A Year After Release, Only 2 Percent of Three Strikers Charged With New Crimes
How Imprisoned Mexican Mafia Leader Exerts Secret Control Over L.A. Street Gangs
Report Says That So Far, Newly Released 'Three Strikes' Inmates Staying out of Trouble
Prison Hunger Strike Ends After Lawmakers Plan Hearings
Calif. Prison Hunger Strike Leader Targeted in Federal Drug Trafficking Probe
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Faced With Lawsuit, State Moves to Transfer Prisoners From Controversial Isolation Units
Advocacy Groups Wary of New Plan for Prison Isolation Units
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"content": "\u003cp>George Arthur joined the Marines back in the 1980s hoping to follow in his father’s footsteps. But he flunked out of basic training. Living in Chicago, George got married…then had a son who died just a few days after birth. George came west. To escape. But in San Francisco his marriage fell apart and he got deeper into drugs—weed, meth, cocaine… There were fights, a bad motorcycle accident…. it got so dark he found himself hanging by his fingertips from the Golden Gate Bridge. Reporter Michael Montgomery met George randomly on another assignment, got to know him, and here follows his remarkable quest to find a home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_118370\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 640px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2013/11/RS7602_threestrikers03_adi-hpf.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-118370\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2013/11/RS7602_threestrikers03_adi-hpf.jpg\" alt=\"Pete Marin, 52, served 18 years for petty theft under California's 1994 Three Strikes law. (Adithya Sambamurthy/KQED)\" width=\"640\" height=\"427\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Pete Marin, 52, served 18 years for petty theft under California’s 1994 Three Strikes law. (Adithya Sambamurthy/The Center for Investigative Reporting)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>A little more than a year ago, Californians voted for Proposition 36, allowing the release of three-strikers convicted of non-violent, non-serious crimes. Since then, about 1,000 people have been released. \u003cstrong>KQED’s Michael Montgomery\u003c/strong> followed three men as they left prison and adapted to their new lives outside, and interviewed multiple experts and stakeholders about the state’s criminal justice system.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://w.soundcloud.com/player/?url=https%3A//api.soundcloud.com/tracks/120493008\" frameborder=\"no\" scrolling=\"no\" width=\"100%\" height=\"166\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-size: 4.6875em;float: left;line-height: 0.733em;padding: 0.05em 0.1em 0 0;font-family: times, serif, georgia\">C\u003c/span>onvicted of stealing two car alarms from a Walgreens store, Richard Brown spent 18 years in prison under California’s notorious Three Strikes law. Then, quite suddenly, he was standing outside the gates of San Quentin earlier this year, a free man.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They told me to get off the property,” he says. “I asked if there was a phone booth or something. They said no.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Robert Watts, who served 13 years for receiving stolen property, getting out of prison involved an emotional legal tangle with local prosecutors who insisted he was an unredeemed career criminal and should remain behind bars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was unpleasant,” he says. “But at least it’s over.”\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignleft\">The measure does not appear to be endangering public safety.\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>For both men, freedom came as the result of Proposition 36, the ballot initiative approved last year by voters in every county in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure changed the 1994 law that had allowed judges to impose life sentences for low-level felonies such as petty theft and drug possession. The new law focuses on serious and violent crimes. It’s also retroactive, allowing current inmates whose third strike was non-violent and non-serious to petition the courts for resentencing and possible release.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Opponents of the measure have argued that the original Three Strikes law worked well and contributed to a dramatic fall in violent crime over the past two decades. Granting some inmates early release, they said, would lead to a spike in crime.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I guarantee that a significant percentage of them are going to re-offend, and re-offend in serious ways,” said Ed Jagels, the former District Attorney for Kern County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Opponents also said prosecutors today are using the law judiciously, pointing out that more than 80 percent of three strikers were sentenced prior to 2000. Changing the law, they said, would remove an important tool from the prosecutorial toolbox.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But so far, Prop. 36 does not appear to be endangering public safety, according to a recent report by Stanford Law School and the NAACP Legal Defense and Education Fund.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Citing state data, the report concluded that of the more than 1,000 inmates released from prison under the measure, fewer than 2 percent have been charged with new crimes. By comparison, the average recidivism rate over a similar time period for non-Prop. 36 inmates is 16 percent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_118400\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 242px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2013/11/RS7606_RichardBrown17-hpf.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-118400\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2013/11/RS7606_RichardBrown17-hpf-242x300.jpg\" alt=\"From left: Minard Roorda, Richard Brown and Vivian Roorda\" width=\"242\" height=\"300\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">From left: Minard Roorda, Richard Brown and Vivian Roorda\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Opponents’ prediction of the measure unleashing “blood in the streets” was hyperbole, said David Mills, a Stanford law professor who helped fund the initiative. “Millions of dollars have been saved and many lives changed, hopefully for the better,” he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Like their adopted son\u003cbr>\n\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a blessing,” says Richard Brown, a 61-year-old former drug addict.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the time of his arrest in 1995, Brown says he was unaware that the Three Strikes law had been implemented the previous year. “I heard about it but I didn’t think they’d be that out of control with the sentencing guidelines,” he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After his release, Brown moved to Ripon, a small farming community south of Stockton, where he found a job with a company that assembles agricultural machinery. An aspiring gospel musician, he also sings in a local church.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown was drawn to Ripon by Minard and Vivian Roorda, local farmers who learned of his case from a neighbor 18 years ago. The Roordas supported Brown like an adopted son, visiting him regularly in prisons around the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Minard Roorda says he voted for the original Three Strikes law but realized it cast too wide a net and left men like Brown languishing in prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Are they not deserved a second chance?” he said. “Are they not deserving our help? Are they not deserving our love?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=”65205eb25f5e5994cdf081bee3ffdbd1″]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While prosecutors have challenged some Prop. 36 petitions, arguing that the inmates pose an unacceptable public safety risk, few of those efforts have been successful.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Robert Watts’ case, Kern County prosecutors sought to block his release, citing evidence of marijuana use in prison and his prior convictions for robbery and assault. But the effort failed and the judge ordered Watts’ release.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, after a flurry of releases earlier this year, the pace has slowed to a trickle. In Los Angeles and some other counties, inmate petitions are getting stuck in the courts, creating a backlog of inmates who are still in prison even though they are eligible for resentencing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s been a steady decline in the number of petitions that have been reviewed,” said Bonnie Dumanis, district attorney for San Diego County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The initial round of Prop. 36 reviews mainly involved low-risk inmates who were being fast-tracked for release. Now, courts are facing “hard, challenging cases where people have mental health issues or have some issues that need to be dealt with,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Recently, California Chief Justice Tani Cantil-Sakauye met with officials from several large counties to discuss ways to make the petition process “more efficient and effective,” Dumanis said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An estimated 2,000 inmates eligible for resentencing under Prop. 36 remain in prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>‘They give you $200 and kick you out’\u003cbr>\n\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several former three strikers say their challenge has been coping with life on the streets without the structure of prison and support normally provided to newly released felons.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most three strikers who qualify for release have served so much extra time they’re not placed on parole or probation. Often that means that don’t have access to substance abuse, mental health and other re-entry programs as well as housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They give you $200 and kick you out, and they don’t give you any type of papers to indicate that you can go down to this program or (that) program,” said Brown. He considers himself lucky to have a job, home and support network.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For many people coming out, it’s a nightmare,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignleft\">Most three strikers have served so much time they aren’t placed on parole or probation when released.\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>In some counties, prosecutors, public defenders and legal aid groups are starting to develop support networks for three strikers coming out of prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Former inmates are also supporting each other. Twice each week Pete Marin of Bakersfield checks in on his friend Eddie Alwell. Marin and Alwell served 18 years behind bars, one for petty theft, the other for drug possession.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alwell, 65, is frail and was recently diagnosed with Parkinson’s disease. Much of his day is spent looking after six grandchildren. He met them for the first time after leaving prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Marin says he helps out Alwell around his house and drives him to the store and to church.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of men who were sentenced under three strikes…have realized that their life before was bad,” he said. “So a lot of them want to change. I think some kind of program to help them get on their feet and lead them in the right way…would be very important.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_118370\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 640px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2013/11/RS7602_threestrikers03_adi-hpf.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-118370\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2013/11/RS7602_threestrikers03_adi-hpf.jpg\" alt=\"Pete Marin, 52, served 18 years for petty theft under California's 1994 Three Strikes law. (Adithya Sambamurthy/KQED)\" width=\"640\" height=\"427\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Pete Marin, 52, served 18 years for petty theft under California’s 1994 Three Strikes law. (Adithya Sambamurthy/The Center for Investigative Reporting)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>A little more than a year ago, Californians voted for Proposition 36, allowing the release of three-strikers convicted of non-violent, non-serious crimes. Since then, about 1,000 people have been released. \u003cstrong>KQED’s Michael Montgomery\u003c/strong> followed three men as they left prison and adapted to their new lives outside, and interviewed multiple experts and stakeholders about the state’s criminal justice system.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://w.soundcloud.com/player/?url=https%3A//api.soundcloud.com/tracks/120493008\" frameborder=\"no\" scrolling=\"no\" width=\"100%\" height=\"166\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-size: 4.6875em;float: left;line-height: 0.733em;padding: 0.05em 0.1em 0 0;font-family: times, serif, georgia\">C\u003c/span>onvicted of stealing two car alarms from a Walgreens store, Richard Brown spent 18 years in prison under California’s notorious Three Strikes law. Then, quite suddenly, he was standing outside the gates of San Quentin earlier this year, a free man.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They told me to get off the property,” he says. “I asked if there was a phone booth or something. They said no.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Robert Watts, who served 13 years for receiving stolen property, getting out of prison involved an emotional legal tangle with local prosecutors who insisted he was an unredeemed career criminal and should remain behind bars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was unpleasant,” he says. “But at least it’s over.”\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignleft\">The measure does not appear to be endangering public safety.\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>For both men, freedom came as the result of Proposition 36, the ballot initiative approved last year by voters in every county in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure changed the 1994 law that had allowed judges to impose life sentences for low-level felonies such as petty theft and drug possession. The new law focuses on serious and violent crimes. It’s also retroactive, allowing current inmates whose third strike was non-violent and non-serious to petition the courts for resentencing and possible release.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Opponents of the measure have argued that the original Three Strikes law worked well and contributed to a dramatic fall in violent crime over the past two decades. Granting some inmates early release, they said, would lead to a spike in crime.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I guarantee that a significant percentage of them are going to re-offend, and re-offend in serious ways,” said Ed Jagels, the former District Attorney for Kern County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Opponents also said prosecutors today are using the law judiciously, pointing out that more than 80 percent of three strikers were sentenced prior to 2000. Changing the law, they said, would remove an important tool from the prosecutorial toolbox.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But so far, Prop. 36 does not appear to be endangering public safety, according to a recent report by Stanford Law School and the NAACP Legal Defense and Education Fund.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Citing state data, the report concluded that of the more than 1,000 inmates released from prison under the measure, fewer than 2 percent have been charged with new crimes. By comparison, the average recidivism rate over a similar time period for non-Prop. 36 inmates is 16 percent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_118400\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 242px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2013/11/RS7606_RichardBrown17-hpf.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-118400\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2013/11/RS7606_RichardBrown17-hpf-242x300.jpg\" alt=\"From left: Minard Roorda, Richard Brown and Vivian Roorda\" width=\"242\" height=\"300\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">From left: Minard Roorda, Richard Brown and Vivian Roorda\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Opponents’ prediction of the measure unleashing “blood in the streets” was hyperbole, said David Mills, a Stanford law professor who helped fund the initiative. “Millions of dollars have been saved and many lives changed, hopefully for the better,” he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Like their adopted son\u003cbr>\n\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a blessing,” says Richard Brown, a 61-year-old former drug addict.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the time of his arrest in 1995, Brown says he was unaware that the Three Strikes law had been implemented the previous year. “I heard about it but I didn’t think they’d be that out of control with the sentencing guidelines,” he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After his release, Brown moved to Ripon, a small farming community south of Stockton, where he found a job with a company that assembles agricultural machinery. An aspiring gospel musician, he also sings in a local church.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown was drawn to Ripon by Minard and Vivian Roorda, local farmers who learned of his case from a neighbor 18 years ago. The Roordas supported Brown like an adopted son, visiting him regularly in prisons around the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Minard Roorda says he voted for the original Three Strikes law but realized it cast too wide a net and left men like Brown languishing in prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Are they not deserved a second chance?” he said. “Are they not deserving our help? Are they not deserving our love?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While prosecutors have challenged some Prop. 36 petitions, arguing that the inmates pose an unacceptable public safety risk, few of those efforts have been successful.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Robert Watts’ case, Kern County prosecutors sought to block his release, citing evidence of marijuana use in prison and his prior convictions for robbery and assault. But the effort failed and the judge ordered Watts’ release.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, after a flurry of releases earlier this year, the pace has slowed to a trickle. In Los Angeles and some other counties, inmate petitions are getting stuck in the courts, creating a backlog of inmates who are still in prison even though they are eligible for resentencing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s been a steady decline in the number of petitions that have been reviewed,” said Bonnie Dumanis, district attorney for San Diego County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The initial round of Prop. 36 reviews mainly involved low-risk inmates who were being fast-tracked for release. Now, courts are facing “hard, challenging cases where people have mental health issues or have some issues that need to be dealt with,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Recently, California Chief Justice Tani Cantil-Sakauye met with officials from several large counties to discuss ways to make the petition process “more efficient and effective,” Dumanis said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An estimated 2,000 inmates eligible for resentencing under Prop. 36 remain in prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>‘They give you $200 and kick you out’\u003cbr>\n\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several former three strikers say their challenge has been coping with life on the streets without the structure of prison and support normally provided to newly released felons.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most three strikers who qualify for release have served so much extra time they’re not placed on parole or probation. Often that means that don’t have access to substance abuse, mental health and other re-entry programs as well as housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They give you $200 and kick you out, and they don’t give you any type of papers to indicate that you can go down to this program or (that) program,” said Brown. He considers himself lucky to have a job, home and support network.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For many people coming out, it’s a nightmare,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignleft\">Most three strikers have served so much time they aren’t placed on parole or probation when released.\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>In some counties, prosecutors, public defenders and legal aid groups are starting to develop support networks for three strikers coming out of prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Former inmates are also supporting each other. Twice each week Pete Marin of Bakersfield checks in on his friend Eddie Alwell. Marin and Alwell served 18 years behind bars, one for petty theft, the other for drug possession.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alwell, 65, is frail and was recently diagnosed with Parkinson’s disease. Much of his day is spent looking after six grandchildren. He met them for the first time after leaving prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Marin says he helps out Alwell around his house and drives him to the store and to church.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"disqusTitle": "How Imprisoned Mexican Mafia Leader Exerts Secret Control Over L.A. Street Gangs",
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"content": "\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_111608\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 640px\">\u003ca href=\"http://www.kqed.org/documentcloud/?doc=785758-plaintiffs-exhibit-700-4\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-111608 \" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2013/09/kite.jpg\" alt=\"The original note was written on a small scrap of paper known as a kite, smuggled out of the prison and then re-copied in larger print.\" width=\"640\" height=\"360\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">\u003cstrong>A note that was written on a small scrap of paper known as a kite, smuggled out of prison and then recopied in larger print, lays out specific rules for Mexican Mafia members on the street. Click on the image and hit the 'text' tab to read a typed version of the communique.\u003c/strong>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Running a criminal organization while locked inside one of America's most secure prisons requires imagination, cunning and ruthlessness. It also demands a firm set of rules and a way to impose them on operatives on the streets, often violent and obstreperous gang members.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A secret letter allegedly sent from an inmate at Pelican Bay State Prison in Northern California to members of Florencia 13, a multi-generational street gang in south Los Angeles, details a covert network that has enriched the state’s most powerful prison gang, the Mexican Mafia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The note was originally written in tiny script on a small scrap of paper known as a “kite,” smuggled out of Pelican Bay, recopied and then distributed to street gang members, according to federal prosecutors who are using it as evidence in a major \u003ca href=\"http://www.latimes.com/local/lanow/la-me-ln-mexican-mafia-drug-cartel-20130806,0,204716.story\">crackdown\u003c/a> in Los Angeles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The letter outlines rules, or \u003cem>reglas\u003c/em>, drawn up by Mexican Mafia members for associates operating on the streets. They include:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>How street gangs and their sub-groups are governed, including the election of a president and vice president by “majority votes.”\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>How drug sales, prostitution and other illegal activities are organized and “taxed,” with a percentage going to gang leaders behind bars.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>How disputes are settled.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>How assaults and murders are authorized.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>How snitches and sex offenders are rooted out and punished.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003c!--more-->\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_111796\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 197px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-111796\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2013/09/Castellanos-225x300.jpg\" alt=\"Castellanos\" width=\"197\" height=\"263\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Arturo Castellanos (Photo: Dept. of Corrections and Rehabilitation)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We are forewarning everyone to cautiously respect these reglas and know there’s no 2\u003csup>nd\u003c/sup> chance,” reads the message, which was allegedly written by Arturo Castellanos, a convicted murderer who has been held in isolation at Pelican Bay since 1990. “We are Emeros (Mexican Mafia members) and we expect that these reglas are followed and respected by all true south-side Florencianos and Florencianas.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Hunger strike leader\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this summer, Castellanos and three other inmates organized a two-month \u003ca href=\"http://blogs.kqed.org/stateofhealth/2013/08/30/prison-hunger-strikers-getting-by-on-gatorade-vitamins/\">hunger strike \u003c/a>over\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/prison+isolation+video\"> conditions\u003c/a> at Pelican Bay, where they and hundreds of other men have been held in special windowless cells, usually alone, for more than a decade. The action drew international attention and plaudits from a host of civil and human rights groups, including the ACLU and Amnesty International. They say conditions at Pelican Bay are unconstitutional and amount to slow torture.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To his supporters, Castellanos is a relentless campaigner for prisoner rights who has eschewed a history of violence to help coordinate peaceful protests behind bars.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignleft\">'We are Emeros (Mexican Mafia members) and we expect that these reglas are followed and respected by all true south-side Florencianos and Florencianas.'\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Leaders of the hunger strike, including Castellanos, only agreed to call off the protest after California lawmakers promised hearings and possible legislation to address complaints about prison gang policy and isolation units.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State corrections officials say conditions in the units are humane and that the severe restrictions are necessary to curtail gang communications. They allege the protest leaders have a hidden agenda — strengthening the hand of criminal groups that control drug and extortion rackets behind bars and on the streets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Prosecutors in L.A. charge Castellanos\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In August, federal prosecutors in Los Angeles named Castellanos in an \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/797696-mexican-mafia-f13-indictment-2.html\">indictment\u003c/a> alleging a host of narcotics, firearms and fraud offenses, all carried out from his cell at Pelican Bay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prosecutors alleged Castellanos was a Mexican Mafia member and “undisputed leader” of Florencia 13 and its associated “cliques,” and that he received payments from the gang’s illegal activities into his inmate trust account.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The indictment cites as evidence the rules allegedly written by Castellanos from his prison cell that established leadership positions within the F13’s territory in the Florence-Firestone area of Los Angeles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These ‘shot callers’ were then ordered to coordinate the illegal distribution of drugs and other criminal activities, to ensure that extortionate taxes were collected, and otherwise to oversee their respective portions of the gang’s territory, such as by resolving disputes both among F13 gang members and associates and with members of other Los Angeles gangs,” the indictment states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Turf battle with African-American rivals\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other edicts allegedly issued by Castellanos guided Florencia 13 into a turf battle against rival gangs. The action triggered a wave of racial violence against African-Americans, according to court documents. More than 20 people were killed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prosecutors allege Castellanos continued to discuss gang business in meetings with visitors at Pelican Bay as recently as 2011 and in the aftermath of an earlier hunger strike.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A separate indictment released in August alleges Mexican Mafia members attempted to form an alliance with operatives from a powerful Mexican drug cartel, with approval from leaders at Pelican Bay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a \u003ca href=\"http://sfbayview.com/2013/we-dare-to-stand-united-with-all-racial-groups-to-say-enough-is-enough-while-cdcr-and-fbi-collaborate-to-break-our-hunger-strike/\" target=\"_blank\">letter\u003c/a> released by inmate advocates, Castellanos denounced the federal investigation as a “set-up” and described Florencia 13 as his “old childhood street gang.” He has also questioned why the feds only named him as an unindicted co-conspirator (Castellanos and the secret note were also mentioned in a 2007 indictment against other alleged gang members).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Peter Hernandez, a former Assistant U.S. Attorney who handled an earlier Mexican Mafia investigation, said the government at that time concluded it was safer to keep Castellanos in isolation and not pull him out of Pelican Bay for court hearings in Los Angeles, which would have been required had he been indicted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It was important that … Castellanos not be let out, because he holds sway over gang members to do things they would otherwise not want to do,\" Hernandez said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Mexican Mafia's influence on the streets stems in part from its power inside California jails and prisons. Anyone who ignores the group's edicts faces likely retaliation if they end up behind bars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Castellanos \"wants to be indicted\"\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=XEvsD7pyp5w\">Rene Enriquez\u003c/a>, a former Mexican Mafia leader who is cooperating with federal prosecutors, said Castellanos’ brazen style suggests he wants to be indicted and sent to federal prison where he can enjoy a host of privileges banned at Pelican Bay, including monthly phone calls and freedom of movement in a general population facility.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I believe one of his objectives is to get [transferred] to federal prison to further his business plan,” Enriquez said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Castellanos’ actions — in running criminal conspiracies and in organizing protests – are driven by an unquenchable thirst for power and recognition, according to Enriquez.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He wants to place himself, through this megalomaniacal sense of importance, on this pedestal where he is looked at as one of the chieftains of the mob,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Click on each highlighted area to learn more about it. Click on text to read a print version of the note. You can also \u003ca href=\"http://www.kqed.org/documentcloud/?doc=785758-plaintiffs-exhibit-700-4\" target=\"_blank\">view a larger version\u003c/a> of this document. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe src=\"http://www.kqed.org/documentcloud/?doc=785758-plaintiffs-exhibit-700-4\" width=\"1180\" height=\"1000\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_111608\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 640px\">\u003ca href=\"http://www.kqed.org/documentcloud/?doc=785758-plaintiffs-exhibit-700-4\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-111608 \" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2013/09/kite.jpg\" alt=\"The original note was written on a small scrap of paper known as a kite, smuggled out of the prison and then re-copied in larger print.\" width=\"640\" height=\"360\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">\u003cstrong>A note that was written on a small scrap of paper known as a kite, smuggled out of prison and then recopied in larger print, lays out specific rules for Mexican Mafia members on the street. Click on the image and hit the 'text' tab to read a typed version of the communique.\u003c/strong>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Running a criminal organization while locked inside one of America's most secure prisons requires imagination, cunning and ruthlessness. It also demands a firm set of rules and a way to impose them on operatives on the streets, often violent and obstreperous gang members.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A secret letter allegedly sent from an inmate at Pelican Bay State Prison in Northern California to members of Florencia 13, a multi-generational street gang in south Los Angeles, details a covert network that has enriched the state’s most powerful prison gang, the Mexican Mafia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The note was originally written in tiny script on a small scrap of paper known as a “kite,” smuggled out of Pelican Bay, recopied and then distributed to street gang members, according to federal prosecutors who are using it as evidence in a major \u003ca href=\"http://www.latimes.com/local/lanow/la-me-ln-mexican-mafia-drug-cartel-20130806,0,204716.story\">crackdown\u003c/a> in Los Angeles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The letter outlines rules, or \u003cem>reglas\u003c/em>, drawn up by Mexican Mafia members for associates operating on the streets. They include:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>How street gangs and their sub-groups are governed, including the election of a president and vice president by “majority votes.”\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>How drug sales, prostitution and other illegal activities are organized and “taxed,” with a percentage going to gang leaders behind bars.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>How disputes are settled.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>How assaults and murders are authorized.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>How snitches and sex offenders are rooted out and punished.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003c!--more-->\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_111796\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 197px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-111796\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2013/09/Castellanos-225x300.jpg\" alt=\"Castellanos\" width=\"197\" height=\"263\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Arturo Castellanos (Photo: Dept. of Corrections and Rehabilitation)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We are forewarning everyone to cautiously respect these reglas and know there’s no 2\u003csup>nd\u003c/sup> chance,” reads the message, which was allegedly written by Arturo Castellanos, a convicted murderer who has been held in isolation at Pelican Bay since 1990. “We are Emeros (Mexican Mafia members) and we expect that these reglas are followed and respected by all true south-side Florencianos and Florencianas.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Hunger strike leader\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this summer, Castellanos and three other inmates organized a two-month \u003ca href=\"http://blogs.kqed.org/stateofhealth/2013/08/30/prison-hunger-strikers-getting-by-on-gatorade-vitamins/\">hunger strike \u003c/a>over\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/prison+isolation+video\"> conditions\u003c/a> at Pelican Bay, where they and hundreds of other men have been held in special windowless cells, usually alone, for more than a decade. The action drew international attention and plaudits from a host of civil and human rights groups, including the ACLU and Amnesty International. They say conditions at Pelican Bay are unconstitutional and amount to slow torture.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To his supporters, Castellanos is a relentless campaigner for prisoner rights who has eschewed a history of violence to help coordinate peaceful protests behind bars.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignleft\">'We are Emeros (Mexican Mafia members) and we expect that these reglas are followed and respected by all true south-side Florencianos and Florencianas.'\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Leaders of the hunger strike, including Castellanos, only agreed to call off the protest after California lawmakers promised hearings and possible legislation to address complaints about prison gang policy and isolation units.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State corrections officials say conditions in the units are humane and that the severe restrictions are necessary to curtail gang communications. They allege the protest leaders have a hidden agenda — strengthening the hand of criminal groups that control drug and extortion rackets behind bars and on the streets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Prosecutors in L.A. charge Castellanos\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In August, federal prosecutors in Los Angeles named Castellanos in an \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/797696-mexican-mafia-f13-indictment-2.html\">indictment\u003c/a> alleging a host of narcotics, firearms and fraud offenses, all carried out from his cell at Pelican Bay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prosecutors alleged Castellanos was a Mexican Mafia member and “undisputed leader” of Florencia 13 and its associated “cliques,” and that he received payments from the gang’s illegal activities into his inmate trust account.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The indictment cites as evidence the rules allegedly written by Castellanos from his prison cell that established leadership positions within the F13’s territory in the Florence-Firestone area of Los Angeles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These ‘shot callers’ were then ordered to coordinate the illegal distribution of drugs and other criminal activities, to ensure that extortionate taxes were collected, and otherwise to oversee their respective portions of the gang’s territory, such as by resolving disputes both among F13 gang members and associates and with members of other Los Angeles gangs,” the indictment states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Turf battle with African-American rivals\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other edicts allegedly issued by Castellanos guided Florencia 13 into a turf battle against rival gangs. The action triggered a wave of racial violence against African-Americans, according to court documents. More than 20 people were killed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prosecutors allege Castellanos continued to discuss gang business in meetings with visitors at Pelican Bay as recently as 2011 and in the aftermath of an earlier hunger strike.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A separate indictment released in August alleges Mexican Mafia members attempted to form an alliance with operatives from a powerful Mexican drug cartel, with approval from leaders at Pelican Bay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a \u003ca href=\"http://sfbayview.com/2013/we-dare-to-stand-united-with-all-racial-groups-to-say-enough-is-enough-while-cdcr-and-fbi-collaborate-to-break-our-hunger-strike/\" target=\"_blank\">letter\u003c/a> released by inmate advocates, Castellanos denounced the federal investigation as a “set-up” and described Florencia 13 as his “old childhood street gang.” He has also questioned why the feds only named him as an unindicted co-conspirator (Castellanos and the secret note were also mentioned in a 2007 indictment against other alleged gang members).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Peter Hernandez, a former Assistant U.S. Attorney who handled an earlier Mexican Mafia investigation, said the government at that time concluded it was safer to keep Castellanos in isolation and not pull him out of Pelican Bay for court hearings in Los Angeles, which would have been required had he been indicted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It was important that … Castellanos not be let out, because he holds sway over gang members to do things they would otherwise not want to do,\" Hernandez said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Mexican Mafia's influence on the streets stems in part from its power inside California jails and prisons. Anyone who ignores the group's edicts faces likely retaliation if they end up behind bars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Castellanos \"wants to be indicted\"\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=XEvsD7pyp5w\">Rene Enriquez\u003c/a>, a former Mexican Mafia leader who is cooperating with federal prosecutors, said Castellanos’ brazen style suggests he wants to be indicted and sent to federal prison where he can enjoy a host of privileges banned at Pelican Bay, including monthly phone calls and freedom of movement in a general population facility.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I believe one of his objectives is to get [transferred] to federal prison to further his business plan,” Enriquez said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Castellanos’ actions — in running criminal conspiracies and in organizing protests – are driven by an unquenchable thirst for power and recognition, according to Enriquez.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He wants to place himself, through this megalomaniacal sense of importance, on this pedestal where he is looked at as one of the chieftains of the mob,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Click on each highlighted area to learn more about it. Click on text to read a print version of the note. You can also \u003ca href=\"http://www.kqed.org/documentcloud/?doc=785758-plaintiffs-exhibit-700-4\" target=\"_blank\">view a larger version\u003c/a> of this document. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "Report Says That So Far, Newly Released 'Three Strikes' Inmates Staying out of Trouble",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2013/09/09/110520/rs2049_jail-scr/\" rel=\"attachment wp-att-110528\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"alignright size-medium wp-image-110528\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2013/09/RS2049_jail-scr-300x168.jpg\" alt=\"Jail\" width=\"300\" height=\"168\">\u003c/a>A new study from Stanford Law School’s \u003ca href=\"http://www.law.stanford.edu/organizations/programs-and-centers/stanford-three-strikes-project\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Three Strikes Project \u003c/a>and the NAACP Legal Defense and Education Fund says that 1,000 inmates sentenced to life imprisonment under California’s three-strikes law have been released since an initiative softened the statute last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The most attention-getting part of \u003ca href=\"http://www.law.stanford.edu/organizations/programs-and-centers/stanford-three-strikes-project/proposition-36-progress-report\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">the report\u003c/a> released today is that, so far, most of the former prisoners have stayed out of trouble.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The report found that only 2 percent of the inmates released under last year’s \u003ca href=\"http://voterguide.sos.ca.gov/propositions/36/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Proposition 36\u003c/a> have returned to prison or jail. That’s far below the statewide average recidivism rate of 16 percent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stanford law Professor Michael Romano, who co-authored the study, says the record so far is strikingly positive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For every one story of somebody being charged with a new crime, there are literally 100 people who have been released from prison, reunited with their families, and are doing extraordinarily well,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, the researchers found problems. Most prisoners released under Prop. 36 are not eligible for publicly funded support services. And some counties are moving slowly on evaluating inmate petitions for release, leaving still behind bars as many as 2,000 inmates eligible for possible parole.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2013/09/09/110520/rs2049_jail-scr/\" rel=\"attachment wp-att-110528\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"alignright size-medium wp-image-110528\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2013/09/RS2049_jail-scr-300x168.jpg\" alt=\"Jail\" width=\"300\" height=\"168\">\u003c/a>A new study from Stanford Law School’s \u003ca href=\"http://www.law.stanford.edu/organizations/programs-and-centers/stanford-three-strikes-project\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Three Strikes Project \u003c/a>and the NAACP Legal Defense and Education Fund says that 1,000 inmates sentenced to life imprisonment under California’s three-strikes law have been released since an initiative softened the statute last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The most attention-getting part of \u003ca href=\"http://www.law.stanford.edu/organizations/programs-and-centers/stanford-three-strikes-project/proposition-36-progress-report\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">the report\u003c/a> released today is that, so far, most of the former prisoners have stayed out of trouble.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The report found that only 2 percent of the inmates released under last year’s \u003ca href=\"http://voterguide.sos.ca.gov/propositions/36/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Proposition 36\u003c/a> have returned to prison or jail. That’s far below the statewide average recidivism rate of 16 percent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stanford law Professor Michael Romano, who co-authored the study, says the record so far is strikingly positive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For every one story of somebody being charged with a new crime, there are literally 100 people who have been released from prison, reunited with their families, and are doing extraordinarily well,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"disqusTitle": "Prison Hunger Strike Ends After Lawmakers Plan Hearings",
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"content": "\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_110156\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 640px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2013/09/1076_transform.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-110156\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2013/09/1076_transform.jpg\" alt=\"Pelican Bay Prison, August 17, 2011. (Michael Montgomery/KQED)\" width=\"640\" height=\"359\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Pelican Bay Prison, August 17, 2011. (Michael Montgomery/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>State inmates have ended an epic two-month hunger strike after lawmakers promised to hold hearings over California’s use of special security units, where leaders of the protest have been held in isolation for years and in some cases decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Corrections officials and supporters of the protest announced about 100 inmates began accepting meals or began refeeding procedures this morning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The move came after two Democratic lawmakers promised to hold hearings this fall on the conditions in security housing units, where men accused of gang ties can be held indefinitely.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We are pleased this dangerous strike has been called off before any inmates became seriously ill,\" corrections Secretary Jeffrey Beard said in a statement. Beard previously denounced the protest as an effort by dangerous gang leaders to reassert control over drug and extortion rackets behind bars and on the streets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters of the inmates see the planned hearings as a partial victory.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"California still practices solitary confinement. There are still people in solitary confinement for decades at a time. But what we have learned from the past couple of months is that change is possible,\" said Isaac Ontiveros of the prison hunger strike solidarity committee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the strike is over, controversy persists over California's use of the special units. A coalition of civil rights groups has filed a class-action lawsuit on behalf of prisoners held at Pelican Bay State Prison, the state's highest-security lockup. Many of the plaintiffs in the federal suit were also involved in the hunger strike.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prison officials say that, under a new policy, they are improving conditions in the units and transferring hundreds of inmates to regular prisons.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Paige St. John of the Los Angeles Times \u003ca href=\"http://www.latimes.com/local/political/la-me-ff-how-the-strike-ended-a-meeting-in-the-law-library-20130905,0,4794759.story\">reports on behind-the-scenes discussions\u003c/a> that brought the protest to a close.\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>In a call with inmate advocates Tuesday, state prison officials began discussing small changes in living conditions for those held in solitary confinement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The next day the four leaders of the prolonged hunger strike asked prison guards to set up a meeting with the handful of core organizers still housed in isolation units at Pelican Bay State Prison near the Oregon border, said inmate attorney Anne Weills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Weills said prison officials agreed. The strike leadership and 14 of their organizers -- representing four main ethnic and racial groups in California prisons -- were assembled in the prison's law library to discuss whether it was time to end the protest.\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>KQED News' Mina Kim talks with Michael Montgomery about the outcome of the prison hunger strike, and about the slow, delicate process of re-introducing food to inmates:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ciframe src=\"https://w.soundcloud.com/player/?url=http%3A%2F%2Fapi.soundcloud.com%2Ftracks%2F109041886\" frameborder=\"no\" scrolling=\"no\" width=\"100%\" height=\"166\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"California still practices solitary confinement. There are still people in solitary confinement for decades at a time. But what we have learned from the past couple of months is that change is possible,\" said Isaac Ontiveros of the prison hunger strike solidarity committee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the strike is over, controversy persists over California's use of the special units. A coalition of civil rights groups has filed a class-action lawsuit on behalf of prisoners held at Pelican Bay State Prison, the state's highest-security lockup. Many of the plaintiffs in the federal suit were also involved in the hunger strike.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prison officials say that, under a new policy, they are improving conditions in the units and transferring hundreds of inmates to regular prisons.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Paige St. John of the Los Angeles Times \u003ca href=\"http://www.latimes.com/local/political/la-me-ff-how-the-strike-ended-a-meeting-in-the-law-library-20130905,0,4794759.story\">reports on behind-the-scenes discussions\u003c/a> that brought the protest to a close.\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>In a call with inmate advocates Tuesday, state prison officials began discussing small changes in living conditions for those held in solitary confinement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The next day the four leaders of the prolonged hunger strike asked prison guards to set up a meeting with the handful of core organizers still housed in isolation units at Pelican Bay State Prison near the Oregon border, said inmate attorney Anne Weills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Weills said prison officials agreed. The strike leadership and 14 of their organizers -- representing four main ethnic and racial groups in California prisons -- were assembled in the prison's law library to discuss whether it was time to end the protest.\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>KQED News' Mina Kim talks with Michael Montgomery about the outcome of the prison hunger strike, and about the slow, delicate process of re-introducing food to inmates:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ciframe src=\"https://w.soundcloud.com/player/?url=http%3A%2F%2Fapi.soundcloud.com%2Ftracks%2F109041886\" frameborder=\"no\" scrolling=\"no\" width=\"100%\" height=\"166\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Calif. Prison Hunger Strike Leader Targeted in Federal Drug Trafficking Probe",
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"content": "\u003cp>In the month since state inmates \u003ca href=\"http://www.kqed.org/news/story/2013/07/17/123431/california_prison_hunger_strike_continues?category=bay+area\" target=\"_blank\">launched a hunger strike\u003c/a> to protest conditions at California’s highest-security lockups, corrections officials have alleged the ringleaders are major players in violent prison gangs and that their motives are far from pure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We're talking about convicted murderers who are putting lives at risk to advance their own agenda of violence,” corrections Secretary Jeffrey Beard wrote in the Los Angeles Times earlier this week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now the state has more evidence to support those allegations, at least when it comes to inmate Arturo Castellanos, one of four Pelican Bay inmates leading the protest against “indefinite solitary confinement.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Indictments released Tuesday by federal prosecutors allege Castellanos was part of an elaborate plan to allow Mexican drug cartel members to traffic methamphetamine in Southern California and be protected in state lockups in exchange for money and drugs going to U.S.-based gang leaders, including those currently in prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prosecutors describe Castellanos as a Mexican Mafia member and “undisputed leader” of a violent Los Angeles street gang known as Florencia 13, or F13 for short. They allege Castellanos issued edicts and directed criminal operations from his cell at Pelican Bay State Prison, where the hunger strike is centered. The California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation (CDCR) said on Tuesday that 364 inmates in seven prisons are still on strike, 210 continuously since July 8.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the \u003ca href=\"http://cironline.org/\" target=\"_blank\">Center for Investigative Reporting\u003c/a> profile below, written after a 2011 hunger strike, I looked at similar allegations against Castellanos and his links to drug trafficking, extortion and murder. As is the case currently, federal prosecutors chose not to indict the alleged Mexican Mafia leader, in part because he’s already serving a life sentence. The story also profiles Ernesto Lira, who was accused of far less criminal activity than Castellanos and was serving a sentence for drug possession in a low-security prison. Yet he, too, like the reputed kingpin Castellanos, was sent to a Pelican Bay Security Housing Unit, because of a drawing found in his locker allegedly containing gang symbols.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!--more-->\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here are their stories ...\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>A tale of two inmates at Pelican Bay\u003cbr>\n\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One man was a petty thief mistakenly identified as a player in a violent Latino prison gang. The other was a convicted murderer whose numerous assaults behind bars and continuing influence on the streets earned him a reputation as a ruthless gang leader.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The fact that both men were held for years in stark, windowless cells at Pelican Bay State Prison illustrates the challenge that corrections officials face as they overhaul the state’s controversial, high-security units.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Opened in 1989, Pelican Bay was designed to house California’s most dangerous inmates. The prison’s Security Housing Unit goes a step further, locking inmates identified as prison gang members or associates in a warren of concrete cells where the only view of the outside world is framed on small television sets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some inmates have been housed in the units since Pelican Bay opened its gates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Corrections officials say the lengthy confinement and extreme security measures are necessary to curb the ability of gang leaders to pass orders to subordinates in other prisons and on the streets. And they point to inmates like Arturo Castellanos to make their case. Castellanos was convicted of murder in Los Angeles County in 1979 and sentenced to 26 years to life. But his life of crime flourished behind bars, according to prison records.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As an inmate, Castellanos’ disciplinary record includes six stabbings and various drug violations. In 1990, he was sent to Pelican Bay’s Security Housing Unit after corrections officials identified him as a member of the Mexican Mafia prison gang.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In spite of Pelican Bay’s harsh conditions, authorities allege Castellanos continued to command gang members on the street through edicts smuggled out of prison on tiny scraps of paper known as “kites.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to a 2007 federal \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/249375-indictmentricofinal1-2.html\">indictment\u003c/a>, Castellanos guided a Latino street gang known as F13 as it launched a turf battle against African American rivals. The action triggered a wave of racial violence against African Americans living in the Florence-Firestone area north of Watts, according to court documents. More than 20 people were killed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I was just amazed that an individual who no one has seen for generations was able to control the violence and illegal criminal activity of an area that he hasn't been to in more than three decades,\" said Peter Hernandez, an assistant U.S. attorney for California's Central District.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Federal prosecutors eventually indicted 104 suspects in the case, but not Castellanos. He already was serving a life sentence, and the government concluded it was safer to keep Castellanos in isolation and not pull him out of Pelican Bay for court hearings, which would have been required had he been indicted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It was important that … Castellanos not be let out, because he holds sway over gang members to do things they would otherwise not want to do,\" Hernandez said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since 2006, Castellanos has been housed in a special section of Pelican Bay’s Security Housing Unit that is reserved for inmates deemed influential gang leaders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But that didn’t stop him and three other inmates from organizing a three-week hunger strike in 2011 to demand better conditions and changes in department policy. The same inmates organized the current protest that began on July 8.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pelican Bay Warden Greg Lewis alleges the four hunger strike leaders, including Castellanos, are in the upper echelons of major prison gangs and continue to pose a serious security threat despite being segregated from the general prison population.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Everybody's seen the movie 'The Godfather.' Everybody's seen how the godfather himself never pulled a trigger, never strangled anybody, didn't run the rackets, didn't run the booze. These are those men,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While prisoner rights advocates concede that some inmates should be segregated from the regular prison population if they are violent or directly involved in criminal conspiracies, they say the actual number of offenders who fit that criteria is very small.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation always picks the worst-case scenario and uses it as the norm,” said Carol Strickman, a staff attorney at Legal Services for Prisoners with Children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>A low-security prisoner\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Not all the inmates locked in the Security Housing Unit are accused of being gang bosses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_106100\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 300px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2013/08/lira.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-106100\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2013/08/lira-300x200.jpg\" alt=\"Ernesto Lira, once housed at Pelican Bay's Security Housing Unit. (Michael Montgomery/Center For Investigative Reporting)\" width=\"300\" height=\"200\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Ernesto Lira, once housed at Pelican Bay's Security Housing Unit. (Michael Montgomery/CIR)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Ernesto Lira was serving a sentence for drug possession in a low-security prison when he was sent to Pelican Bay for an “indeterminate” term. Authorities contended Lira was an associate of a violent Latino group known as Nuestra Raza.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Lira was not accused of doing anything tangible for the group. The key piece of evidence against him was a drawing found in his locker that allegedly contained gang symbols.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"My first two months, it was hard to get used to the fact that I'm going to be here,\" Lira said. \"I looked and thought, maybe in a month or two, they'll realize that this is all a mistake and kick me out of here.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lira said officials offered him a quick way out of the special unit: He could debrief, or snitch, on other gang members. But as a judge later determined, Lira couldn't do that because he wasn't a member of any gang. He wasn't released from isolation until his release from prison eight years later.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lira eventually won a judgment in U.S. District Court against the Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation, in part for psychological damage he suffered while locked in isolation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"In Ernesto's case, I think it's very emblematic of the fact that people can be placed in solitary confinement for the littlest of reasons: for having a drawing, for having an address in an address book, without confirming or denying whether that address was used for furthering gang activity,\" said Charles Carbone, an attorney who has represented dozens of Pelican Bay inmates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the 2011 hunger strike, state officials have made changes to gang policies, which could keep low-level offenders like Lira out of isolation units.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Officials say the new policy focuses on locking down inmates who have committed specific offenses for gangs or who are involved in an active conspiracy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The initiative also provides incentives to allow inmates to work their way out of the units through better behavior. This is known as a step-down program, which usually does not require inmates to debrief.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Former prison gang leaders like Rene Enriquez say the plan could work. Enriquez was a top leader in the Mexican Mafia who spent 10 years in Pelican Bay’s Security Housing Unit before deciding to leave the gang.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"That's a wonderful concept,\" Enriquez said. \"It would have saved me a whole lot of grief. It might have taken me off the hit list.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Enriquez’s 2004 debriefing \u003ca href=\"http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=XEvsD7pyp5w\">video\u003c/a> has attracted more than 600,000 hits on YouTube. Since then, Enriquez has cooperated from behind bars in several high-level gang prosecutions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said the department should stay tough on gang leaders, but it should take a more nuanced approach toward others, including offering another path out of the isolation units that doesn't include debriefing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Fifty percent of the members of the Mexican Mafia would gravitate towards dropping out if it was less traumatic … and didn’t require snitching,\" he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, inmates involved in the current hunger strike and prisoner rights advocates say the policy changes don’t go far enough.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People can still serve lengthy terms, including life in solitary (under the new policy),” Strickman said.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"title": "Calif. Prison Hunger Strike Leader Targeted in Federal Drug Trafficking Probe | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>In the month since state inmates \u003ca href=\"http://www.kqed.org/news/story/2013/07/17/123431/california_prison_hunger_strike_continues?category=bay+area\" target=\"_blank\">launched a hunger strike\u003c/a> to protest conditions at California’s highest-security lockups, corrections officials have alleged the ringleaders are major players in violent prison gangs and that their motives are far from pure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We're talking about convicted murderers who are putting lives at risk to advance their own agenda of violence,” corrections Secretary Jeffrey Beard wrote in the Los Angeles Times earlier this week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now the state has more evidence to support those allegations, at least when it comes to inmate Arturo Castellanos, one of four Pelican Bay inmates leading the protest against “indefinite solitary confinement.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Indictments released Tuesday by federal prosecutors allege Castellanos was part of an elaborate plan to allow Mexican drug cartel members to traffic methamphetamine in Southern California and be protected in state lockups in exchange for money and drugs going to U.S.-based gang leaders, including those currently in prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prosecutors describe Castellanos as a Mexican Mafia member and “undisputed leader” of a violent Los Angeles street gang known as Florencia 13, or F13 for short. They allege Castellanos issued edicts and directed criminal operations from his cell at Pelican Bay State Prison, where the hunger strike is centered. The California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation (CDCR) said on Tuesday that 364 inmates in seven prisons are still on strike, 210 continuously since July 8.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the \u003ca href=\"http://cironline.org/\" target=\"_blank\">Center for Investigative Reporting\u003c/a> profile below, written after a 2011 hunger strike, I looked at similar allegations against Castellanos and his links to drug trafficking, extortion and murder. As is the case currently, federal prosecutors chose not to indict the alleged Mexican Mafia leader, in part because he’s already serving a life sentence. The story also profiles Ernesto Lira, who was accused of far less criminal activity than Castellanos and was serving a sentence for drug possession in a low-security prison. Yet he, too, like the reputed kingpin Castellanos, was sent to a Pelican Bay Security Housing Unit, because of a drawing found in his locker allegedly containing gang symbols.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!--more-->\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here are their stories ...\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>A tale of two inmates at Pelican Bay\u003cbr>\n\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One man was a petty thief mistakenly identified as a player in a violent Latino prison gang. The other was a convicted murderer whose numerous assaults behind bars and continuing influence on the streets earned him a reputation as a ruthless gang leader.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The fact that both men were held for years in stark, windowless cells at Pelican Bay State Prison illustrates the challenge that corrections officials face as they overhaul the state’s controversial, high-security units.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Opened in 1989, Pelican Bay was designed to house California’s most dangerous inmates. The prison’s Security Housing Unit goes a step further, locking inmates identified as prison gang members or associates in a warren of concrete cells where the only view of the outside world is framed on small television sets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some inmates have been housed in the units since Pelican Bay opened its gates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Corrections officials say the lengthy confinement and extreme security measures are necessary to curb the ability of gang leaders to pass orders to subordinates in other prisons and on the streets. And they point to inmates like Arturo Castellanos to make their case. Castellanos was convicted of murder in Los Angeles County in 1979 and sentenced to 26 years to life. But his life of crime flourished behind bars, according to prison records.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As an inmate, Castellanos’ disciplinary record includes six stabbings and various drug violations. In 1990, he was sent to Pelican Bay’s Security Housing Unit after corrections officials identified him as a member of the Mexican Mafia prison gang.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In spite of Pelican Bay’s harsh conditions, authorities allege Castellanos continued to command gang members on the street through edicts smuggled out of prison on tiny scraps of paper known as “kites.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to a 2007 federal \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/249375-indictmentricofinal1-2.html\">indictment\u003c/a>, Castellanos guided a Latino street gang known as F13 as it launched a turf battle against African American rivals. The action triggered a wave of racial violence against African Americans living in the Florence-Firestone area north of Watts, according to court documents. More than 20 people were killed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I was just amazed that an individual who no one has seen for generations was able to control the violence and illegal criminal activity of an area that he hasn't been to in more than three decades,\" said Peter Hernandez, an assistant U.S. attorney for California's Central District.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Federal prosecutors eventually indicted 104 suspects in the case, but not Castellanos. He already was serving a life sentence, and the government concluded it was safer to keep Castellanos in isolation and not pull him out of Pelican Bay for court hearings, which would have been required had he been indicted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It was important that … Castellanos not be let out, because he holds sway over gang members to do things they would otherwise not want to do,\" Hernandez said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since 2006, Castellanos has been housed in a special section of Pelican Bay’s Security Housing Unit that is reserved for inmates deemed influential gang leaders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But that didn’t stop him and three other inmates from organizing a three-week hunger strike in 2011 to demand better conditions and changes in department policy. The same inmates organized the current protest that began on July 8.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pelican Bay Warden Greg Lewis alleges the four hunger strike leaders, including Castellanos, are in the upper echelons of major prison gangs and continue to pose a serious security threat despite being segregated from the general prison population.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Everybody's seen the movie 'The Godfather.' Everybody's seen how the godfather himself never pulled a trigger, never strangled anybody, didn't run the rackets, didn't run the booze. These are those men,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While prisoner rights advocates concede that some inmates should be segregated from the regular prison population if they are violent or directly involved in criminal conspiracies, they say the actual number of offenders who fit that criteria is very small.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation always picks the worst-case scenario and uses it as the norm,” said Carol Strickman, a staff attorney at Legal Services for Prisoners with Children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>A low-security prisoner\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Not all the inmates locked in the Security Housing Unit are accused of being gang bosses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_106100\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 300px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2013/08/lira.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-106100\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2013/08/lira-300x200.jpg\" alt=\"Ernesto Lira, once housed at Pelican Bay's Security Housing Unit. (Michael Montgomery/Center For Investigative Reporting)\" width=\"300\" height=\"200\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Ernesto Lira, once housed at Pelican Bay's Security Housing Unit. (Michael Montgomery/CIR)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Ernesto Lira was serving a sentence for drug possession in a low-security prison when he was sent to Pelican Bay for an “indeterminate” term. Authorities contended Lira was an associate of a violent Latino group known as Nuestra Raza.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Lira was not accused of doing anything tangible for the group. The key piece of evidence against him was a drawing found in his locker that allegedly contained gang symbols.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"My first two months, it was hard to get used to the fact that I'm going to be here,\" Lira said. \"I looked and thought, maybe in a month or two, they'll realize that this is all a mistake and kick me out of here.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lira said officials offered him a quick way out of the special unit: He could debrief, or snitch, on other gang members. But as a judge later determined, Lira couldn't do that because he wasn't a member of any gang. He wasn't released from isolation until his release from prison eight years later.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lira eventually won a judgment in U.S. District Court against the Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation, in part for psychological damage he suffered while locked in isolation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"In Ernesto's case, I think it's very emblematic of the fact that people can be placed in solitary confinement for the littlest of reasons: for having a drawing, for having an address in an address book, without confirming or denying whether that address was used for furthering gang activity,\" said Charles Carbone, an attorney who has represented dozens of Pelican Bay inmates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the 2011 hunger strike, state officials have made changes to gang policies, which could keep low-level offenders like Lira out of isolation units.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Officials say the new policy focuses on locking down inmates who have committed specific offenses for gangs or who are involved in an active conspiracy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The initiative also provides incentives to allow inmates to work their way out of the units through better behavior. This is known as a step-down program, which usually does not require inmates to debrief.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Former prison gang leaders like Rene Enriquez say the plan could work. Enriquez was a top leader in the Mexican Mafia who spent 10 years in Pelican Bay’s Security Housing Unit before deciding to leave the gang.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"That's a wonderful concept,\" Enriquez said. \"It would have saved me a whole lot of grief. It might have taken me off the hit list.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Enriquez’s 2004 debriefing \u003ca href=\"http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=XEvsD7pyp5w\">video\u003c/a> has attracted more than 600,000 hits on YouTube. Since then, Enriquez has cooperated from behind bars in several high-level gang prosecutions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said the department should stay tough on gang leaders, but it should take a more nuanced approach toward others, including offering another path out of the isolation units that doesn't include debriefing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Fifty percent of the members of the Mexican Mafia would gravitate towards dropping out if it was less traumatic … and didn’t require snitching,\" he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, inmates involved in the current hunger strike and prisoner rights advocates say the policy changes don’t go far enough.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People can still serve lengthy terms, including life in solitary (under the new policy),” Strickman said.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "inhumane-or-necessary-see-rare-video-inside-a-california-prison-isolation-unit",
"title": "Does 22 1/2 Hours Alone in an 8 x 10 Cell Every Day Amount to Torture? Video From Inside Pelican Bay Prison",
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"headTitle": "Does 22 1/2 Hours Alone in an 8 x 10 Cell Every Day Amount to Torture? Video From Inside Pelican Bay Prison | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>“I haven’t seen the moon since 1998.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s inmate Jeremy Beasley, talking to me while sitting–shackled–in an interview room at Pelican Bay State Prison, California’s highest security lockup.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Beasley, a convicted murderer, was clearly surprised by my presence—he told me he hadn’t met with a visitor since 1994, when he was incarcerated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s not just the moon Beasley hadn’t seen in 15 years. During that time, in fact, Beasley rarely glimpsed the outside world. Before being transferred to another prison, he was held in Pelican Bay’s Security Housing Unit, a windowless, bunker-like facility that houses more than 1,000 California inmates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For 22-and-a-half hours a day, each inmate here is locked, usually alone, in an 8-by-10 feet cell. For 90 minutes the inmate is allowed to exercise in an adjacent room with 25-30 feet high walls. And that’s their entire day — every day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve seen guys lose their minds back here,” Beasley tells me.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[youtube http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=wRO9BHbF9GA&w=800&h=450]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Isolation Unit Conditions: Torture?\u003cbr>\n\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Monday in Sacramento lawmakers are delving into a growing national controversy over special security units like Pelican Bay’s that are used to isolate thousands of inmates from the regular prison population. Civil rights groups say long-term isolation amounts to torture, while state corrections officials say the units are necessary and the conditions are humane.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Around the state there are four of these Security Housing Unit facilities. Pelican Bay’s is the most controversial.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignleft\">\u003cstrong>For 22-and-a-half hours a day, each inmate is locked, usually alone, in an 8-by-10 feet cell. They get 90 minutes of exercise in an adjacent room. That’s their entire day — every day\u003c/strong>.\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Conditions in the units are one part of the debate. Many inmates are held in windowless cells and have been denied everything from calendars and sweatpants to phone calls. Also at issue: criteria that determine which prisoners are placed there and how they can get back into the regular population again.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then there is the long amount of time some inmates spend in the facilities. More than 500 California prisoners have been locked in the special units for 10 years or longer, according to state data. Of those, 78 prisoners have been held inside for more than 20 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the years, authorities have allowed media into Pelican Bay’s Security Housing Unit, but access has been limited and the inmates carefully selected by the prison staff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, top corrections officials granted unusual access to a team of reporters and videographers from the Center for Investigative Reporting and KQED. We visited all areas of Pelican Bay’s Security Housing Unit except for a section that houses leaders of a 2011 hunger strike.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Using a small camera mounted to a wall, our team recorded Beasley exercising with a rubber handball in the small concrete pen (prison staff began allowing the balls last year). At all other times–day and night—he was held in his cell, alone. While skylights allow filtered sunlight into the units, there are no windows.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"http://www.scribd.com/doc/127065819/Ruiz-Amended-Complaint-May-31-2012\" target=\"_blank\">class action lawsuit\u003c/a> filed last year by a coalition of civil rights groups states:\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>California’s uniquely harsh regime of prolonged solitary confinement at Pelican Bay is inhumane and debilitating. Plaintiffs and class members languish, typically alone, in a cramped, concrete, windowless cell, for 22 and one-half to 24 hours a day. They are denied telephone calls, contact visits, and vocational, recreational or educational programming.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Defendants persistently deny these men the normal human contact necessary for a person’s mental and physical wellbeing. These tormenting and prolonged conditions of confinement have produced harmful and predictable psychological deterioration among Plaintiffs and class members.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The solitary confinement regime at Pelican Bay, which renders California an outlier in this country and in the civilized world, violates the United States Constitution’s requirement of due process and prohibition of cruel and unusual punishment, as well as the most basic human rights prohibitions against cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment. Indeed, the prolonged conditions of brutal confinement and isolation at Pelican Bay cross over from having any valid penological purpose into a system rightly condemned as torture by the international community.\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>But state corrections officials maintain that conditions in the special units are humane; that they do not practice solitary confinement; that inmates are “segregated” but not “isolated”; and that there is a valid purpose for keeping prisoners in the units—protecting other inmates, staff and the public from men who have been linked to violent prison gangs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These are the men who are propagating the violence, the drug trafficking, the extortions and the murders throughout the larger communities of our state,” said Pelican Bay warden Greg Lewis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>New prison policy\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_90081\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 300px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/prison+isolation+video/_mg_0800/\" rel=\"attachment wp-att-90081\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-90081\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2013/02/MG_0800-300x200.jpg\" alt=\"Units at Pelican Bay's Security Housing Units have no windows, so inmates' only regular view of the outside world is through the top of the exercise pens. (Monica Lam/CIR)\" width=\"300\" height=\"200\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Units at Pelican Bay’s Security Housing Units have no windows so inmates’ only regular view of the outside world is through the top of the exercise pens. (Monica Lam/CIR)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Without conceding any shortcomings, however, corrections officials are embarking on a new policy to bring in more educational and self-help programs, and to reduce the amount of time some inmates spend in the units.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since last October, officials have reviewed the cases of 144 inmates and determined that 75 should be transferred immediately to regular prisons because they were not active in gangs. Some of the inmates have been held in the special units for more than 20 years, according to Kelly Harrington, an associate corrections director.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pelican Bay inmates who led the 2011 hunger strike, as well as some prisoner rights groups, have denounced the new policy and are threatening more protests this summer. Amid a long list of demands, they are seeking shorter, fixed terms for inmates in the special units (currently, most are held there on “indeterminate” terms), more programs and more frequent visits with family members.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignleft\">\u003cstrong>I believe that some people should be isolated. If they were to cut me loose before I debriefed and I went back to the mainline, I would have killed somebody…”\u003c/strong>\n\u003cp>–Convicted murderer Jeremy Beasley\u003c/p>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>For his part, Jeremy Beasley said that while the conditions at Pelican Bay are awful, he doesn’t think they amount to solitary confinement. Although he can’t see other inmates from his cell (doors are made of perforated steel and face a wall), Beasley says he can carry on conversations with them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Don’t get me wrong,” he said. “It sucks in here. I hate it. But some prisoners have found that they can get a lot of attention by exaggerating how bad it is.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Beasley said he was an active member of the Aryan Brotherhood, a white-power gang, and committed assaults on behalf of the group. He agreed to drop out and provide authorities with incriminating information about other members, a process known as “debriefing.” In exchange, officials recently transferred Beasley to a different prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I believe that some people should be isolated. If they were to cut me loose before I debriefed and I went back to the mainline,” he said, using the term for the general prison population, “I would have killed somebody or at the very least I would have stabbed somebody else.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other Pelican Bay inmates see it differently.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There is only one option to get out of here and that is to make up lies about other people,” said 39-year-old Henry Albanez, who is serving a 27-year sentence for kidnapping. Albanez said he expected the department’s new policies would fail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_90082\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 300px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/prison+isolation+video/_mg_0830/\" rel=\"attachment wp-att-90082\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-90082\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2013/02/MG_0830-300x200.jpg\" alt=\"Pelican Bay's Security Housing Unit is organized into small pods housing eight cells set side-by-side on two tiers. Through the perforated steel doors inmates can only see a blank wall. (Monica Lam/CIR)\" width=\"300\" height=\"200\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Pelican Bay’s Security Housing Unit is organized into small pods housing eight cells set side-by-side on two tiers. Through the perforated steel doors inmates can only see a blank wall. (Monica Lam/CIR)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“How do you expect to take all of these guys out of the SHU (Security Housing Unit) and throw them in the same yard and expect them to get along when you have all this sensory deprivation,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, Albanez said he probably would take part in a new step-down program that begins later this year. Corrections officials have said the program allows inmates to earn their way out of the special units in 2-4 years without being required to renounce the gangs they have been affiliated with. Instead, they must declare that they won’t participate in gang activity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State Assemblyman Tom Ammiano, who visited Pelican Bay early this month, said he found the prison clean and professionally staffed but was troubled thinking that some inmates are locked up for decades in small cells with little or no regular human contact. Inmates must also be shackled whenever they are outside their cells and in the presence of another individual.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I do think it’s psychologically devastating to be in such a tight space for so long,” Ammiano said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What, then, about the question of torture?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ammiano said the strangest thing he saw at the prison was a group therapy room where inmates are locked in small cages during sessions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Could I say that’s torture? Perhaps I could,” he said. “But did we witness any torture? No.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>You can listen to Michael Montgomery report from California’s most controversial, highest security lockup on Monday morning on The California Report, on the \u003ca href=\"http://www.californiareport.org/tunein/\" target=\"_blank\">following stations\u003c/a> around the state. The report will also be \u003ca href=\"http://www.californiareport.org/\" target=\"_blank\">archived at the show’s web site\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was produced in collaboration with the Center for Investigative Reporting\u003c/em>.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"title": "Does 22 1/2 Hours Alone in an 8 x 10 Cell Every Day Amount to Torture? Video From Inside Pelican Bay Prison | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>“I haven’t seen the moon since 1998.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s inmate Jeremy Beasley, talking to me while sitting–shackled–in an interview room at Pelican Bay State Prison, California’s highest security lockup.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Beasley, a convicted murderer, was clearly surprised by my presence—he told me he hadn’t met with a visitor since 1994, when he was incarcerated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s not just the moon Beasley hadn’t seen in 15 years. During that time, in fact, Beasley rarely glimpsed the outside world. Before being transferred to another prison, he was held in Pelican Bay’s Security Housing Unit, a windowless, bunker-like facility that houses more than 1,000 California inmates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For 22-and-a-half hours a day, each inmate here is locked, usually alone, in an 8-by-10 feet cell. For 90 minutes the inmate is allowed to exercise in an adjacent room with 25-30 feet high walls. And that’s their entire day — every day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve seen guys lose their minds back here,” Beasley tells me.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/wRO9BHbF9GA'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/wRO9BHbF9GA'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Isolation Unit Conditions: Torture?\u003cbr>\n\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Monday in Sacramento lawmakers are delving into a growing national controversy over special security units like Pelican Bay’s that are used to isolate thousands of inmates from the regular prison population. Civil rights groups say long-term isolation amounts to torture, while state corrections officials say the units are necessary and the conditions are humane.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Around the state there are four of these Security Housing Unit facilities. Pelican Bay’s is the most controversial.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignleft\">\u003cstrong>For 22-and-a-half hours a day, each inmate is locked, usually alone, in an 8-by-10 feet cell. They get 90 minutes of exercise in an adjacent room. That’s their entire day — every day\u003c/strong>.\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Conditions in the units are one part of the debate. Many inmates are held in windowless cells and have been denied everything from calendars and sweatpants to phone calls. Also at issue: criteria that determine which prisoners are placed there and how they can get back into the regular population again.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then there is the long amount of time some inmates spend in the facilities. More than 500 California prisoners have been locked in the special units for 10 years or longer, according to state data. Of those, 78 prisoners have been held inside for more than 20 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the years, authorities have allowed media into Pelican Bay’s Security Housing Unit, but access has been limited and the inmates carefully selected by the prison staff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, top corrections officials granted unusual access to a team of reporters and videographers from the Center for Investigative Reporting and KQED. We visited all areas of Pelican Bay’s Security Housing Unit except for a section that houses leaders of a 2011 hunger strike.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Using a small camera mounted to a wall, our team recorded Beasley exercising with a rubber handball in the small concrete pen (prison staff began allowing the balls last year). At all other times–day and night—he was held in his cell, alone. While skylights allow filtered sunlight into the units, there are no windows.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"http://www.scribd.com/doc/127065819/Ruiz-Amended-Complaint-May-31-2012\" target=\"_blank\">class action lawsuit\u003c/a> filed last year by a coalition of civil rights groups states:\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>California’s uniquely harsh regime of prolonged solitary confinement at Pelican Bay is inhumane and debilitating. Plaintiffs and class members languish, typically alone, in a cramped, concrete, windowless cell, for 22 and one-half to 24 hours a day. They are denied telephone calls, contact visits, and vocational, recreational or educational programming.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Defendants persistently deny these men the normal human contact necessary for a person’s mental and physical wellbeing. These tormenting and prolonged conditions of confinement have produced harmful and predictable psychological deterioration among Plaintiffs and class members.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The solitary confinement regime at Pelican Bay, which renders California an outlier in this country and in the civilized world, violates the United States Constitution’s requirement of due process and prohibition of cruel and unusual punishment, as well as the most basic human rights prohibitions against cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment. Indeed, the prolonged conditions of brutal confinement and isolation at Pelican Bay cross over from having any valid penological purpose into a system rightly condemned as torture by the international community.\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>But state corrections officials maintain that conditions in the special units are humane; that they do not practice solitary confinement; that inmates are “segregated” but not “isolated”; and that there is a valid purpose for keeping prisoners in the units—protecting other inmates, staff and the public from men who have been linked to violent prison gangs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These are the men who are propagating the violence, the drug trafficking, the extortions and the murders throughout the larger communities of our state,” said Pelican Bay warden Greg Lewis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>New prison policy\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_90081\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 300px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/prison+isolation+video/_mg_0800/\" rel=\"attachment wp-att-90081\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-90081\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2013/02/MG_0800-300x200.jpg\" alt=\"Units at Pelican Bay's Security Housing Units have no windows, so inmates' only regular view of the outside world is through the top of the exercise pens. (Monica Lam/CIR)\" width=\"300\" height=\"200\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Units at Pelican Bay’s Security Housing Units have no windows so inmates’ only regular view of the outside world is through the top of the exercise pens. (Monica Lam/CIR)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Without conceding any shortcomings, however, corrections officials are embarking on a new policy to bring in more educational and self-help programs, and to reduce the amount of time some inmates spend in the units.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since last October, officials have reviewed the cases of 144 inmates and determined that 75 should be transferred immediately to regular prisons because they were not active in gangs. Some of the inmates have been held in the special units for more than 20 years, according to Kelly Harrington, an associate corrections director.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pelican Bay inmates who led the 2011 hunger strike, as well as some prisoner rights groups, have denounced the new policy and are threatening more protests this summer. Amid a long list of demands, they are seeking shorter, fixed terms for inmates in the special units (currently, most are held there on “indeterminate” terms), more programs and more frequent visits with family members.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignleft\">\u003cstrong>I believe that some people should be isolated. If they were to cut me loose before I debriefed and I went back to the mainline, I would have killed somebody…”\u003c/strong>\n\u003cp>–Convicted murderer Jeremy Beasley\u003c/p>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>For his part, Jeremy Beasley said that while the conditions at Pelican Bay are awful, he doesn’t think they amount to solitary confinement. Although he can’t see other inmates from his cell (doors are made of perforated steel and face a wall), Beasley says he can carry on conversations with them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Don’t get me wrong,” he said. “It sucks in here. I hate it. But some prisoners have found that they can get a lot of attention by exaggerating how bad it is.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Beasley said he was an active member of the Aryan Brotherhood, a white-power gang, and committed assaults on behalf of the group. He agreed to drop out and provide authorities with incriminating information about other members, a process known as “debriefing.” In exchange, officials recently transferred Beasley to a different prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I believe that some people should be isolated. If they were to cut me loose before I debriefed and I went back to the mainline,” he said, using the term for the general prison population, “I would have killed somebody or at the very least I would have stabbed somebody else.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other Pelican Bay inmates see it differently.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There is only one option to get out of here and that is to make up lies about other people,” said 39-year-old Henry Albanez, who is serving a 27-year sentence for kidnapping. Albanez said he expected the department’s new policies would fail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_90082\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 300px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/prison+isolation+video/_mg_0830/\" rel=\"attachment wp-att-90082\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-90082\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2013/02/MG_0830-300x200.jpg\" alt=\"Pelican Bay's Security Housing Unit is organized into small pods housing eight cells set side-by-side on two tiers. Through the perforated steel doors inmates can only see a blank wall. (Monica Lam/CIR)\" width=\"300\" height=\"200\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Pelican Bay’s Security Housing Unit is organized into small pods housing eight cells set side-by-side on two tiers. Through the perforated steel doors inmates can only see a blank wall. (Monica Lam/CIR)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“How do you expect to take all of these guys out of the SHU (Security Housing Unit) and throw them in the same yard and expect them to get along when you have all this sensory deprivation,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, Albanez said he probably would take part in a new step-down program that begins later this year. Corrections officials have said the program allows inmates to earn their way out of the special units in 2-4 years without being required to renounce the gangs they have been affiliated with. Instead, they must declare that they won’t participate in gang activity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State Assemblyman Tom Ammiano, who visited Pelican Bay early this month, said he found the prison clean and professionally staffed but was troubled thinking that some inmates are locked up for decades in small cells with little or no regular human contact. Inmates must also be shackled whenever they are outside their cells and in the presence of another individual.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I do think it’s psychologically devastating to be in such a tight space for so long,” Ammiano said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What, then, about the question of torture?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ammiano said the strangest thing he saw at the prison was a group therapy room where inmates are locked in small cages during sessions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Could I say that’s torture? Perhaps I could,” he said. “But did we witness any torture? No.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>You can listen to Michael Montgomery report from California’s most controversial, highest security lockup on Monday morning on The California Report, on the \u003ca href=\"http://www.californiareport.org/tunein/\" target=\"_blank\">following stations\u003c/a> around the state. The report will also be \u003ca href=\"http://www.californiareport.org/\" target=\"_blank\">archived at the show’s web site\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Facing a federal \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2012/12/Ruiz-Amended-Complaint-May-31-2012.pdf\">lawsuit\u003c/a>, state corrections officials are moving forward with a plan to transfer hundreds of alleged prison gang members from controversial isolation units to regular lockups around the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_44853\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 300px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2011/10/Pelican-Bay-prison.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-44853\" title=\"Pelican Bay prison\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2011/10/Pelican-Bay-prison-300x225.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"300\" height=\"225\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Clustered cells in C unit of Pelican Bay State Prison's Security Housing Unit. (Michael Montgomery)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The first group of 45 inmates will be removed from the state’s Security Housing Units in the coming weeks, said Kelly Harrington, associate director of the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation. He said some of the inmates have spent more than 20 years locked in the special units.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The priority has been to look at individuals who have been in the Security Housing Units the longest,” he said. “The goal is to reduce the number of inmates in the security housing units as safely as possible.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As part of a new policy announced earlier this year, the inmates are not being required to renounce the gangs or snitch on other members, a practice known as “debriefing.” Instead, the prisoners must show they are no longer involved in gang-related activity as defined by new departmental guidelines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another 21 inmates will be placed in a “step-down” program that focuses on improving behavior and reintegrating inmates into the general prison population. Harrington said inmates could pass through the program within four years. \u003c!--more-->\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since October, corrections officials have reviewed the files of 77 inmates currently housed in five security housing units, including 16 prisoners being held at Pelican Bay State Prison, the focus of a class-action lawsuit filed by the Center for Constitutional Rights and several other legal organizations on behalf of 10 inmates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The suit claims that prolonged solitary confinement violates Eighth Amendment prohibitions against cruel and unusual punishment, and that the absence of meaningful review for placement in the Security Housing Units violates the prisoners’ right to due process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lawsuit alleges that...\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>California’s uniquely harsh regime of prolonged solitary confinement at Pelican Bay is inhumane and debilitating. Plaintiffs and class members languish, typically alone, in a cramped, concrete, windowless cell, for 22 and one-half to 24 hours a day. They are denied telephone calls, contact visits, and vocational, recreational or educational programming. Defendants persistently deny these men the normal human contact necessary for a person’s mental and physical well-being. These tormenting and prolonged conditions of confinement have produced harmful and predictable psychological deterioration among Plaintiffs and class members.\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>Corrections officials insist conditions at Pelican Bay are humane and have withstood legal challenges. Now, they are trying to show that no inmate will spend more than four years in the special unit unless he is actively involved in gangs. Officials hope to complete the review of nearly a thousand cases within the next six months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In February, a federal judge is expected to rule on a motion to dismiss the suit.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Facing a federal \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2012/12/Ruiz-Amended-Complaint-May-31-2012.pdf\">lawsuit\u003c/a>, state corrections officials are moving forward with a plan to transfer hundreds of alleged prison gang members from controversial isolation units to regular lockups around the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_44853\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 300px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2011/10/Pelican-Bay-prison.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-44853\" title=\"Pelican Bay prison\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2011/10/Pelican-Bay-prison-300x225.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"300\" height=\"225\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Clustered cells in C unit of Pelican Bay State Prison's Security Housing Unit. (Michael Montgomery)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The first group of 45 inmates will be removed from the state’s Security Housing Units in the coming weeks, said Kelly Harrington, associate director of the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation. He said some of the inmates have spent more than 20 years locked in the special units.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The priority has been to look at individuals who have been in the Security Housing Units the longest,” he said. “The goal is to reduce the number of inmates in the security housing units as safely as possible.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As part of a new policy announced earlier this year, the inmates are not being required to renounce the gangs or snitch on other members, a practice known as “debriefing.” Instead, the prisoners must show they are no longer involved in gang-related activity as defined by new departmental guidelines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another 21 inmates will be placed in a “step-down” program that focuses on improving behavior and reintegrating inmates into the general prison population. Harrington said inmates could pass through the program within four years. \u003c!--more-->\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since October, corrections officials have reviewed the files of 77 inmates currently housed in five security housing units, including 16 prisoners being held at Pelican Bay State Prison, the focus of a class-action lawsuit filed by the Center for Constitutional Rights and several other legal organizations on behalf of 10 inmates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The suit claims that prolonged solitary confinement violates Eighth Amendment prohibitions against cruel and unusual punishment, and that the absence of meaningful review for placement in the Security Housing Units violates the prisoners’ right to due process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lawsuit alleges that...\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>California’s uniquely harsh regime of prolonged solitary confinement at Pelican Bay is inhumane and debilitating. Plaintiffs and class members languish, typically alone, in a cramped, concrete, windowless cell, for 22 and one-half to 24 hours a day. They are denied telephone calls, contact visits, and vocational, recreational or educational programming. Defendants persistently deny these men the normal human contact necessary for a person’s mental and physical well-being. These tormenting and prolonged conditions of confinement have produced harmful and predictable psychological deterioration among Plaintiffs and class members.\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>Corrections officials insist conditions at Pelican Bay are humane and have withstood legal challenges. Now, they are trying to show that no inmate will spend more than four years in the special unit unless he is actively involved in gangs. Officials hope to complete the review of nearly a thousand cases within the next six months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In February, a federal judge is expected to rule on a motion to dismiss the suit.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Advocacy Groups Wary of New Plan for Prison Isolation Units",
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"content": "\u003cp>By Michael Montgomery, \u003ca href=\"http://californiawatch.org/dailyreport/advocacy-groups-wary-new-plan-prison-isolation-units-17966\">California Watch\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State corrections officials are moving forward with a plan for handling prison gangs and other violent groups, including changing rules that have kept some inmates locked in special isolation units for decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_75990\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 300px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2012/09/unit-of-pbshu-prison-Michael-Montgomery.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-75990\" title=\"unit of pbshu prison Michael Montgomery\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2012/09/unit-of-pbshu-prison-Michael-Montgomery.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"300\" height=\"225\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A unit of cells in the Security Housing Unit at Pelican Bay State prison. Photo: Michael Montgomery/KQED\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But the initiative is raising concern among prisoner rights advocates and some experts who worry that it will do little to improve stark conditions or cut the backlog of inmates awaiting placement into the units.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s nothing I can see in this policy that will change the flow of inmates into these very expensive facilities,” said David Ward, a retired University of Minnesota sociologist who served on an influential 2007 expert panel appointed by the state to study how California manages prison gangs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At issue are California’s four Security Housing Units, which are designed to isolate the state’s most dangerous inmates, including those connected to violent prison gangs. The units routinely have been denounced as inhumane by civil rights groups and were the focus of widespread hunger strikes last year.\u003c!--more-->\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Early next month, the Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation will begin modifying operations in the special units under a plan that has been in development for more than a year. The department has asserted that nearly all 3,000 inmates being held in the facilities – at Pelican Bay State Prison, California State Prison Corcoran, the California Correctional Institution in Tehachapi and California State Prison Sacramento – are active in prison gangs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We've had years of violence in our facilities and in the community that have been driven by prison gangs,\" said Terri McDonald, the department's undersecretary of operations. \"We're going to implement this policy in a thoughtful, measured way to ensure institutional and community security.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Formal changes to state regulations could take several years, she said. In the meantime, the department is implementing the policy on a pilot basis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under the plan, inmates are eligible to work their way out of the special units in three to four years if they complete special programs alongside prisoners from rival groups and do not engage in gang “behavior or activities.” McDonald said inmates will not be required to divulge inside information about the gangs in order to earn transfers out of the units, a controversial practice known as “debriefing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other changes include new criteria to determine who can be sent to the units.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under current rules, an inmate is automatically placed in a Security Housing Unit if he is identified as a member or associate of one of seven prison gangs. According to a \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/426284-stg-draft-policy-3-1-12.html\" target=\"_blank\">policy draft\u003c/a> released by the corrections department in March, prison gang associates would be sent to isolation units only if they were “engaged in serious criminal gang behavior or a pattern of violent behavior.” The department also would target dangerous members of any group considered a threat to prison security, including street gangs and extremist groups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The changes will give prison staff more flexibility in dealing with a range of “security threat groups,” according to an Aug. 30 corrections department \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/426259-security-threat-group-notice-from-cdcr.html\" target=\"_blank\">notice\u003c/a> sent to the California Correctional Peace Officers Association, the powerful union representing prison guards.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new policies will put California more closely in line with “recognized national standards and strategies,” staving off the “inevitable litigation and court mandated changes the State would face by remaining exclusively reliant on the current … system,” according to the document.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But revisions in a June 29 corrections \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/426255-stg-policy-7-0.html\" target=\"_blank\">document\u003c/a> obtained by \u003ca href=\"http://californiawatch.org\" target=\"_blank\">California Watch\u003c/a>, The Bay Citizen's sister site, suggest that officials are moving away from the narrower focus on specific criminal or violent acts. Rather, they appear to be reviving controversial guidelines that have allowed authorities to send inmates to the special units for violations such as gang-related tattoos and drawings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The updated version of the policy relies on a number of factors to determine whether an inmate already identified as an associate of a security threat group would be placed in isolation – roughly two-thirds of the inmates currently in the special units are classified as associates. In addition to violent acts such as murder and assault, prison officials would consider an inmate’s disciplinary record, including:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Security threat group-related tattoos and/or body markings\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Clothing worn “with the intent to intimidate, promote membership or depict affiliation in a security threat group”\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>The leading or incitement of a disturbance, riot or strike\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Possession of artwork showing security threat group symbols\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Use of hand signs, gestures, handshakes and slogans that specifically relate to a security threat group\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Advocacy groups have long complained that the evidence used by the corrections department, like tattoos and drawings, often is vague and inaccurate. They also say the process does not always identify men involved in violent or illegal acts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The department's approach continues to be guilt by association,\" said Don Specter, director of the Berkeley-based Prison Law Office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But McDonald said the guidelines are a useful tool in identifying high-risk inmates active in violent gangs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"When you put a gang tattoo on your body, you are saying to the inmate community, 'I'm a member of this gang; I represent the values of this gang.' It's a purposeful act,\" she said. \"You're propagating gang behavior in the prisons, and you're creating a risk to the institution and the community.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, McDonald said she expects some inmates now being held in the special units could qualify for transfer under the new policy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A special committee already has begun to review the case files of nearly every inmate at Pelican Bay’s Security Housing Unit using the department's new gang-related disciplinary criteria. The first reviews could be finished next month, after officials complete a visit to Pelican Bay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I believe there will be inmates who are reviewed in the case-by-case reviews … who, based on their willingness not to be engaged in gang behavior, will be released out to a general-population prison setting,” McDonald said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said that initially, the reviews will focus on inmates who have been held in the special units the longest. According to department data released last year, some 500 prisoners have been locked in isolation for more than a decade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Charles Carbone, a prominent prisoner rights attorney, said the new policy lacks credibility, and it would be difficult for the department to persuade inmates to participate in the programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The promised reforms are a power grab,” he said. “They give the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation more authority and power to track more prisoners for gang activity and to place, ultimately, more in supermax prison settings. This is not a scaling back of supermax prisons as is being done in other states.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In May, lawyers for the Center for Constitutional Rights filed a lawsuit on behalf of hundreds of Pelican Bay inmates who have served more than 10 years in the prison’s Security Housing Unit, claiming their prolonged isolation in windowless cells violated due process and amounted to cruel and unusual punishment. A federal judge has scheduled a case management conference for December.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>By Michael Montgomery, \u003ca href=\"http://californiawatch.org/dailyreport/advocacy-groups-wary-new-plan-prison-isolation-units-17966\">California Watch\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State corrections officials are moving forward with a plan for handling prison gangs and other violent groups, including changing rules that have kept some inmates locked in special isolation units for decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_75990\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 300px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2012/09/unit-of-pbshu-prison-Michael-Montgomery.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-75990\" title=\"unit of pbshu prison Michael Montgomery\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2012/09/unit-of-pbshu-prison-Michael-Montgomery.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"300\" height=\"225\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A unit of cells in the Security Housing Unit at Pelican Bay State prison. Photo: Michael Montgomery/KQED\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But the initiative is raising concern among prisoner rights advocates and some experts who worry that it will do little to improve stark conditions or cut the backlog of inmates awaiting placement into the units.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s nothing I can see in this policy that will change the flow of inmates into these very expensive facilities,” said David Ward, a retired University of Minnesota sociologist who served on an influential 2007 expert panel appointed by the state to study how California manages prison gangs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At issue are California’s four Security Housing Units, which are designed to isolate the state’s most dangerous inmates, including those connected to violent prison gangs. The units routinely have been denounced as inhumane by civil rights groups and were the focus of widespread hunger strikes last year.\u003c!--more-->\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Early next month, the Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation will begin modifying operations in the special units under a plan that has been in development for more than a year. The department has asserted that nearly all 3,000 inmates being held in the facilities – at Pelican Bay State Prison, California State Prison Corcoran, the California Correctional Institution in Tehachapi and California State Prison Sacramento – are active in prison gangs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We've had years of violence in our facilities and in the community that have been driven by prison gangs,\" said Terri McDonald, the department's undersecretary of operations. \"We're going to implement this policy in a thoughtful, measured way to ensure institutional and community security.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Formal changes to state regulations could take several years, she said. In the meantime, the department is implementing the policy on a pilot basis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under the plan, inmates are eligible to work their way out of the special units in three to four years if they complete special programs alongside prisoners from rival groups and do not engage in gang “behavior or activities.” McDonald said inmates will not be required to divulge inside information about the gangs in order to earn transfers out of the units, a controversial practice known as “debriefing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other changes include new criteria to determine who can be sent to the units.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under current rules, an inmate is automatically placed in a Security Housing Unit if he is identified as a member or associate of one of seven prison gangs. According to a \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/426284-stg-draft-policy-3-1-12.html\" target=\"_blank\">policy draft\u003c/a> released by the corrections department in March, prison gang associates would be sent to isolation units only if they were “engaged in serious criminal gang behavior or a pattern of violent behavior.” The department also would target dangerous members of any group considered a threat to prison security, including street gangs and extremist groups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The changes will give prison staff more flexibility in dealing with a range of “security threat groups,” according to an Aug. 30 corrections department \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/426259-security-threat-group-notice-from-cdcr.html\" target=\"_blank\">notice\u003c/a> sent to the California Correctional Peace Officers Association, the powerful union representing prison guards.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new policies will put California more closely in line with “recognized national standards and strategies,” staving off the “inevitable litigation and court mandated changes the State would face by remaining exclusively reliant on the current … system,” according to the document.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But revisions in a June 29 corrections \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/426255-stg-policy-7-0.html\" target=\"_blank\">document\u003c/a> obtained by \u003ca href=\"http://californiawatch.org\" target=\"_blank\">California Watch\u003c/a>, The Bay Citizen's sister site, suggest that officials are moving away from the narrower focus on specific criminal or violent acts. Rather, they appear to be reviving controversial guidelines that have allowed authorities to send inmates to the special units for violations such as gang-related tattoos and drawings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The updated version of the policy relies on a number of factors to determine whether an inmate already identified as an associate of a security threat group would be placed in isolation – roughly two-thirds of the inmates currently in the special units are classified as associates. In addition to violent acts such as murder and assault, prison officials would consider an inmate’s disciplinary record, including:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Security threat group-related tattoos and/or body markings\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Clothing worn “with the intent to intimidate, promote membership or depict affiliation in a security threat group”\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>The leading or incitement of a disturbance, riot or strike\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Possession of artwork showing security threat group symbols\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Use of hand signs, gestures, handshakes and slogans that specifically relate to a security threat group\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Advocacy groups have long complained that the evidence used by the corrections department, like tattoos and drawings, often is vague and inaccurate. They also say the process does not always identify men involved in violent or illegal acts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The department's approach continues to be guilt by association,\" said Don Specter, director of the Berkeley-based Prison Law Office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But McDonald said the guidelines are a useful tool in identifying high-risk inmates active in violent gangs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"When you put a gang tattoo on your body, you are saying to the inmate community, 'I'm a member of this gang; I represent the values of this gang.' It's a purposeful act,\" she said. \"You're propagating gang behavior in the prisons, and you're creating a risk to the institution and the community.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, McDonald said she expects some inmates now being held in the special units could qualify for transfer under the new policy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A special committee already has begun to review the case files of nearly every inmate at Pelican Bay’s Security Housing Unit using the department's new gang-related disciplinary criteria. The first reviews could be finished next month, after officials complete a visit to Pelican Bay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I believe there will be inmates who are reviewed in the case-by-case reviews … who, based on their willingness not to be engaged in gang behavior, will be released out to a general-population prison setting,” McDonald said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said that initially, the reviews will focus on inmates who have been held in the special units the longest. According to department data released last year, some 500 prisoners have been locked in isolation for more than a decade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Charles Carbone, a prominent prisoner rights attorney, said the new policy lacks credibility, and it would be difficult for the department to persuade inmates to participate in the programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The promised reforms are a power grab,” he said. “They give the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation more authority and power to track more prisoners for gang activity and to place, ultimately, more in supermax prison settings. This is not a scaling back of supermax prisons as is being done in other states.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
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"info": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown brings listeners the wisdom of the former Governor, Mayor, and presidential candidate. Scott Shafer interviewed Brown for more than 40 hours, covering the former governor's life and half-century in the political game and Brown has some lessons he'd like to share. ",
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"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
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"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
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"tagline": "Politics from a personal perspective",
"info": "Political Breakdown is a new series that explores the political intersection of California and the nation. Each week hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos are joined with a new special guest to unpack politics -- with personality — and offer an insider’s glimpse at how politics happens.",
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"possible": {
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"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
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"radiolab": {
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},
"rightnowish": {
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"title": "Rightnowish",
"tagline": "Art is where you find it",
"info": "Rightnowish digs into life in the Bay Area right now… ish. Journalist Pendarvis Harshaw takes us to galleries painted on the sides of liquor stores in West Oakland. We'll dance in warehouses in the Bayview, make smoothies with kids in South Berkeley, and listen to classical music in a 1984 Cutlass Supreme in Richmond. Every week, Pen talks to movers and shakers about how the Bay Area shapes what they create, and how they shape the place we call home.",
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"tagline": "Real stories with killer beats",
"info": "The Snap Judgment radio show and podcast mixes real stories with killer beats to produce cinematic, dramatic radio. Snap's musical brand of storytelling dares listeners to see the world through the eyes of another. This is storytelling... with a BEAT!! Snap first aired on public radio stations nationwide in July 2010. Today, Snap Judgment airs on over 450 public radio stations and is brought to the airwaves by KQED & PRX.",
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"soldout": {
"id": "soldout",
"title": "SOLD OUT: Rethinking Housing in America",
"tagline": "A new future for housing",
"info": "Sold Out: Rethinking Housing in America",
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