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"content": "\u003cp>Maria-Elena Healy knew layoffs could be coming, but the vague warnings and whispers she had heard leading up to Monday didn’t prepare her for the shock that morning when she and three other nurses at \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/laguna-honda-hospital\">Laguna Honda Hospital and Rehabilitation Center\u003c/a> found out they were losing their jobs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was hard to hear. It just felt like we had leadership who were not transparent and didn’t value the expertise of clinicians that actually work at the bedside,” said Healy, a registered nurse who grew up in San Francisco and has worked at Laguna Honda for 10 years. “Staff members are reaching out to us across all disciplines, saying, ‘What’s going to happen to your work?’ It just doesn’t make sense.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ax is expected to fall on \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12075213/san-francisco-mayor-daniel-lurie-looks-to-eliminate-500-city-jobs\">hundreds of city workers\u003c/a> like Healy as San Francisco looks to narrow its $643 million budget deficit over the next two years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This week, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12070484/tune-in-tonight-san-francisco-mayor-daniel-lurie-live-on-kqed\">Mayor Daniel Lurie’s administration\u003c/a> sent 127 layoff notices to city employees across 18 different departments, part of a total of around 500 positions that the mayor intends to cut. Additional layoffs are expected to be announced later this spring, and the mayor has said he also intends to freeze about 2,000 open positions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have a choice: take action now or be forced to do twice as much in the coming years,” Lurie said in a statement. “The steps we’re taking today are a painful but necessary continuation of the work we’ve been doing since last year to manage taxpayer dollars responsibly and deliver the best possible services for San Franciscans.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Departments impacted by the 127 layoffs so far include the Department of Public Health, the Office of Economic and Workforce Development, the City Administrator’s Office, the Human Services Agency and the Police Department. A spokesperson for Lurie’s office did not specify which departments have seen the most layoffs so far.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11958378\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11958378\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS62463_010_KQED_LagunaHondaHospital_01312023-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"Signage reading Laguna Honda Hospital over the entryway to a large tile-roofed building.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS62463_010_KQED_LagunaHondaHospital_01312023-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS62463_010_KQED_LagunaHondaHospital_01312023-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS62463_010_KQED_LagunaHondaHospital_01312023-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS62463_010_KQED_LagunaHondaHospital_01312023-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS62463_010_KQED_LagunaHondaHospital_01312023-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS62463_010_KQED_LagunaHondaHospital_01312023-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Laguna Honda Hospital administration building in San Francisco on Jan. 31, 2023. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The layoffs were expected even as the city’s projected budget deficit improved from $936 million to $643 million in a recent \u003ca href=\"https://media.api.sf.gov/documents/March_Update_FY_26-27_through_FY_29-30_FINAL.pdf\">City Controller’s report\u003c/a>. President Donald Trump’s federal spending cuts have drastically deepened the city’s budget shortfall, and in December, Lurie directed departments to find ways to cut a total of $400 million ahead of his budget proposal coming next month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But city workers and advocates for the services they provide say the city is ignoring alternatives that could save jobs and minimize impacts to residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The city has funds. They just need to dip into their reserves,” Healy said. “There’s no reason to diminish the care that we provide to the residents of San Francisco. This is a safety net hospital.”[aside postID=news_12078490 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/GroceriesAP.jpg']She and others are also calling for the passage of Proposition D, the Overpaid CEO Act, which would levy taxes on large corporations where the chief executive earns more than 100 times their median employee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In one of the richest cities in the world, cuts like this are a choice, not a necessity,” Mark Leach, Teamsters 856 representative and San Francisco resident, said in a statement. “Large corporations are cashing in on Trump’s tax breaks, but we can make them pay their fair share in San Francisco by passing Prop D in June.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters of the proposition say it could generate up to $300 million in funding to backfill money the city has lost in economic fallout surrounding the pandemic and since cuts by the Trump Administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lurie’s goal to shave off $400 million in annual spending includes about $100 million from personnel savings, which his administration has estimated will translate to about 500 positions eliminated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some workers who received pink slips this week got a 30-day notice, and others may have 60 days, depending on their position and tenure. Some civil service employees whose jobs are being eliminated will be able to request a different position.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12079148\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 750px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12079148\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/Maria-Elena-Healy-2.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"750\" height=\"995\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/Maria-Elena-Healy-2.jpg 750w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/Maria-Elena-Healy-2-160x212.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 750px) 100vw, 750px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Maria-Elena Healy, a registered nurse at Laguna Honda Hospital, was among the 127 San Francisco city workers to receive layoff notices this week. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Maria-Elena Healy)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Healy said she received a 60-day notice for her termination, but any details on her employment options with the city have been opaque.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They actually could not answer some of the questions that we had,” Healy said. “It’s very difficult to make decisions about our lives and our livelihoods when the city failed to even give us the information that we needed to make those decisions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Healy said she and her three colleagues, who were also laid off, are clinical nurse specialists with expertise in certain areas, like cardiovascular health and diabetes care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She’s seen Laguna Honda, one of the country’s oldest and largest public skilled nursing homes, weather a storm of regulatory challenges in recent years, including when state and federal regulators pulled its Medicaid and Medicare certification and nearly shut the hospital down several years ago amid a series of safety violations. The facility has since made safety improvements and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11991292/laguna-honda-recertified-by-medicare-in-major-milestone-for-san-francisco-hospital\">regained certification\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Part of our role as clinical nurse specialists has actually been to help support the facility through being recertified. We are trained to look at system issues and develop programs to support the needs of patients,” Healy said. “It just felt like the organization doesn’t understand how we helped use our skills to bring us back to certification.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco has about 30,000 employees overall and a nearly $16 billion budget.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The cuts this year come after the city managed to stave off many of the layoffs proposed during last year’s budget cycle. Last cycle, Lurie sought to eliminate 100 filled positions, but after negotiations with city leaders, unions and stakeholders, 40 jobs were cut. The final plan cut about \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12041773/san-francisco-mayor-daniel-lurie-plans-to-cut-1400-jobs-in-city-budget-proposal\">1,400 mostly vacant positions\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My job as mayor is to set up our city for success, not just today but for years to come,” Lurie said in response to the recent controller’s report, which projected a lower budget deficit overall. “We will deliver a fiscally sound budget that prioritizes core services, delivers results for San Franciscans and ensures a broad and durable economic recovery.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lurie must present his upcoming budget proposal by June 1.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Maria-Elena Healy knew layoffs could be coming, but the vague warnings and whispers she had heard leading up to Monday didn’t prepare her for the shock that morning when she and three other nurses at \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/laguna-honda-hospital\">Laguna Honda Hospital and Rehabilitation Center\u003c/a> found out they were losing their jobs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was hard to hear. It just felt like we had leadership who were not transparent and didn’t value the expertise of clinicians that actually work at the bedside,” said Healy, a registered nurse who grew up in San Francisco and has worked at Laguna Honda for 10 years. “Staff members are reaching out to us across all disciplines, saying, ‘What’s going to happen to your work?’ It just doesn’t make sense.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ax is expected to fall on \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12075213/san-francisco-mayor-daniel-lurie-looks-to-eliminate-500-city-jobs\">hundreds of city workers\u003c/a> like Healy as San Francisco looks to narrow its $643 million budget deficit over the next two years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This week, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12070484/tune-in-tonight-san-francisco-mayor-daniel-lurie-live-on-kqed\">Mayor Daniel Lurie’s administration\u003c/a> sent 127 layoff notices to city employees across 18 different departments, part of a total of around 500 positions that the mayor intends to cut. Additional layoffs are expected to be announced later this spring, and the mayor has said he also intends to freeze about 2,000 open positions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have a choice: take action now or be forced to do twice as much in the coming years,” Lurie said in a statement. “The steps we’re taking today are a painful but necessary continuation of the work we’ve been doing since last year to manage taxpayer dollars responsibly and deliver the best possible services for San Franciscans.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Departments impacted by the 127 layoffs so far include the Department of Public Health, the Office of Economic and Workforce Development, the City Administrator’s Office, the Human Services Agency and the Police Department. A spokesperson for Lurie’s office did not specify which departments have seen the most layoffs so far.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11958378\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11958378\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS62463_010_KQED_LagunaHondaHospital_01312023-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"Signage reading Laguna Honda Hospital over the entryway to a large tile-roofed building.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS62463_010_KQED_LagunaHondaHospital_01312023-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS62463_010_KQED_LagunaHondaHospital_01312023-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS62463_010_KQED_LagunaHondaHospital_01312023-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS62463_010_KQED_LagunaHondaHospital_01312023-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS62463_010_KQED_LagunaHondaHospital_01312023-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS62463_010_KQED_LagunaHondaHospital_01312023-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Laguna Honda Hospital administration building in San Francisco on Jan. 31, 2023. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The layoffs were expected even as the city’s projected budget deficit improved from $936 million to $643 million in a recent \u003ca href=\"https://media.api.sf.gov/documents/March_Update_FY_26-27_through_FY_29-30_FINAL.pdf\">City Controller’s report\u003c/a>. President Donald Trump’s federal spending cuts have drastically deepened the city’s budget shortfall, and in December, Lurie directed departments to find ways to cut a total of $400 million ahead of his budget proposal coming next month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But city workers and advocates for the services they provide say the city is ignoring alternatives that could save jobs and minimize impacts to residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The city has funds. They just need to dip into their reserves,” Healy said. “There’s no reason to diminish the care that we provide to the residents of San Francisco. This is a safety net hospital.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>She and others are also calling for the passage of Proposition D, the Overpaid CEO Act, which would levy taxes on large corporations where the chief executive earns more than 100 times their median employee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In one of the richest cities in the world, cuts like this are a choice, not a necessity,” Mark Leach, Teamsters 856 representative and San Francisco resident, said in a statement. “Large corporations are cashing in on Trump’s tax breaks, but we can make them pay their fair share in San Francisco by passing Prop D in June.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters of the proposition say it could generate up to $300 million in funding to backfill money the city has lost in economic fallout surrounding the pandemic and since cuts by the Trump Administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lurie’s goal to shave off $400 million in annual spending includes about $100 million from personnel savings, which his administration has estimated will translate to about 500 positions eliminated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some workers who received pink slips this week got a 30-day notice, and others may have 60 days, depending on their position and tenure. Some civil service employees whose jobs are being eliminated will be able to request a different position.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12079148\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 750px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12079148\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/Maria-Elena-Healy-2.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"750\" height=\"995\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/Maria-Elena-Healy-2.jpg 750w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/Maria-Elena-Healy-2-160x212.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 750px) 100vw, 750px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Maria-Elena Healy, a registered nurse at Laguna Honda Hospital, was among the 127 San Francisco city workers to receive layoff notices this week. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Maria-Elena Healy)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Healy said she received a 60-day notice for her termination, but any details on her employment options with the city have been opaque.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They actually could not answer some of the questions that we had,” Healy said. “It’s very difficult to make decisions about our lives and our livelihoods when the city failed to even give us the information that we needed to make those decisions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Healy said she and her three colleagues, who were also laid off, are clinical nurse specialists with expertise in certain areas, like cardiovascular health and diabetes care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She’s seen Laguna Honda, one of the country’s oldest and largest public skilled nursing homes, weather a storm of regulatory challenges in recent years, including when state and federal regulators pulled its Medicaid and Medicare certification and nearly shut the hospital down several years ago amid a series of safety violations. The facility has since made safety improvements and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11991292/laguna-honda-recertified-by-medicare-in-major-milestone-for-san-francisco-hospital\">regained certification\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Part of our role as clinical nurse specialists has actually been to help support the facility through being recertified. We are trained to look at system issues and develop programs to support the needs of patients,” Healy said. “It just felt like the organization doesn’t understand how we helped use our skills to bring us back to certification.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco has about 30,000 employees overall and a nearly $16 billion budget.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The cuts this year come after the city managed to stave off many of the layoffs proposed during last year’s budget cycle. Last cycle, Lurie sought to eliminate 100 filled positions, but after negotiations with city leaders, unions and stakeholders, 40 jobs were cut. The final plan cut about \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12041773/san-francisco-mayor-daniel-lurie-plans-to-cut-1400-jobs-in-city-budget-proposal\">1,400 mostly vacant positions\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My job as mayor is to set up our city for success, not just today but for years to come,” Lurie said in response to the recent controller’s report, which projected a lower budget deficit overall. “We will deliver a fiscally sound budget that prioritizes core services, delivers results for San Franciscans and ensures a broad and durable economic recovery.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lurie must present his upcoming budget proposal by June 1.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "when-child-care-costs-half-a-paycheck-bay-area-parents-must-choose-kids-or-career",
"title": "When Child Care Costs Half a Paycheck, Bay Area Parents Must Choose: Kids or Career",
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"headTitle": "When Child Care Costs Half a Paycheck, Bay Area Parents Must Choose: Kids or Career | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>This story is part of \u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/affordability\">How We Get By\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>, a KQED series exploring how people are coping with rising costs in the Bay Area and California. Find the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/affordability\">full series here\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Annie Malekzadeh was shopping at a Joanne Fabrics store in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/concord\">Concord\u003c/a> a couple of years ago when she had an encounter that stung her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An older woman who saw her pregnant while pushing her toddler son in a shopping cart, told her: “I don’t know why you would want more than two [children]. It’s basically impossible in the Bay Area.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“At the time I was like, how dare she?” she said. “But now I’m like, oh, [she] was right. It’s really hard.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Malekzadeh wound up having another baby, and the decision to have three kids pushed her child care expenses to roughly $56,000 a year and ultimately changed the course of her career.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12061802/how-are-child-care-costs-affecting-the-lives-of-bay-area-families-you-told-us\">Rising child care costs in the Bay Area\u003c/a> are forcing parents to make painful tradeoffs, either by passing up career opportunities, cutting back work hours, or quitting altogether. For families with multiple young children, these expenses can surpass a parent’s entire salary, disproportionately affecting mothers and shaping their long-term economic security.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Malekzadeh’s story is just one example of how the gap between what families can afford and the actual cost of care is pushing parents to find creative solutions — and prompting calls for systemic change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Child care has long been expensive for parents, but recently it’s been even more so.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12078461\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12078461\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260401-AFFORDABILITYCHILDCARE00035_TV-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260401-AFFORDABILITYCHILDCARE00035_TV-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260401-AFFORDABILITYCHILDCARE00035_TV-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260401-AFFORDABILITYCHILDCARE00035_TV-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Annie Malekzadeh, a mom who quit her teaching job to save on child care and is now pursuing her master’s degree in mathematics, studies at Pleasant Hill Library in Pleasant Hill on April 1, 2026. \u003ccite>(Tâm Vũ/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Prices shot up almost 30% between 2020 and 2024, outpacing inflation by 7 percentage points, according to \u003ca href=\"https://www.childcareaware.org/price-landscape24/\">a survey of child care resource and referral organizations \u003c/a>around the country. In just the last year, 40% of child care programs in California \u003ca href=\"https://www.naeyc.org/sites/default/files/wysiwyg/user-174467/2026_survey_brief.pdf\">reported raising tuition \u003c/a>to offset rising operating costs like insurance and food.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Four years ago, Malekzadeh was a math teacher at a private middle school, earning roughly $32,000 annually and working 25 hours per week. At the time, her son was in kindergarten and her daughter in preschool. Her husband is a psychiatrist, she said, and because he earned more money and worked more hours, most of the parenting responsibilities went to her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With their joint income, the cost of preschool and before- and afterschool care was manageable for the Pleasant Hill couple. But when their baby boy came along in July 2022, and needed full-time infant care, the amount for all three kids’ care — about $4,700 per month — was almost double her teacher’s salary.[aside postID=news_12070762 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/240911-CHILDCARE-REAX-MD-01_qed.jpg']“It didn’t make sense,” she said. “My job wasn’t really making enough of a contribution to justify that kind of expense.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By the time the school year ended, Malekzadeh decided to quit, even though she didn’t want to leave a profession she loved.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My grandparents were both educators,” she said. “They were beloved by their community, and they were really excited when I chose to become a teacher. So that was my plan, and I didn’t ever expect to deviate from that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The move is saving about $600 a week in child care. The older two are in public school, and the youngest is still in preschool. While he’s in care, Malekzadeh takes classes at Diablo Valley College as she pursues a master’s degree in math, which she hopes will ultimately lead to a higher-paying job to make up for time away from the labor market.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you quit to stay home with your kids, it creates gaps in your resume that a lot of places don’t necessarily look nicely at,” Melakzadeh said. “You have to have some kind of explanation for that, which might translate into less pay.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Child care prices vary by region and depend on a child’s age and the type of provider. In California, full-time infant care in 2024 cost an average of $22,628, which is 16% of the average married couple’s income and 50% of a single parent’s. Bay Area families pay the highest child care prices \u003ca href=\"https://tootris.com/edu/blog/parents/cost-of-child-care-in-california-by-city-age-and-type-of-care-provider/?utm_source=chatgpt.com\">compared to other parts of California\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12078462\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12078462 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260401-AFFORDABILITYCHILDCARE00228_TV-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260401-AFFORDABILITYCHILDCARE00228_TV-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260401-AFFORDABILITYCHILDCARE00228_TV-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260401-AFFORDABILITYCHILDCARE00228_TV-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Annie Malekzadeh plays a card game with her daughter as they wait for her older son to finish school at Valhalla Elementary School in Pleasant Hill on April 1, 2026. \u003ccite>(Tâm Vũ/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The spike in prices came as companies began mandating employees return to work and \u003ca href=\"https://rapidsurveyproject.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/11/arpa-funding-factsheet-aug2023.pdf\">child care providers lost federal funds\u003c/a> meant to help them recover from the pandemic. Less flexibility and high costs led to a decline in labor force participation for moms of children under the age of 5, and college-educated moms in particular, according to\u003ca href=\"https://kpmg.com/us/en/articles/2025/october-2025-the-great-exit.html\"> an analysis by the financial firm KPMG.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Their labor force participation declined by 2.3 percentage points, while the number of college-educated dads of young children who were working or seeking a job continued to increase.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Families are facing child care prices that are higher than the price of rent or mortgage. So this is a huge problem. It’s one of the biggest expenses in a family’s budgets,” said Julie Kashen, a researcher at The Century Foundation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12078476\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12078476\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/251027-CHILD-CARE-PRICES-MD-04-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/251027-CHILD-CARE-PRICES-MD-04-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/251027-CHILD-CARE-PRICES-MD-04-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/251027-CHILD-CARE-PRICES-MD-04-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Nolan Cruz eats oatmeal for breakfast in the morning on Oct. 27, 2025. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The progressive think tank conducted an October survey of 1,400 voters about their affordability concerns. Kashen said that while all families are facing rising costs, it’s women who experience a greater threat to their economic security.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Women are faring worse in terms of taking on debt to cover their basics, borrowing from friends and families to pay the bills,” she said. “So when you add child care on top of that, I think it’s incredibly challenging.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those challenges led Amy Cruz to walk away from a six-figure nursing job to freelance as a dance teacher and care for her 3-year-old son, Nolan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12078474\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12078474\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/251027-CHILD-CARE-PRICES-MD-02-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1346\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/251027-CHILD-CARE-PRICES-MD-02-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/251027-CHILD-CARE-PRICES-MD-02-KQED-160x108.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/251027-CHILD-CARE-PRICES-MD-02-KQED-1536x1034.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Brandon and Nolan Cruz cook oatmeal for breakfast on Oct. 27, 2025. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Until he was about two years old, Cruz paid $3,000 per month to share a nanny with another family for just four days a week of child care (on the fifth day, she leaned on family members to look after him). While child care wasn’t the only reason she left her job, it was a significant factor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Essentially, half of my monthly income was going to child care,” Cruz said. “Watching that much money leave our account every month was tough.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Once Nolan was old enough to start preschool, she enrolled him in a three-day program near her Berkeley home, which cut her child care costs in half. When he’s there, she teaches dance — something she did professionally before going to nursing school — to afford his tuition. With a second baby on the way, she also figured that it was “worth it to make a little less money but be able to be with my kids more.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12078475\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12078475\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/251027-CHILD-CARE-PRICES-MD-03-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/251027-CHILD-CARE-PRICES-MD-03-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/251027-CHILD-CARE-PRICES-MD-03-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/251027-CHILD-CARE-PRICES-MD-03-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Amy Cruz picks raspberries for her son Nolan’s breakfast in the morning on Oct. 27, 2025. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Economists call child care a broken market because the actual cost of providing care is a lot more than what families can afford to pay. In California, \u003ca href=\"https://rrnetwork.org/assets/general-files/California.pdf\">the demand for licensed infant care exceeds supply\u003c/a> because it’s the most expensive and labor-intensive. Babies need constant care, and California has strict rules limiting the number of children each adult can care for in a licensed child care home or center.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the same time, low pay and benefits have made it tough for child care providers to attract or retain early educators. In January, nearly half of providers said they didn’t have enough staff to enroll children at capacity, according to a survey by the National Association for the Education of Young Children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For providers, energy costs, food, insurance have all gone up,” said Matthew Nestler, senior economist at KPMG. “They can’t necessarily raise their workers’ wages to the degree that they would like to.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12078473\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12078473\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/251027-CHILD-CARE-PRICES-MD-01-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/251027-CHILD-CARE-PRICES-MD-01-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/251027-CHILD-CARE-PRICES-MD-01-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/251027-CHILD-CARE-PRICES-MD-01-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">(From left) Brandon, Amy and Nolan Cruz prepare breakfast and pack a lunch for Nolan in the morning on Oct. 27, 2025. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The shortage can cause parents to weave in and out of the workforce. Malezadeh first left her job when her eldest child was born eight years ago, and she couldn’t find an open infant care slot when her maternity leave ended. She didn’t know she had to reserve months in advance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We didn’t actually find any kind of daycare spot for him until he was two, and by then, I was already expecting my second child,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Malekzadeh stayed out of teaching for four years and went back to work when her first two kids were a little older.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But after a year, the costs of infant care for her youngest, combined with her older children’s care, were too great, and she left her job again.[aside postID=news_12078480 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/AffordabilitySeriesIntro_Lede.jpg']Kashen, from The Century Foundation, said public investment can help close the gap between what parents like Malekzadeh and Cruz can afford and what it actually costs to provide child care. As an example, she pointed to New Mexico’s recent move to offer free child care for all residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When governments invest in child care, that is the biggest thing that we can do because right now what we have is essentially a DIY, do-it-yourself, system for families where everyone’s on their own,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last month, Cruz gave birth to a daughter. During her pregnancy, she considered becoming a nanny so she could take care of her baby alongside someone else’s, allowing her to make some money. She also thought about continuing to teach dance part-time, and while she’s at work, trading child care responsibilities with other parents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve been thinking about it more and more, because I can make more money teaching dance than doing my own nanny share,” Cruz said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Building a community with other parents has helped Malekzadeh get by when she’s in a child care pinch.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you’re gonna be five minutes late to pick up, you have to have someone else that you can text, and be like, ‘Can you grab my kid for me real quick?’” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12078901\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12078901\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260401-affordabilitychildcare00326_TV_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260401-affordabilitychildcare00326_TV_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260401-affordabilitychildcare00326_TV_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260401-affordabilitychildcare00326_TV_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Annie Malekzadeh walks her kids home after school in Pleasant Hill on April 1, 2026. \u003ccite>(Tâm Vũ/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Malekzadeh tutors on the side to make some money and said she’s constantly revising the family budget as grocery and health insurance prices go up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m looking at where can we cut costs and what bundle can I use or coupon can I use to save money? I do most of our shopping at Costco now because buying in bulk is usually cheaper,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her family is also taking fewer trips, but Malezadeh said, despite these compromises, she’s grateful she has been able to afford raising three kids.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I feel very fortunate that I got through having our second kid and didn’t feel done,” she said. “Instead of living with the potential of regretting it for the rest of my life, I was able to say, ‘Hey, can we have another one? Can we work that into the budget?’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>This story is part of \u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/affordability\">How We Get By\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>, a KQED series exploring how people are coping with rising costs in the Bay Area and California. Find the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/affordability\">full series here\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Annie Malekzadeh was shopping at a Joanne Fabrics store in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/concord\">Concord\u003c/a> a couple of years ago when she had an encounter that stung her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An older woman who saw her pregnant while pushing her toddler son in a shopping cart, told her: “I don’t know why you would want more than two [children]. It’s basically impossible in the Bay Area.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“At the time I was like, how dare she?” she said. “But now I’m like, oh, [she] was right. It’s really hard.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Malekzadeh wound up having another baby, and the decision to have three kids pushed her child care expenses to roughly $56,000 a year and ultimately changed the course of her career.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12061802/how-are-child-care-costs-affecting-the-lives-of-bay-area-families-you-told-us\">Rising child care costs in the Bay Area\u003c/a> are forcing parents to make painful tradeoffs, either by passing up career opportunities, cutting back work hours, or quitting altogether. For families with multiple young children, these expenses can surpass a parent’s entire salary, disproportionately affecting mothers and shaping their long-term economic security.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Malekzadeh’s story is just one example of how the gap between what families can afford and the actual cost of care is pushing parents to find creative solutions — and prompting calls for systemic change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Child care has long been expensive for parents, but recently it’s been even more so.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12078461\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12078461\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260401-AFFORDABILITYCHILDCARE00035_TV-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260401-AFFORDABILITYCHILDCARE00035_TV-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260401-AFFORDABILITYCHILDCARE00035_TV-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260401-AFFORDABILITYCHILDCARE00035_TV-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Annie Malekzadeh, a mom who quit her teaching job to save on child care and is now pursuing her master’s degree in mathematics, studies at Pleasant Hill Library in Pleasant Hill on April 1, 2026. \u003ccite>(Tâm Vũ/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Prices shot up almost 30% between 2020 and 2024, outpacing inflation by 7 percentage points, according to \u003ca href=\"https://www.childcareaware.org/price-landscape24/\">a survey of child care resource and referral organizations \u003c/a>around the country. In just the last year, 40% of child care programs in California \u003ca href=\"https://www.naeyc.org/sites/default/files/wysiwyg/user-174467/2026_survey_brief.pdf\">reported raising tuition \u003c/a>to offset rising operating costs like insurance and food.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Four years ago, Malekzadeh was a math teacher at a private middle school, earning roughly $32,000 annually and working 25 hours per week. At the time, her son was in kindergarten and her daughter in preschool. Her husband is a psychiatrist, she said, and because he earned more money and worked more hours, most of the parenting responsibilities went to her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With their joint income, the cost of preschool and before- and afterschool care was manageable for the Pleasant Hill couple. But when their baby boy came along in July 2022, and needed full-time infant care, the amount for all three kids’ care — about $4,700 per month — was almost double her teacher’s salary.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“It didn’t make sense,” she said. “My job wasn’t really making enough of a contribution to justify that kind of expense.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By the time the school year ended, Malekzadeh decided to quit, even though she didn’t want to leave a profession she loved.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My grandparents were both educators,” she said. “They were beloved by their community, and they were really excited when I chose to become a teacher. So that was my plan, and I didn’t ever expect to deviate from that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The move is saving about $600 a week in child care. The older two are in public school, and the youngest is still in preschool. While he’s in care, Malekzadeh takes classes at Diablo Valley College as she pursues a master’s degree in math, which she hopes will ultimately lead to a higher-paying job to make up for time away from the labor market.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you quit to stay home with your kids, it creates gaps in your resume that a lot of places don’t necessarily look nicely at,” Melakzadeh said. “You have to have some kind of explanation for that, which might translate into less pay.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Child care prices vary by region and depend on a child’s age and the type of provider. In California, full-time infant care in 2024 cost an average of $22,628, which is 16% of the average married couple’s income and 50% of a single parent’s. Bay Area families pay the highest child care prices \u003ca href=\"https://tootris.com/edu/blog/parents/cost-of-child-care-in-california-by-city-age-and-type-of-care-provider/?utm_source=chatgpt.com\">compared to other parts of California\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12078462\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12078462 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260401-AFFORDABILITYCHILDCARE00228_TV-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260401-AFFORDABILITYCHILDCARE00228_TV-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260401-AFFORDABILITYCHILDCARE00228_TV-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260401-AFFORDABILITYCHILDCARE00228_TV-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Annie Malekzadeh plays a card game with her daughter as they wait for her older son to finish school at Valhalla Elementary School in Pleasant Hill on April 1, 2026. \u003ccite>(Tâm Vũ/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The spike in prices came as companies began mandating employees return to work and \u003ca href=\"https://rapidsurveyproject.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/11/arpa-funding-factsheet-aug2023.pdf\">child care providers lost federal funds\u003c/a> meant to help them recover from the pandemic. Less flexibility and high costs led to a decline in labor force participation for moms of children under the age of 5, and college-educated moms in particular, according to\u003ca href=\"https://kpmg.com/us/en/articles/2025/october-2025-the-great-exit.html\"> an analysis by the financial firm KPMG.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Their labor force participation declined by 2.3 percentage points, while the number of college-educated dads of young children who were working or seeking a job continued to increase.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Families are facing child care prices that are higher than the price of rent or mortgage. So this is a huge problem. It’s one of the biggest expenses in a family’s budgets,” said Julie Kashen, a researcher at The Century Foundation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12078476\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12078476\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/251027-CHILD-CARE-PRICES-MD-04-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/251027-CHILD-CARE-PRICES-MD-04-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/251027-CHILD-CARE-PRICES-MD-04-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/251027-CHILD-CARE-PRICES-MD-04-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Nolan Cruz eats oatmeal for breakfast in the morning on Oct. 27, 2025. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The progressive think tank conducted an October survey of 1,400 voters about their affordability concerns. Kashen said that while all families are facing rising costs, it’s women who experience a greater threat to their economic security.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Women are faring worse in terms of taking on debt to cover their basics, borrowing from friends and families to pay the bills,” she said. “So when you add child care on top of that, I think it’s incredibly challenging.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those challenges led Amy Cruz to walk away from a six-figure nursing job to freelance as a dance teacher and care for her 3-year-old son, Nolan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12078474\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12078474\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/251027-CHILD-CARE-PRICES-MD-02-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1346\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/251027-CHILD-CARE-PRICES-MD-02-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/251027-CHILD-CARE-PRICES-MD-02-KQED-160x108.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/251027-CHILD-CARE-PRICES-MD-02-KQED-1536x1034.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Brandon and Nolan Cruz cook oatmeal for breakfast on Oct. 27, 2025. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Until he was about two years old, Cruz paid $3,000 per month to share a nanny with another family for just four days a week of child care (on the fifth day, she leaned on family members to look after him). While child care wasn’t the only reason she left her job, it was a significant factor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Essentially, half of my monthly income was going to child care,” Cruz said. “Watching that much money leave our account every month was tough.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Once Nolan was old enough to start preschool, she enrolled him in a three-day program near her Berkeley home, which cut her child care costs in half. When he’s there, she teaches dance — something she did professionally before going to nursing school — to afford his tuition. With a second baby on the way, she also figured that it was “worth it to make a little less money but be able to be with my kids more.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12078475\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12078475\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/251027-CHILD-CARE-PRICES-MD-03-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/251027-CHILD-CARE-PRICES-MD-03-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/251027-CHILD-CARE-PRICES-MD-03-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/251027-CHILD-CARE-PRICES-MD-03-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Amy Cruz picks raspberries for her son Nolan’s breakfast in the morning on Oct. 27, 2025. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Economists call child care a broken market because the actual cost of providing care is a lot more than what families can afford to pay. In California, \u003ca href=\"https://rrnetwork.org/assets/general-files/California.pdf\">the demand for licensed infant care exceeds supply\u003c/a> because it’s the most expensive and labor-intensive. Babies need constant care, and California has strict rules limiting the number of children each adult can care for in a licensed child care home or center.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the same time, low pay and benefits have made it tough for child care providers to attract or retain early educators. In January, nearly half of providers said they didn’t have enough staff to enroll children at capacity, according to a survey by the National Association for the Education of Young Children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For providers, energy costs, food, insurance have all gone up,” said Matthew Nestler, senior economist at KPMG. “They can’t necessarily raise their workers’ wages to the degree that they would like to.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12078473\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12078473\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/251027-CHILD-CARE-PRICES-MD-01-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/251027-CHILD-CARE-PRICES-MD-01-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/251027-CHILD-CARE-PRICES-MD-01-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/251027-CHILD-CARE-PRICES-MD-01-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">(From left) Brandon, Amy and Nolan Cruz prepare breakfast and pack a lunch for Nolan in the morning on Oct. 27, 2025. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The shortage can cause parents to weave in and out of the workforce. Malezadeh first left her job when her eldest child was born eight years ago, and she couldn’t find an open infant care slot when her maternity leave ended. She didn’t know she had to reserve months in advance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We didn’t actually find any kind of daycare spot for him until he was two, and by then, I was already expecting my second child,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Malekzadeh stayed out of teaching for four years and went back to work when her first two kids were a little older.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But after a year, the costs of infant care for her youngest, combined with her older children’s care, were too great, and she left her job again.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Kashen, from The Century Foundation, said public investment can help close the gap between what parents like Malekzadeh and Cruz can afford and what it actually costs to provide child care. As an example, she pointed to New Mexico’s recent move to offer free child care for all residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When governments invest in child care, that is the biggest thing that we can do because right now what we have is essentially a DIY, do-it-yourself, system for families where everyone’s on their own,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last month, Cruz gave birth to a daughter. During her pregnancy, she considered becoming a nanny so she could take care of her baby alongside someone else’s, allowing her to make some money. She also thought about continuing to teach dance part-time, and while she’s at work, trading child care responsibilities with other parents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve been thinking about it more and more, because I can make more money teaching dance than doing my own nanny share,” Cruz said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Building a community with other parents has helped Malekzadeh get by when she’s in a child care pinch.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you’re gonna be five minutes late to pick up, you have to have someone else that you can text, and be like, ‘Can you grab my kid for me real quick?’” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12078901\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12078901\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260401-affordabilitychildcare00326_TV_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260401-affordabilitychildcare00326_TV_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260401-affordabilitychildcare00326_TV_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260401-affordabilitychildcare00326_TV_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Annie Malekzadeh walks her kids home after school in Pleasant Hill on April 1, 2026. \u003ccite>(Tâm Vũ/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Malekzadeh tutors on the side to make some money and said she’s constantly revising the family budget as grocery and health insurance prices go up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m looking at where can we cut costs and what bundle can I use or coupon can I use to save money? I do most of our shopping at Costco now because buying in bulk is usually cheaper,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her family is also taking fewer trips, but Malezadeh said, despite these compromises, she’s grateful she has been able to afford raising three kids.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I feel very fortunate that I got through having our second kid and didn’t feel done,” she said. “Instead of living with the potential of regretting it for the rest of my life, I was able to say, ‘Hey, can we have another one? Can we work that into the budget?’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "hundreds-of-thousands-could-be-booted-from-calfresh-and-medi-cal-this-bill-aims-to-help",
"title": "Hundreds of Thousands Could Be Booted From CalFresh and Medi-Cal. This Bill Aims to Help",
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"headTitle": "Hundreds of Thousands Could Be Booted From CalFresh and Medi-Cal. This Bill Aims to Help | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>As new federal work requirements leave hundreds of thousands of Californians at \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12078168/april-1-snap-food-stamps-cal-fresh-eligibility-change-2026-immigrants-refugees-asylum-seekers-recertify-where-to-find-food-bank\">risk of losing\u003c/a> Medi-Cal and food stamps, the state Legislature is considering a bill that aims to ensure eligible recipients keep their benefits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101910533/what-the-big-beautiful-bill-means-for-california\">H.R. 1\u003c/a>, the major Republican spending bill known as the One Big Beautiful Bill Act that President Donald Trump signed last summer, working-age adults without children will be \u003ca href=\"https://www.dhcs.ca.gov/federal-impacts/Documents/DHCS-HR1-Implementation-Plan.pdf\">required\u003c/a> to put in 20 hours a week of work, school or volunteering in order to maintain their benefits. The new requirement goes into effect Jan. 1, 2027.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a result of those changes, the California Legislative Analyst’s office estimates that up to 2 million people could get dropped from Medi-Cal, and around 840,000 could lose CalFresh food aid. Some of those recipients would be disqualified because they don’t meet the work requirement. Others may simply be unable to manage the new bureaucratic requirement of documenting their hours for the government twice a year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State Sen. Christopher Cabaldon, D-West Sacramento, drafted a solution that he hopes will prevent people from losing benefits for failing to report their hours.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His bill, \u003ca href=\"https://legiscan.com/CA/bill/SB1054/2025\">SB 1054\u003c/a>, would instead require employers to provide that information to the state Employment Development Department — which already collects data on employee wages to administer unemployment benefits. The bill would then authorize the EDD to share that data with the state health and social service agencies that determine eligibility for Medi-Cal and CalFresh.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Congress has opened up a giant chasm for Californians to fall into and lose their Medi-Cal coverage,” Cabaldon said. “We can use our data systems to thwart that cynical ploy and make sure that Californians don’t get booted off because of a paper processing requirement.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12060772\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12060772\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/SNAPGetty.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/SNAPGetty.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/SNAPGetty-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/SNAPGetty-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">SNAP and EBT Accepted here sign. SNAP and Food Stamps provide nutrition benefits to supplement the budgets of disadvantaged families. \u003ccite>(Jet City Image/iStock Editorial via Getty Images Plus)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The bill passed out of the Senate Labor, Public Employment and Retirement Committee last month with unanimous, bipartisan support. Currently, it’s set for an April 13 hearing at the Appropriations Committee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Monica Saucedo, a senior fellow at the California Budget and Policy Center, said the federal spending bill is putting extra pressure on state policymakers who are trying to ensure a social safety net for Californians, all while the state faces a budget deficit in the coming year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“H.R. 1 has put state leaders in a really tough spot,” she said. “Introducing creative solutions — like ensuring that data can be shared across agencies, and the burden is removed off of the individuals — is a really good way to try to mitigate this harm.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She applauded Cabaldon’s bill but said she’s concerned about a bigger problem: not just the work \u003cem>reporting\u003c/em> requirement, but the work requirement itself. According to Saucedo, it’s the first time in the history of the Medicaid program, known in California as Medi-Cal, that people have been required to work to maintain their health coverage.[aside postID=news_12078168 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251031-SFMARINFOODBANK-11-BL-KQED.jpg']Roughly 1 in 3 Californians is covered by Medi-Cal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>House Speaker Mike Johnson, R-Louisiana, has said the\u003ca href=\"https://x.com/atrupar/status/1910358772272202135?s=20\"> work requirement helps\u003c/a> “return the dignity of work to young men who need to be out working instead of playing video games all day.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Saucedo said most people receiving benefits are already working, and research has shown that such requirements don’t increase employment or earnings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Saucedo called the work reporting requirements “a bad policy.” “It really is just another way of … pushing people off of the programs,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What Cabaldon’s bill does not do is change \u003cem>who \u003c/em>is eligible for health and food aid. It would not restore access to Medi-Cal and CalFresh for tens of thousands of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12078168/april-1-snap-food-stamps-cal-fresh-eligibility-change-2026-immigrants-refugees-asylum-seekers-recertify-where-to-find-food-bank\">lawfully present immigrants\u003c/a> in California — including refugees and asylees, DACA recipients and Temporary Protected Status holders. Under H.R. 1, they became ineligible for CalFresh on April 1 and \u003ca href=\"https://www.dhcs.ca.gov/federal-impacts/Documents/DHCS-HR1-Implementation-Plan.pdf\">will lose Medi-Cal\u003c/a> on Oct. 1.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Benyamin Chao, a policy manager with the California Immigrant Policy Center, said he wants to see state lawmakers find a solution for those immigrants as well.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s heartbreaking to see these cuts go into effect,” he said. “Given the amount of contributions that immigrants make, tax-wise or just through our social fabric in California, now is really that test for our leaders in Sacramento, whether we will make those investments.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11963409\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11963409\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/231004-KAISER-STRIKE-MD-10-KQED.jpg\" alt='A large modern building with the words \"Kaiser Permanente\" across the top.' width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/231004-KAISER-STRIKE-MD-10-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/231004-KAISER-STRIKE-MD-10-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/231004-KAISER-STRIKE-MD-10-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/231004-KAISER-STRIKE-MD-10-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/231004-KAISER-STRIKE-MD-10-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/231004-KAISER-STRIKE-MD-10-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Kaiser Permanente Oakland Medical Center in Oakland on Oct. 4, 2023. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Chao’s organization is working with Sen. Maria Elena Durazo, D-Los Angeles, on \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260SB1422\">SB 1422\u003c/a>, a different bill that aims to restore state-funded health coverage to low-income working-age Californians — regardless of immigration status or whether the federal government will pay for it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cabaldon said his bill would offer another benefit: improved data sharing between state agencies that could help California improve the college and career training programs it funds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have the data we need in order to make much smarter decisions and evaluations about where we’re spending our workforce development training dollars, but … it’s not used for that purpose,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The “nerdy side” of the bill, as Cabaldon called it, would enable the state government to share necessary data “to improve the effectiveness of our workforce development and education programs, to make sure that folks get and keep high-quality, good-paying jobs and careers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "With more stringent federal work requirements looming, proposed California legislation aims to prevent the state’s SNAP and Medicaid recipients from losing their coverage because of bureaucratic rules.\r\n",
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"title": "Hundreds of Thousands Could Be Booted From CalFresh and Medi-Cal. This Bill Aims to Help | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>As new federal work requirements leave hundreds of thousands of Californians at \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12078168/april-1-snap-food-stamps-cal-fresh-eligibility-change-2026-immigrants-refugees-asylum-seekers-recertify-where-to-find-food-bank\">risk of losing\u003c/a> Medi-Cal and food stamps, the state Legislature is considering a bill that aims to ensure eligible recipients keep their benefits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101910533/what-the-big-beautiful-bill-means-for-california\">H.R. 1\u003c/a>, the major Republican spending bill known as the One Big Beautiful Bill Act that President Donald Trump signed last summer, working-age adults without children will be \u003ca href=\"https://www.dhcs.ca.gov/federal-impacts/Documents/DHCS-HR1-Implementation-Plan.pdf\">required\u003c/a> to put in 20 hours a week of work, school or volunteering in order to maintain their benefits. The new requirement goes into effect Jan. 1, 2027.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a result of those changes, the California Legislative Analyst’s office estimates that up to 2 million people could get dropped from Medi-Cal, and around 840,000 could lose CalFresh food aid. Some of those recipients would be disqualified because they don’t meet the work requirement. Others may simply be unable to manage the new bureaucratic requirement of documenting their hours for the government twice a year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State Sen. Christopher Cabaldon, D-West Sacramento, drafted a solution that he hopes will prevent people from losing benefits for failing to report their hours.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His bill, \u003ca href=\"https://legiscan.com/CA/bill/SB1054/2025\">SB 1054\u003c/a>, would instead require employers to provide that information to the state Employment Development Department — which already collects data on employee wages to administer unemployment benefits. The bill would then authorize the EDD to share that data with the state health and social service agencies that determine eligibility for Medi-Cal and CalFresh.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Congress has opened up a giant chasm for Californians to fall into and lose their Medi-Cal coverage,” Cabaldon said. “We can use our data systems to thwart that cynical ploy and make sure that Californians don’t get booted off because of a paper processing requirement.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12060772\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12060772\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/SNAPGetty.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/SNAPGetty.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/SNAPGetty-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/SNAPGetty-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">SNAP and EBT Accepted here sign. SNAP and Food Stamps provide nutrition benefits to supplement the budgets of disadvantaged families. \u003ccite>(Jet City Image/iStock Editorial via Getty Images Plus)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The bill passed out of the Senate Labor, Public Employment and Retirement Committee last month with unanimous, bipartisan support. Currently, it’s set for an April 13 hearing at the Appropriations Committee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Monica Saucedo, a senior fellow at the California Budget and Policy Center, said the federal spending bill is putting extra pressure on state policymakers who are trying to ensure a social safety net for Californians, all while the state faces a budget deficit in the coming year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“H.R. 1 has put state leaders in a really tough spot,” she said. “Introducing creative solutions — like ensuring that data can be shared across agencies, and the burden is removed off of the individuals — is a really good way to try to mitigate this harm.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She applauded Cabaldon’s bill but said she’s concerned about a bigger problem: not just the work \u003cem>reporting\u003c/em> requirement, but the work requirement itself. According to Saucedo, it’s the first time in the history of the Medicaid program, known in California as Medi-Cal, that people have been required to work to maintain their health coverage.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Roughly 1 in 3 Californians is covered by Medi-Cal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>House Speaker Mike Johnson, R-Louisiana, has said the\u003ca href=\"https://x.com/atrupar/status/1910358772272202135?s=20\"> work requirement helps\u003c/a> “return the dignity of work to young men who need to be out working instead of playing video games all day.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Saucedo said most people receiving benefits are already working, and research has shown that such requirements don’t increase employment or earnings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Saucedo called the work reporting requirements “a bad policy.” “It really is just another way of … pushing people off of the programs,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What Cabaldon’s bill does not do is change \u003cem>who \u003c/em>is eligible for health and food aid. It would not restore access to Medi-Cal and CalFresh for tens of thousands of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12078168/april-1-snap-food-stamps-cal-fresh-eligibility-change-2026-immigrants-refugees-asylum-seekers-recertify-where-to-find-food-bank\">lawfully present immigrants\u003c/a> in California — including refugees and asylees, DACA recipients and Temporary Protected Status holders. Under H.R. 1, they became ineligible for CalFresh on April 1 and \u003ca href=\"https://www.dhcs.ca.gov/federal-impacts/Documents/DHCS-HR1-Implementation-Plan.pdf\">will lose Medi-Cal\u003c/a> on Oct. 1.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Benyamin Chao, a policy manager with the California Immigrant Policy Center, said he wants to see state lawmakers find a solution for those immigrants as well.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s heartbreaking to see these cuts go into effect,” he said. “Given the amount of contributions that immigrants make, tax-wise or just through our social fabric in California, now is really that test for our leaders in Sacramento, whether we will make those investments.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11963409\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11963409\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/231004-KAISER-STRIKE-MD-10-KQED.jpg\" alt='A large modern building with the words \"Kaiser Permanente\" across the top.' width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/231004-KAISER-STRIKE-MD-10-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/231004-KAISER-STRIKE-MD-10-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/231004-KAISER-STRIKE-MD-10-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/231004-KAISER-STRIKE-MD-10-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/231004-KAISER-STRIKE-MD-10-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/231004-KAISER-STRIKE-MD-10-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Kaiser Permanente Oakland Medical Center in Oakland on Oct. 4, 2023. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Chao’s organization is working with Sen. Maria Elena Durazo, D-Los Angeles, on \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260SB1422\">SB 1422\u003c/a>, a different bill that aims to restore state-funded health coverage to low-income working-age Californians — regardless of immigration status or whether the federal government will pay for it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cabaldon said his bill would offer another benefit: improved data sharing between state agencies that could help California improve the college and career training programs it funds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have the data we need in order to make much smarter decisions and evaluations about where we’re spending our workforce development training dollars, but … it’s not used for that purpose,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The “nerdy side” of the bill, as Cabaldon called it, would enable the state government to share necessary data “to improve the effectiveness of our workforce development and education programs, to make sure that folks get and keep high-quality, good-paying jobs and careers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "thousands-of-california-immigrant-drivers-face-delays-after-dmv-license-revocations",
"title": "Thousands of California Immigrant Drivers Face Delays After DMV License Revocations",
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"content": "\u003cp>Thousands of immigrant truckers and bus drivers could wait months to find out whether they’ll recover commercial driver’s licenses that the California Department of Motor Vehicles revoked on March 6 under federal pressure because they contained a clerical error.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A California state judge said Thursday she will oversee the DMV until it complies with her earlier order to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12075169/advocates-worry-california-immigrant-truckers-still-face-uncertainty-after-license-debacle\">reissue corrected licenses\u003c/a> to about 13,000 impacted drivers, which the agency maintains it cannot do yet due to a directive from the Trump administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Defying that federal mandate could cost California significant highway funding and its authority to license all commercial drivers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alameda County Superior Judge Karin Schwartz recognized those limitations but considered them a “temporary obstacle.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The U.S. Department of Transportation already \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12069236/retribution-bay-area-lawmakers-slam-160-million-loss-in-federal-highway-funds\">withheld about $158 million\u003c/a> in highway funds from California, arguing that the DMV should have canceled the contested licenses earlier, which expired on a different date than the holder’s work authorization.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11699281\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11699281\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/DMVEntrance.jpg\" alt=\"The entrance to a California Department of Motor Vehicles (DMV) office in Corte Madera.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1356\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/DMVEntrance.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/DMVEntrance-160x113.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/DMVEntrance-800x565.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/DMVEntrance-1020x720.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/DMVEntrance-1200x848.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/DMVEntrance-1180x833.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/DMVEntrance-960x678.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/DMVEntrance-240x170.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/DMVEntrance-375x265.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/DMVEntrance-520x367.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The entrance to a California Department of Motor Vehicles (DMV) office in Corte Madera. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>California challenged the funding cut and the hold on its processing of non-domiciled licenses in a case pending in federal court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Schwartz told the DMV to report back to her on any progress in that federal case, and scheduled the next hearing for Oct. 20.[aside postID=news_12075169 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/IMG_6476-2_qed-1020x680.jpg']“Let’s hope that things move forward and that this temporary pause concludes so that DMV may get in compliance,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many of those impacted by the mass license revocation in California are Sikh asylum seekers originally from Punjab, India, who can’t afford the delays, said Munmeeth Kaur Soni, legal director with the Sikh Coalition, a co-counsel for drivers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There has been a huge economic devastation that they’re experiencing right now,” Soni said. “They are trying to not be defeated by this, but it is hard. It’s hard right now in our economy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some drivers are trying to pivot to rideshare or other jobs, she said, but others who have lost their livelihoods are struggling to pay for mortgages and loans they took out to purchase trucks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The cancellations are also causing some employers, including local governments, school districts and transportation and logistics companies, to lose part of their workforce.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12074813\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12074813\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/ImmigrantTruckLicensesAP.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/ImmigrantTruckLicensesAP.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/ImmigrantTruckLicensesAP-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/ImmigrantTruckLicensesAP-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Freight trucks travel northbound on Interstate 5 Highway on Wednesday, Sept. 3, 2025, in Tracy, California. \u003ccite>(Godofredo A. Vásquez/AP Photo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Until recently, states issued non-domiciled commercial driver’s licenses to asylum seekers, refugees and other noncitizens with valid federal work authorization but who lacked a green card.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"background-color: transparent\">The U.S. Department of Transportation has ordered dozens of states to pause their processing of these licenses, including Colorado, New York and Texas, according to the Asian Law Caucus, one of the organizations representing drivers.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Adding to the uncertainty is a new Federal Motor Carrier Safety Administration rule that went into effect last month, which aims to gradually exclude about 200,000 immigrants from jobs behind the wheel as their non-domiciled licenses expire.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Trump administration argues the policy closes a public safety gap because it is difficult to verify their foreign driving records.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10845986\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-10845986\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/01/DMVLine.jpg\" alt=\"People wait in line outside a DMV branch in Los Angeles.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1241\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/01/DMVLine.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/01/DMVLine-400x259.jpg 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/01/DMVLine-800x517.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/01/DMVLine-768x496.jpg 768w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/01/DMVLine-1440x931.jpg 1440w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/01/DMVLine-1180x763.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/01/DMVLine-960x621.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">People wait in line outside a DMV branch in Los Angeles. License suspensions disproportionately impact low-income black and Latino drivers, say civil rights legal organizations. \u003ccite>(Robyn Beck/AFP/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In California, most of the estimated 62,000 non-domiciled license holders face losing jobs, even though the FMCSA itself acknowledged \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/news/press-releases/attorney-general-bonta-trump-administration%E2%80%99s-plan-threatens-upend-trucking\">insufficient evidence\u003c/a> linking a driver’s immigration status to safety on the road. Drivers and unions sued, seeking to block that rule.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The DMV initially planned to cancel nearly 21,000 non-domiciled licenses it found with expiration dates that differed from the holder’s work permit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the agency found 1,100 drivers had been erroneously targeted for revocations, while more than 6,000 others voluntarily relinquished the document or changed their immigration status to green card holders or U.S. citizens.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Thousands of immigrant truckers and bus drivers could wait months to find out whether they’ll recover commercial driver’s licenses that the California Department of Motor Vehicles revoked on March 6 under federal pressure because they contained a clerical error.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A California state judge said Thursday she will oversee the DMV until it complies with her earlier order to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12075169/advocates-worry-california-immigrant-truckers-still-face-uncertainty-after-license-debacle\">reissue corrected licenses\u003c/a> to about 13,000 impacted drivers, which the agency maintains it cannot do yet due to a directive from the Trump administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Defying that federal mandate could cost California significant highway funding and its authority to license all commercial drivers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alameda County Superior Judge Karin Schwartz recognized those limitations but considered them a “temporary obstacle.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The U.S. Department of Transportation already \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12069236/retribution-bay-area-lawmakers-slam-160-million-loss-in-federal-highway-funds\">withheld about $158 million\u003c/a> in highway funds from California, arguing that the DMV should have canceled the contested licenses earlier, which expired on a different date than the holder’s work authorization.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11699281\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11699281\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/DMVEntrance.jpg\" alt=\"The entrance to a California Department of Motor Vehicles (DMV) office in Corte Madera.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1356\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/DMVEntrance.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/DMVEntrance-160x113.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/DMVEntrance-800x565.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/DMVEntrance-1020x720.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/DMVEntrance-1200x848.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/DMVEntrance-1180x833.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/DMVEntrance-960x678.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/DMVEntrance-240x170.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/DMVEntrance-375x265.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/DMVEntrance-520x367.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The entrance to a California Department of Motor Vehicles (DMV) office in Corte Madera. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>California challenged the funding cut and the hold on its processing of non-domiciled licenses in a case pending in federal court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Schwartz told the DMV to report back to her on any progress in that federal case, and scheduled the next hearing for Oct. 20.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“Let’s hope that things move forward and that this temporary pause concludes so that DMV may get in compliance,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many of those impacted by the mass license revocation in California are Sikh asylum seekers originally from Punjab, India, who can’t afford the delays, said Munmeeth Kaur Soni, legal director with the Sikh Coalition, a co-counsel for drivers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There has been a huge economic devastation that they’re experiencing right now,” Soni said. “They are trying to not be defeated by this, but it is hard. It’s hard right now in our economy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some drivers are trying to pivot to rideshare or other jobs, she said, but others who have lost their livelihoods are struggling to pay for mortgages and loans they took out to purchase trucks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The cancellations are also causing some employers, including local governments, school districts and transportation and logistics companies, to lose part of their workforce.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12074813\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12074813\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/ImmigrantTruckLicensesAP.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/ImmigrantTruckLicensesAP.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/ImmigrantTruckLicensesAP-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/ImmigrantTruckLicensesAP-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Freight trucks travel northbound on Interstate 5 Highway on Wednesday, Sept. 3, 2025, in Tracy, California. \u003ccite>(Godofredo A. Vásquez/AP Photo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Until recently, states issued non-domiciled commercial driver’s licenses to asylum seekers, refugees and other noncitizens with valid federal work authorization but who lacked a green card.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"background-color: transparent\">The U.S. Department of Transportation has ordered dozens of states to pause their processing of these licenses, including Colorado, New York and Texas, according to the Asian Law Caucus, one of the organizations representing drivers.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Adding to the uncertainty is a new Federal Motor Carrier Safety Administration rule that went into effect last month, which aims to gradually exclude about 200,000 immigrants from jobs behind the wheel as their non-domiciled licenses expire.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Trump administration argues the policy closes a public safety gap because it is difficult to verify their foreign driving records.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10845986\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-10845986\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/01/DMVLine.jpg\" alt=\"People wait in line outside a DMV branch in Los Angeles.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1241\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/01/DMVLine.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/01/DMVLine-400x259.jpg 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/01/DMVLine-800x517.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/01/DMVLine-768x496.jpg 768w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/01/DMVLine-1440x931.jpg 1440w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/01/DMVLine-1180x763.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/01/DMVLine-960x621.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">People wait in line outside a DMV branch in Los Angeles. License suspensions disproportionately impact low-income black and Latino drivers, say civil rights legal organizations. \u003ccite>(Robyn Beck/AFP/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In California, most of the estimated 62,000 non-domiciled license holders face losing jobs, even though the FMCSA itself acknowledged \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/news/press-releases/attorney-general-bonta-trump-administration%E2%80%99s-plan-threatens-upend-trucking\">insufficient evidence\u003c/a> linking a driver’s immigration status to safety on the road. Drivers and unions sued, seeking to block that rule.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The DMV initially planned to cancel nearly 21,000 non-domiciled licenses it found with expiration dates that differed from the holder’s work permit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the agency found 1,100 drivers had been erroneously targeted for revocations, while more than 6,000 others voluntarily relinquished the document or changed their immigration status to green card holders or U.S. citizens.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Wednesday, April 1:\u003c/strong> After the trial, a federal jury on Tuesday unanimously returned a $5 million verdict for Joseph Sample Jr. over his allegations of years of harassment at Cemex.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My mom, who has passed away, told me to stand up for myself against these people and I could help change the culture of the company,” Sample said in a statement. “Despite the constant abuse, I always tried to be the best employee I could be.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Original story below:\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A disabled Black truck driver who said he was subjected to years of racial slurs, mockery and a hostile work environment at the cement company Cemex’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/east-bay\">East Bay\u003c/a> plants — and then fired after he repeatedly raised his concerns — is having his complaint heard in federal court in San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Opening statements began on Monday before Judge William H. Orrick in the U.S. District Court for the Northern District of California. Joseph Sample Jr., who worked as a ready-mix truck driver at company plants in Antioch and Concord, is \u003ca href=\"https://storage.courtlistener.com/recap/gov.uscourts.cand.407806/gov.uscourts.cand.407806.105.0.pdf\">seeking $15 million in damages\u003c/a> from Cemex, one of the largest cement and building materials companies in the world, with \u003ca href=\"https://www.cemexusa.com/find-your-location\">nine ready-mix concrete plants\u003c/a> in the Bay Area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sample’s attorney, Adante Pointer, told jurors the evidence would show a pattern of unchecked harassment that lasted more than five years and a company that failed to act on it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The evidence will show Cemex Corporation permitted its workers to harass my client because of his disability and race … and did nothing to protect him,” Pointer said in his opening statement. “You are going to hear evidence right here on this witness stand that Mr. Sample’s coworkers called him the N-word, monkey, retarded and other despicable names.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pointer told jurors that Sample was born with a disability affecting one ear, leaving him hard to understand at times, and that he walked with a limp. Despite that, Pointer said, Sample took tremendous pride in his work — a pride that was eroded as harassment intensified.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“His mother asked what was going on,” Pointer said. “You will learn that he told his mom that what was once his dream job had turned into a nightmare.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11999875\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11999875\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Courthouse1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1335\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Courthouse1.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Courthouse1-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Courthouse1-1020x681.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Courthouse1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Courthouse1-1536x1025.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Courthouse1-1920x1282.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Phillip Burton Federal Building and United States Courthouse in San Francisco, on March 6, 2018. \u003ccite>(Lauren Hanussak/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Pointer also told jurors that Sample filed his first lawsuit in January 2023 without an attorney — and that even after he did, Cemex’s human resources department never interviewed him or opened an investigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cemex’s attorney, Dorothy Liu, disputed the allegations in her own opening statement, arguing that the company’s full record tells a different story.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“At no time did Mr. Sample or anyone on his behalf report racial slurs … being used in the workplace,” Liu said, adding that there are three ways employees can formally report such conduct at Cemex and that Sample used none to raise complaints of slurs or derogatory language. “We had no idea before he filed this lawsuit.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Liu walked jurors through a timeline she said shows the conflict at the center of the case stemmed from workplace safety disputes and personality clashes — not racial or disability-based discrimination. She said Cemex granted Sample multiple leaves of absence that were not required to provide, and added that when coworkers raised concerns, it was over safety issues, not harassment.[aside postID=news_12074694 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/ImmigrantTruckLicensesAP.jpg']Liu pointed to a March 2022 workplace accident in which she said Sample ran a red light with a mixer truck, and she said coworkers reported feeling unsafe around him over on-the-job safety disputes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The first witness to take the stand was Thomas Milano, a former Cemex driver and trainer of 23 years, who said he trained Sample around 2017 and 2018, and later became a close friend. Milano testified that he began hearing coworkers refer to Sample as “the retard” in break rooms at both the Antioch and Concord plants, on multiple occasions, from multiple drivers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Much of the conversation about Joseph was: ‘Where’s the retard?’” Milano said. “He seemed to be the entertainment.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Milano said he personally reported what he observed to an HR representative and plant supervisor named in the lawsuit, telling them explicitly that Sample was experiencing a hostile work environment and should be transferred to the Concord yard.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I told her this was a hostile work environment for the guy. I said, this is a hostile work environment, he is being harassed,” Milano said, adding that he used those words exactly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Pointer asked whether anyone from Cemex’s HR department ever followed up or interviewed Milano after his reports, Milano said no.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I did it because I was his friend. I did it because I was his coworker. I did it because I was a shop steward. I did it because it was the right thing to do,” Milano said. “You see harassment, you report it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The trial is expected to continue in the coming days with additional witness testimony. Cemex disputes that Sample was subjected to unlawful harassment or discrimination.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Wednesday, April 1:\u003c/strong> After the trial, a federal jury on Tuesday unanimously returned a $5 million verdict for Joseph Sample Jr. over his allegations of years of harassment at Cemex.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My mom, who has passed away, told me to stand up for myself against these people and I could help change the culture of the company,” Sample said in a statement. “Despite the constant abuse, I always tried to be the best employee I could be.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Original story below:\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A disabled Black truck driver who said he was subjected to years of racial slurs, mockery and a hostile work environment at the cement company Cemex’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/east-bay\">East Bay\u003c/a> plants — and then fired after he repeatedly raised his concerns — is having his complaint heard in federal court in San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Opening statements began on Monday before Judge William H. Orrick in the U.S. District Court for the Northern District of California. Joseph Sample Jr., who worked as a ready-mix truck driver at company plants in Antioch and Concord, is \u003ca href=\"https://storage.courtlistener.com/recap/gov.uscourts.cand.407806/gov.uscourts.cand.407806.105.0.pdf\">seeking $15 million in damages\u003c/a> from Cemex, one of the largest cement and building materials companies in the world, with \u003ca href=\"https://www.cemexusa.com/find-your-location\">nine ready-mix concrete plants\u003c/a> in the Bay Area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sample’s attorney, Adante Pointer, told jurors the evidence would show a pattern of unchecked harassment that lasted more than five years and a company that failed to act on it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The evidence will show Cemex Corporation permitted its workers to harass my client because of his disability and race … and did nothing to protect him,” Pointer said in his opening statement. “You are going to hear evidence right here on this witness stand that Mr. Sample’s coworkers called him the N-word, monkey, retarded and other despicable names.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pointer told jurors that Sample was born with a disability affecting one ear, leaving him hard to understand at times, and that he walked with a limp. Despite that, Pointer said, Sample took tremendous pride in his work — a pride that was eroded as harassment intensified.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“His mother asked what was going on,” Pointer said. “You will learn that he told his mom that what was once his dream job had turned into a nightmare.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11999875\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11999875\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Courthouse1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1335\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Courthouse1.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Courthouse1-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Courthouse1-1020x681.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Courthouse1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Courthouse1-1536x1025.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Courthouse1-1920x1282.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Phillip Burton Federal Building and United States Courthouse in San Francisco, on March 6, 2018. \u003ccite>(Lauren Hanussak/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Pointer also told jurors that Sample filed his first lawsuit in January 2023 without an attorney — and that even after he did, Cemex’s human resources department never interviewed him or opened an investigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cemex’s attorney, Dorothy Liu, disputed the allegations in her own opening statement, arguing that the company’s full record tells a different story.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“At no time did Mr. Sample or anyone on his behalf report racial slurs … being used in the workplace,” Liu said, adding that there are three ways employees can formally report such conduct at Cemex and that Sample used none to raise complaints of slurs or derogatory language. “We had no idea before he filed this lawsuit.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Liu walked jurors through a timeline she said shows the conflict at the center of the case stemmed from workplace safety disputes and personality clashes — not racial or disability-based discrimination. She said Cemex granted Sample multiple leaves of absence that were not required to provide, and added that when coworkers raised concerns, it was over safety issues, not harassment.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Liu pointed to a March 2022 workplace accident in which she said Sample ran a red light with a mixer truck, and she said coworkers reported feeling unsafe around him over on-the-job safety disputes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The first witness to take the stand was Thomas Milano, a former Cemex driver and trainer of 23 years, who said he trained Sample around 2017 and 2018, and later became a close friend. Milano testified that he began hearing coworkers refer to Sample as “the retard” in break rooms at both the Antioch and Concord plants, on multiple occasions, from multiple drivers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Much of the conversation about Joseph was: ‘Where’s the retard?’” Milano said. “He seemed to be the entertainment.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Milano said he personally reported what he observed to an HR representative and plant supervisor named in the lawsuit, telling them explicitly that Sample was experiencing a hostile work environment and should be transferred to the Concord yard.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I told her this was a hostile work environment for the guy. I said, this is a hostile work environment, he is being harassed,” Milano said, adding that he used those words exactly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Pointer asked whether anyone from Cemex’s HR department ever followed up or interviewed Milano after his reports, Milano said no.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I did it because I was his friend. I did it because I was his coworker. I did it because I was a shop steward. I did it because it was the right thing to do,” Milano said. “You see harassment, you report it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The trial is expected to continue in the coming days with additional witness testimony. Cemex disputes that Sample was subjected to unlawful harassment or discrimination.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Reading about \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/cesar-chavez\">Cesar Chavez\u003c/a> inspired Rosalinda Guillen to organize strawberry pickers in Salinas with the union he co-founded, the United Farm Workers, in the 1990s, after the late labor leader had died.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, as California has renamed Cesar Chavez Day — observed annually on March 31 — as Farmworkers Day — and begins \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12077059/san-francisco-fought-to-name-a-major-street-after-cesar-chavez-will-it-be-renamed-again\">reconsidering how it honors\u003c/a> the civil rights icon, advocates like Guillen are confronting a deeper question: What happens to the farmworker movement when its most recognizable figure becomes a source of pain and controversy?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Guillen, 74, is worried the shattering of Chavez’s image by rape allegations \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12077073/cesar-chavez-was-a-hero-to-farmworkers-now-they-confront-the-pain-of-alleged-abuse\">could demoralize organizers\u003c/a> and provide ammunition to agricultural corporations opposing raising wages for some of the nation’s lowest-paid laborers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Organizing for the rights of farmworkers anywhere in this country is one of the heaviest lifts that there is,” said Guillen, a former berry picker herself who \u003ca href=\"https://depts.washington.edu/civilr/guillen.htm\">helped reach\u003c/a> Washington state’s first union contract covering agricultural workers at a large winery in 1995.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Any type of benefit that we fight for or organize for, the pushback from the industry is just huge,” she said. “There’s such a huge power imbalance that everything matters for us as we continue to move forward.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newly surfaced sexual abuse allegations against Chavez are \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12076859/california-reacts-to-shocking-cesar-chavez-sexual-misconduct-revelations\">reverberating across California\u003c/a> and beyond, fueling a reckoning within farmworker communities while raising concerns among organizers that fallout could weaken already fragile efforts to build worker power, influence policy and protect some of the country’s most vulnerable laborers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12077027\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12077027\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/GettyImages-515109272-scaled-e1773940356467.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1443\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Farm labor leader Cesar Chavez pickets outside the San Diego-area headquarters of Safeway markets. It was in protest over the arrest of 29 persons at a Delano, California, Safeway. \u003ccite>(Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The allegations that Chavez sexually abused UFW co-founder Dolores Huerta and underage girls decades ago unleashed grief and soul-searching among advocates. Across California, labor leaders and elected officials have emphasized that the movement must extend beyond any one individual, even as they grapple with the emotional toll of the revelations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One week after the allegations were made public by the \u003cem>New York Times\u003c/em>, California lawmakers voted unanimously to rename a March 31 holiday on Chavez’s birthday as Farmworker Day, a move intended to shift recognition to the broader workforce rather than a single leader. Community leaders planned to remove Chavez’s likeness from school murals, statues and other public spaces.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For many farmworkers, the emotional impact has been disorienting. Some described learning about the allegations through word of mouth, social media or conversations at work, struggling to reconcile admiration for Chavez as an organizer with anger and sadness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s going to harm us,” UFW member Maria Garcia Hernández said in Spanish, a Tulare County resident.[aside postID=news_12077073 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/CesarChavezGetty2.jpg']The 52-year-old weighed whether the union would lose any influence in Sacramento or the rural communities where it operates, an open question. She worried about encountering antagonism or even aggression when volunteering as a union canvasser in Republican areas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It could undermine the politicians we support — for whom we go door-to-door for, so they can hold office and represent us,” said Garcia Hernández, a farmworker for more than 30 years. “Now, people won’t want to accept us.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The reckoning comes as the U.S. Department of Labor issued a rule to make it cheaper for employers to hire seasonal foreign agricultural workers through H-2A visas — a policy the Economic Policy Institute \u003ca href=\"https://www.epi.org/blog/trumps-new-h-2a-wage-rule-will-radically-cut-the-wages-of-all-farmworkers-new-estimates-show-farmworkers-stand-to-lose-4-4-to-5-4-billion-annually-under-dols-updated-adverse-effec/\">estimates\u003c/a> could drive down wages for farmworkers nationwide by more than $4.4 billion annually.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Trump administration has also signaled plans to ramp up deportations in a workforce where about half are undocumented, leaving many vulnerable to exploitation and reluctant to challenge employers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a legitimate concern for a lot of folks to wonder what happens now,” said Eladio Bobadilla, a historian at the University of Pittsburgh who studies U.S. social movements. “How these particular revelations will impact people on the ground, the ordinary farm workers who are trying to find themselves in a better economic and social position.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The historian, who grew up with farmworker parents in Delano, the former UFW headquarters in the 1960s, said there were problems in how Chavez’s leadership was widely remembered and celebrated, even before the new accusations came to light. Chavez ran the union autocratically, purging critics and surrounding himself with loyalists, which weakened a movement that gave him too much power, Bobadilla said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12076930\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12076930\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/CesarChavezGetty1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/CesarChavezGetty1.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/CesarChavezGetty1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/CesarChavezGetty1-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Pedestrians walk past César Chávez Elementary School on March 18, 2026, in San Francisco, California. Labor activist César Chávez has been accused in an investigation of sexual abuse of women and minors. \u003ccite>(Benjamin Fanjoy/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>One crack in the movement was Chavez’s hostility toward undocumented immigrants, whom he considered strikebreakers. Under his reign, the UFW harassed, beat and reported undocumented people to immigration authorities in the 1970s, Bobadilla said. His forthcoming book explores nativism debates through the eyes of Latinos. Later, the UFW and Huerta emerged as strong advocates for immigrant rights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It will be essential to decouple the farm workers’ struggle from this one man,” he said. “How the union and how activists choose to do that, I don’t know, but I think it will be essential to really untangle themselves from this one person, something that should have been done decades ago.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since the 1930s, federal law has excluded agricultural workers from many protections afforded to other workers, including overtime pay and collective bargaining rights. Even in California, which expanded farmworkers’ rights, field crop laborers still often face deep poverty, wage theft by employers and dangerous working conditions, including \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11897789/california-largely-failed-to-enforce-worker-smoke-protections-under-bidens-new-osha-pick\">wildfire smoke\u003c/a> and extreme heat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Agricultural workers are \u003ca href=\"https://pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/articles/PMC4657558/#:~:text=Table%20II,13%20times%20the%20risk\">far more likely to die\u003c/a> from heat-related illness than workers in other industries, and the U.S. still lacks federal regulations requiring employers to protect workers from heat hazards.[aside postID=news_12077059 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260319-CESAR-CHAVEZ-STREET-MD-01-KQED.jpg']Today, most of the nation’s 2.2 million farmworkers are not unionized. The UFW counts about 10,000 members in California, Oregon, Washington and New York, a fraction of the roughly 60,000 in its heyday during the 1970s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Beyond organizing, the UFW helped build a broader civil rights movement that trained generations of community activists, said Oliver Rosales, a historian at Bakersfield College in Delano. At its peak in the 1960s, the Delano grape boycott drew participation from an estimated 14 to 17 million Americans, reflecting the nationwide impact of the farmworker movement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was like the heart and soul of the Mexican-American civil rights movement,” Rosales said. “The farm worker movement ultimately, despite its long-run failures to organize farm workers within the union, inspired activism all across and well beyond the fields. That, to me, is its ultimate legacy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The UFW continues to fight well-resourced grower associations, sometimes successfully, said Daniel Costa, who directs immigration policy at the Economic Policy Institute and co-authored the H-2A wage rule analysis. The UFW helped beat a similar pay-cut policy during the first Trump administration, he added, which helped hundreds of thousands of agricultural workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They are punching above their weight for sure,” Costa said. “They’ve been able to leverage the attention that they’ve gotten over the years to really make a big impact.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Teresa Romero, the first female UFW President, said she’s still grappling with the ramifications of the exposé about Chavez by \u003cem>New York Times\u003c/em> reporters, who signaled more women may come forward with additional accusations. The union is reviewing training and policies for its 55 staffers, she added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11941675\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11941675\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/RS58208_075_KQED_UnitedFarmWorkersMarch_08242022-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1278\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/RS58208_075_KQED_UnitedFarmWorkersMarch_08242022-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/RS58208_075_KQED_UnitedFarmWorkersMarch_08242022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/RS58208_075_KQED_UnitedFarmWorkersMarch_08242022-qut-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/RS58208_075_KQED_UnitedFarmWorkersMarch_08242022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/RS58208_075_KQED_UnitedFarmWorkersMarch_08242022-qut-1536x1022.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Teresa Romero, President of the United Farm Workers union, speaks to marchers in Walnut Grove, Calif., before setting out on Day 22 of a 24-day “March for the Governor’s Signature” on Aug. 24, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But controversy or not, politicians who support farmworkers understand their plight remains dire, she said, and just as important as it was three decades ago, when Chavez died. Strong opposition to the union is part of its history, she noted, just like the allegations against Chavez now are.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We never depended on growers appreciating their workforce and treating them with respect and dignity and paying them fairly. That’s why we exist,” Romero said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The union continues to organize workers and push for labor protections, including collective bargaining rights and safeguards against extreme heat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With California replacing a holiday bearing Chavez’s name with one honoring farmworkers, Romero said the focus must stay on those still laboring in the fields.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It saddens me to know what happened with our founder, but it hasn’t changed my commitment or my understanding of who I serve, and that is farmworkers,” Romero said. “I don’t serve our history or Cesar Chavez.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Reading about \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/cesar-chavez\">Cesar Chavez\u003c/a> inspired Rosalinda Guillen to organize strawberry pickers in Salinas with the union he co-founded, the United Farm Workers, in the 1990s, after the late labor leader had died.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, as California has renamed Cesar Chavez Day — observed annually on March 31 — as Farmworkers Day — and begins \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12077059/san-francisco-fought-to-name-a-major-street-after-cesar-chavez-will-it-be-renamed-again\">reconsidering how it honors\u003c/a> the civil rights icon, advocates like Guillen are confronting a deeper question: What happens to the farmworker movement when its most recognizable figure becomes a source of pain and controversy?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Guillen, 74, is worried the shattering of Chavez’s image by rape allegations \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12077073/cesar-chavez-was-a-hero-to-farmworkers-now-they-confront-the-pain-of-alleged-abuse\">could demoralize organizers\u003c/a> and provide ammunition to agricultural corporations opposing raising wages for some of the nation’s lowest-paid laborers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Organizing for the rights of farmworkers anywhere in this country is one of the heaviest lifts that there is,” said Guillen, a former berry picker herself who \u003ca href=\"https://depts.washington.edu/civilr/guillen.htm\">helped reach\u003c/a> Washington state’s first union contract covering agricultural workers at a large winery in 1995.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Any type of benefit that we fight for or organize for, the pushback from the industry is just huge,” she said. “There’s such a huge power imbalance that everything matters for us as we continue to move forward.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newly surfaced sexual abuse allegations against Chavez are \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12076859/california-reacts-to-shocking-cesar-chavez-sexual-misconduct-revelations\">reverberating across California\u003c/a> and beyond, fueling a reckoning within farmworker communities while raising concerns among organizers that fallout could weaken already fragile efforts to build worker power, influence policy and protect some of the country’s most vulnerable laborers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12077027\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12077027\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/GettyImages-515109272-scaled-e1773940356467.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1443\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Farm labor leader Cesar Chavez pickets outside the San Diego-area headquarters of Safeway markets. It was in protest over the arrest of 29 persons at a Delano, California, Safeway. \u003ccite>(Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The allegations that Chavez sexually abused UFW co-founder Dolores Huerta and underage girls decades ago unleashed grief and soul-searching among advocates. Across California, labor leaders and elected officials have emphasized that the movement must extend beyond any one individual, even as they grapple with the emotional toll of the revelations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One week after the allegations were made public by the \u003cem>New York Times\u003c/em>, California lawmakers voted unanimously to rename a March 31 holiday on Chavez’s birthday as Farmworker Day, a move intended to shift recognition to the broader workforce rather than a single leader. Community leaders planned to remove Chavez’s likeness from school murals, statues and other public spaces.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For many farmworkers, the emotional impact has been disorienting. Some described learning about the allegations through word of mouth, social media or conversations at work, struggling to reconcile admiration for Chavez as an organizer with anger and sadness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s going to harm us,” UFW member Maria Garcia Hernández said in Spanish, a Tulare County resident.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The 52-year-old weighed whether the union would lose any influence in Sacramento or the rural communities where it operates, an open question. She worried about encountering antagonism or even aggression when volunteering as a union canvasser in Republican areas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It could undermine the politicians we support — for whom we go door-to-door for, so they can hold office and represent us,” said Garcia Hernández, a farmworker for more than 30 years. “Now, people won’t want to accept us.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The reckoning comes as the U.S. Department of Labor issued a rule to make it cheaper for employers to hire seasonal foreign agricultural workers through H-2A visas — a policy the Economic Policy Institute \u003ca href=\"https://www.epi.org/blog/trumps-new-h-2a-wage-rule-will-radically-cut-the-wages-of-all-farmworkers-new-estimates-show-farmworkers-stand-to-lose-4-4-to-5-4-billion-annually-under-dols-updated-adverse-effec/\">estimates\u003c/a> could drive down wages for farmworkers nationwide by more than $4.4 billion annually.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Trump administration has also signaled plans to ramp up deportations in a workforce where about half are undocumented, leaving many vulnerable to exploitation and reluctant to challenge employers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a legitimate concern for a lot of folks to wonder what happens now,” said Eladio Bobadilla, a historian at the University of Pittsburgh who studies U.S. social movements. “How these particular revelations will impact people on the ground, the ordinary farm workers who are trying to find themselves in a better economic and social position.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The historian, who grew up with farmworker parents in Delano, the former UFW headquarters in the 1960s, said there were problems in how Chavez’s leadership was widely remembered and celebrated, even before the new accusations came to light. Chavez ran the union autocratically, purging critics and surrounding himself with loyalists, which weakened a movement that gave him too much power, Bobadilla said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12076930\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12076930\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/CesarChavezGetty1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/CesarChavezGetty1.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/CesarChavezGetty1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/CesarChavezGetty1-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Pedestrians walk past César Chávez Elementary School on March 18, 2026, in San Francisco, California. Labor activist César Chávez has been accused in an investigation of sexual abuse of women and minors. \u003ccite>(Benjamin Fanjoy/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>One crack in the movement was Chavez’s hostility toward undocumented immigrants, whom he considered strikebreakers. Under his reign, the UFW harassed, beat and reported undocumented people to immigration authorities in the 1970s, Bobadilla said. His forthcoming book explores nativism debates through the eyes of Latinos. Later, the UFW and Huerta emerged as strong advocates for immigrant rights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It will be essential to decouple the farm workers’ struggle from this one man,” he said. “How the union and how activists choose to do that, I don’t know, but I think it will be essential to really untangle themselves from this one person, something that should have been done decades ago.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since the 1930s, federal law has excluded agricultural workers from many protections afforded to other workers, including overtime pay and collective bargaining rights. Even in California, which expanded farmworkers’ rights, field crop laborers still often face deep poverty, wage theft by employers and dangerous working conditions, including \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11897789/california-largely-failed-to-enforce-worker-smoke-protections-under-bidens-new-osha-pick\">wildfire smoke\u003c/a> and extreme heat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Agricultural workers are \u003ca href=\"https://pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/articles/PMC4657558/#:~:text=Table%20II,13%20times%20the%20risk\">far more likely to die\u003c/a> from heat-related illness than workers in other industries, and the U.S. still lacks federal regulations requiring employers to protect workers from heat hazards.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Today, most of the nation’s 2.2 million farmworkers are not unionized. The UFW counts about 10,000 members in California, Oregon, Washington and New York, a fraction of the roughly 60,000 in its heyday during the 1970s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Beyond organizing, the UFW helped build a broader civil rights movement that trained generations of community activists, said Oliver Rosales, a historian at Bakersfield College in Delano. At its peak in the 1960s, the Delano grape boycott drew participation from an estimated 14 to 17 million Americans, reflecting the nationwide impact of the farmworker movement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was like the heart and soul of the Mexican-American civil rights movement,” Rosales said. “The farm worker movement ultimately, despite its long-run failures to organize farm workers within the union, inspired activism all across and well beyond the fields. That, to me, is its ultimate legacy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The UFW continues to fight well-resourced grower associations, sometimes successfully, said Daniel Costa, who directs immigration policy at the Economic Policy Institute and co-authored the H-2A wage rule analysis. The UFW helped beat a similar pay-cut policy during the first Trump administration, he added, which helped hundreds of thousands of agricultural workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They are punching above their weight for sure,” Costa said. “They’ve been able to leverage the attention that they’ve gotten over the years to really make a big impact.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Teresa Romero, the first female UFW President, said she’s still grappling with the ramifications of the exposé about Chavez by \u003cem>New York Times\u003c/em> reporters, who signaled more women may come forward with additional accusations. The union is reviewing training and policies for its 55 staffers, she added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11941675\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11941675\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/RS58208_075_KQED_UnitedFarmWorkersMarch_08242022-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1278\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/RS58208_075_KQED_UnitedFarmWorkersMarch_08242022-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/RS58208_075_KQED_UnitedFarmWorkersMarch_08242022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/RS58208_075_KQED_UnitedFarmWorkersMarch_08242022-qut-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/RS58208_075_KQED_UnitedFarmWorkersMarch_08242022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/RS58208_075_KQED_UnitedFarmWorkersMarch_08242022-qut-1536x1022.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Teresa Romero, President of the United Farm Workers union, speaks to marchers in Walnut Grove, Calif., before setting out on Day 22 of a 24-day “March for the Governor’s Signature” on Aug. 24, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But controversy or not, politicians who support farmworkers understand their plight remains dire, she said, and just as important as it was three decades ago, when Chavez died. Strong opposition to the union is part of its history, she noted, just like the allegations against Chavez now are.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We never depended on growers appreciating their workforce and treating them with respect and dignity and paying them fairly. That’s why we exist,” Romero said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The union continues to organize workers and push for labor protections, including collective bargaining rights and safeguards against extreme heat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With California replacing a holiday bearing Chavez’s name with one honoring farmworkers, Romero said the focus must stay on those still laboring in the fields.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It saddens me to know what happened with our founder, but it hasn’t changed my commitment or my understanding of who I serve, and that is farmworkers,” Romero said. “I don’t serve our history or Cesar Chavez.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "california-lawmakers-pass-bill-to-rename-cesar-chavez-day-following-sexual-abuse-allegations",
"title": "California Lawmakers Pass Bill to Rename Cesar Chavez Day Following Sexual Abuse Allegations",
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"content": "\u003cp>California lawmakers voted Thursday to rename \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/cesar-chavez\">Cesar Chavez\u003c/a> Day as Farmworkers Day in an effort to reconcile the Latino labor icon’s legacy with explosive sexual abuse allegations before the state holiday on March 31.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democratic Gov. Gavin Newsom is expected to quickly sign the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The change comes after allegations became public last week that Chavez had \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12077073/cesar-chavez-was-a-hero-to-farmworkers-now-they-confront-the-pain-of-alleged-abuse\">sexually abused girls and women\u003c/a> during his days building a major farmworker labor rights movement in the 1960s in California’s agricultural heartland. Among those who accused him was \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/dolores-huerta\">Dolores Huerta\u003c/a>, who co-led the movement that eventually became the United Farm Workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state’s effort to rename the holiday is part of a wave of other moves to\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12077059/san-francisco-fought-to-name-a-major-street-after-cesar-chavez-will-it-be-renamed-again\"> alter memorials honoring the man\u003c/a> who, in the 1960s and 1970s, helped secure better wages and working conditions for farmworkers and had been admired by many Democratic leaders. The swift and sweeping effort to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12077159/east-san-jose-leaders-call-for-supporting-survivors-after-cesar-chavez-allegations\">erase Chavez’s name from public\u003c/a> life was previously unthinkable, as his status had only grown more iconic since his death in 1993.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republican Sen. Suzette Valladares said Thursday that her family built a life in California by working the fields and that the movement brought together workers from different backgrounds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is not about one person. This is not about one narrative,” she said. “It’s about honoring generations of sacrifice, of resilience and hope.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12077058\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12077058\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260319-CESAR-CHAVEZ-STREET-MD-01-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260319-CESAR-CHAVEZ-STREET-MD-01-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260319-CESAR-CHAVEZ-STREET-MD-01-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260319-CESAR-CHAVEZ-STREET-MD-01-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A street sign on Cesar Chavez Street in San Francisco on March 19, 2026. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Senate President Pro Tempore Monique Limon said honoring farmworkers is especially important in the face of a series of federal raids across the state last year. A worker in her district \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/jaime-alanis-immigrant-farmworker-death-raid-c3c6f60a087f5f9f1d2b053fcef35b57\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">died after being chased\u003c/a> by a U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement agent last summer, Limon said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“His death is a reminder of how much farmworkers risk every day to put food on our table,” she said before the vote. “Our farmworkers remind us that everyone deserves to be treated with dignity and respect.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California was the first state to designate Chavez’s birthday, March 31, as a holiday to honor the civil rights leader nearly 30 years ago. The Legislature then, in 2000, passed a bill to make it an official paid day off for state employees and require that students learn about his legacy and his role in the labor movement in California. The legislation passed Thursday didn’t address the curriculum requirement. State leaders said they’re in conversation with school officials to adjust lesson plans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California bill also passed in the Assembly with bipartisan support on Monday.[aside postID=news_12077073 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/CesarChavezGetty2.jpg']“We cannot ignore wrongdoing and we should not continue to celebrate a single person when the movement itself is so much bigger,” Assemblymember Cecilia Aguiar-Curry said before the vote Monday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since the allegations came to light, California State University, Fresno, has covered up Chavez’s statue on campus, while cities like San Francisco, Los Angeles and Sacramento have taken steps to erase his name from public landmarks. Some advocated for Huerta’s name to replace Chavez’s, and several states already said they won’t observe the day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As his birthday approaches, cities across the country have remade or canceled annual celebrations to honor him. In Tucson last weekend, the annual Cesar Chavez and Dolores Huerta March and Rally were scaled back and rebranded. There was no march or car show, and it was billed instead as the Comunidad y Labor Unity Fair to focus more broadly on labor rights without mentioning Chavez.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Grand Junction, Colorado, the organizers of the annual event in Mesa County had already printed flyers and T-shirts, all bearing Chavez’s name. There has been a flurry of social media posts in recent days to let people know the event will go on Saturday as the Sí, Se Puede Celebration instead.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In El Paso, Texas, March 31 will be celebrated as the Community and Labor Heritage Day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Associated Press writer Susan Montoya Bryan contributed from Albuquerque, New Mexico.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>California lawmakers voted Thursday to rename \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/cesar-chavez\">Cesar Chavez\u003c/a> Day as Farmworkers Day in an effort to reconcile the Latino labor icon’s legacy with explosive sexual abuse allegations before the state holiday on March 31.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democratic Gov. Gavin Newsom is expected to quickly sign the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The change comes after allegations became public last week that Chavez had \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12077073/cesar-chavez-was-a-hero-to-farmworkers-now-they-confront-the-pain-of-alleged-abuse\">sexually abused girls and women\u003c/a> during his days building a major farmworker labor rights movement in the 1960s in California’s agricultural heartland. Among those who accused him was \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/dolores-huerta\">Dolores Huerta\u003c/a>, who co-led the movement that eventually became the United Farm Workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state’s effort to rename the holiday is part of a wave of other moves to\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12077059/san-francisco-fought-to-name-a-major-street-after-cesar-chavez-will-it-be-renamed-again\"> alter memorials honoring the man\u003c/a> who, in the 1960s and 1970s, helped secure better wages and working conditions for farmworkers and had been admired by many Democratic leaders. The swift and sweeping effort to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12077159/east-san-jose-leaders-call-for-supporting-survivors-after-cesar-chavez-allegations\">erase Chavez’s name from public\u003c/a> life was previously unthinkable, as his status had only grown more iconic since his death in 1993.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republican Sen. Suzette Valladares said Thursday that her family built a life in California by working the fields and that the movement brought together workers from different backgrounds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is not about one person. This is not about one narrative,” she said. “It’s about honoring generations of sacrifice, of resilience and hope.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12077058\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12077058\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260319-CESAR-CHAVEZ-STREET-MD-01-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260319-CESAR-CHAVEZ-STREET-MD-01-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260319-CESAR-CHAVEZ-STREET-MD-01-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260319-CESAR-CHAVEZ-STREET-MD-01-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A street sign on Cesar Chavez Street in San Francisco on March 19, 2026. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Senate President Pro Tempore Monique Limon said honoring farmworkers is especially important in the face of a series of federal raids across the state last year. A worker in her district \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/jaime-alanis-immigrant-farmworker-death-raid-c3c6f60a087f5f9f1d2b053fcef35b57\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">died after being chased\u003c/a> by a U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement agent last summer, Limon said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“His death is a reminder of how much farmworkers risk every day to put food on our table,” she said before the vote. “Our farmworkers remind us that everyone deserves to be treated with dignity and respect.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California was the first state to designate Chavez’s birthday, March 31, as a holiday to honor the civil rights leader nearly 30 years ago. The Legislature then, in 2000, passed a bill to make it an official paid day off for state employees and require that students learn about his legacy and his role in the labor movement in California. The legislation passed Thursday didn’t address the curriculum requirement. State leaders said they’re in conversation with school officials to adjust lesson plans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California bill also passed in the Assembly with bipartisan support on Monday.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“We cannot ignore wrongdoing and we should not continue to celebrate a single person when the movement itself is so much bigger,” Assemblymember Cecilia Aguiar-Curry said before the vote Monday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since the allegations came to light, California State University, Fresno, has covered up Chavez’s statue on campus, while cities like San Francisco, Los Angeles and Sacramento have taken steps to erase his name from public landmarks. Some advocated for Huerta’s name to replace Chavez’s, and several states already said they won’t observe the day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As his birthday approaches, cities across the country have remade or canceled annual celebrations to honor him. In Tucson last weekend, the annual Cesar Chavez and Dolores Huerta March and Rally were scaled back and rebranded. There was no march or car show, and it was billed instead as the Comunidad y Labor Unity Fair to focus more broadly on labor rights without mentioning Chavez.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Grand Junction, Colorado, the organizers of the annual event in Mesa County had already printed flyers and T-shirts, all bearing Chavez’s name. There has been a flurry of social media posts in recent days to let people know the event will go on Saturday as the Sí, Se Puede Celebration instead.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In El Paso, Texas, March 31 will be celebrated as the Community and Labor Heritage Day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Associated Press writer Susan Montoya Bryan contributed from Albuquerque, New Mexico.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "sf-judge-orders-public-defender-to-pay-26k-in-contempt-fines",
"title": "SF Judge Orders Public Defender to Pay $26,000 in Contempt Fines",
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"content": "\u003cp>A San Francisco County Superior Court judge, Harry Dorfman, ordered the city’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco-public-defender\">public defender\u003c/a> to pay $26,000 in fines on Tuesday after ruling that his \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12075775/san-francisco-public-defender-faces-contempt-charges-after-refusing-new-cases\">repeated refusals\u003c/a> to accept new criminal cases each constituted a separate act of contempt — the latest escalation in a dispute that began nearly a year ago, when the office first started turning away cases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mano Raju, the San Francisco public defender, had defied his orders 26 times, Dorfman found, assessing a $1,000 fine per count and ordering payment by April 3. Raju said he intends to appeal and made clear outside the courthouse ahead of the hearing that even after being held in contempt, he has continued to turn away cases one day a week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our view is that his order is an illegal order,” Raju told reporters. “So one day a week, we have declined to take some of the cases.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The dispute has been ongoing since May 2025, when the public defender’s office first declared itself unavailable one day a week due to excessive caseloads. The 26 counts of contempt stem from refusals between January 12 and February 10, according to court documents. Raju said active misdemeanor cases have grown 78% and felony cases 56% since 2019 — and that each case now requires far more work than it once did.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dorfman acknowledged receiving 45 letters from legal experts around the country urging him to reverse his contempt finding — and said he read them all but was not persuaded. He said he had concluded from earlier hearings that Raju’s office had available attorneys and that once he reached that finding, he was obligated to issue the order.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11996169\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11996169\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/Looking_West_from_UC_Hastings_City_Hall_and_CA_State_Courts_San_Francisco.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1207\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/Looking_West_from_UC_Hastings_City_Hall_and_CA_State_Courts_San_Francisco.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/Looking_West_from_UC_Hastings_City_Hall_and_CA_State_Courts_San_Francisco-800x503.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/Looking_West_from_UC_Hastings_City_Hall_and_CA_State_Courts_San_Francisco-1020x641.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/Looking_West_from_UC_Hastings_City_Hall_and_CA_State_Courts_San_Francisco-160x101.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/Looking_West_from_UC_Hastings_City_Hall_and_CA_State_Courts_San_Francisco-1536x966.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Superior Court of California and San Francisco City Hall. \u003ccite>(Lisa Pickoff-White/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“And Mr. Raju, you have defied every order,” Dorfman said, ruling that each refusal constitutes a separate act of contempt.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kory DeClark, Raju’s attorney, argued the fines are the wrong tool for what is fundamentally a systemic funding problem. He told the judge the court “doesn’t have the contempt power to hold the [mayor’s office or district attorney],” and that imposing monetary sanctions on an office already starved of resources “will just make it worse.” If any sanction was warranted at all, DeClark said, it should be $1.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Inside the courtroom, Deputy Public Defender Tal Klement, who has worked at the office since 2003, described working 50 to 60 hours a week on top of court time and going to physical therapy for shoulder pain while raising two children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My excessive caseload impacts the quality of my representation,” Klement testified.[aside postID=news_12077372 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/005_KQED_630Sansome_02052020_1455_qed.jpg']Deputy Public Defender Seth Meisels, a 21-year veteran of the office, pointed to the sheer volume of digital evidence attorneys must now review in every case — body-worn camera footage, surveillance video, forensic records.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It has become increasingly difficult to determine which cases will go to trial,” he said. “But we still have to do the work.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Outside the courthouse before the hearing, public defenders from Contra Costa, Alameda, Sacramento, Sonoma, Santa Cruz and Yolo counties gathered in solidarity with Raju. San Joaquin County Public Defender Judyanne Vallado, whose office declared itself unavailable for homicide and sex offenses carrying potential life sentences last year, said the move ultimately helped clear the court’s docket — not just her office’s caseload.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Declaring unavailable isn’t just about helping the public defender’s office,” she said. “It’s helping the entire court justice system.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alameda County Public Defender Brendon Woods said he is considering taking the same steps as Raju if conditions in his office reach a breaking point.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“At some point in time, we have to say no,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Raju said his office is in conversations with City Hall about a five-year plan to bring staffing closer to the standards set by a 2023 national workload study, which found the office needs 36 additional attorneys, along with more investigators, social workers and support staff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He acknowledged the plan would still not bring the office to parity with the district attorney’s budget.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A San Francisco County Superior Court judge, Harry Dorfman, ordered the city’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco-public-defender\">public defender\u003c/a> to pay $26,000 in fines on Tuesday after ruling that his \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12075775/san-francisco-public-defender-faces-contempt-charges-after-refusing-new-cases\">repeated refusals\u003c/a> to accept new criminal cases each constituted a separate act of contempt — the latest escalation in a dispute that began nearly a year ago, when the office first started turning away cases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mano Raju, the San Francisco public defender, had defied his orders 26 times, Dorfman found, assessing a $1,000 fine per count and ordering payment by April 3. Raju said he intends to appeal and made clear outside the courthouse ahead of the hearing that even after being held in contempt, he has continued to turn away cases one day a week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our view is that his order is an illegal order,” Raju told reporters. “So one day a week, we have declined to take some of the cases.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The dispute has been ongoing since May 2025, when the public defender’s office first declared itself unavailable one day a week due to excessive caseloads. The 26 counts of contempt stem from refusals between January 12 and February 10, according to court documents. Raju said active misdemeanor cases have grown 78% and felony cases 56% since 2019 — and that each case now requires far more work than it once did.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dorfman acknowledged receiving 45 letters from legal experts around the country urging him to reverse his contempt finding — and said he read them all but was not persuaded. He said he had concluded from earlier hearings that Raju’s office had available attorneys and that once he reached that finding, he was obligated to issue the order.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11996169\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11996169\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/Looking_West_from_UC_Hastings_City_Hall_and_CA_State_Courts_San_Francisco.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1207\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/Looking_West_from_UC_Hastings_City_Hall_and_CA_State_Courts_San_Francisco.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/Looking_West_from_UC_Hastings_City_Hall_and_CA_State_Courts_San_Francisco-800x503.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/Looking_West_from_UC_Hastings_City_Hall_and_CA_State_Courts_San_Francisco-1020x641.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/Looking_West_from_UC_Hastings_City_Hall_and_CA_State_Courts_San_Francisco-160x101.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/Looking_West_from_UC_Hastings_City_Hall_and_CA_State_Courts_San_Francisco-1536x966.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Superior Court of California and San Francisco City Hall. \u003ccite>(Lisa Pickoff-White/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“And Mr. Raju, you have defied every order,” Dorfman said, ruling that each refusal constitutes a separate act of contempt.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kory DeClark, Raju’s attorney, argued the fines are the wrong tool for what is fundamentally a systemic funding problem. He told the judge the court “doesn’t have the contempt power to hold the [mayor’s office or district attorney],” and that imposing monetary sanctions on an office already starved of resources “will just make it worse.” If any sanction was warranted at all, DeClark said, it should be $1.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Inside the courtroom, Deputy Public Defender Tal Klement, who has worked at the office since 2003, described working 50 to 60 hours a week on top of court time and going to physical therapy for shoulder pain while raising two children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My excessive caseload impacts the quality of my representation,” Klement testified.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Deputy Public Defender Seth Meisels, a 21-year veteran of the office, pointed to the sheer volume of digital evidence attorneys must now review in every case — body-worn camera footage, surveillance video, forensic records.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It has become increasingly difficult to determine which cases will go to trial,” he said. “But we still have to do the work.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Outside the courthouse before the hearing, public defenders from Contra Costa, Alameda, Sacramento, Sonoma, Santa Cruz and Yolo counties gathered in solidarity with Raju. San Joaquin County Public Defender Judyanne Vallado, whose office declared itself unavailable for homicide and sex offenses carrying potential life sentences last year, said the move ultimately helped clear the court’s docket — not just her office’s caseload.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Declaring unavailable isn’t just about helping the public defender’s office,” she said. “It’s helping the entire court justice system.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alameda County Public Defender Brendon Woods said he is considering taking the same steps as Raju if conditions in his office reach a breaking point.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“At some point in time, we have to say no,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Raju said his office is in conversations with City Hall about a five-year plan to bring staffing closer to the standards set by a 2023 national workload study, which found the office needs 36 additional attorneys, along with more investigators, social workers and support staff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He acknowledged the plan would still not bring the office to parity with the district attorney’s budget.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "east-san-jose-leaders-call-for-supporting-survivors-after-cesar-chavez-allegations",
"title": "East San José Leaders Call for Supporting Survivors After Cesar Chavez Allegations",
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"content": "\u003cp>A coalition of South Bay leaders said the sexual abuse allegations against \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12077073/cesar-chavez-was-a-hero-to-farmworkers-now-they-confront-the-pain-of-alleged-abuse\">late labor leader Cesar Chavez\u003c/a> should be a turning point for the community and the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The heads of several community organizations and elected leaders gathered in Mexican Heritage Plaza on Thursday afternoon in East San José’s Mayfair neighborhood — where Chavez himself once lived — calling for \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12077059/san-francisco-fought-to-name-a-major-street-after-cesar-chavez-will-it-be-renamed-again\">believing and supporting survivors\u003c/a>, and for healing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For us here in East San José, this is personal. This is Cesar Chavez’s neighborhood. His legacy is reflected in our murals, in our public spaces and in our community memory,” said Jessica Paz-Cedillos, the CEO of the plaza.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That proximity makes this moment more painful, but also more important. Because we don’t have the luxury of distancing ourselves from it,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The coalition, including several organizations that make up a group known as the Sí Se Puede Collective — which borrows the powerful organizing slogan originating with \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12077151/farmworker-activists-reflect-on-legacy-of-civil-rights-icon\">the farmworker movement\u003c/a> and Dolores Huerta — said communities must actively work to create spaces and cultures where no one is above accountability.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12077194\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12077194\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260319-CHAVEZSJ-KQED-03_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260319-CHAVEZSJ-KQED-03_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260319-CHAVEZSJ-KQED-03_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260319-CHAVEZSJ-KQED-03_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A sign featuring an image of Cesar Chavez and information about his connection to Mexican Heritage Plaza in East San José is seen leaning against a wall in an office at the plaza on March 19, 2026. The sign was removed from a memorial walkway this week after sexual abuse allegations were revealed against the late labor leader. \u003ccite>(Joseph Geha/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“This is a moment of responsibility,” said Adriana Caldera Boroffice, the CEO of YWCA Golden Gate Silicon Valley. “A responsibility to listen without defensiveness, to resist the instinct to protect reputations over people, to challenge the systems that have allowed harm to go unaddressed and to stand firmly on the side of those who have carried these truths for far too long.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Huerta, who co-founded the United Farm Workers with Chavez and helped lead and organize its many historic actions and protests, said Chavez pressured her into sex and raped her in the 1960s, resulting in two pregnancies, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2026/03/18/us/cesar-chavez-sexual-abuse-allegations-ufw.html\">\u003cem>New York Times\u003c/em> investigation\u003c/a> published this week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The report also contained allegations against Chavez from two women who said they were young teenagers when he sexually abused them over a period of years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12077200\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12077200 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260319-CHAVEZSJ-KQED-07_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260319-CHAVEZSJ-KQED-07_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260319-CHAVEZSJ-KQED-07_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260319-CHAVEZSJ-KQED-07_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Colsaria Henderson, executive director of Next Door Solutions to Domestic Violence, is seen during a community gathering at Mexican Heritage Plaza in East San José on Thursday, March 19, 2026. \u003ccite>(Joseph Geha/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Colsaria Henderson, executive director of Next Door Solutions to Domestic Violence in San José, said movements that shape history, like the farmworker movement, are not perfect and their leaders are not infallible.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are often told to choose between honoring a movement and confronting its flaws, but that is a false choice. We can do both. We can recognize the good that was done while refusing to excuse the harm that occurred. We can hold complexity without losing our moral clarity. In fact, this is how movements grow stronger,” Henderson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“At the heart of this moment are women and families, people whose voices have too often been minimized and doubted. Their experiences are not footnotes in history; they are part of it,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12077192\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12077192 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260319-CHAVEZSJ-KQED-10_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260319-CHAVEZSJ-KQED-10_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260319-CHAVEZSJ-KQED-10_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260319-CHAVEZSJ-KQED-10_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gabriela Chavez-Lopez, executive director of the Latina Coalition of Silicon Valley, listens during a gathering at Mexican Heritage Plaza in East San José on Thursday, March 19, 2026. \u003ccite>(Joseph Geha/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Gabriela Chavez-Lopez, executive director of the Latina Coalition of Silicon Valley, said that the community must model what accountability looks like as a way to honor the courage of Huerta and other survivors, and to protect others who want to share their stories.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So that they can see, okay, if I do that, then what would happen? Well, the community will come to my side, will be there for me,” Chavez-Lopez said. “If they are harmed, there will be somebody there to support you through that, and you don’t have to go at it alone, and you don’t have to feel judged about it.”[aside postID=news_12077059 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260319-CESAR-CHAVEZ-STREET-MD-01-KQED.jpg']The revelations have shattered the longstanding iconic image of Chavez around the nation, and have deep resonance in San José, where he lived for a time and where the movement he and Huerta led witnessed some of its first organizing actions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mexican Heritage Plaza, a community gathering space with gardens, a theater, and a school of arts and culture, opened in 1999. The site of the plaza, at the intersection of South King Road and Alum Rock Avenue, once housed a Safeway where one of the earliest grocery store pickets took place during the UFW’s grape boycotts in the 1960s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For years, until this week, a memorial walkway at the plaza featured a sign with a photo of Chavez and information about his connection to the site. Another corridor featured a deep blue painting, depicting a close-up image of Chavez’s eyes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By Thursday afternoon, the sign was taken down and leaned against a wall inside an administrative office. The painting was removed and replaced with an image depicting a hummingbird with flowers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>City Councilmember Peter Ortiz said the council is planning to begin “a community-driven process to review public spaces, monuments, and sites, including Cesar Chavez Plaza in downtown San José,” that feature Chavez’s name or likeness, to consider changes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12077196\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12077196 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260319-CHAVEZSJ-KQED-04_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260319-CHAVEZSJ-KQED-04_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260319-CHAVEZSJ-KQED-04_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260319-CHAVEZSJ-KQED-04_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">District 5 San José City Councilmember Peter Ortiz speaks on March 19, 2026, about the city’s plans to review public spaces that bear the name or image of Cesar Chavez, in the wake of the sexual abuse allegations against the late labor leader. \u003ccite>(Joseph Geha/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“This will be an open and inclusive process, one that reflects our values and ensures we are not causing further harm to anyone,” Ortiz said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The home where Chavez once lived, about a mile from Mexican Heritage Plaza, was purchased in 2022 by the nonprofit Amigos de Guadalupe, which has used the space for community organizing meetings and mental health programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Maritza Maldonado, the executive director of Amigos, said the organization bought the home to preserve it as a part of East San José history and to lift up the legacy of Chavez.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12077197\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12077197 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260319-CHAVEZSJ-KQED-05_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260319-CHAVEZSJ-KQED-05_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260319-CHAVEZSJ-KQED-05_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260319-CHAVEZSJ-KQED-05_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Maritza Maldonado, the executive director of Amigos de Guadalupe in San José, listens during a community gathering to respond to the sexual abuse allegations against the late labor leader Cesar Chavez on Thursday, March 19, 2026. \u003ccite>(Joseph Geha/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“He was a hero for all of us, from this very community, who rose to national and international status here,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Maldonado said the organization has been holding open meetings to get input on how to develop the space for community use and has been fundraising to build out that reality.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some plans may need to change, and she said Amigos will ask for more input going forward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That house will remain the people’s house,” Maldonado said. “We are deciding what we’re going to name it, but it will remain a place for community organizers, a place of healing, a place of love.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A coalition of South Bay leaders said the sexual abuse allegations against \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12077073/cesar-chavez-was-a-hero-to-farmworkers-now-they-confront-the-pain-of-alleged-abuse\">late labor leader Cesar Chavez\u003c/a> should be a turning point for the community and the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The heads of several community organizations and elected leaders gathered in Mexican Heritage Plaza on Thursday afternoon in East San José’s Mayfair neighborhood — where Chavez himself once lived — calling for \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12077059/san-francisco-fought-to-name-a-major-street-after-cesar-chavez-will-it-be-renamed-again\">believing and supporting survivors\u003c/a>, and for healing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For us here in East San José, this is personal. This is Cesar Chavez’s neighborhood. His legacy is reflected in our murals, in our public spaces and in our community memory,” said Jessica Paz-Cedillos, the CEO of the plaza.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That proximity makes this moment more painful, but also more important. Because we don’t have the luxury of distancing ourselves from it,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The coalition, including several organizations that make up a group known as the Sí Se Puede Collective — which borrows the powerful organizing slogan originating with \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12077151/farmworker-activists-reflect-on-legacy-of-civil-rights-icon\">the farmworker movement\u003c/a> and Dolores Huerta — said communities must actively work to create spaces and cultures where no one is above accountability.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12077194\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12077194\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260319-CHAVEZSJ-KQED-03_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260319-CHAVEZSJ-KQED-03_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260319-CHAVEZSJ-KQED-03_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260319-CHAVEZSJ-KQED-03_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A sign featuring an image of Cesar Chavez and information about his connection to Mexican Heritage Plaza in East San José is seen leaning against a wall in an office at the plaza on March 19, 2026. The sign was removed from a memorial walkway this week after sexual abuse allegations were revealed against the late labor leader. \u003ccite>(Joseph Geha/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“This is a moment of responsibility,” said Adriana Caldera Boroffice, the CEO of YWCA Golden Gate Silicon Valley. “A responsibility to listen without defensiveness, to resist the instinct to protect reputations over people, to challenge the systems that have allowed harm to go unaddressed and to stand firmly on the side of those who have carried these truths for far too long.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Huerta, who co-founded the United Farm Workers with Chavez and helped lead and organize its many historic actions and protests, said Chavez pressured her into sex and raped her in the 1960s, resulting in two pregnancies, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2026/03/18/us/cesar-chavez-sexual-abuse-allegations-ufw.html\">\u003cem>New York Times\u003c/em> investigation\u003c/a> published this week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The report also contained allegations against Chavez from two women who said they were young teenagers when he sexually abused them over a period of years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12077200\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12077200 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260319-CHAVEZSJ-KQED-07_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260319-CHAVEZSJ-KQED-07_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260319-CHAVEZSJ-KQED-07_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260319-CHAVEZSJ-KQED-07_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Colsaria Henderson, executive director of Next Door Solutions to Domestic Violence, is seen during a community gathering at Mexican Heritage Plaza in East San José on Thursday, March 19, 2026. \u003ccite>(Joseph Geha/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Colsaria Henderson, executive director of Next Door Solutions to Domestic Violence in San José, said movements that shape history, like the farmworker movement, are not perfect and their leaders are not infallible.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are often told to choose between honoring a movement and confronting its flaws, but that is a false choice. We can do both. We can recognize the good that was done while refusing to excuse the harm that occurred. We can hold complexity without losing our moral clarity. In fact, this is how movements grow stronger,” Henderson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“At the heart of this moment are women and families, people whose voices have too often been minimized and doubted. Their experiences are not footnotes in history; they are part of it,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12077192\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12077192 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260319-CHAVEZSJ-KQED-10_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260319-CHAVEZSJ-KQED-10_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260319-CHAVEZSJ-KQED-10_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260319-CHAVEZSJ-KQED-10_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gabriela Chavez-Lopez, executive director of the Latina Coalition of Silicon Valley, listens during a gathering at Mexican Heritage Plaza in East San José on Thursday, March 19, 2026. \u003ccite>(Joseph Geha/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Gabriela Chavez-Lopez, executive director of the Latina Coalition of Silicon Valley, said that the community must model what accountability looks like as a way to honor the courage of Huerta and other survivors, and to protect others who want to share their stories.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So that they can see, okay, if I do that, then what would happen? Well, the community will come to my side, will be there for me,” Chavez-Lopez said. “If they are harmed, there will be somebody there to support you through that, and you don’t have to go at it alone, and you don’t have to feel judged about it.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The revelations have shattered the longstanding iconic image of Chavez around the nation, and have deep resonance in San José, where he lived for a time and where the movement he and Huerta led witnessed some of its first organizing actions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mexican Heritage Plaza, a community gathering space with gardens, a theater, and a school of arts and culture, opened in 1999. The site of the plaza, at the intersection of South King Road and Alum Rock Avenue, once housed a Safeway where one of the earliest grocery store pickets took place during the UFW’s grape boycotts in the 1960s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For years, until this week, a memorial walkway at the plaza featured a sign with a photo of Chavez and information about his connection to the site. Another corridor featured a deep blue painting, depicting a close-up image of Chavez’s eyes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By Thursday afternoon, the sign was taken down and leaned against a wall inside an administrative office. The painting was removed and replaced with an image depicting a hummingbird with flowers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>City Councilmember Peter Ortiz said the council is planning to begin “a community-driven process to review public spaces, monuments, and sites, including Cesar Chavez Plaza in downtown San José,” that feature Chavez’s name or likeness, to consider changes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12077196\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12077196 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260319-CHAVEZSJ-KQED-04_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260319-CHAVEZSJ-KQED-04_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260319-CHAVEZSJ-KQED-04_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260319-CHAVEZSJ-KQED-04_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">District 5 San José City Councilmember Peter Ortiz speaks on March 19, 2026, about the city’s plans to review public spaces that bear the name or image of Cesar Chavez, in the wake of the sexual abuse allegations against the late labor leader. \u003ccite>(Joseph Geha/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“This will be an open and inclusive process, one that reflects our values and ensures we are not causing further harm to anyone,” Ortiz said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The home where Chavez once lived, about a mile from Mexican Heritage Plaza, was purchased in 2022 by the nonprofit Amigos de Guadalupe, which has used the space for community organizing meetings and mental health programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Maritza Maldonado, the executive director of Amigos, said the organization bought the home to preserve it as a part of East San José history and to lift up the legacy of Chavez.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12077197\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12077197 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260319-CHAVEZSJ-KQED-05_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260319-CHAVEZSJ-KQED-05_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260319-CHAVEZSJ-KQED-05_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260319-CHAVEZSJ-KQED-05_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Maritza Maldonado, the executive director of Amigos de Guadalupe in San José, listens during a community gathering to respond to the sexual abuse allegations against the late labor leader Cesar Chavez on Thursday, March 19, 2026. \u003ccite>(Joseph Geha/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“He was a hero for all of us, from this very community, who rose to national and international status here,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Maldonado said the organization has been holding open meetings to get input on how to develop the space for community use and has been fundraising to build out that reality.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some plans may need to change, and she said Amigos will ask for more input going forward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That house will remain the people’s house,” Maldonado said. “We are deciding what we’re going to name it, but it will remain a place for community organizers, a place of healing, a place of love.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/BBC-World-Service-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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},
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},
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"id": "californiareport",
"title": "The California Report",
"tagline": "California, day by day",
"info": "KQED’s statewide radio news program providing daily coverage of issues, trends and public policy decisions.",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-California-Report-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/californiareport",
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 8
},
"link": "/californiareport",
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM1MDAyODE4NTgz",
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},
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"id": "californiareportmagazine",
"title": "The California Report Magazine",
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"info": "Every week, The California Report Magazine takes you on a road trip for the ears: to visit the places and meet the people who make California unique. The in-depth storytelling podcast from the California Report.",
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"order": 10
},
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM3NjkwNjk1OTAz",
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},
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"info": "A one-hour radio program to hear celebrated writers, artists and thinkers address contemporary ideas and values, often discussing the creative process. Please note: tapes or transcripts are not available",
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"airtime": "SUN 1pm-2pm, TUE 10pm, WED 1am",
"meta": {
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"source": "City Arts & Lectures"
},
"link": "https://www.cityarts.net",
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"rss": "https://www.cityarts.net/feed/"
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},
"closealltabs": {
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"order": 1
},
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"title": "Code Switch / Life Kit",
"info": "\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em>, which listeners will hear in the first part of the hour, has fearless and much-needed conversations about race. Hosted by journalists of color, the show tackles the subject of race head-on, exploring how it impacts every part of society — from politics and pop culture to history, sports and more.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em>, which will be in the second part of the hour, guides you through spaces and feelings no one prepares you for — from finances to mental health, from workplace microaggressions to imposter syndrome, from relationships to parenting. The show features experts with real world experience and shares their knowledge. Because everyone needs a little help being human.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/podcasts/510312/codeswitch\">\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/lifekit\">\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />",
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"id": "commonwealth-club",
"title": "Commonwealth Club of California Podcast",
"info": "The Commonwealth Club of California is the nation's oldest and largest public affairs forum. As a non-partisan forum, The Club brings to the public airwaves diverse viewpoints on important topics. The Club's weekly radio broadcast - the oldest in the U.S., dating back to 1924 - is carried across the nation on public radio stations and is now podcasting. Our website archive features audio of our recent programs, as well as selected speeches from our long and distinguished history. This podcast feed is usually updated twice a week and is always un-edited.",
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"source": "Commonwealth Club of California"
},
"link": "/radio/program/commonwealth-club",
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cDovL3d3dy5jb21tb253ZWFsdGhjbHViLm9yZy9hdWRpby9wb2RjYXN0L3dlZWtseS54bWw",
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"title": "Forum",
"tagline": "The conversation starts here",
"info": "KQED’s live call-in program discussing local, state, national and international issues, as well as in-depth interviews.",
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"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Forum-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED Forum with Mina Kim and Alexis Madrigal",
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 9
},
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},
"freakonomics-radio": {
"id": "freakonomics-radio",
"title": "Freakonomics Radio",
"info": "Freakonomics Radio is a one-hour award-winning podcast and public-radio project hosted by Stephen Dubner, with co-author Steve Levitt as a regular guest. It is produced in partnership with WNYC.",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "http://freakonomics.com/",
"airtime": "SUN 1am-2am, SAT 3pm-4pm",
"meta": {
"site": "radio",
"source": "WNYC"
},
"link": "/radio/program/freakonomics-radio",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/freakonomics-radio/id354668519",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/podcasts/WNYC-Podcasts/Freakonomics-Radio-p272293/",
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},
"fresh-air": {
"id": "fresh-air",
"title": "Fresh Air",
"info": "Hosted by Terry Gross, \u003cem>Fresh Air from WHYY\u003c/em> is the Peabody Award-winning weekday magazine of contemporary arts and issues. One of public radio's most popular programs, Fresh Air features intimate conversations with today's biggest luminaries.",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/WebObjects/MZStore.woa/wa/viewPodcast?s=143441&mt=2&id=214089682&at=11l79Y&ct=nprdirectory",
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"here-and-now": {
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"info": "A live production of NPR and WBUR Boston, in collaboration with stations across the country, Here & Now reflects the fluid world of news as it's happening in the middle of the day, with timely, in-depth news, interviews and conversation. Hosted by Robin Young, Jeremy Hobson and Tonya Mosley.",
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},
"hidden-brain": {
"id": "hidden-brain",
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"info": "Shankar Vedantam uses science and storytelling to reveal the unconscious patterns that drive human behavior, shape our choices and direct our relationships.",
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"airtime": "SUN 7pm-8pm",
"meta": {
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"source": "NPR"
},
"link": "/radio/program/hidden-brain",
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"how-i-built-this": {
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"title": "How I Built This with Guy Raz",
"info": "Guy Raz dives into the stories behind some of the world's best known companies. How I Built This weaves a narrative journey about innovators, entrepreneurs and idealists—and the movements they built.",
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"airtime": "SUN 7:30pm-8pm",
"meta": {
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},
"link": "/radio/program/how-i-built-this",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/how-i-built-this-with-guy-raz/id1150510297?mt=2",
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},
"hyphenacion": {
"id": "hyphenacion",
"title": "Hyphenación",
"tagline": "Where conversation and cultura meet",
"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/03/Hyphenacion_FinalAssets_PodcastTile.png",
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"order": 15
},
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},
"jerrybrown": {
"id": "jerrybrown",
"title": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown",
"tagline": "Lessons from a lifetime in politics",
"info": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown brings listeners the wisdom of the former Governor, Mayor, and presidential candidate. Scott Shafer interviewed Brown for more than 40 hours, covering the former governor's life and half-century in the political game – and Brown has some lessons he'd like to share. ",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-Political-Mind-of-Jerry-Brown-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
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"order": 18
},
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}
},
"latino-usa": {
"id": "latino-usa",
"title": "Latino USA",
"airtime": "MON 1am-2am, SUN 6pm-7pm",
"info": "Latino USA, the radio journal of news and culture, is the only national, English-language radio program produced from a Latino perspective.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/latinoUsa.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "http://latinousa.org/",
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"source": "npr"
},
"link": "/radio/program/latino-usa",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/WebObjects/MZStore.woa/wa/viewPodcast?s=143441&mt=2&id=79681317&at=11l79Y&ct=nprdirectory",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510016/podcast.xml"
}
},
"marketplace": {
"id": "marketplace",
"title": "Marketplace",
"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 4pm-4:30pm, MON-WED 6:30pm-7pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Marketplace-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.marketplace.org/",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "American Public Media"
},
"link": "/radio/program/marketplace",
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"rss": "https://feeds.publicradio.org/public_feeds/marketplace-pm/rss/rss"
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},
"masters-of-scale": {
"id": "masters-of-scale",
"title": "Masters of Scale",
"info": "Masters of Scale is an original podcast in which LinkedIn co-founder and Greylock Partner Reid Hoffman sets out to describe and prove theories that explain how great entrepreneurs take their companies from zero to a gazillion in ingenious fashion.",
"airtime": "Every other Wednesday June 12 through October 16 at 8pm (repeats Thursdays at 2am)",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "https://mastersofscale.com/",
"meta": {
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"source": "WaitWhat"
},
"link": "/radio/program/masters-of-scale",
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"rss": "https://rss.art19.com/masters-of-scale"
}
},
"mindshift": {
"id": "mindshift",
"title": "MindShift",
"tagline": "A podcast about the future of learning and how we raise our kids",
"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Mindshift-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED MindShift: How We Will Learn",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/mindshift/",
"meta": {
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 12
},
"link": "/podcasts/mindshift",
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM1NzY0NjAwNDI5",
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}
},
"morning-edition": {
"id": "morning-edition",
"title": "Morning Edition",
"info": "\u003cem>Morning Edition\u003c/em> takes listeners around the country and the world with multi-faceted stories and commentaries every weekday. Hosts Steve Inskeep, David Greene and Rachel Martin bring you the latest breaking news and features to prepare you for the day.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 3am-9am",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Morning-Edition-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/programs/morning-edition/",
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"link": "/radio/program/morning-edition"
},
"onourwatch": {
"id": "onourwatch",
"title": "On Our Watch",
"tagline": "Deeply-reported investigative journalism",
"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/On-Our-Watch-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "On Our Watch from NPR and KQED",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/onourwatch",
"meta": {
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 11
},
"link": "/podcasts/onourwatch",
"subscribe": {
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5ucHIub3JnLzUxMDM2MC9wb2RjYXN0LnhtbD9zYz1nb29nbGVwb2RjYXN0cw",
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