Proposition 10: Californians Reject Rent Control Measure, Statewide Limits to Remain
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>California voters approved giving farm animals more space, while rejecting a possible expansion of rent control.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/science/1933975/proposition-12-californians-move-to-require-more-spacious-digs-for-farm-animals\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Proposition 12\u003c/a> bans the sale of veal, pork or eggs from animals housed in tight cages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11702293/early-results-show-rent-control-measure-trailing-at-polls\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Proposition 10\u003c/a>, had it passed, would have repealed the Costa-Hawkins Rental Housing Act and allowed cities to once again pass rent control measures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "Proposition 10: Californians Reject Rent Control Measure, Statewide Limits to Remain",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated Tuesday, 11:45 p.m.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Californians have rejected a ballot measure that would have repealed California’s landmark ban on new rent control, the Costa-Hawkins Rental Housing Act.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Costa-Hawkins bans cities from enacting rent control after 1995, when the act became law. Rent control policies already on the books, in cities like Los Angeles, San Francisco and Oakland, were frozen in place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With more and more Californians forced to pay significant portions of their income toward rent, supporters of Proposition 10 argued that giving cities the ability to pass rent control laws could provide immediate relief. Opponents said the measure was too drastic, and that a hodgepodge of local rent laws, combined with new caps on rent, would take away incentive for developers to build new housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The stunning margin of victory shows California voters clearly understood the negative impacts Prop. 10 would have on the availability of affordable and middle-class housing in our state,” said Tom Bannon, CEO of the California Apartment Association, in a statement released by the No on 10 campaign. “We look forward to working with Governor–elect Gavin Newsom to address California’s housing affordability crisis by focusing on incentivizing housing production.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 10 made its way to the ballot after a bill to repeal Costa-Hawkins died quickly in the state Legislature earlier this year. That set the stage for an expensive ballot fight. The campaign was the second-costliest among California’s 11 ballot measures, with more than $100 million raised.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Roughly three-quarters of the money flowed into the No on 10 campaign, largely from developers. The Yes on 10 campaign was nearly completely bankrolled by the AIDS Healthcare Foundation, the measure’s sponsor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are very proud of the campaign we ran,” said Michael Weinstein, President of AIDS Healthcare Foundation, in a statement. “Despite being vastly outspent, we succeeded in beginning a debate on housing affordability that will continue beyond this election in the legislature, in city councils, on the ground and on the ballot in 2020.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 10 was endorsed by the California Democratic Party, but it divided many leading Democrats in the state. Governor-elect Gavin Newsom opposed the measure, while progressives largely supported it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Just the threat of a change to California’s long-standing ban on new rent control set off alarms for developers and local governments. Opponents of Proposition 10 said the threat of expanded rent control had convinced some builders to put their California projects on hold.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Local governments, faced with the possibility of new control over rent laws, scrambled to prepare for a post-Costa-Hawkins future. In Berkeley, the City Council quickly devised rules for how the city would expand its decades-old rent control ordinance.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated Tuesday, 11:45 p.m.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Californians have rejected a ballot measure that would have repealed California’s landmark ban on new rent control, the Costa-Hawkins Rental Housing Act.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Costa-Hawkins bans cities from enacting rent control after 1995, when the act became law. Rent control policies already on the books, in cities like Los Angeles, San Francisco and Oakland, were frozen in place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With more and more Californians forced to pay significant portions of their income toward rent, supporters of Proposition 10 argued that giving cities the ability to pass rent control laws could provide immediate relief. Opponents said the measure was too drastic, and that a hodgepodge of local rent laws, combined with new caps on rent, would take away incentive for developers to build new housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The stunning margin of victory shows California voters clearly understood the negative impacts Prop. 10 would have on the availability of affordable and middle-class housing in our state,” said Tom Bannon, CEO of the California Apartment Association, in a statement released by the No on 10 campaign. “We look forward to working with Governor–elect Gavin Newsom to address California’s housing affordability crisis by focusing on incentivizing housing production.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 10 made its way to the ballot after a bill to repeal Costa-Hawkins died quickly in the state Legislature earlier this year. That set the stage for an expensive ballot fight. The campaign was the second-costliest among California’s 11 ballot measures, with more than $100 million raised.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Roughly three-quarters of the money flowed into the No on 10 campaign, largely from developers. The Yes on 10 campaign was nearly completely bankrolled by the AIDS Healthcare Foundation, the measure’s sponsor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are very proud of the campaign we ran,” said Michael Weinstein, President of AIDS Healthcare Foundation, in a statement. “Despite being vastly outspent, we succeeded in beginning a debate on housing affordability that will continue beyond this election in the legislature, in city councils, on the ground and on the ballot in 2020.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 10 was endorsed by the California Democratic Party, but it divided many leading Democrats in the state. Governor-elect Gavin Newsom opposed the measure, while progressives largely supported it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Just the threat of a change to California’s long-standing ban on new rent control set off alarms for developers and local governments. Opponents of Proposition 10 said the threat of expanded rent control had convinced some builders to put their California projects on hold.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Local governments, faced with the possibility of new control over rent laws, scrambled to prepare for a post-Costa-Hawkins future. In Berkeley, the City Council quickly devised rules for how the city would expand its decades-old rent control ordinance.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "The New Normal in California’s Direct Democracy Process: Ballot Measures as Leverage",
"headTitle": "The California Dream | The California Report | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>California voters will face 11 propositions this November, but the ballot could have been longer. Backers of three other voter initiatives pulled their measures, using a relatively new state law meant to encourage deal-making.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201320140SB1253\">2014 state law\u003c/a> allows an initiative proponent to withdraw a measure after it qualifies for the ballot. It has created a powerful new tool to leverage state lawmakers — as demonstrated by the events of a single day in late June of this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://www.capradio.org/articles/2018/06/28/soda-tax-ban-becomes-law-industry-groups-yank-california-ballot-measure-threatening-government-services/\">The fury on the floor\u003c/a> of the California Senate that morning was something to behold.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">\"Under the old law, once an initiative proponent submitted their signatures, it was all or nothing.\"\u003ccite>Sacramento Mayor Darrell Steinberg\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>“This industry,” said Sen. Scott Wiener (D-San Francisco), referring to the soda industry, “is aiming basically a nuclear weapon at government in California and saying, if you don’t do what we want, we’re gonna pull the trigger, and you are not going to be able to fund basic government services.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wiener spoke as lawmakers were debating a bill that banned California cities and counties from adding new taxes on soda.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In exchange for its passage, business groups \u003ca href=\"http://www.capradio.org/articles/2018/06/26/business-labor-deal-would-ban-california-cities-counties-from-enacting-new-soda-taxes/\">offered a deal\u003c/a>: They’d withdraw a November ballot measure that scared Democrats, labor unions and local governments even more. The initiative would have raised the voter threshold for local sales tax increases from a majority to two-thirds, among other provisions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democratic Senate leader Toni Atkins said lawmakers found themselves between a rock and a hard place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We certainly will not forget the position we were put in,” she warned initiative backers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the measure’s proponent says the criticisms are disingenuous.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lawmakers “should be glad they had that choice. Because, I believe firmly, that initiative would have passed,” said California Business Roundtable President Rob Lapsley. “That initiative was going to have an impact on their ability to raise taxes in this state, and they feared that far worse than any tax on groceries.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sacramento Mayor Darrell Steinberg was among the local government leaders who considered the soda tax ban the lesser of two evils, because he’s championing a majority-vote local sales tax measure this fall. Ironically, back when he led the state Senate, he wrote the law that made this tactic possible.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I didn’t like it,” he said of the industry’s political move as he looked back months later, “but I also wasn’t offended, in principle, because they used the process.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Steinberg says the goal of his measure was to encourage negotiations between initiative backers and elected officials. Opponents of an initiative, he points out, can always turn down a deal and take their chances with voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Under the old law, once an initiative proponent submitted their signatures, it was all or nothing,” he said. “There was really no opportunity for that proponent to say, I’m serious about this, and I want to engage the Legislature and the governor to see if you’re now willing — with a prod — to solve the problem.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And Lapsley, who worked with good government groups and union leaders to suggest the law to Steinberg, pointed out that initiatives have always been used as leverage, if not as explicitly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This ability to withdraw only provides a longer or later window in the legislative process to have those kinds of negotiations,” he said, “as opposed to withdrawing it before you actually turn in the signatures, which is the way it worked previously.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Senate Leader Toni Atkins’ office says she’s open to revisiting the law to improve on its intended purpose, but discussions on that issue have yet to begin in earnest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Not Just Big Business\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It isn’t just big business that has used the new law. On the same day the soda tax ban passed the Legislature, a Bay Area real estate developer named Alastair Mactaggart \u003ca href=\"http://www.capradio.org/articles/2018/06/29/how-one-california-voter-conquered-the-trillion-dollar-tech-industry/\">brought the tech industry to its knees\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">\"To some extent, there is a gun pointed at the Legislature that they have to do something bad before something worse goes into effect. That's not a situation that anybody wants to be in.\" \u003ccite>Christin McMeley, a Washington DC-based attorney who represents cable industry clients\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Mactaggart wanted to give consumers the right to make companies like Facebook and Google stop sharing or selling their data. So he spent a few million dollars gathering signatures, and qualified his measure for the November ballot. Although he says this wasn’t his original plan, he used that leverage to \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180AB375\">strike a deal\u003c/a> — and withdrew his initiative.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This might be the famous last words and I might be an idiot to say them,” he said, acknowledging that the industry will in all likelihood seek to scale back the new rules, perhaps as soon as next year. “But I do think that in a complicated area, I didn’t mind this time around giving the Legislature the chance to pass a good law and see if good public policy could be made.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Needless to say, the tech industry wasn’t pleased.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“To some extent, there is a gun pointed at the Legislature that they have to do something bad before something worse goes into effect,” Christin McMeley, a Washington, DC-based attorney who represents cable industry clients, said at the time. “That’s not a situation that anybody wants to be in.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mactaggart knows the industry will try to weaken the law next year. That’s the calculated risk he took in exchange for not having to roll the dice with voters, or spend more of his money on a campaign. And, he points out, a law with such strong industry opposition never would’ve passed without the initiative as leverage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think that tech didn’t want to take a risk at the ballot box,” he said. “So they were willing to make substantial concessions to get the thing done.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Also this year, the paint industry withdrew a controversial effort to shift liability for hundreds of millions of dollars of lead paint cleanup in homes from the industry to the state. As part of the deal to withdraw the initiative, lawmakers agreed not to move forward with several bills targeting the industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And at one point, there was a chance \u003ca href=\"https://www.sos.ca.gov/campaign-lobbying/cal-access-resources/measure-contributions/2018-ballot-measure-contribution-totals/17-0041-expands-local-governments-authority-enact-rent-control-residential-property-initiative-statute/\">the $100 million rent control battle\u003c/a> that’s clogging your commercial breaks and mailboxes might never have become \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11695998/should-californians-allow-rent-control-to-expand-prop-10-explained\">Proposition 10\u003c/a>. But negotiations between the measure’s supporters and opponents \u003ca href=\"http://www.capradio.org/articles/2018/06/22/california-rent-control-initiative-supporters-opponents-sought-deal-to-avoid-ballot-fight-but-failed/\">broke down\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>The New Normal\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This isn’t the first election cycle that the law served as leverage. In 2016, two different minimum wage measures backed by two different labor unions were both withdrawn after the Legislature and Gov. Jerry Brown passed the law that’s gradually phasing the state up to $15 an hour.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And already, an epic battle is shaping up for 2020: Labor unions and progressive groups have qualified a ballot measure known as “split roll” that would shatter the cornerstone of the state’s tax system, \u003ca href=\"http://projects.scpr.org/prop-13/\">Proposition 13\u003c/a>, by taxing commercial property differently than residential property.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lapsley expects it’ll be part of broader negotiations to overhaul the state’s tax system. “That’s a piece that helps stimulate — and everybody knows it — that discussion,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s because if business groups don’t join talks on tax reform, the split roll measure will spark a campaign that Lapsley believes will reach $150 million. “We’re preparing for that,” he said, “but we’ll also see where the discussions go.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, a new state law passed earlier this year extends this same negotiation window to local ballot measures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So welcome to the new normal — the next iteration of California’s direct democracy process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/series/californiadream/\">The California Dream\u003c/a> series is a statewide media collaboration of CALmatters, KPBS, KPCC, KQED and Capital Public Radio with support from the Corporation for Public Broadcasting and the James Irvine Foundation.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/CADreamBanner.jpg\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"alignnone size-medium wp-image-11702931\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/CADreamBanner-800x219.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"219\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/CADreamBanner-800x219.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/CADreamBanner-160x44.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/CADreamBanner-1020x280.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/CADreamBanner-1200x329.jpg 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/CADreamBanner-1180x324.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/CADreamBanner-960x263.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/CADreamBanner-240x66.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/CADreamBanner-375x103.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/CADreamBanner-520x143.jpg 520w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/CADreamBanner.jpg 1867w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>California voters will face 11 propositions this November, but the ballot could have been longer. Backers of three other voter initiatives pulled their measures, using a relatively new state law meant to encourage deal-making.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201320140SB1253\">2014 state law\u003c/a> allows an initiative proponent to withdraw a measure after it qualifies for the ballot. It has created a powerful new tool to leverage state lawmakers — as demonstrated by the events of a single day in late June of this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://www.capradio.org/articles/2018/06/28/soda-tax-ban-becomes-law-industry-groups-yank-california-ballot-measure-threatening-government-services/\">The fury on the floor\u003c/a> of the California Senate that morning was something to behold.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">\"Under the old law, once an initiative proponent submitted their signatures, it was all or nothing.\"\u003ccite>Sacramento Mayor Darrell Steinberg\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>“This industry,” said Sen. Scott Wiener (D-San Francisco), referring to the soda industry, “is aiming basically a nuclear weapon at government in California and saying, if you don’t do what we want, we’re gonna pull the trigger, and you are not going to be able to fund basic government services.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wiener spoke as lawmakers were debating a bill that banned California cities and counties from adding new taxes on soda.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In exchange for its passage, business groups \u003ca href=\"http://www.capradio.org/articles/2018/06/26/business-labor-deal-would-ban-california-cities-counties-from-enacting-new-soda-taxes/\">offered a deal\u003c/a>: They’d withdraw a November ballot measure that scared Democrats, labor unions and local governments even more. The initiative would have raised the voter threshold for local sales tax increases from a majority to two-thirds, among other provisions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democratic Senate leader Toni Atkins said lawmakers found themselves between a rock and a hard place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We certainly will not forget the position we were put in,” she warned initiative backers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the measure’s proponent says the criticisms are disingenuous.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lawmakers “should be glad they had that choice. Because, I believe firmly, that initiative would have passed,” said California Business Roundtable President Rob Lapsley. “That initiative was going to have an impact on their ability to raise taxes in this state, and they feared that far worse than any tax on groceries.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sacramento Mayor Darrell Steinberg was among the local government leaders who considered the soda tax ban the lesser of two evils, because he’s championing a majority-vote local sales tax measure this fall. Ironically, back when he led the state Senate, he wrote the law that made this tactic possible.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I didn’t like it,” he said of the industry’s political move as he looked back months later, “but I also wasn’t offended, in principle, because they used the process.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Steinberg says the goal of his measure was to encourage negotiations between initiative backers and elected officials. Opponents of an initiative, he points out, can always turn down a deal and take their chances with voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Under the old law, once an initiative proponent submitted their signatures, it was all or nothing,” he said. “There was really no opportunity for that proponent to say, I’m serious about this, and I want to engage the Legislature and the governor to see if you’re now willing — with a prod — to solve the problem.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And Lapsley, who worked with good government groups and union leaders to suggest the law to Steinberg, pointed out that initiatives have always been used as leverage, if not as explicitly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This ability to withdraw only provides a longer or later window in the legislative process to have those kinds of negotiations,” he said, “as opposed to withdrawing it before you actually turn in the signatures, which is the way it worked previously.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Senate Leader Toni Atkins’ office says she’s open to revisiting the law to improve on its intended purpose, but discussions on that issue have yet to begin in earnest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Not Just Big Business\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It isn’t just big business that has used the new law. On the same day the soda tax ban passed the Legislature, a Bay Area real estate developer named Alastair Mactaggart \u003ca href=\"http://www.capradio.org/articles/2018/06/29/how-one-california-voter-conquered-the-trillion-dollar-tech-industry/\">brought the tech industry to its knees\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">\"To some extent, there is a gun pointed at the Legislature that they have to do something bad before something worse goes into effect. That's not a situation that anybody wants to be in.\" \u003ccite>Christin McMeley, a Washington DC-based attorney who represents cable industry clients\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Mactaggart wanted to give consumers the right to make companies like Facebook and Google stop sharing or selling their data. So he spent a few million dollars gathering signatures, and qualified his measure for the November ballot. Although he says this wasn’t his original plan, he used that leverage to \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180AB375\">strike a deal\u003c/a> — and withdrew his initiative.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This might be the famous last words and I might be an idiot to say them,” he said, acknowledging that the industry will in all likelihood seek to scale back the new rules, perhaps as soon as next year. “But I do think that in a complicated area, I didn’t mind this time around giving the Legislature the chance to pass a good law and see if good public policy could be made.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Needless to say, the tech industry wasn’t pleased.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“To some extent, there is a gun pointed at the Legislature that they have to do something bad before something worse goes into effect,” Christin McMeley, a Washington, DC-based attorney who represents cable industry clients, said at the time. “That’s not a situation that anybody wants to be in.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mactaggart knows the industry will try to weaken the law next year. That’s the calculated risk he took in exchange for not having to roll the dice with voters, or spend more of his money on a campaign. And, he points out, a law with such strong industry opposition never would’ve passed without the initiative as leverage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think that tech didn’t want to take a risk at the ballot box,” he said. “So they were willing to make substantial concessions to get the thing done.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Also this year, the paint industry withdrew a controversial effort to shift liability for hundreds of millions of dollars of lead paint cleanup in homes from the industry to the state. As part of the deal to withdraw the initiative, lawmakers agreed not to move forward with several bills targeting the industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And at one point, there was a chance \u003ca href=\"https://www.sos.ca.gov/campaign-lobbying/cal-access-resources/measure-contributions/2018-ballot-measure-contribution-totals/17-0041-expands-local-governments-authority-enact-rent-control-residential-property-initiative-statute/\">the $100 million rent control battle\u003c/a> that’s clogging your commercial breaks and mailboxes might never have become \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11695998/should-californians-allow-rent-control-to-expand-prop-10-explained\">Proposition 10\u003c/a>. But negotiations between the measure’s supporters and opponents \u003ca href=\"http://www.capradio.org/articles/2018/06/22/california-rent-control-initiative-supporters-opponents-sought-deal-to-avoid-ballot-fight-but-failed/\">broke down\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>The New Normal\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This isn’t the first election cycle that the law served as leverage. In 2016, two different minimum wage measures backed by two different labor unions were both withdrawn after the Legislature and Gov. Jerry Brown passed the law that’s gradually phasing the state up to $15 an hour.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And already, an epic battle is shaping up for 2020: Labor unions and progressive groups have qualified a ballot measure known as “split roll” that would shatter the cornerstone of the state’s tax system, \u003ca href=\"http://projects.scpr.org/prop-13/\">Proposition 13\u003c/a>, by taxing commercial property differently than residential property.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lapsley expects it’ll be part of broader negotiations to overhaul the state’s tax system. “That’s a piece that helps stimulate — and everybody knows it — that discussion,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s because if business groups don’t join talks on tax reform, the split roll measure will spark a campaign that Lapsley believes will reach $150 million. “We’re preparing for that,” he said, “but we’ll also see where the discussions go.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, a new state law passed earlier this year extends this same negotiation window to local ballot measures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So welcome to the new normal — the next iteration of California’s direct democracy process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/series/californiadream/\">The California Dream\u003c/a> series is a statewide media collaboration of CALmatters, KPBS, KPCC, KQED and Capital Public Radio with support from the Corporation for Public Broadcasting and the James Irvine Foundation.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>This whole week, Bay Curious is exploring the 11 statewide propositions on the California ballot for a mini-series we’re calling “Bay Curious Prop Week.” Each day, we’re dropping episodes looking at what the propositions are and how they came to be on the ballot in the first place. If you want to learn more about what’s on your California ballot, check out KQED’s \u003ca href=\"http://kqed.org/elections\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">2018 Voter Guide\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We’ll also be hosting a series of Facebook Live Q&As.\u003cbr />\n\u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/events/146244569661530/\">Prop 5, Property Tax Transfer – 12 p.m., Oct. 17\u003c/a>\u003cbr />\n\u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/events/1889420071352971/\">Prop 10, Rent Control – 12 p.m., Oct. 24\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You can replay our Q&A on \u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/events/331161234107297/\"> Proposition 6, the gas tax repeal.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Below is a lightly edited transcript of our episode on Proposition 10. If passed, it would repeal the Costa-Hawkins Rental Housing Act, which limits rent control across California.\u003c/p>\n\u003chr />\n\u003cp>OLIVIA ALLEN-PRICE: It might be the single biggest issue facing Californians…\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Montage of news on cost of housing\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: I’m Olivia Allen-Price. In this episode for the Bay Curious Prop Week, we’re going to be hearing about rent control, the Costa-Hawkins Rental Housing Act and Prop 10. Here’s reporter Jessica Placzek\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>JESSICA PLACZEK: Prop 10 wants to overturn Costa-Hawkins. But what is Costa-Hawkins? To understand that, we need to go back to 1995. It was the year that Brad Pitt won sexiest man alive, Amazon sold its first book and one of my favorite Mariah Carey songs topped the charts…\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>“Fantasy” by Mariah Carey plays\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>PLACZEK: But we’re here to talk about housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>PLACZEK: At the time, the state was recovering from a housing slump and construction of new housing had slowed down. That’s when two politicians decided to try to curb rent control. The politicians were Democratic Senator Jim Costa and Republican Assembly Member Phil Hawkins. Together they drafted the Costa-Hawkins Rental Housing Act.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[baycuriouspodcastinfo]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>MATT LEVIN: And it passed by one vote. That shapes rent control policy across California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>PLACZEK: This is Matt Levin, a data reporter for CalMatters and co-host of the housing podcast, “Gimme Shelter.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>PLACZEK: Now, Costa-Hawkins limits rent control in a few big ways. For example, it barred rent control on most single family homes and condos. So most of the suburbs can’t have rent control. It also barred rent control on new buildings. So if a building was constructed after the law took effect, that building cannot have rent control on it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>LEVIN: You can’t impose rent control on properties that were built after 1995.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>PLACZEK: The thing is, before Costa-Hawkins was passed, about a dozen cities already had rent control laws. And some had their own cutoff dates that had been established earlier. Those dates were frozen by Costa-Hawkins. So in Oakland, the cutoff is in 1983. Berkeley in 1980. While in San Jose and San Francisco, nothing built after 1979 can have rent control.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>LEVIN: And so anything new and nice looking in San Francisco is not going to have rent control on it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>PLACZEK: Another thing Costa-Hawkins changed: it eliminated vacancy control, which ties rent control to the apartment instead of the tenant. With Costa-Hawkins, we have vacancy decontrol, which means if a tenant moves out of a rent controlled apartment, landlords can raise the rent as high as they please.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>LEVIN: I see old apartments all the time. They’re total pieces of crap, and they’re charging like a bazillion dollars, right? But once you get into that apartment, they’re limited in how much more they can raise it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>PLACZEK: Today, only 15 cities have rent control in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>LEVIN: It’s really the bigger cities, so L.A., San Francisco, Oakland, San Jose…\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>PLACZEK: But because of Costa-Hawkins, many units in those cities are barred from having rent control.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>PLACZEK: In California, more than one in five households pays over half its income on housing. People are looking for ways to ease housing costs and some are looking toward rent control. This actually won’t be the first attempt to overturn Costa-Hawkins. Earlier this year, a bill went before state legislators.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ASSEMBLYMAN DAVID CHIU: This bill required 4 votes to get out of this committee, at this time there are 3, so AB 1506 fails passage today.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>PLACZEK: It didn’t get too far.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Audience boos\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[2018-prop prop=10]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: Ok, so now that you understand Costa-Hawkins, we can talk about Prop 10, which would upend that legislation. Here to talk about it with me is Guy Marzorati of the KQED Politics and Government Desk. Hey, Guy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>GUY MARZORATI: Hey!\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: So walk us through Prop 10, what are we voting on?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>MARZORATI: I think it’s easy to look at this as a measure all about rent control. I think it’s largely about local control. This is taking something, rent control, that’s been dominated by state laws over the last couple of decades, and it would turn it over to individual cities and counties in California and say, “if Proposition 10 passes, what do you want to do about rent control? How would you like to govern the prices of rent within your city or within your county?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: So what does the prop actually say?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>MARZORATI: It’s repealing Costa-Hawkins and taking us back to the time before that law when cities could implement their own rent control laws on an individual basis. And so you had some places like San Francisco, Berkeley, Oakland that already had rent control on the books before Costa-Hawkins. But you had the vast majority of California cities without any rent control laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: So if this passes and Costa-Hawkins is overturned, what does it actually mean? Like what happens the next day? Do we suddenly have rent control everywhere?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>MARZORATI: No, you don’t. There would be some cities that had certain pieces of their rent control that were explicitly outlawed by Costa-Hawkins. If Costa-Hawkins goes away, they can have vacancy control once again. But for the vast majority of cities nothing would change the day after the election or once the elections are certified.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: So it’s not like we’re going to have a flood of rent control laws suddenly coming.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>MARZORATI: Absolutely not. I think here in the Bay Area there’s really just been one city, Berkeley, that’s put forward a measure saying if Proposition 10 passes here’s exactly how we would change or how we would expand our rent control laws. They want to introduce rent control on a rolling basis for buildings. So as buildings hit their 20th birthday, they age into rent control. But for most cities they haven’t figured that out. And I think what you’re going to see is a lot of long public comment lines at local supervisor committees, city council committees, as cities possibly take rent control up after a possible post-Prop 10 future.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: And, in a nutshell, what would this mean for renters in California and what would this mean for landlords?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>MARZORATI: So I think there’s limited actual research on what rent control does. And like every housing thing, it doesn’t happen in a vacuum. You have all of these other housing laws intersecting with it. I think broadly speaking, the research has shown that if you are a current renter, rent control helps you stay in your unit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: If you have rent control.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>MARZORATI: If you have rent control. And that’s particularly true if you’re a senior citizen and you may be on a fixed income. Rent control can help stabilize the amount that you’re paying out for rent and it can help you remain in a unit. On the flip side, the evidence shows that it is a disincentive to actually build housing. If a developer is limited in the amount that they can make off of a rental unit, well, maybe they’re not going to build rental units, maybe they’ll just build condominiums or apartments for sale. And as we know, California has a huge shortage of actual housing units. So that’s the fear. If you take away this incentive for development then we’re going to worsen our shortage of units.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: There have been a lot of rent control measures that have been on the ballots, on local ballots around the Bay Area, and I think predominantly those have not passed. Why is that and do you think that trend will hold for this statewide prop?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>MARZORATI: Well I think the political reality is that landlords are well organized in the state. The Apartment Association has well funded campaigns. They’re very politically active. And so in the past you’ve seen some mixed success on local ballots in terms of rent control. Although there have also been recent rent control victories in Mountain View and other places.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>MARZORATI: So it’s hard to say local measures haven’t done as well and predicate failure for this measure. I think there’s just a groundswell of energy around this idea of rent control because it’s really easy to sell, to just say “the rent is too darn high.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: You can say damn, it’s a podcast.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[baycuriousbug]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>MARZORATI: Too damn high! We need some kind of solution. All that said, the political reality is California is at an all time low of home-ownership rates. We know homeowners are usually more politically active, and renters by nature are more transient. So I think that’s a harder demographic to capture politically.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: So you mentioned who is supporting this prop. Who is against it?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>MARZORATI: As you’d expect, developers are against it. They see this as a huge cut into their business. If local jurisdictions start to limit the amount that they can charge on rents, well then how are they going to finance these rental buildings? And maybe they’re just going to go and build market rate units and condos. Developers also fear that this would create a patchwork of different rules. I think one thing they like about Costa-Hawkins is that it’s a state mandate. It governs this huge market that they develop in. If all of a sudden every individual city has their own rent control laws, that can make business harder for them. So developers have been financially the biggest opponents of Prop 10.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: All right, well it’s going to be interesting to see how voters respond to this one.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>MARZORATI: Yes, will be interesting to see.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: Guy Mazorati with the KQED Politics and Government Desk. Thank you.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>MARZORATI: Thank you.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Theme music\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: If you want to know more about the Costa-Hawkins Rental Housing Act, or Proposition 10, Guy will be taking your questions in a Facebook Live on Oct. 24. You can go ahead and RSVP ahead of time so you’ll get a handy reminder when it rolls around. Get all the details at BayCurious.org.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: This episode was produced by Jessica Placzek.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: That’s it for Bay Curious Prop Week! Thanks so much for listening along. We hope this has been helpful and that you’ve learned a lot — I know I have. If you want to dig deeper into any of these propositions, you should check out KQED’s Voter Guide at kqed.org/elections. Next week we’ll be back to our regular schedule — dropping a new episode every Thursday. Prop Week was produced by Paul Lancour, Ryan Levi, Jessica Placzek, Vinnee Tong, Devin Katayama, Erika Aguliar and me, Olivia Allen-Price. Special thanks to Julie Caine and Guy Marzorati for their support. Bay Curious is made in San Francisco at KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[baycuriousquestion]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>This whole week, Bay Curious is exploring the 11 statewide propositions on the California ballot for a mini-series we’re calling “Bay Curious Prop Week.” Each day, we’re dropping episodes looking at what the propositions are and how they came to be on the ballot in the first place. If you want to learn more about what’s on your California ballot, check out KQED’s \u003ca href=\"http://kqed.org/elections\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">2018 Voter Guide\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We’ll also be hosting a series of Facebook Live Q&As.\u003cbr />\n\u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/events/146244569661530/\">Prop 5, Property Tax Transfer – 12 p.m., Oct. 17\u003c/a>\u003cbr />\n\u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/events/1889420071352971/\">Prop 10, Rent Control – 12 p.m., Oct. 24\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You can replay our Q&A on \u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/events/331161234107297/\"> Proposition 6, the gas tax repeal.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Below is a lightly edited transcript of our episode on Proposition 10. If passed, it would repeal the Costa-Hawkins Rental Housing Act, which limits rent control across California.\u003c/p>\n\u003chr />\n\u003cp>OLIVIA ALLEN-PRICE: It might be the single biggest issue facing Californians…\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Montage of news on cost of housing\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: I’m Olivia Allen-Price. In this episode for the Bay Curious Prop Week, we’re going to be hearing about rent control, the Costa-Hawkins Rental Housing Act and Prop 10. Here’s reporter Jessica Placzek\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>JESSICA PLACZEK: Prop 10 wants to overturn Costa-Hawkins. But what is Costa-Hawkins? To understand that, we need to go back to 1995. It was the year that Brad Pitt won sexiest man alive, Amazon sold its first book and one of my favorite Mariah Carey songs topped the charts…\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>“Fantasy” by Mariah Carey plays\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>PLACZEK: But we’re here to talk about housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>PLACZEK: At the time, the state was recovering from a housing slump and construction of new housing had slowed down. That’s when two politicians decided to try to curb rent control. The politicians were Democratic Senator Jim Costa and Republican Assembly Member Phil Hawkins. Together they drafted the Costa-Hawkins Rental Housing Act.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003caside class=\"alignleft utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__bayCuriousPodcastShortcode__bayCurious\">\u003cimg src=https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/02/bayCuriousLogo.png alt=\"Bay Curious Podcast\" loading=\"lazy\" />\n \u003ca href=\"/news/series/baycurious\">Bay Curious\u003c/a> is a podcast that answers your questions about the Bay Area.\n Subscribe on \u003ca href=\"https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/bay-curious/id1172473406\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Apple Podcasts\u003c/a>,\n \u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/podcasts/500557090/bay-curious\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">NPR One\u003c/a> or your favorite podcast platform.\u003c/aside>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>MATT LEVIN: And it passed by one vote. That shapes rent control policy across California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>PLACZEK: This is Matt Levin, a data reporter for CalMatters and co-host of the housing podcast, “Gimme Shelter.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>PLACZEK: Now, Costa-Hawkins limits rent control in a few big ways. For example, it barred rent control on most single family homes and condos. So most of the suburbs can’t have rent control. It also barred rent control on new buildings. So if a building was constructed after the law took effect, that building cannot have rent control on it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>LEVIN: You can’t impose rent control on properties that were built after 1995.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>PLACZEK: The thing is, before Costa-Hawkins was passed, about a dozen cities already had rent control laws. And some had their own cutoff dates that had been established earlier. Those dates were frozen by Costa-Hawkins. So in Oakland, the cutoff is in 1983. Berkeley in 1980. While in San Jose and San Francisco, nothing built after 1979 can have rent control.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>LEVIN: And so anything new and nice looking in San Francisco is not going to have rent control on it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>PLACZEK: Another thing Costa-Hawkins changed: it eliminated vacancy control, which ties rent control to the apartment instead of the tenant. With Costa-Hawkins, we have vacancy decontrol, which means if a tenant moves out of a rent controlled apartment, landlords can raise the rent as high as they please.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>LEVIN: I see old apartments all the time. They’re total pieces of crap, and they’re charging like a bazillion dollars, right? But once you get into that apartment, they’re limited in how much more they can raise it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>PLACZEK: Today, only 15 cities have rent control in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>LEVIN: It’s really the bigger cities, so L.A., San Francisco, Oakland, San Jose…\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>PLACZEK: But because of Costa-Hawkins, many units in those cities are barred from having rent control.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>PLACZEK: In California, more than one in five households pays over half its income on housing. People are looking for ways to ease housing costs and some are looking toward rent control. This actually won’t be the first attempt to overturn Costa-Hawkins. Earlier this year, a bill went before state legislators.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ASSEMBLYMAN DAVID CHIU: This bill required 4 votes to get out of this committee, at this time there are 3, so AB 1506 fails passage today.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>PLACZEK: It didn’t get too far.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Audience boos\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: Ok, so now that you understand Costa-Hawkins, we can talk about Prop 10, which would upend that legislation. Here to talk about it with me is Guy Marzorati of the KQED Politics and Government Desk. Hey, Guy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>GUY MARZORATI: Hey!\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: So walk us through Prop 10, what are we voting on?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>MARZORATI: I think it’s easy to look at this as a measure all about rent control. I think it’s largely about local control. This is taking something, rent control, that’s been dominated by state laws over the last couple of decades, and it would turn it over to individual cities and counties in California and say, “if Proposition 10 passes, what do you want to do about rent control? How would you like to govern the prices of rent within your city or within your county?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: So what does the prop actually say?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>MARZORATI: It’s repealing Costa-Hawkins and taking us back to the time before that law when cities could implement their own rent control laws on an individual basis. And so you had some places like San Francisco, Berkeley, Oakland that already had rent control on the books before Costa-Hawkins. But you had the vast majority of California cities without any rent control laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: So if this passes and Costa-Hawkins is overturned, what does it actually mean? Like what happens the next day? Do we suddenly have rent control everywhere?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>MARZORATI: No, you don’t. There would be some cities that had certain pieces of their rent control that were explicitly outlawed by Costa-Hawkins. If Costa-Hawkins goes away, they can have vacancy control once again. But for the vast majority of cities nothing would change the day after the election or once the elections are certified.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: So it’s not like we’re going to have a flood of rent control laws suddenly coming.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>MARZORATI: Absolutely not. I think here in the Bay Area there’s really just been one city, Berkeley, that’s put forward a measure saying if Proposition 10 passes here’s exactly how we would change or how we would expand our rent control laws. They want to introduce rent control on a rolling basis for buildings. So as buildings hit their 20th birthday, they age into rent control. But for most cities they haven’t figured that out. And I think what you’re going to see is a lot of long public comment lines at local supervisor committees, city council committees, as cities possibly take rent control up after a possible post-Prop 10 future.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: And, in a nutshell, what would this mean for renters in California and what would this mean for landlords?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>MARZORATI: So I think there’s limited actual research on what rent control does. And like every housing thing, it doesn’t happen in a vacuum. You have all of these other housing laws intersecting with it. I think broadly speaking, the research has shown that if you are a current renter, rent control helps you stay in your unit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: If you have rent control.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>MARZORATI: If you have rent control. And that’s particularly true if you’re a senior citizen and you may be on a fixed income. Rent control can help stabilize the amount that you’re paying out for rent and it can help you remain in a unit. On the flip side, the evidence shows that it is a disincentive to actually build housing. If a developer is limited in the amount that they can make off of a rental unit, well, maybe they’re not going to build rental units, maybe they’ll just build condominiums or apartments for sale. And as we know, California has a huge shortage of actual housing units. So that’s the fear. If you take away this incentive for development then we’re going to worsen our shortage of units.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: There have been a lot of rent control measures that have been on the ballots, on local ballots around the Bay Area, and I think predominantly those have not passed. Why is that and do you think that trend will hold for this statewide prop?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>MARZORATI: Well I think the political reality is that landlords are well organized in the state. The Apartment Association has well funded campaigns. They’re very politically active. And so in the past you’ve seen some mixed success on local ballots in terms of rent control. Although there have also been recent rent control victories in Mountain View and other places.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>MARZORATI: So it’s hard to say local measures haven’t done as well and predicate failure for this measure. I think there’s just a groundswell of energy around this idea of rent control because it’s really easy to sell, to just say “the rent is too darn high.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: You can say damn, it’s a podcast.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003caside class=\"alignleft utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__bayCuriousPodcastShortcode__bayCurious\">\u003cimg src=https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/02/bayCuriousLogo.png alt=\"Bay Curious Podcast\" loading=\"lazy\" />\n What do you wonder about the Bay Area, its culture or people that you want KQED to investigate?\n \u003ca href=\"/news/series/baycurious\">Ask Bay Curious.\u003c/a>\u003c/aside>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>MARZORATI: Too damn high! We need some kind of solution. All that said, the political reality is California is at an all time low of home-ownership rates. We know homeowners are usually more politically active, and renters by nature are more transient. So I think that’s a harder demographic to capture politically.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: So you mentioned who is supporting this prop. Who is against it?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>MARZORATI: As you’d expect, developers are against it. They see this as a huge cut into their business. If local jurisdictions start to limit the amount that they can charge on rents, well then how are they going to finance these rental buildings? And maybe they’re just going to go and build market rate units and condos. Developers also fear that this would create a patchwork of different rules. I think one thing they like about Costa-Hawkins is that it’s a state mandate. It governs this huge market that they develop in. If all of a sudden every individual city has their own rent control laws, that can make business harder for them. So developers have been financially the biggest opponents of Prop 10.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: All right, well it’s going to be interesting to see how voters respond to this one.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>MARZORATI: Yes, will be interesting to see.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: Guy Mazorati with the KQED Politics and Government Desk. Thank you.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>MARZORATI: Thank you.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Theme music\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: If you want to know more about the Costa-Hawkins Rental Housing Act, or Proposition 10, Guy will be taking your questions in a Facebook Live on Oct. 24. You can go ahead and RSVP ahead of time so you’ll get a handy reminder when it rolls around. Get all the details at BayCurious.org.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: This episode was produced by Jessica Placzek.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: That’s it for Bay Curious Prop Week! Thanks so much for listening along. We hope this has been helpful and that you’ve learned a lot — I know I have. If you want to dig deeper into any of these propositions, you should check out KQED’s Voter Guide at kqed.org/elections. Next week we’ll be back to our regular schedule — dropping a new episode every Thursday. Prop Week was produced by Paul Lancour, Ryan Levi, Jessica Placzek, Vinnee Tong, Devin Katayama, Erika Aguliar and me, Olivia Allen-Price. Special thanks to Julie Caine and Guy Marzorati for their support. Bay Curious is made in San Francisco at KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>San Francisco supervisors voted Tuesday to support Proposition 10, a measure on the California ballot this November that allows for the expansion of rent control across the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The nonbinding resolution to support the initiative, which was spearheaded by Supervisor Aaron Peskin, passed on a 9-2 vote, with Supervisors Katy Tang and Catherine Stefani opposing the measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Peskin says rent control is essential to maintaining affordable housing in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"San Francisco and many cities in California have become terribly unaffordable and we have rising rents and a housing crisis,\" Peskin said. \"One of the quickest ways that it can be addressed is through reasonable rent control protections.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 10 would repeal the 1995\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11677380/is-rent-control-working-and-should-we-have-more-or-less-of-it\"> Costa-Hawkins Rental Housing Act\u003c/a>, which curtails the ability of local governments in California to expand rent control. Currently, new rent control restrictions cannot be placed on homes built after 1995. The law also allows landlords to increase rental prices to market rates when tenants move out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This is not the first time the resolution to support Proposition 10 has been on the supervisors' agenda. In September Peskin brought it to a board meeting, where it failed to garner enough votes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supervisor Ahsha Safai opposed the initial resolution, but last week he added amendments in an attempt to make the measure more palatable to the board's moderate faction. The changes included language that would have exempted single-family homes from rent control.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Peskin was able to push a vote on the resolution without the amendments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I don't want to constrain the policy conversation that we all should have, if and when Prop. 10 passes,\" he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The debates could foreshadow the divides at City Hall over rent control policy that may surface if Proposition 10 passes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tang says she pushed for Safai's amendments to exempt future rent control changes on single-family homes because of feedback from constituents in the Sunset district, which is home to a large number of single-family houses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To Peskin, the vote was a signal that San Francisco politicians are ready and willing to expand rent control.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"This is a statement of support,\" he said. \"It sends a message to San Francisco voters that your supervisors are behind you.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED's Guy Marzorati contributed to this report. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>San Francisco supervisors voted Tuesday to support Proposition 10, a measure on the California ballot this November that allows for the expansion of rent control across the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The nonbinding resolution to support the initiative, which was spearheaded by Supervisor Aaron Peskin, passed on a 9-2 vote, with Supervisors Katy Tang and Catherine Stefani opposing the measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Peskin says rent control is essential to maintaining affordable housing in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"San Francisco and many cities in California have become terribly unaffordable and we have rising rents and a housing crisis,\" Peskin said. \"One of the quickest ways that it can be addressed is through reasonable rent control protections.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 10 would repeal the 1995\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11677380/is-rent-control-working-and-should-we-have-more-or-less-of-it\"> Costa-Hawkins Rental Housing Act\u003c/a>, which curtails the ability of local governments in California to expand rent control. Currently, new rent control restrictions cannot be placed on homes built after 1995. The law also allows landlords to increase rental prices to market rates when tenants move out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This is not the first time the resolution to support Proposition 10 has been on the supervisors' agenda. In September Peskin brought it to a board meeting, where it failed to garner enough votes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supervisor Ahsha Safai opposed the initial resolution, but last week he added amendments in an attempt to make the measure more palatable to the board's moderate faction. The changes included language that would have exempted single-family homes from rent control.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Peskin was able to push a vote on the resolution without the amendments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I don't want to constrain the policy conversation that we all should have, if and when Prop. 10 passes,\" he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The debates could foreshadow the divides at City Hall over rent control policy that may surface if Proposition 10 passes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tang says she pushed for Safai's amendments to exempt future rent control changes on single-family homes because of feedback from constituents in the Sunset district, which is home to a large number of single-family houses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To Peskin, the vote was a signal that San Francisco politicians are ready and willing to expand rent control.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"This is a statement of support,\" he said. \"It sends a message to San Francisco voters that your supervisors are behind you.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED's Guy Marzorati contributed to this report. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Election Day is just under six weeks away, and a \u003ca href=\"http://www.ppic.org/publication/ppic-statewide-survey-californians-and-their-government-september-2018/\">new poll from the Public Policy Institute of California\u003c/a> shows some races tightening.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the race for governor, 51 percent of likely voters favor Democratic Lt. Gov. Gavin Newsom, while 39 percent prefer Republican John Cox. Just 7 percent are undecided.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While Newsom still has a comfortable lead, it has actually been cut in half since the July survey.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>PPIC President and CEO Mark Baldassare said Cox has been successful at redefining himself as an independent this summer, and that should be a bit of a wake-up call for Newsom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I think that what this says to the Newsom campaign is that it’s time to get our message out as to why our candidate has positions on the issues that are closer to Californians,\" Baldassare said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The race for U.S. Senate has also gotten closer, though Sen. Dianne Feinstein still holds a double-digit lead over state Sen. Kevin de León. Likely voters prefer Feinstein by a margin of 40 percent to 29 percent over de León. But, notably, about a quarter of voters said they won't vote for anyone in the all-Democratic race. Baldassare said that should help Feinstein.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"If you exclude the people who volunteered they would not vote, and I actually believe they will not vote based on what we saw in 2016,\" Baldassare said, \"that would tend to help the incumbent.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2016, nearly 2 million California voters skipped the Senate race altogether.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The poll also found that Proposition 6, the gas tax repeal that was supposed to help get Republicans to the polls, is trailing.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11694637/kavanaugh-confirmation-process-spills-into-california-senate-race\">Kavanaugh Confirmation Process Spills Into California Senate Race\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11694637/kavanaugh-confirmation-process-spills-into-california-senate-race\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/FeinsteinDeLeon-1180x670.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Fifty-two percent of likely voters said they'll vote against Proposition 6, while 39 percent said they'll support a repeal. Eight percent are undecided. Baldassare said the repeal is failing to gain majority support even in some of California's most expensive areas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We found that across the regions of the state, there are less than a majority in every region,\" he said. \"For instance, in the Bay Area, 43 percent said that they would vote yes and 51 percent said that they would vote no.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Voters seem to be shying away from expanding rent control as well. Forty-eight percent said they oppose Proposition 10, which would allow cities to implement rent control if they choose to. Thirty-six percent support the measure, while 16 percent are undecided.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Baldassare said the complex issue might raise too many questions for voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"They're not sure how rent control works,\" he said. \"If you're a homeowner, what effect will it have on you? Most voters are homeowners. If you live in a rent-control area, what effect will that have?\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Baldassare said he expects to see some movement in these poll numbers over the next several weeks as campaigns kick into high gear and voters get inundated with more information.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But overall he said Newsom and Feinstein are both in strong positions, while Propositions 6 and 10 have a lot of ground to make up.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "The lieutenant governor is hanging onto a double-digit lead in the governor’s race. And an effort to repeal California’s gas tax increase is coming up short so far.",
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"description": "The lieutenant governor is hanging onto a double-digit lead in the governor’s race. And an effort to repeal California’s gas tax increase is coming up short so far.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Election Day is just under six weeks away, and a \u003ca href=\"http://www.ppic.org/publication/ppic-statewide-survey-californians-and-their-government-september-2018/\">new poll from the Public Policy Institute of California\u003c/a> shows some races tightening.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the race for governor, 51 percent of likely voters favor Democratic Lt. Gov. Gavin Newsom, while 39 percent prefer Republican John Cox. Just 7 percent are undecided.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While Newsom still has a comfortable lead, it has actually been cut in half since the July survey.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>PPIC President and CEO Mark Baldassare said Cox has been successful at redefining himself as an independent this summer, and that should be a bit of a wake-up call for Newsom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I think that what this says to the Newsom campaign is that it’s time to get our message out as to why our candidate has positions on the issues that are closer to Californians,\" Baldassare said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The race for U.S. Senate has also gotten closer, though Sen. Dianne Feinstein still holds a double-digit lead over state Sen. Kevin de León. Likely voters prefer Feinstein by a margin of 40 percent to 29 percent over de León. But, notably, about a quarter of voters said they won't vote for anyone in the all-Democratic race. Baldassare said that should help Feinstein.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"If you exclude the people who volunteered they would not vote, and I actually believe they will not vote based on what we saw in 2016,\" Baldassare said, \"that would tend to help the incumbent.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2016, nearly 2 million California voters skipped the Senate race altogether.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The poll also found that Proposition 6, the gas tax repeal that was supposed to help get Republicans to the polls, is trailing.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11694637/kavanaugh-confirmation-process-spills-into-california-senate-race\">Kavanaugh Confirmation Process Spills Into California Senate Race\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11694637/kavanaugh-confirmation-process-spills-into-california-senate-race\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/FeinsteinDeLeon-1180x670.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Fifty-two percent of likely voters said they'll vote against Proposition 6, while 39 percent said they'll support a repeal. Eight percent are undecided. Baldassare said the repeal is failing to gain majority support even in some of California's most expensive areas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We found that across the regions of the state, there are less than a majority in every region,\" he said. \"For instance, in the Bay Area, 43 percent said that they would vote yes and 51 percent said that they would vote no.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Voters seem to be shying away from expanding rent control as well. Forty-eight percent said they oppose Proposition 10, which would allow cities to implement rent control if they choose to. Thirty-six percent support the measure, while 16 percent are undecided.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Baldassare said the complex issue might raise too many questions for voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"They're not sure how rent control works,\" he said. \"If you're a homeowner, what effect will it have on you? Most voters are homeowners. If you live in a rent-control area, what effect will that have?\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Baldassare said he expects to see some movement in these poll numbers over the next several weeks as campaigns kick into high gear and voters get inundated with more information.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But overall he said Newsom and Feinstein are both in strong positions, while Propositions 6 and 10 have a lot of ground to make up.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Tenant advocates held rallies across the state on Saturday in support of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11684346/possible-rent-control-expansion-sets-off-debates-in-bay-area\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Proposition 10\u003c/a>, a statewide ballot initiative that could pave the way for the expansion of rent control.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At an event in Oakland, Sabirah Mustafa wanted to get some tips from an organizer to take the campaign door to door, though it soon became clear she had concerns of her own to share.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mustafa said she struggles to manage rent increases in the Section 8 home she rents with her mother. “”She’s elderly and there’s no protections. So it’s real important that we …”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Change this,” another volunteer said, as Mustafa trailed off in tears.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11694224\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11694224 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/IMG_6815-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/IMG_6815-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/IMG_6815-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/IMG_6815-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/IMG_6815-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/IMG_6815-1920x1280.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/IMG_6815-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/IMG_6815-960x640.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/IMG_6815-240x160.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/IMG_6815-375x250.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/IMG_6815-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Alliance of Californians for Community Empowerment (ACCE) action organizer Anya Svanoe runs through the Proposition 10 door canvassing script with Sabirah Mustafa, who says she struggles to manage rent increases in the Section 8 home she rents with her mother, not far from her childhood home in Oakland. She says of Proposition 10, “We need this. I’m tired of fighting.”\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Vanessa Riles had an eerily similar story. She rents a place with her mom across the street from the home they used to own. The rental is a single-family home, the kind of property exempt from the state’s 1995 rent control restrictions, known as the Costa-Hawkins Rental Housing Act.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When I look around my neighborhood, and the kids I used to play with and the people that I knew, they’re gone,” Riles said of her once African-American community. “There’s only one other family that’s still in my neighborhood that was there when I was a kid. ”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gentrification is one reason that proponents of Proposition 10 want to give cities across California local control when it comes to rent hikes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11694226\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11694226 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/IMG_6820-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/IMG_6820-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/IMG_6820-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/IMG_6820-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/IMG_6820-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/IMG_6820-1920x1280.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/IMG_6820-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/IMG_6820-960x640.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/IMG_6820-240x160.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/IMG_6820-375x250.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/IMG_6820-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Eduardo Colon gets neighborhood canvassers ready to set off during a Proposition 10 rally in Oakland.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Many landlords, homeowners and developers oppose the proposition. But Jess Ausinheiler says she believes that it’s possible to strike the right balance — making extra money from a shared unit in her home at a price that’s still fair for, say, a teacher.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think it’s kind of like a community agreeing on a shared value system,” Ausinheiler said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 10 supporters say the housing crisis is not just a Bay Area phenomenon, and pressures on renters are increasingly being felt around the state. Rallies were held throughout the Bay Area — in Richmond, San Francisco, San Jose and Sacramento — while statewide rallies included Orange County and Los Angeles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While Proposition 10 will come down to the voters in November, no one is sure what cities will do with their newfound power to regulate rents, if they get it.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Tenant advocates held rallies across the state on Saturday in support of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11684346/possible-rent-control-expansion-sets-off-debates-in-bay-area\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Proposition 10\u003c/a>, a statewide ballot initiative that could pave the way for the expansion of rent control.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At an event in Oakland, Sabirah Mustafa wanted to get some tips from an organizer to take the campaign door to door, though it soon became clear she had concerns of her own to share.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mustafa said she struggles to manage rent increases in the Section 8 home she rents with her mother. “”She’s elderly and there’s no protections. So it’s real important that we …”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Change this,” another volunteer said, as Mustafa trailed off in tears.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11694224\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11694224 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/IMG_6815-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/IMG_6815-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/IMG_6815-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/IMG_6815-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/IMG_6815-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/IMG_6815-1920x1280.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/IMG_6815-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/IMG_6815-960x640.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/IMG_6815-240x160.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/IMG_6815-375x250.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/IMG_6815-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Alliance of Californians for Community Empowerment (ACCE) action organizer Anya Svanoe runs through the Proposition 10 door canvassing script with Sabirah Mustafa, who says she struggles to manage rent increases in the Section 8 home she rents with her mother, not far from her childhood home in Oakland. She says of Proposition 10, “We need this. I’m tired of fighting.”\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Vanessa Riles had an eerily similar story. She rents a place with her mom across the street from the home they used to own. The rental is a single-family home, the kind of property exempt from the state’s 1995 rent control restrictions, known as the Costa-Hawkins Rental Housing Act.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When I look around my neighborhood, and the kids I used to play with and the people that I knew, they’re gone,” Riles said of her once African-American community. “There’s only one other family that’s still in my neighborhood that was there when I was a kid. ”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gentrification is one reason that proponents of Proposition 10 want to give cities across California local control when it comes to rent hikes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11694226\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11694226 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/IMG_6820-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/IMG_6820-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/IMG_6820-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/IMG_6820-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/IMG_6820-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/IMG_6820-1920x1280.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/IMG_6820-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/IMG_6820-960x640.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/IMG_6820-240x160.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/IMG_6820-375x250.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/IMG_6820-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Eduardo Colon gets neighborhood canvassers ready to set off during a Proposition 10 rally in Oakland.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Many landlords, homeowners and developers oppose the proposition. But Jess Ausinheiler says she believes that it’s possible to strike the right balance — making extra money from a shared unit in her home at a price that’s still fair for, say, a teacher.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think it’s kind of like a community agreeing on a shared value system,” Ausinheiler said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 10 supporters say the housing crisis is not just a Bay Area phenomenon, and pressures on renters are increasingly being felt around the state. Rallies were held throughout the Bay Area — in Richmond, San Francisco, San Jose and Sacramento — while statewide rallies included Orange County and Los Angeles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While Proposition 10 will come down to the voters in November, no one is sure what cities will do with their newfound power to regulate rents, if they get it.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cb>California Wildfires and Climate Change\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>This week the Mendocino Complex Fire became the largest in state history, burning more than 300,000 acres. At the Carr Fire in Redding, at least eight people have died and more than 1,000 homes have been destroyed. As thousands of firefighters continue to battle blazes throughout the state, the current fire season is on track to be the worst on record. We discuss why these fires are proving so hard to fight.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Guests:\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Brandon Collins\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">, UC Berkeley fire scientist\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Kate Maxwell\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">, Mendocino Voice publisher\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Proposition 10: Rent Control Debate\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">On the November ballot is a proposition that could vastly expand rent control by letting cities cap the rent on any residential property, even new ones. Proponents of Proposition 10 argue that the measure is needed to address the state’s housing shortage and high cost of living. Opponents say that Proposition 10 would discourage new development, lead to more evictions and take rental units off the market. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Guests:\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Debra Carlton\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">, California Apartment Association senior vice president\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Guy Marzorati\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">, KQED politics and government reporter\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Joseph Tobener\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">, San Francisco tenants rights attorney\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Brandless CEO Tina Sharkey\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Brandless co-founder and CEO Tina Sharkey has a lot of experience as an entrepreneur and executive. She co-founded iVillage, an online media company for women, was president of BabyCenter and CEO of Sherpa Foundry. Her new company, Brandless, is an e-commerce startup based in San Francisco that hopes to woo customers by ditching brand names. Brandless’ inventory includes a broad range of everyday necessities, from food to beauty supplies to office supplies, each with a price tag of $3.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cb>California Wildfires and Climate Change\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>This week the Mendocino Complex Fire became the largest in state history, burning more than 300,000 acres. At the Carr Fire in Redding, at least eight people have died and more than 1,000 homes have been destroyed. As thousands of firefighters continue to battle blazes throughout the state, the current fire season is on track to be the worst on record. We discuss why these fires are proving so hard to fight.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Guests:\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Brandon Collins\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">, UC Berkeley fire scientist\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Kate Maxwell\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">, Mendocino Voice publisher\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Proposition 10: Rent Control Debate\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">On the November ballot is a proposition that could vastly expand rent control by letting cities cap the rent on any residential property, even new ones. Proponents of Proposition 10 argue that the measure is needed to address the state’s housing shortage and high cost of living. Opponents say that Proposition 10 would discourage new development, lead to more evictions and take rental units off the market. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Guests:\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Debra Carlton\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">, California Apartment Association senior vice president\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Guy Marzorati\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">, KQED politics and government reporter\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Joseph Tobener\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">, San Francisco tenants rights attorney\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Brandless CEO Tina Sharkey\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Brandless co-founder and CEO Tina Sharkey has a lot of experience as an entrepreneur and executive. She co-founded iVillage, an online media company for women, was president of BabyCenter and CEO of Sherpa Foundry. Her new company, Brandless, is an e-commerce startup based in San Francisco that hopes to woo customers by ditching brand names. Brandless’ inventory includes a broad range of everyday necessities, from food to beauty supplies to office supplies, each with a price tag of $3.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"disqusTitle": "Possible Rent Control Expansion Sets Off Debates in Bay Area",
"title": "Possible Rent Control Expansion Sets Off Debates in Bay Area",
"headTitle": "The California Report | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>If California voters approve Proposition 10 this fall, they won't be ending \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11682736/rent-control-expansion-will-it-divide-democrats\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">the debate\u003c/a> over how to address the state's soaring rents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In fact, by repealing the Costa-Hawkins Rental Housing Act, voters will spark a multitude of intense housing deliberations at the local level.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Ultimately, Prop. 10 is really about local control,\" said David Campos, chair of the San Francisco Democratic Party and a former supervisor, who supports the proposition. \"\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">It is really up to the individual jurisdictions to decide for themselves what makes sense.\"\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Approved in 1995, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11677380/is-rent-control-working-and-should-we-have-more-or-less-of-it\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Costa-Hawkins\u003c/a> froze in place a hodgepodge of existing rent control ordinances across California and restricted the ability of cities to expand rent control to newer buildings, condominiums or single-family homes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With the measure to allow rent control expansion heading to the November ballot, tenants, landlords, developers and local officials have all expressed uncertainty over what Bay Area governments would do with new power to regulate rents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\"I don't think that it is realistic for us to presume that \u003c/span>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">anything\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> will happen,\" Campos said. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One acute fear for landlords is vacancy control, or limits on what new tenants can be charged for rent. Under Costa-Hawkins, landlords can increase rent to market rate after a tenant leaves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"With rent control, \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">there’s really no ability for us to have a lot of control over our profit margins,\" said Robert Thomas, a landlord who owns 200 units throughout the state. \"One of the concerns we have with [Proposition 10] is that we wouldn’t be able to update the actual rents on vacant units to what they should be.\" \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thomas said he rents out three units of a building in San Francisco, with rent-controlled tenants paying $2,000 a month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\"When one went vacant, the market rate was $3,600,\" he said. \"So those two tenants that are saving $1,600 make it very difficult for us to do the repairs.\" \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thomas' fears could become a reality in Berkeley, one of the few cities in California that had vacancy control before Costa-Hawkins. If Proposition 10 passes, the rent on vacant units in Berkeley will once again be regulated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Rents are way above what owners need to achieve a fair return,\" said Berkeley Mayor Jesse Arreguín, who supports Proposition 10. \"Owners would still be receiving, in most cases, rents significantly beyond what are needed to operate their building.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11684225/rent-control-a-bay-curious-qa\">Rent Control: A Bay Curious Q&A\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11684225/rent-control-a-bay-curious-qa\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/08/RS10555_470165429-1038x576.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>California's Supreme Court has held that rent control laws must allow landlords to receive a \u003ca href=\"https://scocal.stanford.edu/opinion/birkenfeld-v-city-berkeley-30384\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">\"reasonable return\"\u003c/a> on their investment. And landlords often bring grievances over fair returns to the local rent board.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"There are certain smaller radical cities that may have vacancy control and may go that route,\" said Joseph Tobener, a tenant rights attorney in San Francisco. \"But for larger cities it's not possible to have vacancy control because the administrative costs are astronomical.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tobener said those legal costs, and the staunch opposition of landlords, are likely to dissuade other cities from enacting vacancy controls if Proposition 10 passes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"This \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">big fear that vacancy control statutes are going to pass and proliferate, it's not possible, it's not going to come to fruition,\" he added. \"\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Cities and counties had 30 years to pass these so-called extreme rent control ordinances and they didn't do it.\" \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Keeping the status quo on vacant units would be a letdown to some rent control supporters, including Vanessa Bulnes of Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">would definitely be disappointed because a lot of people, with the shortage of housing, that might be their only option -- to move into an apartment building,\" she said. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bulnes and her husband were forced to move from the house they owned in East Oakland after losing it to foreclosure. Now she lives in a single-family rental, which state law exempts from Oakland's rent control ordinance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Going \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">from a homeowner to being a tenant, I've seen how rent increases have changed the fiber of our communities,\" she said. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bulnes is now volunteering with the Yes on 10 campaign, and hopes that if given the ability, Oakland will expand rent control to single-family homes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>City officials in Oakland, Richmond, Hayward and other Bay Area cities with rent control laws said that they're researching how Proposition 10 could affect their local ordinances.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Richmond's rent control ordinance appears to allow for the immediate expansion to new units if Costa-Hawkins is repealed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Currently I’m doing the legal research,\" said Charles Oshinuga, staff attorney for the Richmond Rent Control Program. \"I have not reached a conclusion.\"\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Opponents of Proposition 10 said that the possibility of rent control expansion, and the temporary uncertainty, is enough to spook developers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Already I get 10 or 20 calls a week from people from out of state who were considering funding a project or building a project, and they've already said they're just waiting,\" said Kenneth Rosen, chairman of the Fisher Center for Real Estate and Urban Economics at UC Berkeley. \"Even if the repeal doesn't happen, it may discourage them permanently.\" \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One Bay Area city is not waiting for California voters to act on rent control expansion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the early hours of Wednesday morning, Berkeley's City Council placed a measure on the November ballot asking voters to approve changes to the city's rent control laws if Proposition 10 passes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>New buildings would fall under rent control after 20 years, and current rents would become the new baseline rates in rent-controlled units.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\"I think it’s safe to say 20 years is kind of a good line in the sand,\" said Mayor Arreguín. \"I don’t want to discourage development in this community.\" \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Landlords and tenants packed the evening meeting, pushing a vote on the rent control measure past midnight. But with their preemptive strike, Berkeley's council may have avoided a more protracted rent control debate that could await other Bay Area cities in 2019.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">There’s going to be a fight in every community that has rent control,\" predicted Kenneth Rosen. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Arreguín said they \"didn't want to create widespread confusion if Proposition 10 were to pass. It would be confusing to the Rent Board and unfair to property owners.\" \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>If California voters approve Proposition 10 this fall, they won't be ending \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11682736/rent-control-expansion-will-it-divide-democrats\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">the debate\u003c/a> over how to address the state's soaring rents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In fact, by repealing the Costa-Hawkins Rental Housing Act, voters will spark a multitude of intense housing deliberations at the local level.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Ultimately, Prop. 10 is really about local control,\" said David Campos, chair of the San Francisco Democratic Party and a former supervisor, who supports the proposition. \"\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">It is really up to the individual jurisdictions to decide for themselves what makes sense.\"\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Approved in 1995, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11677380/is-rent-control-working-and-should-we-have-more-or-less-of-it\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Costa-Hawkins\u003c/a> froze in place a hodgepodge of existing rent control ordinances across California and restricted the ability of cities to expand rent control to newer buildings, condominiums or single-family homes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With the measure to allow rent control expansion heading to the November ballot, tenants, landlords, developers and local officials have all expressed uncertainty over what Bay Area governments would do with new power to regulate rents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\"I don't think that it is realistic for us to presume that \u003c/span>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">anything\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> will happen,\" Campos said. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One acute fear for landlords is vacancy control, or limits on what new tenants can be charged for rent. Under Costa-Hawkins, landlords can increase rent to market rate after a tenant leaves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"With rent control, \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">there’s really no ability for us to have a lot of control over our profit margins,\" said Robert Thomas, a landlord who owns 200 units throughout the state. \"One of the concerns we have with [Proposition 10] is that we wouldn’t be able to update the actual rents on vacant units to what they should be.\" \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thomas said he rents out three units of a building in San Francisco, with rent-controlled tenants paying $2,000 a month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\"When one went vacant, the market rate was $3,600,\" he said. \"So those two tenants that are saving $1,600 make it very difficult for us to do the repairs.\" \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thomas' fears could become a reality in Berkeley, one of the few cities in California that had vacancy control before Costa-Hawkins. If Proposition 10 passes, the rent on vacant units in Berkeley will once again be regulated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Rents are way above what owners need to achieve a fair return,\" said Berkeley Mayor Jesse Arreguín, who supports Proposition 10. \"Owners would still be receiving, in most cases, rents significantly beyond what are needed to operate their building.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11684225/rent-control-a-bay-curious-qa\">Rent Control: A Bay Curious Q&A\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11684225/rent-control-a-bay-curious-qa\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/08/RS10555_470165429-1038x576.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>California's Supreme Court has held that rent control laws must allow landlords to receive a \u003ca href=\"https://scocal.stanford.edu/opinion/birkenfeld-v-city-berkeley-30384\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">\"reasonable return\"\u003c/a> on their investment. And landlords often bring grievances over fair returns to the local rent board.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"There are certain smaller radical cities that may have vacancy control and may go that route,\" said Joseph Tobener, a tenant rights attorney in San Francisco. \"But for larger cities it's not possible to have vacancy control because the administrative costs are astronomical.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tobener said those legal costs, and the staunch opposition of landlords, are likely to dissuade other cities from enacting vacancy controls if Proposition 10 passes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"This \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">big fear that vacancy control statutes are going to pass and proliferate, it's not possible, it's not going to come to fruition,\" he added. \"\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Cities and counties had 30 years to pass these so-called extreme rent control ordinances and they didn't do it.\" \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Keeping the status quo on vacant units would be a letdown to some rent control supporters, including Vanessa Bulnes of Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">would definitely be disappointed because a lot of people, with the shortage of housing, that might be their only option -- to move into an apartment building,\" she said. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bulnes and her husband were forced to move from the house they owned in East Oakland after losing it to foreclosure. Now she lives in a single-family rental, which state law exempts from Oakland's rent control ordinance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Going \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">from a homeowner to being a tenant, I've seen how rent increases have changed the fiber of our communities,\" she said. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bulnes is now volunteering with the Yes on 10 campaign, and hopes that if given the ability, Oakland will expand rent control to single-family homes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>City officials in Oakland, Richmond, Hayward and other Bay Area cities with rent control laws said that they're researching how Proposition 10 could affect their local ordinances.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Richmond's rent control ordinance appears to allow for the immediate expansion to new units if Costa-Hawkins is repealed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Currently I’m doing the legal research,\" said Charles Oshinuga, staff attorney for the Richmond Rent Control Program. \"I have not reached a conclusion.\"\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Opponents of Proposition 10 said that the possibility of rent control expansion, and the temporary uncertainty, is enough to spook developers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Already I get 10 or 20 calls a week from people from out of state who were considering funding a project or building a project, and they've already said they're just waiting,\" said Kenneth Rosen, chairman of the Fisher Center for Real Estate and Urban Economics at UC Berkeley. \"Even if the repeal doesn't happen, it may discourage them permanently.\" \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One Bay Area city is not waiting for California voters to act on rent control expansion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the early hours of Wednesday morning, Berkeley's City Council placed a measure on the November ballot asking voters to approve changes to the city's rent control laws if Proposition 10 passes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>New buildings would fall under rent control after 20 years, and current rents would become the new baseline rates in rent-controlled units.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\"I think it’s safe to say 20 years is kind of a good line in the sand,\" said Mayor Arreguín. \"I don’t want to discourage development in this community.\" \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Landlords and tenants packed the evening meeting, pushing a vote on the rent control measure past midnight. But with their preemptive strike, Berkeley's council may have avoided a more protracted rent control debate that could await other Bay Area cities in 2019.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">There’s going to be a fight in every community that has rent control,\" predicted Kenneth Rosen. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Arreguín said they \"didn't want to create widespread confusion if Proposition 10 were to pass. It would be confusing to the Rent Board and unfair to property owners.\" \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
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"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
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"tagline": "Politics from a personal perspective",
"info": "Political Breakdown is a new series that explores the political intersection of California and the nation. Each week hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos are joined with a new special guest to unpack politics -- with personality — and offer an insider’s glimpse at how politics happens.",
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"possible": {
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"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
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"radiolab": {
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"reveal": {
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"info": "Created by The Center for Investigative Reporting and PRX, Reveal is public radios first one-hour weekly radio show and podcast dedicated to investigative reporting. Credible, fact based and without a partisan agenda, Reveal combines the power and artistry of driveway moment storytelling with data-rich reporting on critically important issues. The result is stories that inform and inspire, arming our listeners with information to right injustices, hold the powerful accountable and improve lives.Reveal is hosted by Al Letson and showcases the award-winning work of CIR and newsrooms large and small across the nation. In a radio and podcast market crowded with choices, Reveal focuses on important and often surprising stories that illuminate the world for our listeners.",
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},
"rightnowish": {
"id": "rightnowish",
"title": "Rightnowish",
"tagline": "Art is where you find it",
"info": "Rightnowish digs into life in the Bay Area right now… ish. Journalist Pendarvis Harshaw takes us to galleries painted on the sides of liquor stores in West Oakland. We'll dance in warehouses in the Bayview, make smoothies with kids in South Berkeley, and listen to classical music in a 1984 Cutlass Supreme in Richmond. Every week, Pen talks to movers and shakers about how the Bay Area shapes what they create, and how they shape the place we call home.",
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},
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"info": "Science Friday is a weekly science talk show, broadcast live over public radio stations nationwide. Each week, the show focuses on science topics that are in the news and tries to bring an educated, balanced discussion to bear on the scientific issues at hand. Panels of expert guests join host Ira Flatow, a veteran science journalist, to discuss science and to take questions from listeners during the call-in portion of the program.",
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