla.\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignleft\">Like us, you probably deeply disagree with the principles and positions of the Tea Party. But we can all learn from their success in influencing the national debate … \u003ccite>Indivisible Guide\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">In the following days, as Trump’s victory began to set in, and progressives in California and across the country started planning their resistance, Padilla and his friends realized they could play a unique role.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“We, as former staffers, realized that we’ve kind of been through this before but on the flip side,” he said. “We were on the Hill when Obama was first elected, when Congress was controlled by Democrats, and we saw how organized local activism was able to slow down much of the Obama agenda.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">These staffers had seen the rise and success of the Tea Party and thought they could use those tactics — local activism and defensive politics — to accomplish the same thing, but on the other end of the political spectrum. The goal: stymie Trump and take back Congress. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">They put together a public Google document with insider tips for influencing members of Congress, which eventually morphed into the 26-page Indivisible Guide and ultimately the fully fledged nonprofit organization helping local groups organize against the Trump presidency.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11509004\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/15966017_202182136912330_6350498196829704060_n.png\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/15966017_202182136912330_6350498196829704060_n-800x671.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"671\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11509004\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/15966017_202182136912330_6350498196829704060_n-800x671.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/15966017_202182136912330_6350498196829704060_n-160x134.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/15966017_202182136912330_6350498196829704060_n-240x201.png 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/15966017_202182136912330_6350498196829704060_n-375x314.png 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/15966017_202182136912330_6350498196829704060_n-520x436.png 520w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/15966017_202182136912330_6350498196829704060_n.png 940w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The group has tried to create streamlined ways to organize local protestors.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“Like us, you probably deeply disagree with the principles and positions of the Tea Party,” the founders wrote in their guide. “But we can all learn from their success in influencing the national debate and the behavior of national policymakers.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Tea Party of the Left\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">As the Tea Party gained power and national recognition, many started asking who was funding what appeared to be a grass-roots movement. \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"http://www.newyorker.com/magazine/2010/08/30/covert-operations\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Multiple media organizations\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> dug into the group’s finances and reported that Americans for Prosperity — a conservative political advocacy group founded by billionaire Republican mega-donors David and Charles Koch — had been working with and supporting the Tea Party from its inception.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">So what about Indivisible? Who are they getting their money from?\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Last month, the group published its \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.indivisibleguide.com/blog/indivisibles-fundraising-philosophy/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">fundraising philosophy\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">, which is centered on four guiding principles: a focus on small donations; diversified funding sources; only accepting funds from “those who support and uphold our progressive values;” and making fundraising the secondary focus to supporting local chapters.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“We won’t take money from an organization that we don’t think is a progressive organization,” said Padilla. “If there are things they might be involved in that we disagree with, we won’t take their money.” \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The group also says it won’t take money from political parties, leaders or candidates to “avoid any appearance of influence on our strategy,” said Padilla. That includes Hillary Clinton, who \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"http://www.politico.com/story/2017/05/15/hillary-clinton-onward-together-238408\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">sent an email\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> to her supporters last month announcing the formation of her new political group and naming Indivisible, among other groups, as an organization it planned to financially support. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Padilla said Indivisible was thankful to be recognized by Clinton, but would not be accepting donations from Clinton’s group or asking for donor lists from her, the Democratic Party or other elected officials.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">We control literally every branch of government, and we’ve redefined what the Republican Party is.\u003ccite> Taylor Budowich, executive director of the Tea Party Express\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“We didn’t want it to seem like we were getting money directly from Hillary Clinton,” he said. “We wanted to make sure to everyone that we are maintaining our independence.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Independent or Institution?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">But the Tea Party, the group that Indivisible hopes to emulate, doesn’t buy the talk of independence.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“You didn’t see Karl Rove or John Boehner or Mitch McConnell embrace the Tea Party like you’re seeing Nancy Pelosi, Chuck Schumer and the Democratic Party [embrace Indivisible],” said Taylor Budowich, executive director of \u003ca href=\"http://www.teapartyexpress.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">the Tea Party Express\u003c/a>, one of the most successful national Tea Party organizations. “If there was some sincere organic nature to [Indivisible], it’s been from day one co-opted by the major Democratic and left institutions.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Budowich finds the talk of Indivisible being the “Tea Party of the left” and copying his group’s tactics silly, he said. It was his group’s message — lower taxes and less government regulation — that resonated with voters and got them engaged, according to Budowich, as opposed to any specific tactics.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">He is open, though, to the possibility that Indivisible could succeed like the Tea Party has and said it’s doing a good job of knocking on doors, protesting town halls and raising money. But he argues its ties to the Democratic Party establishment make it fundamentally different from the Tea Party.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“We control literally every branch of government, and we’ve redefined what the Republican Party is,” said Budowich, of the Tea Party. “So, in many ways, this grass-roots movement has co-opted an institution. That can’t happen with this movement on the left, because it’s already the same thing.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11509005\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/GettyImages-671305162.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/GettyImages-671305162-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11509005\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/GettyImages-671305162-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/GettyImages-671305162-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/GettyImages-671305162-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/GettyImages-671305162-1920x1280.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/GettyImages-671305162-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/GettyImages-671305162-960x640.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/GettyImages-671305162-240x160.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/GettyImages-671305162-375x250.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/GettyImages-671305162-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">One technique Indivisible has used is connecting people to town halls, like this one held by U.S. Senator Kamala D. Harris in Los Angeles, and encouraging simple “agree” and “disagree” signs for visibility at those events. \u003ccite>(David McNew/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>The Next Step in a Strategy\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Indivisible founder Padilla said their group is in a stronger position now than the Tea Party was at this point eight years ago, citing better-than-expected results for Democratic challengers in special elections to fill seats in traditionally Republican congressional districts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">But Budowich pointed out that Democrats have failed to win any of those seats, while Tea Party-supported Republican Scott Brown surprised many by winning the open U.S. Senate seat in Massachusetts in 2010.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To achieve a similar victory, Indivisible would likely have to continue its imitation of the Tea Party by endorsing candidates for office — which brings it back to the question of political funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“Right now, it seems like we’re talking mostly about a grass-roots organization that hasn’t started doing that kind of electioneering yet,” said Bryner, of the Center for Responsive Politics. “If they were to do that, then yes, that [donor] information would need to become public.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Indivisible is currently formulating an electoral strategy that it hopes will replicate the Tea Party’s success in getting like-minded candidates into office. The group hired Maria Urbina, who used to work for Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid, to be its political director and create a plan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">That strategy — and how far Indivisible chooses to step into the electoral arena — will ultimately determine how much financial information needs to be made public.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"radiolab": {
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"info": "A two-time Peabody Award-winner, Radiolab is an investigation told through sounds and stories, and centered around one big idea. In the Radiolab world, information sounds like music and science and culture collide. Hosted by Jad Abumrad and Robert Krulwich, the show is designed for listeners who demand skepticism, but appreciate wonder. WNYC Studios is the producer of other leading podcasts including Freakonomics Radio, Death, Sex & Money, On the Media and many more.",
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"info": "Created by The Center for Investigative Reporting and PRX, Reveal is public radios first one-hour weekly radio show and podcast dedicated to investigative reporting. Credible, fact based and without a partisan agenda, Reveal combines the power and artistry of driveway moment storytelling with data-rich reporting on critically important issues. The result is stories that inform and inspire, arming our listeners with information to right injustices, hold the powerful accountable and improve lives.Reveal is hosted by Al Letson and showcases the award-winning work of CIR and newsrooms large and small across the nation. In a radio and podcast market crowded with choices, Reveal focuses on important and often surprising stories that illuminate the world for our listeners.",
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},
"selected-shorts": {
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"title": "Selected Shorts",
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