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"content": "\n\u003cp class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Laureen Chew, 78, still remembers her first day of kindergarten at Washington Irving Elementary School in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco\">San Francisco\u003c/a>. It was the day she began to question her cultural heritage. Growing up in the city’s North Beach and Chinatown neighborhoods, Chew only spoke Cantonese. Born and raised in the U.S., Chew was raised primarily by her Chinese immigrant mother, who couldn’t speak English, and her world — up until then — was a tight-knit community of other Cantonese speakers.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">“I remember going to school the first day being very excited because everybody said school was fun. All the kids there were Chinese Cantonese speakers; very few had English skills,” Chew said. “But then, the first thing that came out of the teacher’s mouth was English, and we were freaking out. And in fact, I didn’t wanna go back to school the next day.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Chew said that by the time she was in the third grade, the language barriers evolved into a source of shame.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">“The teachers did a very good job of downgrading our native language at school,” she said, reflecting on recess time in the schoolyard. “We’d be playing and speaking in Cantonese to each other, and they’d ring the bell and say, ‘You’re in American school now, speak English!”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">It wasn’t until Chew became a student activist during college in the 1960s that she began to reclaim her cultural identity. She also discovered how to best help her community: by teaching and advocating for multilingual Chinese students.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">“Bilingual ed is not only about language … It’s about identity so that you can feel that you’re worthy,” Chew said. “It’s about keeping a positive sense of who I am to help me express my voice in this country without feeling inferior.” \u003c/p>\n\n\n\u003cdiv class=\"wp-block-image\">\n\u003cfigure class=\"aligncenter size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/10/101926-TheFightForEducationandBelonging-06-MC-KQED-18f00d22.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12106630\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/10/101926-TheFightForEducationandBelonging-06-MC-KQED-18f00d22.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/10/101926-TheFightForEducationandBelonging-06-MC-KQED-18f00d22-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/10/101926-TheFightForEducationandBelonging-06-MC-KQED-18f00d22-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Laureen Chew poses for a portrait in her home in San Francisco on Oct. 19, 2026. (Miles Cull/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/div>\n\n\n\u003cp class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">The Chinese community has played an important role in advancing bilingual education in San Francisco and across the country. The foundations of that advocacy trace back to the 19th-century Exclusion era when early Chinese immigrants fought for the most basic of education rights, like access to public schools. As they did in other arenas, including \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12088125/as-america-turns-250-san-franciscos-role-in-defining-citizenship-endures\">birthright citizenship\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12050233/how-a-chinese-laundryman-shaped-us-civil-rights-from-san-francisco\">due process and equal protection\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12096279/chinese-immigrants-led-the-first-mass-resistance-to-americas-deportation-system\">the right to remain in the country\u003c/a>, Chinese immigrants leveraged the legal system and the resources afforded by a highly organized San Francisco Chinatown network to make their case for equal education. Their efforts have helped expand the protections available to immigrant families and their children.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Today, Chinese Americans and immigrants continue to grapple with questions of belonging, identity and equity in education. But as the Chinese population has changed over the generations, so too have the terms of their activism. The education debates within the community have become increasingly complex — and sometimes \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11954612/u-s-supreme-court-strikes-down-affirmative-action-barring-california-private-universities-from-considering-race-in-admissions\">deeply divisive\u003c/a> — yet a throughline persists: a continuing negotiation over what meaningful inclusion looks like, and who gets to define it. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Education organizing remains an important way for Chinese community members to assert their place in American society, and to claim a stake in its future. And people like Chew say it’s especially critical now as the Trump administration’s anti-immigrant rhetoric and policies are impacting things like \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12096573/under-proposed-trump-rule-head-start-would-be-english-only\">language rights\u003c/a> for student English learners. She said by fighting for bilingual education, she can help to protect and nurture a multiracial democracy.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003ch2 class=\"wp-block-heading\">Before bilingual education, the fight for a seat in the classroom\u003c/h2>\n\n\n\n\u003cp class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Chinese immigrants in San Francisco began fighting in the 1850s for access to education. The concept of public education — universally available, state-funded and free — gained traction in the 1830s, and one of its stated goals was to prepare young people to be capable voters who could safeguard American democracy. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">That principle helps explain why public education has remained a contentious issue when it comes to immigrants, said Hiroshi Motomura, a professor and immigration law scholar at UCLA.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">“Children become the source of a great hope and the source of a great threat,” Motomura said. “As a threat, I think it’s realizing that if you let kids become citizens or get educated, [there’s] the sense that they’re going to displace you … Education is the key to immigrant integration.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\u003cdiv class=\"wp-block-image\">\n\u003cfigure class=\"aligncenter size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"1338\" height=\"1099\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/10/261027-Fight-For-Education-and-Belonging-02-KQED-45e99778.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12106752\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/10/261027-Fight-For-Education-and-Belonging-02-KQED-45e99778.jpg 1338w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/10/261027-Fight-For-Education-and-Belonging-02-KQED-45e99778-160x131.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1338px) 100vw, 1338px\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">A portrait of Chinese Primary School students in 1890. As noted in historian Mae Ngai’s book “The Lucky Ones,” Mamie Tape is the girl sitting in the center of the second row. (Courtesy of The Bancroft Library, University of California, Berkeley)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/div>\n\n\n\u003cp class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">In 19th-century San Francisco, access to public education was largely reserved for white children. Although California law eventually required public schools to admit all children, Black, Asian and American Indian students were segregated from their white peers. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">In 1871, as animosity and violence against the Chinese community \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/10429550/boomtown-history-2b\">intensified in San Francisco\u003c/a>, Chinese children were banned from even segregated public schools. Throughout the next decade, both the San Francisco school board and the state legislature ignored petitions by thousands of Chinese residents for admission to public schools. That is until one Chinese family in particular spoke up: the Tape family.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">By the 1880s, an estimated 1,000 Chinese school-age children were living in the city, and most of them were American-born, including 8-year-old Mamie Tape. Her parents, Joseph and Mary Tape, were atypical Chinese immigrants: they were Americanized, spoke excellent English, adopted Western-style manners and clothing and lived outside of Chinatown in a white, middle-class neighborhood.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">In 1884, Mamie’s parents attempted to enroll her at the all-white Spring Valley School. But when they arrived, the school’s principal, Jennie Hurley, refused to let her in, citing the district’s policy against admitting Chinese children. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">In response, Mamie’s father Joseph waged a legal battle that garnered widespread attention, captivating white and Chinese people alike. There was a lot at stake: would the privileges and benefits of U.S. citizenship be afforded to the American-born children of the much-reviled Chinese immigrant population? \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\n\n\u003cp class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Eventually, the Tapes won their case in San Francisco’s Superior Court, a decision that was upheld in the California Supreme Court in 1885’s historic case \u003ca href=\"https://law.justia.com/cases/california/supreme-court/1885/66-cal-473.html\">\u003cem>Tape v. Hurley\u003c/em>\u003c/a>. The court affirmed that Chinese children born in the U.S. were entitled to public education under the Constitution. However, the school board rushed an act through the state legislature, authorizing segregated schools for Chinese students; Mamie could attend a public school, but only a segregated one for Chinese children. In response, Mamie’s mother Mary wrote a long fiery letter to the school board in a local newspaper.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">“Dear sirs, Will you please to tell me! Is it a disgrace to be Born a Chinese? … My children don’t dress like the other Chinese … It seems no matter how a Chinese may live and dress so long as you know they Chinese. Then they are hated as one. There is not any right or justice for them.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Mary declared that Mamie would not attend any Chinese-only schools, but eventually she and her brother Frank were among the first students to enroll in the Chinese Primary School when it opened. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Mae Ngai, a professor of history at Columbia University and author of \u003cem>The Lucky Ones\u003c/em>, a book about the Tape family, called the ruling a “partial victory.” \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">“\u003cem>Tape v. Hurley\u003c/em> was an exclusion case, not a segregation case,” she said. “In fact, the Chinese were so excluded that they got promoted to being segregated … they were not even on par with Black people and Native Americans in 19th-century California,” she said. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Ngai believes that the Tape’s argument, that Mamie should be admitted because the family identified with the white population, shouldn’t be seen as an aspirational strategy for the Chinese community today: “I don’t think it’s healthy for us to say people of color are only worthy when they deny their own cultures and languages and heritages,” Ngai said. “[The case] is maybe cautionary … if your idea is to convince the mainstream that you’re just going to be like white people.” \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Nevertheless, \u003cem>Tape v. Hurley\u003c/em> was a fundamental case for the country’s earliest immigrants, Ngai said. “Education is a central issue of settlement. ‘We’re here, we’re not citizens, but our children are born here, they are citizens, and we are here to stay.’ That is the message.” \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003ch2 class=\"wp-block-heading\">How the Civil Rights era reshaped San Francisco’s classrooms — and the fight for equity\u003c/h2>\n\n\n\n\u003cp class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">That tension — between gaining access to American institutions and submitting to cultural erasure — would become more explicit in the decades that followed, especially as the Chinese community fought for bilingual education. There were a series of historical milestones that set the stage for that fight, particularly during the Civil Rights Movement.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">In 1954, the U.S. Supreme Court ruled that racial segregation in public schools was unconstitutional in \u003ca href=\"https://www.archives.gov/milestone-documents/brown-v-board-of-education\">\u003cem>Brown v. Board of Education\u003c/em>\u003c/a>. Meanwhile, arrivals to the U.S. dramatically shifted with the 1965 \u003ca href=\"https://history.house.gov/Historical-Highlights/1951-2000/Immigration-and-Nationality-Act-of-1965/\">Immigration and Nationality Act\u003c/a>, which eliminated decades-long immigration restrictions from Asian and African countries. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">San Francisco’s Chinese immigrant population surged, and with it, the school district’s Chinese student population. But while school segregation was legally unconstitutional, de facto segregation — driven primarily by redlining and discriminatory housing policies — meant that schools in areas like Chinatown reflected the segregation of the surrounding neighborhoods. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\u003cdiv class=\"wp-block-image\">\n\u003cfigure class=\"alignleft size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"750\" height=\"480\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/10/1495678.750x-f09c70aa.png\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12106969\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/10/1495678.750x-f09c70aa.png 750w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/10/1495678.750x-f09c70aa-160x102.png 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 750px) 100vw, 750px\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Police arrest Black Student Union member John Cleveland during the student strike at San Francisco State College 1968-69, which resulted in the creation of a College of Ethnic Studies. (Courtesy of San Francisco State University Photographic Timeline Project)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/div>\n\n\n\u003cp class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">By the late 1960s and early 1970s, a new generation of immigrant and Chinese-speaking youth emerged, which increased the need for different resources, including language services at schools. Being placed in English-only classrooms meant many Chinese students were effectively excluded from participating in class, and that their academic progress — if any — was significantly slower than their peers’.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">A 1974 California Law Review article describing those challenges said that Chinese students in these learning conditions were “doomed to poor achievement, illiteracy, and disproportionately high dropout rates” and that the isolating environment created psychological harm, making students feel inferior.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Despite the social problems in Chinatown, a new political consciousness was growing. Chew was part of a generation of young Chinese Americans who were returning to the neighborhood after monumental social upheavals.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">As a student at San Francisco State, she participated in the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11830384/how-the-longest-student-strike-in-u-s-history-created-ethnic-studies\">1968-69 Third World Liberation Front (TWLF) Strikes\u003c/a>, the longest student strike in U.S. history, where a coalition of student groups at SF State and UC Berkeley worked in solidarity to achieve their goals, including academic reforms and non-Eurocentric curricula. The term “Asian American” was formed at that time to create a political and organizing pan-ethnic identity, and the strike resulted in the formation of the nation’s first ethnic studies programs.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Up until then, Chew’s educational experience had left her feeling angry and invisible, but she said that joining the historic student movement was pivotal and “opened up a whole new world for me.” Working alongside Black, Chicano, Filipino, Native American and other student organizers, and questioning institutional power together, she learned to not only reembrace her community — she became motivated to fight for it. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\u003cdiv class=\"wp-block-image\">\n\u003cfigure class=\"aligncenter size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"1478\" height=\"986\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/10/101926-TheFightForEducationandBelonging-03-MC-KQED-1ce735ce.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12106629\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/10/101926-TheFightForEducationandBelonging-03-MC-KQED-1ce735ce.jpg 1478w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/10/101926-TheFightForEducationandBelonging-03-MC-KQED-1ce735ce-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1478px) 100vw, 1478px\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Laureen Chew taught second graders at Commodore Stockton during the 1970s. She said her roots in San Francisco Chinatown inspired her advocacy for Chinese English learner students. (Miles Cull/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/div>\n\n\n\u003cp class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">“I was so entrenched in the strike, but the strike wasn’t just about the strike,” Chew said. “That involvement made me think about [getting involved] in my community, in my context of being a Chinese American.” She wanted to help Chinese immigrant students embrace their language and cultural identity — an experience that she didn’t have growing up. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">After graduating in 1972 and enlisting in the National Teacher Corps, Chew began teaching at Commodore Stockton Elementary. The building, which was once the segregated school for Chinese students that Mamie Tape attended, was now the site of San Francisco’s first Cantonese bilingual program, made possible by the Bilingual Education Act of 1968.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Chew said it was a unique time to join the school because, in addition to the pilot bilingual program, the district had just implemented \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfusd.edu/facing-our-past-changing-our-future-part-ii-five-decades-desegregation-sfusd-1971-today\">busing\u003c/a> to integrate the city’s elementary schools following \u003ca href=\"https://law.justia.com/cases/federal/district-courts/FSupp/339/1315/1460757/\">\u003cem>Johnson v. SFUSD\u003c/em>\u003c/a>, in which Black families sued the district over school segregation. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\u003cdiv class=\"wp-block-image\">\n\u003cfigure class=\"aligncenter size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/10/101926-TheFightForEducationandBelonging-01-MC_qed-2456ef2f.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12106877\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/10/101926-TheFightForEducationandBelonging-01-MC_qed-2456ef2f.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/10/101926-TheFightForEducationandBelonging-01-MC_qed-2456ef2f-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/10/101926-TheFightForEducationandBelonging-01-MC_qed-2456ef2f-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Laureen Chew holds a film slide showing a teaching event she attended in the past, in San Francisco on Oct. 19, 2026. (Miles Cull/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/div>\n\n\n\u003cp class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Chinese immigrant parents largely opposed the court-ordered school busing program. One of their chief concerns was that it would scatter their children away from critical language resources at their neighborhood schools, like Commodore Stockton.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">For Chew, who spent six years teaching second graders at Commodore, the overlap of bilingual teaching and the busing effort proved to be challenging yet exciting. While there were racial frictions between the kids from Chinatown and the Black students bussed in from Bayview-Hunter’s Point, she saw the benefits of bilingual education beyond language itself. As students learned English and Chinese together, it bridged the differences between them. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">“I came from a different frame because of the [TWLF] strikes,” she said. “I was able to try a lot of different things during that time in terms of building humanity in a classroom and then more importantly, building community.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003ch2 class=\"wp-block-heading\">The case for bilingual education: a new kind of grassroots movement in Chinatown\u003c/h2>\n\n\n\n\u003cp class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Even as the pilot bilingual program at Commodore Stockton took shape, there still weren’t adequate linguistic resources for all Chinese students in San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">In 1970, a group of Chinese American students filed a class-action lawsuit against SFUSD arguing an estimated 1,800 Chinese-speaking students were unable to meaningfully participate in their education because they were in English-only classrooms without any language support.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Most of the families in the case were low-income Chinese immigrant families who lived in Chinatown single room occupancy buildings. The lead plaintiff was Kinney Kinmon Lau, a Chinese American first grader attending Jean Parker Elementary School. The case was filed with the Chinese for Affirmative Action (CAA), one of the progressive Asian American civil rights and social services organizations that emerged in the late ’60s and early ’70s.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\u003cdiv class=\"wp-block-image\">\n\u003cfigure class=\"aligncenter size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1613\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/10/261027-Fight-For-Education-and-Belonging-03-KQED-9a45685c.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12106762\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/10/261027-Fight-For-Education-and-Belonging-03-KQED-9a45685c.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/10/261027-Fight-For-Education-and-Belonging-03-KQED-9a45685c-160x129.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/10/261027-Fight-For-Education-and-Belonging-03-KQED-9a45685c-1536x1239.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Students watching a Chinese New Year program at Jean Parker Elementary School in 1970. The San Francisco school was at the center of the 1974 U.S. Supreme Court case, Lau v. Nichols. (Courtesy of San Francisco History Center, San Francisco Public Library)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/div>\n\n\n\u003cp class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Political power was starting to shift in Chinatown. Since the 1800s, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12050233/how-a-chinese-laundryman-shaped-us-civil-rights-from-san-francisco\">Chinese Consolidated Benevolent Association\u003c/a>, or the Chinese Six Companies — a group of family associations — had been the major player behind the fight for Chinese immigrant rights. The case for bilingual education demonstrated a new kind of grassroots resistance, one that was younger, multiracial, intersectional and based in self-determination. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">“They’re younger activists who are able to connect what they’re seeing in Chinatown to the broader civil rights movement,” CAA’s current co-Executive Director Vincent Pan said. “That’s the difference. And they’re marrying that with parents who do have a very important interest in seeing their kids get a better education.” \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Trish Morita-Mullaney, author of the book \u003cem>Lau v. Nichols and Chinese American Language Rights,\u003c/em> called the \u003cem>\u003c/em>case an “emergency response” to what was happening in the community and indicative of the growing language rights movement across the country.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\n\n\u003cp class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">“There was precedent set within the Latino community … [and here], the thinking around language rights is that ‘I really want my kid to have access to the instruction and because my kids are not proficient, we need differentiation of instruction, and Cantonese should be one of those options.’” \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">The District Court ruled in favor of SFUSD, stating that there was no constitutional responsibility to provide special language programs, a decision later upheld by the Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals. The plaintiffs brought the case to the U.S. Supreme Court, arguing that SFUSD’s “English-only” policy denied them equal protection. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">In 1974, the Supreme Court ruled in favor of the Chinese plaintiffs, deciding that not providing non-English-speaking students with supplemental language courses was a violation of several legal precedents, namely the \u003ca href=\"https://www.archives.gov/milestone-documents/civil-rights-act\">Civil Rights Act of 1964\u003c/a>, delivering a victory for bilingual instruction. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">The \u003cem>Lau\u003c/em> decision set a national precedent that education needed to be responsive to the different language needs and identities of students, Morita-Mullaney said. While the Court didn’t specify the steps school districts needed to take, it mandated supplemental instruction for English language learners. SFUSD took the bilingual education route, entering into a federal legal agreement, called the Lau Consent Decree, which legally bound the district to provide specialized language instruction and equal educational access to all non-English-speaking students.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Pan sees the \u003cem>Lau victory\u003c/em> as part of the struggle for Chinese Americans and immigrants to participate fully in American society that \u003cem>Tape v. Hurley\u003c/em> began nearly 90 years earlier. While \u003cem>Tape\u003c/em> was a fight for the Chinese people to be “seen as humans,” Pan said \u003cem>Lau\u003c/em> took it a step further “to get at the issue of ‘you’re human even if you don’t speak English well.’” \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003ch2 class=\"wp-block-heading\">What does fair and equitable public education mean now?\u003c/h2>\n\n\n\n\u003cp class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">On a recent evening at the Southeast Community Center in Bayview-Hunters Point, six candidates running for San Francisco’s District 10 supervisor’s seat addressed a room full of students and families. CAA was co-hosting the event, and managing director of policy Annie Lee posed questions to the candidates. One by one, they each weighed in on a wide range of community issues, including Flock cameras and mental health services inside schools. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">While the district is a historically Black community, \u003ca href=\"https://censusreporter.org/profiles/79500US0607507-san-francisco-county-south-central-bayview-hunters-point-puma-ca/\">nearly half\u003c/a> of its population is Asian, and more than 60% of the residents speak a language that isn’t English at home. \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/sf/article/chinese-americans-san-francisco-neighborhoods-22458761.php\">Recent reporting\u003c/a> from \u003cem>The San Francisco Chronicle\u003c/em> shows that the Chinese population grew by nearly two-thirds between 2010 and 2024. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\u003cdiv class=\"wp-block-image\">\n\u003cfigure class=\"aligncenter size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/10/260930-CHINESEEDUCATION-JY-07-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12102814\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/10/260930-CHINESEEDUCATION-JY-07-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/10/260930-CHINESEEDUCATION-JY-07-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/10/260930-CHINESEEDUCATION-JY-07-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">District 10 Supervisor candidate J.R. Eppler speaks during a youth-led candidate forum at Southeast Community Center in San Francisco on Sept. 30, 2026. The 3rd Street Youth Center and Chinese for Affirmative Action (CAA) partnered to host the forum for local residents. (Juliana Yamada/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/div>\n\n\n\u003cp class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Among the crowd that evening were a few Chinese parents who wore headsets, as interpreters on the sidelines translated the conversation into Cantonese.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">One of them was 43-year-old Christina Ouyang, a single mother with a 13-year-old daughter who works part-time doing community outreach with CAA.\u003cbr>\u003cbr>“I came here to learn more about the programming and opportunities available to children in the school district,” Ouyang said in Cantonese, sharing that she was most concerned about the safety and well-being of her daughter, who had faced bullying at her school.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">While the D10 candidates didn’t address that specific issue, the attendance of Chinese parents at events like these demonstrates that despite the language barriers, education remains a central way that they engage in the larger community. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-gallery has-nested-images columns-default is-cropped wp-block-gallery-1 is-layout-flex wp-block-gallery-is-layout-flex\">\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-large\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" data-id=\"12106818\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/10/260930-ChineseEducation-JY-16-KQED-76919386.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12106818\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/10/260930-ChineseEducation-JY-16-KQED-76919386.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/10/260930-ChineseEducation-JY-16-KQED-76919386-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/10/260930-ChineseEducation-JY-16-KQED-76919386-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Christina Ouyang attends a youth-led candidate forum for District 10 supervisor at Southeast Community Center in San Francisco on Sept. 30, 2026. Ouyang is a parent in the district and attended the forum to gather more information that might help her child. (Juliana Yamada/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\n\n\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-large\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" data-id=\"12102818\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/10/260930-CHINESEEDUCATION-JY-13-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12102818\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/10/260930-CHINESEEDUCATION-JY-13-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/10/260930-CHINESEEDUCATION-JY-13-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/10/260930-CHINESEEDUCATION-JY-13-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Interpreter Gladys Chiu holds a script while translating English into Chinese during a youth-led candidate forum for District 10 Supervisor at Southeast Community Center in San Francisco on Sept. 30, 2026. 3rd Street Youth Center and Chinese for Affirmative Action (CAA) partnered to host the forum for local residents. (Juliana Yamada/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/figure>\n\n\n\n\u003cp class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">It’s the kind of work that CAA remains dedicated to today, and Pan sees it as a continuation of the \u003cem>Lau\u003c/em> case’s legacy. In the past, they’ve helped immigrant parents have a say in their children’s education, including with efforts like helping \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11680868/voter-registration-for-non-citizens-begins-in-s-f-school-board-election\">noncitizens vote in school board elections\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">“Who doesn’t want parents to be involved? … It’ll make the schools better for everyone, but because of all the rhetoric against immigrants, you can see that’s being demonized right now,” Pan said.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Education — often positioned as a gateway to American society — has become a contentious, hot-button issue for the Asian American community, especially around the recent \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11954612/u-s-supreme-court-strikes-down-affirmative-action-barring-california-private-universities-from-considering-race-in-admissions\">U.S. Supreme Court ban on affirmative action\u003c/a>, and the threats to ethnic studies. CAA often finds itself confronting divisions within the community, Pan said. Many Asian Americans were vocal and proactive in helping dismantle affirmative action, while others have called for the end of ethnic studies curriculum, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12091955/lowell-high-school-group-sues-sfusd-over-newly-adopted-ethnic-studies-curriculum\">including recently at Lowell High School in San Francisco\u003c/a>. He notes these friction points reflect generational and class shifts: while some Chinese families advocate for strict meritocracy as the surest route to advancement, others see those moves as chipping away at the multiracial coalitions that secured rights for vulnerable learners in the first place.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">He notes these friction points reflect generational and class shifts: while some Chinese families advocate for strict meritocracy as the surest route to advancement, others see those moves as chipping away at the multiracial coalitions that secured rights for vulnerable learners in the first place. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\u003cdiv class=\"wp-block-image\">\n\u003cfigure class=\"aligncenter size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/10/260930-CHINESEEDUCATION-JY-11-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12102817\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/10/260930-CHINESEEDUCATION-JY-11-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/10/260930-CHINESEEDUCATION-JY-11-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/10/260930-CHINESEEDUCATION-JY-11-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Ivy Zhou listens to a Chinese interpretation through an earpiece as Laura Quan translates behind her during a youth-led candidate forum for District 10 Supervisor at Southeast Community Center in San Francisco on Sept. 30, 2026. The 3rd Street Youth Center and Chinese for Affirmative Action (CAA) partnered to host the forum for local residents. (Juliana Yamada/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/div>\n\n\n\u003cp class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">“Unfortunately, when the stakes are high, people can get emotional. What we really also need to do is to be able to think clear-headed about what the effective public policies might be,” Pan said. “The more viable common sense practical path is to actually expand opportunity as opposed to fight for limited seats in a system that makes high quality education very scarce.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">But the second-term Trump administration has done the opposite of expanding opportunities for English learners. In addition to weakening federal civil rights oversight of language access and terminating grants and support for English-learner programs, President Trump signed \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/presidential-actions/2025/03/designating-english-as-the-official-language-of-the-united-states/\">an executive order\u003c/a> last year, declaring English as the nation’s only official language. The order states: “Speaking English not only opens doors economically, but it helps newcomers engage in their communities, participate in national traditions, and give back to our society.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">It’s a sentiment that flies in the face of everything Laureen Chew feels about the power of bilingual education to help “newcomers” engage in their broader communities.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Today, she’s working with the CAA and The Association of Chinese Teachers (another advocacy organization founded in the 1960s) to reactivate the bilingual teacher training track at SF State, to ensure there are teachers to help replace the generation of Cantonese bilingual teachers who are retiring. While there have been some heritage language preservation efforts in the city, like “\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11953666/city-college-of-san-francisco-withdraws-previously-approved-cantonese-program\">Save Cantonese\u003c/a>,” Chew said there’s still a need to provide bilingual language resources to the city’s most vulnerable Chinese students.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Bilingual education is also under pressure as districts like SFUSD face low enrollment numbers, less state funding and an emphasis on test scores.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">In 2019 — 45 years after the \u003cem>Lau\u003c/em> decision — SFUSD \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfusd.edu/about-sfusd/sfusd-news/press-releases/2019-07-01-lau-consent-decree-sunsets-sfusd\">sunsetted\u003c/a> the Lau Consent Decree, relieving the district of the federal mandate to provide services for English language learners. Officials declared that the district remained committed to supporting students, even without the oversight. But Morita-Mullaney said many have expressed concerns. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\u003cdiv class=\"wp-block-image\">\n\u003cfigure class=\"aligncenter size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/10/101926-TheFightForEducationandBelonging-13-MC-KQED-f516ded8.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12106633\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/10/101926-TheFightForEducationandBelonging-13-MC-KQED-f516ded8.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/10/101926-TheFightForEducationandBelonging-13-MC-KQED-f516ded8-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/10/101926-TheFightForEducationandBelonging-13-MC-KQED-f516ded8-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Laureen Chew poses for a portrait in her home in San Francisco on Oct. 19, 2026. (Miles Cull/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/div>\n\n\n\u003cp class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">“There’s a lot of people I’ve talked to in Chinatown that are not happy about that because it was done very quietly.” \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">She explained that as more Chinese Americans become English-dominant, some teachers may adopt the same expectations and norms that prioritize English proficiency, weakening support for accountability measures that were designed to protect English learners. That’s why remembering the legacy of fights like Lau v. Nichols helps place bilingual education’s importance into context, Morita-Mullaney said.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">“What Lau does for us is it says go back to the people. We are talking about the humanity of language learners, and what is their rightful case for language access. And so it is about the curriculum, it is about progress … but the beneficiaries are the students, and you don’t see that foregrounded in policy in the same way.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">For Chew, the attacks on immigrants can be disheartening. But as she approaches 80, she remains committed to the work, drawing on the lessons of a life spent challenging who gets to belong: from her childhood as a Chinese student taught to reject her native language to her work as one of San Francisco’s first Cantonese bilingual teachers. Each step has shaped her conviction that education should make room for everyone. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">“I embrace this country for what it aspires to be … No matter how strange everything is nowadays, I still believe in [its] foundation, even though [the founders] were all flawed. Isn’t that interesting?” she said, with a laugh. “And yet, they had this idealistic version of what a country can be, and we’re all still trying to live by it.”\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Laureen Chew, 78, still remembers her first day of kindergarten at Washington Irving Elementary School in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco\">San Francisco\u003c/a>. It was the day she began to question her cultural heritage. Growing up in the city’s North Beach and Chinatown neighborhoods, Chew only spoke Cantonese. Born and raised in the U.S., Chew was raised primarily by her Chinese immigrant mother, who couldn’t speak English, and her world — up until then — was a tight-knit community of other Cantonese speakers.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>“I remember going to school the first day being very excited because everybody said school was fun. All the kids there were Chinese Cantonese speakers; very few had English skills,” Chew said. “But then, the first thing that came out of the teacher’s mouth was English, and we were freaking out. And in fact, I didn’t wanna go back to school the next day.”\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>“I remember going to school the first day being very excited because everybody said school was fun. All the kids there were Chinese Cantonese speakers; very few had English skills,” Chew said. “But then, the first thing that came out of the teacher’s mouth was English, and we were freaking out. And in fact, I didn’t wanna go back to school the next day.”\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Chew said that by the time she was in the third grade, the language barriers evolved into a source of shame.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Chew said that by the time she was in the third grade, the language barriers evolved into a source of shame.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>“The teachers did a very good job of downgrading our native language at school,” she said, reflecting on recess time in the schoolyard. “We’d be playing and speaking in Cantonese to each other, and they’d ring the bell and say, ‘You’re in American school now, speak English!”\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>“The teachers did a very good job of downgrading our native language at school,” she said, reflecting on recess time in the schoolyard. “We’d be playing and speaking in Cantonese to each other, and they’d ring the bell and say, ‘You’re in American school now, speak English!”\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>It wasn’t until Chew became a student activist during college in the 1960s that she began to reclaim her cultural identity. She also discovered how to best help her community: by teaching and advocating for multilingual Chinese students.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>It wasn’t until Chew became a student activist during college in the 1960s that she began to reclaim her cultural identity. She also discovered how to best help her community: by teaching and advocating for multilingual Chinese students.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>“Bilingual ed is not only about language … It’s about identity so that you can feel that you’re worthy,” Chew said. “It’s about keeping a positive sense of who I am to help me express my voice in this country without feeling inferior.” \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>“Bilingual ed is not only about language … It’s about identity so that you can feel that you’re worthy,” Chew said. “It’s about keeping a positive sense of who I am to help me express my voice in this country without feeling inferior.” \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image aligncenter size-full\">\u003cimg src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/10/101926-TheFightForEducationandBelonging-06-MC-KQED-18f00d22.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12106630\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/10/101926-TheFightForEducationandBelonging-06-MC-KQED-18f00d22.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/10/101926-TheFightForEducationandBelonging-06-MC-KQED-18f00d22-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/10/101926-TheFightForEducationandBelonging-06-MC-KQED-18f00d22-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(min-width: 992px) min(100vw, 1536px), (min-width: 768px) min(100vw, 1280px), min(100vw, 1020px)\"/>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Laureen Chew poses for a portrait in her home in San Francisco on Oct. 19, 2026.\u003ccite class=\"wp-inline-image-credit\"> (Miles Cull/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n",
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"\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image aligncenter size-full\">\u003cimg src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/10/101926-TheFightForEducationandBelonging-06-MC-KQED-18f00d22.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12106630\"/>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Laureen Chew poses for a portrait in her home in San Francisco on Oct. 19, 2026.\u003ccite class=\"wp-inline-image-credit\"> (Miles Cull/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>The Chinese community has played an important role in advancing bilingual education in San Francisco and across the country. The foundations of that advocacy trace back to the 19th-century Exclusion era when early Chinese immigrants fought for the most basic of education rights, like access to public schools. As they did in other arenas, including \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12088125/as-america-turns-250-san-franciscos-role-in-defining-citizenship-endures\">birthright citizenship\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12050233/how-a-chinese-laundryman-shaped-us-civil-rights-from-san-francisco\">due process and equal protection\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12096279/chinese-immigrants-led-the-first-mass-resistance-to-americas-deportation-system\">the right to remain in the country\u003c/a>, Chinese immigrants leveraged the legal system and the resources afforded by a highly organized San Francisco Chinatown network to make their case for equal education. Their efforts have helped expand the protections available to immigrant families and their children.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>The Chinese community has played an important role in advancing bilingual education in San Francisco and across the country. The foundations of that advocacy trace back to the 19th-century Exclusion era when early Chinese immigrants fought for the most basic of education rights, like access to public schools. As they did in other arenas, including \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12088125/as-america-turns-250-san-franciscos-role-in-defining-citizenship-endures\">birthright citizenship\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12050233/how-a-chinese-laundryman-shaped-us-civil-rights-from-san-francisco\">due process and equal protection\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12096279/chinese-immigrants-led-the-first-mass-resistance-to-americas-deportation-system\">the right to remain in the country\u003c/a>, Chinese immigrants leveraged the legal system and the resources afforded by a highly organized San Francisco Chinatown network to make their case for equal education. Their efforts have helped expand the protections available to immigrant families and their children.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Today, Chinese Americans and immigrants continue to grapple with questions of belonging, identity and equity in education. But as the Chinese population has changed over the generations, so too have the terms of their activism. The education debates within the community have become increasingly complex — and sometimes \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11954612/u-s-supreme-court-strikes-down-affirmative-action-barring-california-private-universities-from-considering-race-in-admissions\">deeply divisive\u003c/a> — yet a throughline persists: a continuing negotiation over what meaningful inclusion looks like, and who gets to define it. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Today, Chinese Americans and immigrants continue to grapple with questions of belonging, identity and equity in education. But as the Chinese population has changed over the generations, so too have the terms of their activism. The education debates within the community have become increasingly complex — and sometimes \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11954612/u-s-supreme-court-strikes-down-affirmative-action-barring-california-private-universities-from-considering-race-in-admissions\">deeply divisive\u003c/a> — yet a throughline persists: a continuing negotiation over what meaningful inclusion looks like, and who gets to define it. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Education organizing remains an important way for Chinese community members to assert their place in American society, and to claim a stake in its future. And people like Chew say it’s especially critical now as the Trump administration’s anti-immigrant rhetoric and policies are impacting things like \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12096573/under-proposed-trump-rule-head-start-would-be-english-only\">language rights\u003c/a> for student English learners. She said by fighting for bilingual education, she can help to protect and nurture a multiracial democracy.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Education organizing remains an important way for Chinese community members to assert their place in American society, and to claim a stake in its future. And people like Chew say it’s especially critical now as the Trump administration’s anti-immigrant rhetoric and policies are impacting things like \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12096573/under-proposed-trump-rule-head-start-would-be-english-only\">language rights\u003c/a> for student English learners. She said by fighting for bilingual education, she can help to protect and nurture a multiracial democracy.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Chinese immigrants in San Francisco began fighting in the 1850s for access to education. The concept of public education — universally available, state-funded and free — gained traction in the 1830s, and one of its stated goals was to prepare young people to be capable voters who could safeguard American democracy. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Chinese immigrants in San Francisco began fighting in the 1850s for access to education. The concept of public education — universally available, state-funded and free — gained traction in the 1830s, and one of its stated goals was to prepare young people to be capable voters who could safeguard American democracy. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>That principle helps explain why public education has remained a contentious issue when it comes to immigrants, said Hiroshi Motomura, a professor and immigration law scholar at UCLA.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>That principle helps explain why public education has remained a contentious issue when it comes to immigrants, said Hiroshi Motomura, a professor and immigration law scholar at UCLA.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>“Children become the source of a great hope and the source of a great threat,” Motomura said. “As a threat, I think it’s realizing that if you let kids become citizens or get educated, [there’s] the sense that they’re going to displace you … Education is the key to immigrant integration.”\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>“Children become the source of a great hope and the source of a great threat,” Motomura said. “As a threat, I think it’s realizing that if you let kids become citizens or get educated, [there’s] the sense that they’re going to displace you … Education is the key to immigrant integration.”\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image aligncenter size-full\">\u003cimg src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/10/261027-Fight-For-Education-and-Belonging-02-KQED-45e99778.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12106752\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/10/261027-Fight-For-Education-and-Belonging-02-KQED-45e99778.jpg 1338w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/10/261027-Fight-For-Education-and-Belonging-02-KQED-45e99778-160x131.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(min-width: 992px) min(100vw, 1536px), (min-width: 768px) min(100vw, 1280px), min(100vw, 1020px)\"/>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">A portrait of Chinese Primary School students in 1890. As noted in historian Mae Ngai’s book “The Lucky Ones,” Mamie Tape is the girl sitting in the center of the second row. \u003ccite class=\"wp-inline-image-credit\"> (Courtesy of The Bancroft Library, University of California, Berkeley)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n",
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"\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image aligncenter size-full\">\u003cimg src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/10/261027-Fight-For-Education-and-Belonging-02-KQED-45e99778.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12106752\"/>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">A portrait of Chinese Primary School students in 1890. As noted in historian Mae Ngai’s book “The Lucky Ones,” Mamie Tape is the girl sitting in the center of the second row. \u003ccite class=\"wp-inline-image-credit\"> (Courtesy of The Bancroft Library, University of California, Berkeley)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>In 19th-century San Francisco, access to public education was largely reserved for white children. Although California law eventually required public schools to admit all children, Black, Asian and American Indian students were segregated from their white peers. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>In 19th-century San Francisco, access to public education was largely reserved for white children. Although California law eventually required public schools to admit all children, Black, Asian and American Indian students were segregated from their white peers. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>In 1871, as animosity and violence against the Chinese community \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/10429550/boomtown-history-2b\">intensified in San Francisco\u003c/a>, Chinese children were banned from even segregated public schools. Throughout the next decade, both the San Francisco school board and the state legislature ignored petitions by thousands of Chinese residents for admission to public schools. That is until one Chinese family in particular spoke up: the Tape family.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>In 1871, as animosity and violence against the Chinese community \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/10429550/boomtown-history-2b\">intensified in San Francisco\u003c/a>, Chinese children were banned from even segregated public schools. Throughout the next decade, both the San Francisco school board and the state legislature ignored petitions by thousands of Chinese residents for admission to public schools. That is until one Chinese family in particular spoke up: the Tape family.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>By the 1880s, an estimated 1,000 Chinese school-age children were living in the city, and most of them were American-born, including 8-year-old Mamie Tape. Her parents, Joseph and Mary Tape, were atypical Chinese immigrants: they were Americanized, spoke excellent English, adopted Western-style manners and clothing and lived outside of Chinatown in a white, middle-class neighborhood.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>By the 1880s, an estimated 1,000 Chinese school-age children were living in the city, and most of them were American-born, including 8-year-old Mamie Tape. Her parents, Joseph and Mary Tape, were atypical Chinese immigrants: they were Americanized, spoke excellent English, adopted Western-style manners and clothing and lived outside of Chinatown in a white, middle-class neighborhood.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>In 1884, Mamie’s parents attempted to enroll her at the all-white Spring Valley School. But when they arrived, the school’s principal, Jennie Hurley, refused to let her in, citing the district’s policy against admitting Chinese children. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>In 1884, Mamie’s parents attempted to enroll her at the all-white Spring Valley School. But when they arrived, the school’s principal, Jennie Hurley, refused to let her in, citing the district’s policy against admitting Chinese children. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>In response, Mamie’s father Joseph waged a legal battle that garnered widespread attention, captivating white and Chinese people alike. There was a lot at stake: would the privileges and benefits of U.S. citizenship be afforded to the American-born children of the much-reviled Chinese immigrant population? \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>In response, Mamie’s father Joseph waged a legal battle that garnered widespread attention, captivating white and Chinese people alike. There was a lot at stake: would the privileges and benefits of U.S. citizenship be afforded to the American-born children of the much-reviled Chinese immigrant population? \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Eventually, the Tapes won their case in San Francisco’s Superior Court, a decision that was upheld in the California Supreme Court in 1885’s historic case \u003ca href=\"https://law.justia.com/cases/california/supreme-court/1885/66-cal-473.html\">\u003cem>Tape v. Hurley\u003c/em>\u003c/a>. The court affirmed that Chinese children born in the U.S. were entitled to public education under the Constitution. However, the school board rushed an act through the state legislature, authorizing segregated schools for Chinese students; Mamie could attend a public school, but only a segregated one for Chinese children. In response, Mamie’s mother Mary wrote a long fiery letter to the school board in a local newspaper.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Eventually, the Tapes won their case in San Francisco’s Superior Court, a decision that was upheld in the California Supreme Court in 1885’s historic case \u003ca href=\"https://law.justia.com/cases/california/supreme-court/1885/66-cal-473.html\">\u003cem>Tape v. Hurley\u003c/em>\u003c/a>. The court affirmed that Chinese children born in the U.S. were entitled to public education under the Constitution. However, the school board rushed an act through the state legislature, authorizing segregated schools for Chinese students; Mamie could attend a public school, but only a segregated one for Chinese children. In response, Mamie’s mother Mary wrote a long fiery letter to the school board in a local newspaper.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>“Dear sirs, Will you please to tell me! Is it a disgrace to be Born a Chinese? … My children don’t dress like the other Chinese … It seems no matter how a Chinese may live and dress so long as you know they Chinese. Then they are hated as one. There is not any right or justice for them.”\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>“Dear sirs, Will you please to tell me! Is it a disgrace to be Born a Chinese? … My children don’t dress like the other Chinese … It seems no matter how a Chinese may live and dress so long as you know they Chinese. Then they are hated as one. There is not any right or justice for them.”\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Mary declared that Mamie would not attend any Chinese-only schools, but eventually she and her brother Frank were among the first students to enroll in the Chinese Primary School when it opened. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Mary declared that Mamie would not attend any Chinese-only schools, but eventually she and her brother Frank were among the first students to enroll in the Chinese Primary School when it opened. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Mae Ngai, a professor of history at Columbia University and author of \u003cem>The Lucky Ones\u003c/em>, a book about the Tape family, called the ruling a “partial victory.” \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Mae Ngai, a professor of history at Columbia University and author of \u003cem>The Lucky Ones\u003c/em>, a book about the Tape family, called the ruling a “partial victory.” \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>“\u003cem>Tape v. Hurley\u003c/em> was an exclusion case, not a segregation case,” she said. “In fact, the Chinese were so excluded that they got promoted to being segregated … they were not even on par with Black people and Native Americans in 19th-century California,” she said. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>“\u003cem>Tape v. Hurley\u003c/em> was an exclusion case, not a segregation case,” she said. “In fact, the Chinese were so excluded that they got promoted to being segregated … they were not even on par with Black people and Native Americans in 19th-century California,” she said. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Ngai believes that the Tape’s argument, that Mamie should be admitted because the family identified with the white population, shouldn’t be seen as an aspirational strategy for the Chinese community today: “I don’t think it’s healthy for us to say people of color are only worthy when they deny their own cultures and languages and heritages,” Ngai said. “[The case] is maybe cautionary … if your idea is to convince the mainstream that you’re just going to be like white people.” \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Ngai believes that the Tape’s argument, that Mamie should be admitted because the family identified with the white population, shouldn’t be seen as an aspirational strategy for the Chinese community today: “I don’t think it’s healthy for us to say people of color are only worthy when they deny their own cultures and languages and heritages,” Ngai said. “[The case] is maybe cautionary … if your idea is to convince the mainstream that you’re just going to be like white people.” \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Nevertheless, \u003cem>Tape v. Hurley\u003c/em> was a fundamental case for the country’s earliest immigrants, Ngai said. “Education is a central issue of settlement. ‘We’re here, we’re not citizens, but our children are born here, they are citizens, and we are here to stay.’ That is the message.” \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Nevertheless, \u003cem>Tape v. Hurley\u003c/em> was a fundamental case for the country’s earliest immigrants, Ngai said. “Education is a central issue of settlement. ‘We’re here, we’re not citizens, but our children are born here, they are citizens, and we are here to stay.’ That is the message.” \u003c/p>\n"
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"text": "How the Civil Rights era reshaped San Francisco’s classrooms — and the fight for equity",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>That tension — between gaining access to American institutions and submitting to cultural erasure — would become more explicit in the decades that followed, especially as the Chinese community fought for bilingual education. There were a series of historical milestones that set the stage for that fight, particularly during the Civil Rights Movement.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>That tension — between gaining access to American institutions and submitting to cultural erasure — would become more explicit in the decades that followed, especially as the Chinese community fought for bilingual education. There were a series of historical milestones that set the stage for that fight, particularly during the Civil Rights Movement.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>In 1954, the U.S. Supreme Court ruled that racial segregation in public schools was unconstitutional in \u003ca href=\"https://www.archives.gov/milestone-documents/brown-v-board-of-education\">\u003cem>Brown v. Board of Education\u003c/em>\u003c/a>. Meanwhile, arrivals to the U.S. dramatically shifted with the 1965 \u003ca href=\"https://history.house.gov/Historical-Highlights/1951-2000/Immigration-and-Nationality-Act-of-1965/\">Immigration and Nationality Act\u003c/a>, which eliminated decades-long immigration restrictions from Asian and African countries. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>In 1954, the U.S. Supreme Court ruled that racial segregation in public schools was unconstitutional in \u003ca href=\"https://www.archives.gov/milestone-documents/brown-v-board-of-education\">\u003cem>Brown v. Board of Education\u003c/em>\u003c/a>. Meanwhile, arrivals to the U.S. dramatically shifted with the 1965 \u003ca href=\"https://history.house.gov/Historical-Highlights/1951-2000/Immigration-and-Nationality-Act-of-1965/\">Immigration and Nationality Act\u003c/a>, which eliminated decades-long immigration restrictions from Asian and African countries. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>San Francisco’s Chinese immigrant population surged, and with it, the school district’s Chinese student population. But while school segregation was legally unconstitutional, de facto segregation — driven primarily by redlining and discriminatory housing policies — meant that schools in areas like Chinatown reflected the segregation of the surrounding neighborhoods. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>San Francisco’s Chinese immigrant population surged, and with it, the school district’s Chinese student population. But while school segregation was legally unconstitutional, de facto segregation — driven primarily by redlining and discriminatory housing policies — meant that schools in areas like Chinatown reflected the segregation of the surrounding neighborhoods. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image alignleft size-full\">\u003cimg src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/10/1495678.750x-f09c70aa.png\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12106969\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/10/1495678.750x-f09c70aa.png 750w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/10/1495678.750x-f09c70aa-160x102.png 160w\" sizes=\"(min-width: 992px) min(100vw, 1536px), (min-width: 768px) min(100vw, 1280px), min(100vw, 1020px)\"/>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Police arrest Black Student Union member John Cleveland during the student strike at San Francisco State College 1968-69, which resulted in the creation of a College of Ethnic Studies.\u003ccite class=\"wp-inline-image-credit\"> (Courtesy of San Francisco State University Photographic Timeline Project)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n",
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"\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image alignleft size-full\">\u003cimg src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/10/1495678.750x-f09c70aa.png\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12106969\"/>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Police arrest Black Student Union member John Cleveland during the student strike at San Francisco State College 1968-69, which resulted in the creation of a College of Ethnic Studies.\u003ccite class=\"wp-inline-image-credit\"> (Courtesy of San Francisco State University Photographic Timeline Project)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>By the late 1960s and early 1970s, a new generation of immigrant and Chinese-speaking youth emerged, which increased the need for different resources, including language services at schools. Being placed in English-only classrooms meant many Chinese students were effectively excluded from participating in class, and that their academic progress — if any — was significantly slower than their peers’.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>By the late 1960s and early 1970s, a new generation of immigrant and Chinese-speaking youth emerged, which increased the need for different resources, including language services at schools. Being placed in English-only classrooms meant many Chinese students were effectively excluded from participating in class, and that their academic progress — if any — was significantly slower than their peers’.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>A 1974 California Law Review article describing those challenges said that Chinese students in these learning conditions were “doomed to poor achievement, illiteracy, and disproportionately high dropout rates” and that the isolating environment created psychological harm, making students feel inferior.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>A 1974 California Law Review article describing those challenges said that Chinese students in these learning conditions were “doomed to poor achievement, illiteracy, and disproportionately high dropout rates” and that the isolating environment created psychological harm, making students feel inferior.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Despite the social problems in Chinatown, a new political consciousness was growing. Chew was part of a generation of young Chinese Americans who were returning to the neighborhood after monumental social upheavals.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Despite the social problems in Chinatown, a new political consciousness was growing. Chew was part of a generation of young Chinese Americans who were returning to the neighborhood after monumental social upheavals.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>As a student at San Francisco State, she participated in the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11830384/how-the-longest-student-strike-in-u-s-history-created-ethnic-studies\">1968-69 Third World Liberation Front (TWLF) Strikes\u003c/a>, the longest student strike in U.S. history, where a coalition of student groups at SF State and UC Berkeley worked in solidarity to achieve their goals, including academic reforms and non-Eurocentric curricula. The term “Asian American” was formed at that time to create a political and organizing pan-ethnic identity, and the strike resulted in the formation of the nation’s first ethnic studies programs.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>As a student at San Francisco State, she participated in the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11830384/how-the-longest-student-strike-in-u-s-history-created-ethnic-studies\">1968-69 Third World Liberation Front (TWLF) Strikes\u003c/a>, the longest student strike in U.S. history, where a coalition of student groups at SF State and UC Berkeley worked in solidarity to achieve their goals, including academic reforms and non-Eurocentric curricula. The term “Asian American” was formed at that time to create a political and organizing pan-ethnic identity, and the strike resulted in the formation of the nation’s first ethnic studies programs.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Up until then, Chew’s educational experience had left her feeling angry and invisible, but she said that joining the historic student movement was pivotal and “opened up a whole new world for me.” Working alongside Black, Chicano, Filipino, Native American and other student organizers, and questioning institutional power together, she learned to not only reembrace her community — she became motivated to fight for it. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Up until then, Chew’s educational experience had left her feeling angry and invisible, but she said that joining the historic student movement was pivotal and “opened up a whole new world for me.” Working alongside Black, Chicano, Filipino, Native American and other student organizers, and questioning institutional power together, she learned to not only reembrace her community — she became motivated to fight for it. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image aligncenter size-full\">\u003cimg src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/10/101926-TheFightForEducationandBelonging-03-MC-KQED-1ce735ce.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12106629\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/10/101926-TheFightForEducationandBelonging-03-MC-KQED-1ce735ce.jpg 1478w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/10/101926-TheFightForEducationandBelonging-03-MC-KQED-1ce735ce-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(min-width: 992px) min(100vw, 1536px), (min-width: 768px) min(100vw, 1280px), min(100vw, 1020px)\"/>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Laureen Chew taught second graders at Commodore Stockton during the 1970s. She said her roots in San Francisco Chinatown inspired her advocacy for Chinese English learner students.\u003ccite class=\"wp-inline-image-credit\"> (Miles Cull/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n",
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"\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image aligncenter size-full\">\u003cimg src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/10/101926-TheFightForEducationandBelonging-03-MC-KQED-1ce735ce.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12106629\"/>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Laureen Chew taught second graders at Commodore Stockton during the 1970s. She said her roots in San Francisco Chinatown inspired her advocacy for Chinese English learner students.\u003ccite class=\"wp-inline-image-credit\"> (Miles Cull/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>“I was so entrenched in the strike, but the strike wasn’t just about the strike,” Chew said. “That involvement made me think about [getting involved] in my community, in my context of being a Chinese American.” She wanted to help Chinese immigrant students embrace their language and cultural identity — an experience that she didn’t have growing up. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>“I was so entrenched in the strike, but the strike wasn’t just about the strike,” Chew said. “That involvement made me think about [getting involved] in my community, in my context of being a Chinese American.” She wanted to help Chinese immigrant students embrace their language and cultural identity — an experience that she didn’t have growing up. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>After graduating in 1972 and enlisting in the National Teacher Corps, Chew began teaching at Commodore Stockton Elementary. The building, which was once the segregated school for Chinese students that Mamie Tape attended, was now the site of San Francisco’s first Cantonese bilingual program, made possible by the Bilingual Education Act of 1968.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>After graduating in 1972 and enlisting in the National Teacher Corps, Chew began teaching at Commodore Stockton Elementary. The building, which was once the segregated school for Chinese students that Mamie Tape attended, was now the site of San Francisco’s first Cantonese bilingual program, made possible by the Bilingual Education Act of 1968.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Chew said it was a unique time to join the school because, in addition to the pilot bilingual program, the district had just implemented \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfusd.edu/facing-our-past-changing-our-future-part-ii-five-decades-desegregation-sfusd-1971-today\">busing\u003c/a> to integrate the city’s elementary schools following \u003ca href=\"https://law.justia.com/cases/federal/district-courts/FSupp/339/1315/1460757/\">\u003cem>Johnson v. SFUSD\u003c/em>\u003c/a>, in which Black families sued the district over school segregation. \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image aligncenter size-full\">\u003cimg src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/10/101926-TheFightForEducationandBelonging-01-MC_qed-2456ef2f.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12106877\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/10/101926-TheFightForEducationandBelonging-01-MC_qed-2456ef2f.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/10/101926-TheFightForEducationandBelonging-01-MC_qed-2456ef2f-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/10/101926-TheFightForEducationandBelonging-01-MC_qed-2456ef2f-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(min-width: 992px) min(100vw, 1536px), (min-width: 768px) min(100vw, 1280px), min(100vw, 1020px)\"/>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Laureen Chew holds a film slide showing a teaching event she attended in the past, in San Francisco on Oct. 19, 2026.\u003ccite class=\"wp-inline-image-credit\"> (Miles Cull/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n",
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"\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image aligncenter size-full\">\u003cimg src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/10/101926-TheFightForEducationandBelonging-01-MC_qed-2456ef2f.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12106877\"/>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Laureen Chew holds a film slide showing a teaching event she attended in the past, in San Francisco on Oct. 19, 2026.\u003ccite class=\"wp-inline-image-credit\"> (Miles Cull/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Chinese immigrant parents largely opposed the court-ordered school busing program. One of their chief concerns was that it would scatter their children away from critical language resources at their neighborhood schools, like Commodore Stockton.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Chinese immigrant parents largely opposed the court-ordered school busing program. One of their chief concerns was that it would scatter their children away from critical language resources at their neighborhood schools, like Commodore Stockton.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>For Chew, who spent six years teaching second graders at Commodore, the overlap of bilingual teaching and the busing effort proved to be challenging yet exciting. While there were racial frictions between the kids from Chinatown and the Black students bussed in from Bayview-Hunter’s Point, she saw the benefits of bilingual education beyond language itself. As students learned English and Chinese together, it bridged the differences between them. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>For Chew, who spent six years teaching second graders at Commodore, the overlap of bilingual teaching and the busing effort proved to be challenging yet exciting. While there were racial frictions between the kids from Chinatown and the Black students bussed in from Bayview-Hunter’s Point, she saw the benefits of bilingual education beyond language itself. As students learned English and Chinese together, it bridged the differences between them. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>“I came from a different frame because of the [TWLF] strikes,” she said. “I was able to try a lot of different things during that time in terms of building humanity in a classroom and then more importantly, building community.”\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>“I came from a different frame because of the [TWLF] strikes,” she said. “I was able to try a lot of different things during that time in terms of building humanity in a classroom and then more importantly, building community.”\u003c/p>\n"
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"text": "The case for bilingual education: a new kind of grassroots movement in Chinatown",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003ch2 class=\"wp-block-heading\">The case for bilingual education: a new kind of grassroots movement in Chinatown\u003c/h2>\n",
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"\n\u003ch2 class=\"wp-block-heading\">The case for bilingual education: a new kind of grassroots movement in Chinatown\u003c/h2>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Even as the pilot bilingual program at Commodore Stockton took shape, there still weren’t adequate linguistic resources for all Chinese students in San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Even as the pilot bilingual program at Commodore Stockton took shape, there still weren’t adequate linguistic resources for all Chinese students in San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>In 1970, a group of Chinese American students filed a class-action lawsuit against SFUSD arguing an estimated 1,800 Chinese-speaking students were unable to meaningfully participate in their education because they were in English-only classrooms without any language support.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>In 1970, a group of Chinese American students filed a class-action lawsuit against SFUSD arguing an estimated 1,800 Chinese-speaking students were unable to meaningfully participate in their education because they were in English-only classrooms without any language support.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Most of the families in the case were low-income Chinese immigrant families who lived in Chinatown single room occupancy buildings. The lead plaintiff was Kinney Kinmon Lau, a Chinese American first grader attending Jean Parker Elementary School. The case was filed with the Chinese for Affirmative Action (CAA), one of the progressive Asian American civil rights and social services organizations that emerged in the late ’60s and early ’70s.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Most of the families in the case were low-income Chinese immigrant families who lived in Chinatown single room occupancy buildings. The lead plaintiff was Kinney Kinmon Lau, a Chinese American first grader attending Jean Parker Elementary School. The case was filed with the Chinese for Affirmative Action (CAA), one of the progressive Asian American civil rights and social services organizations that emerged in the late ’60s and early ’70s.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image aligncenter size-full\">\u003cimg src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/10/261027-Fight-For-Education-and-Belonging-03-KQED-9a45685c.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12106762\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/10/261027-Fight-For-Education-and-Belonging-03-KQED-9a45685c.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/10/261027-Fight-For-Education-and-Belonging-03-KQED-9a45685c-160x129.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/10/261027-Fight-For-Education-and-Belonging-03-KQED-9a45685c-1536x1239.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(min-width: 992px) min(100vw, 1536px), (min-width: 768px) min(100vw, 1280px), min(100vw, 1020px)\"/>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Students watching a Chinese New Year program at Jean Parker Elementary School in 1970. The San Francisco school was at the center of the 1974 U.S. Supreme Court case, Lau v. Nichols.\u003ccite class=\"wp-inline-image-credit\"> (Courtesy of San Francisco History Center, San Francisco Public Library)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n",
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"\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image aligncenter size-full\">\u003cimg src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/10/261027-Fight-For-Education-and-Belonging-03-KQED-9a45685c.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12106762\"/>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Students watching a Chinese New Year program at Jean Parker Elementary School in 1970. The San Francisco school was at the center of the 1974 U.S. Supreme Court case, Lau v. Nichols.\u003ccite class=\"wp-inline-image-credit\"> (Courtesy of San Francisco History Center, San Francisco Public Library)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Political power was starting to shift in Chinatown. Since the 1800s, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12050233/how-a-chinese-laundryman-shaped-us-civil-rights-from-san-francisco\">Chinese Consolidated Benevolent Association\u003c/a>, or the Chinese Six Companies — a group of family associations — had been the major player behind the fight for Chinese immigrant rights. The case for bilingual education demonstrated a new kind of grassroots resistance, one that was younger, multiracial, intersectional and based in self-determination. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Political power was starting to shift in Chinatown. Since the 1800s, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12050233/how-a-chinese-laundryman-shaped-us-civil-rights-from-san-francisco\">Chinese Consolidated Benevolent Association\u003c/a>, or the Chinese Six Companies — a group of family associations — had been the major player behind the fight for Chinese immigrant rights. The case for bilingual education demonstrated a new kind of grassroots resistance, one that was younger, multiracial, intersectional and based in self-determination. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>“They’re younger activists who are able to connect what they’re seeing in Chinatown to the broader civil rights movement,” CAA’s current co-Executive Director Vincent Pan said. “That’s the difference. And they’re marrying that with parents who do have a very important interest in seeing their kids get a better education.” \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>“They’re younger activists who are able to connect what they’re seeing in Chinatown to the broader civil rights movement,” CAA’s current co-Executive Director Vincent Pan said. “That’s the difference. And they’re marrying that with parents who do have a very important interest in seeing their kids get a better education.” \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Trish Morita-Mullaney, author of the book \u003cem>Lau v. Nichols and Chinese American Language Rights,\u003c/em> called the \u003cem>\u003c/em>case an “emergency response” to what was happening in the community and indicative of the growing language rights movement across the country.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Trish Morita-Mullaney, author of the book \u003cem>Lau v. Nichols and Chinese American Language Rights,\u003c/em> called the \u003cem>\u003c/em>case an “emergency response” to what was happening in the community and indicative of the growing language rights movement across the country.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>“There was precedent set within the Latino community … [and here], the thinking around language rights is that ‘I really want my kid to have access to the instruction and because my kids are not proficient, we need differentiation of instruction, and Cantonese should be one of those options.’” \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>“There was precedent set within the Latino community … [and here], the thinking around language rights is that ‘I really want my kid to have access to the instruction and because my kids are not proficient, we need differentiation of instruction, and Cantonese should be one of those options.’” \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>The District Court ruled in favor of SFUSD, stating that there was no constitutional responsibility to provide special language programs, a decision later upheld by the Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals. The plaintiffs brought the case to the U.S. Supreme Court, arguing that SFUSD’s “English-only” policy denied them equal protection. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>The District Court ruled in favor of SFUSD, stating that there was no constitutional responsibility to provide special language programs, a decision later upheld by the Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals. The plaintiffs brought the case to the U.S. Supreme Court, arguing that SFUSD’s “English-only” policy denied them equal protection. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>In 1974, the Supreme Court ruled in favor of the Chinese plaintiffs, deciding that not providing non-English-speaking students with supplemental language courses was a violation of several legal precedents, namely the \u003ca href=\"https://www.archives.gov/milestone-documents/civil-rights-act\">Civil Rights Act of 1964\u003c/a>, delivering a victory for bilingual instruction. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>In 1974, the Supreme Court ruled in favor of the Chinese plaintiffs, deciding that not providing non-English-speaking students with supplemental language courses was a violation of several legal precedents, namely the \u003ca href=\"https://www.archives.gov/milestone-documents/civil-rights-act\">Civil Rights Act of 1964\u003c/a>, delivering a victory for bilingual instruction. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>The \u003cem>Lau\u003c/em> decision set a national precedent that education needed to be responsive to the different language needs and identities of students, Morita-Mullaney said. While the Court didn’t specify the steps school districts needed to take, it mandated supplemental instruction for English language learners. SFUSD took the bilingual education route, entering into a federal legal agreement, called the Lau Consent Decree, which legally bound the district to provide specialized language instruction and equal educational access to all non-English-speaking students.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>The \u003cem>Lau\u003c/em> decision set a national precedent that education needed to be responsive to the different language needs and identities of students, Morita-Mullaney said. While the Court didn’t specify the steps school districts needed to take, it mandated supplemental instruction for English language learners. SFUSD took the bilingual education route, entering into a federal legal agreement, called the Lau Consent Decree, which legally bound the district to provide specialized language instruction and equal educational access to all non-English-speaking students.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Pan sees the \u003cem>Lau victory\u003c/em> as part of the struggle for Chinese Americans and immigrants to participate fully in American society that \u003cem>Tape v. Hurley\u003c/em> began nearly 90 years earlier. While \u003cem>Tape\u003c/em> was a fight for the Chinese people to be “seen as humans,” Pan said \u003cem>Lau\u003c/em> took it a step further “to get at the issue of ‘you’re human even if you don’t speak English well.’” \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Pan sees the \u003cem>Lau victory\u003c/em> as part of the struggle for Chinese Americans and immigrants to participate fully in American society that \u003cem>Tape v. Hurley\u003c/em> began nearly 90 years earlier. While \u003cem>Tape\u003c/em> was a fight for the Chinese people to be “seen as humans,” Pan said \u003cem>Lau\u003c/em> took it a step further “to get at the issue of ‘you’re human even if you don’t speak English well.’” \u003c/p>\n"
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"text": "What does fair and equitable public education mean now?",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003ch2 class=\"wp-block-heading\">What does fair and equitable public education mean now?\u003c/h2>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>On a recent evening at the Southeast Community Center in Bayview-Hunters Point, six candidates running for San Francisco’s District 10 supervisor’s seat addressed a room full of students and families. CAA was co-hosting the event, and managing director of policy Annie Lee posed questions to the candidates. One by one, they each weighed in on a wide range of community issues, including Flock cameras and mental health services inside schools. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>On a recent evening at the Southeast Community Center in Bayview-Hunters Point, six candidates running for San Francisco’s District 10 supervisor’s seat addressed a room full of students and families. CAA was co-hosting the event, and managing director of policy Annie Lee posed questions to the candidates. One by one, they each weighed in on a wide range of community issues, including Flock cameras and mental health services inside schools. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>While the district is a historically Black community, \u003ca href=\"https://censusreporter.org/profiles/79500US0607507-san-francisco-county-south-central-bayview-hunters-point-puma-ca/\">nearly half\u003c/a> of its population is Asian, and more than 60% of the residents speak a language that isn’t English at home. \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/sf/article/chinese-americans-san-francisco-neighborhoods-22458761.php\">Recent reporting\u003c/a> from \u003cem>The San Francisco Chronicle\u003c/em> shows that the Chinese population grew by nearly two-thirds between 2010 and 2024. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>While the district is a historically Black community, \u003ca href=\"https://censusreporter.org/profiles/79500US0607507-san-francisco-county-south-central-bayview-hunters-point-puma-ca/\">nearly half\u003c/a> of its population is Asian, and more than 60% of the residents speak a language that isn’t English at home. \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/sf/article/chinese-americans-san-francisco-neighborhoods-22458761.php\">Recent reporting\u003c/a> from \u003cem>The San Francisco Chronicle\u003c/em> shows that the Chinese population grew by nearly two-thirds between 2010 and 2024. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image aligncenter size-full\">\u003cimg src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/10/260930-CHINESEEDUCATION-JY-07-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12102814\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/10/260930-CHINESEEDUCATION-JY-07-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/10/260930-CHINESEEDUCATION-JY-07-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/10/260930-CHINESEEDUCATION-JY-07-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(min-width: 992px) min(100vw, 1536px), (min-width: 768px) min(100vw, 1280px), min(100vw, 1020px)\"/>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">District 10 Supervisor candidate J.R. Eppler speaks during a youth-led candidate forum at Southeast Community Center in San Francisco on Sept. 30, 2026. The 3rd Street Youth Center and Chinese for Affirmative Action (CAA) partnered to host the forum for local residents.\u003ccite class=\"wp-inline-image-credit\"> (Juliana Yamada/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n",
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"\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image aligncenter size-full\">\u003cimg src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/10/260930-CHINESEEDUCATION-JY-07-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12102814\"/>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">District 10 Supervisor candidate J.R. Eppler speaks during a youth-led candidate forum at Southeast Community Center in San Francisco on Sept. 30, 2026. The 3rd Street Youth Center and Chinese for Affirmative Action (CAA) partnered to host the forum for local residents.\u003ccite class=\"wp-inline-image-credit\"> (Juliana Yamada/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Among the crowd that evening were a few Chinese parents who wore headsets, as interpreters on the sidelines translated the conversation into Cantonese.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>One of them was 43-year-old Christina Ouyang, a single mother with a 13-year-old daughter who works part-time doing community outreach with CAA.\u003cbr>\u003cbr>“I came here to learn more about the programming and opportunities available to children in the school district,” Ouyang said in Cantonese, sharing that she was most concerned about the safety and well-being of her daughter, who had faced bullying at her school.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>While the D10 candidates didn’t address that specific issue, the attendance of Chinese parents at events like these demonstrates that despite the language barriers, education remains a central way that they engage in the larger community. \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-large\">\u003cimg src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/10/260930-ChineseEducation-JY-16-KQED-76919386.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12106818\"/>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Christina Ouyang attends a youth-led candidate forum for District 10 supervisor at Southeast Community Center in San Francisco on Sept. 30, 2026. Ouyang is a parent in the district and attended the forum to gather more information that might help her child.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-large\">\u003cimg src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/10/260930-CHINESEEDUCATION-JY-13-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12102818\"/>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Interpreter Gladys Chiu holds a script while translating English into Chinese during a youth-led candidate forum for District 10 Supervisor at Southeast Community Center in San Francisco on Sept. 30, 2026. 3rd Street Youth Center and Chinese for Affirmative Action (CAA) partnered to host the forum for local residents.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>It’s the kind of work that CAA remains dedicated to today, and Pan sees it as a continuation of the \u003cem>Lau\u003c/em> case’s legacy. In the past, they’ve helped immigrant parents have a say in their children’s education, including with efforts like helping \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11680868/voter-registration-for-non-citizens-begins-in-s-f-school-board-election\">noncitizens vote in school board elections\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>“Who doesn’t want parents to be involved? … It’ll make the schools better for everyone, but because of all the rhetoric against immigrants, you can see that’s being demonized right now,” Pan said.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>“Who doesn’t want parents to be involved? … It’ll make the schools better for everyone, but because of all the rhetoric against immigrants, you can see that’s being demonized right now,” Pan said.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Education — often positioned as a gateway to American society — has become a contentious, hot-button issue for the Asian American community, especially around the recent \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11954612/u-s-supreme-court-strikes-down-affirmative-action-barring-california-private-universities-from-considering-race-in-admissions\">U.S. Supreme Court ban on affirmative action\u003c/a>, and the threats to ethnic studies. CAA often finds itself confronting divisions within the community, Pan said. Many Asian Americans were vocal and proactive in helping dismantle affirmative action, while others have called for the end of ethnic studies curriculum, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12091955/lowell-high-school-group-sues-sfusd-over-newly-adopted-ethnic-studies-curriculum\">including recently at Lowell High School in San Francisco\u003c/a>. He notes these friction points reflect generational and class shifts: while some Chinese families advocate for strict meritocracy as the surest route to advancement, others see those moves as chipping away at the multiracial coalitions that secured rights for vulnerable learners in the first place.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image aligncenter size-full\">\u003cimg src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/10/260930-CHINESEEDUCATION-JY-11-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12102817\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/10/260930-CHINESEEDUCATION-JY-11-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/10/260930-CHINESEEDUCATION-JY-11-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/10/260930-CHINESEEDUCATION-JY-11-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(min-width: 992px) min(100vw, 1536px), (min-width: 768px) min(100vw, 1280px), min(100vw, 1020px)\"/>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Ivy Zhou listens to a Chinese interpretation through an earpiece as Laura Quan translates behind her during a youth-led candidate forum for District 10 Supervisor at Southeast Community Center in San Francisco on Sept. 30, 2026. The 3rd Street Youth Center and Chinese for Affirmative Action (CAA) partnered to host the forum for local residents.\u003ccite class=\"wp-inline-image-credit\"> (Juliana Yamada/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n",
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"\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image aligncenter size-full\">\u003cimg src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/10/260930-CHINESEEDUCATION-JY-11-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12102817\"/>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Ivy Zhou listens to a Chinese interpretation through an earpiece as Laura Quan translates behind her during a youth-led candidate forum for District 10 Supervisor at Southeast Community Center in San Francisco on Sept. 30, 2026. The 3rd Street Youth Center and Chinese for Affirmative Action (CAA) partnered to host the forum for local residents.\u003ccite class=\"wp-inline-image-credit\"> (Juliana Yamada/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>“Unfortunately, when the stakes are high, people can get emotional. What we really also need to do is to be able to think clear-headed about what the effective public policies might be,” Pan said. “The more viable common sense practical path is to actually expand opportunity as opposed to fight for limited seats in a system that makes high quality education very scarce.”\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>But the second-term Trump administration has done the opposite of expanding opportunities for English learners. In addition to weakening federal civil rights oversight of language access and terminating grants and support for English-learner programs, President Trump signed \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/presidential-actions/2025/03/designating-english-as-the-official-language-of-the-united-states/\">an executive order\u003c/a> last year, declaring English as the nation’s only official language. The order states: “Speaking English not only opens doors economically, but it helps newcomers engage in their communities, participate in national traditions, and give back to our society.”\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>But the second-term Trump administration has done the opposite of expanding opportunities for English learners. In addition to weakening federal civil rights oversight of language access and terminating grants and support for English-learner programs, President Trump signed \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/presidential-actions/2025/03/designating-english-as-the-official-language-of-the-united-states/\">an executive order\u003c/a> last year, declaring English as the nation’s only official language. The order states: “Speaking English not only opens doors economically, but it helps newcomers engage in their communities, participate in national traditions, and give back to our society.”\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>It’s a sentiment that flies in the face of everything Laureen Chew feels about the power of bilingual education to help “newcomers” engage in their broader communities.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Today, she’s working with the CAA and The Association of Chinese Teachers (another advocacy organization founded in the 1960s) to reactivate the bilingual teacher training track at SF State, to ensure there are teachers to help replace the generation of Cantonese bilingual teachers who are retiring. While there have been some heritage language preservation efforts in the city, like “\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11953666/city-college-of-san-francisco-withdraws-previously-approved-cantonese-program\">Save Cantonese\u003c/a>,” Chew said there’s still a need to provide bilingual language resources to the city’s most vulnerable Chinese students.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Today, she’s working with the CAA and The Association of Chinese Teachers (another advocacy organization founded in the 1960s) to reactivate the bilingual teacher training track at SF State, to ensure there are teachers to help replace the generation of Cantonese bilingual teachers who are retiring. While there have been some heritage language preservation efforts in the city, like “\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11953666/city-college-of-san-francisco-withdraws-previously-approved-cantonese-program\">Save Cantonese\u003c/a>,” Chew said there’s still a need to provide bilingual language resources to the city’s most vulnerable Chinese students.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Bilingual education is also under pressure as districts like SFUSD face low enrollment numbers, less state funding and an emphasis on test scores.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>In 2019 — 45 years after the \u003cem>Lau\u003c/em> decision — SFUSD \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfusd.edu/about-sfusd/sfusd-news/press-releases/2019-07-01-lau-consent-decree-sunsets-sfusd\">sunsetted\u003c/a> the Lau Consent Decree, relieving the district of the federal mandate to provide services for English language learners. Officials declared that the district remained committed to supporting students, even without the oversight. But Morita-Mullaney said many have expressed concerns. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>In 2019 — 45 years after the \u003cem>Lau\u003c/em> decision — SFUSD \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfusd.edu/about-sfusd/sfusd-news/press-releases/2019-07-01-lau-consent-decree-sunsets-sfusd\">sunsetted\u003c/a> the Lau Consent Decree, relieving the district of the federal mandate to provide services for English language learners. Officials declared that the district remained committed to supporting students, even without the oversight. But Morita-Mullaney said many have expressed concerns. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image aligncenter size-full\">\u003cimg src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/10/101926-TheFightForEducationandBelonging-13-MC-KQED-f516ded8.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12106633\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/10/101926-TheFightForEducationandBelonging-13-MC-KQED-f516ded8.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/10/101926-TheFightForEducationandBelonging-13-MC-KQED-f516ded8-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/10/101926-TheFightForEducationandBelonging-13-MC-KQED-f516ded8-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(min-width: 992px) min(100vw, 1536px), (min-width: 768px) min(100vw, 1280px), min(100vw, 1020px)\"/>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Laureen Chew poses for a portrait in her home in San Francisco on Oct. 19, 2026.\u003ccite class=\"wp-inline-image-credit\"> (Miles Cull/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n",
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"\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image aligncenter size-full\">\u003cimg src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/10/101926-TheFightForEducationandBelonging-13-MC-KQED-f516ded8.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12106633\"/>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Laureen Chew poses for a portrait in her home in San Francisco on Oct. 19, 2026.\u003ccite class=\"wp-inline-image-credit\"> (Miles Cull/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>“There’s a lot of people I’ve talked to in Chinatown that are not happy about that because it was done very quietly.” \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>She explained that as more Chinese Americans become English-dominant, some teachers may adopt the same expectations and norms that prioritize English proficiency, weakening support for accountability measures that were designed to protect English learners. That’s why remembering the legacy of fights like Lau v. Nichols helps place bilingual education’s importance into context, Morita-Mullaney said.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>She explained that as more Chinese Americans become English-dominant, some teachers may adopt the same expectations and norms that prioritize English proficiency, weakening support for accountability measures that were designed to protect English learners. That’s why remembering the legacy of fights like Lau v. Nichols helps place bilingual education’s importance into context, Morita-Mullaney said.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>“What Lau does for us is it says go back to the people. We are talking about the humanity of language learners, and what is their rightful case for language access. And so it is about the curriculum, it is about progress … but the beneficiaries are the students, and you don’t see that foregrounded in policy in the same way.”\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>“What Lau does for us is it says go back to the people. We are talking about the humanity of language learners, and what is their rightful case for language access. And so it is about the curriculum, it is about progress … but the beneficiaries are the students, and you don’t see that foregrounded in policy in the same way.”\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>For Chew, the attacks on immigrants can be disheartening. But as she approaches 80, she remains committed to the work, drawing on the lessons of a life spent challenging who gets to belong: from her childhood as a Chinese student taught to reject her native language to her work as one of San Francisco’s first Cantonese bilingual teachers. Each step has shaped her conviction that education should make room for everyone. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>For Chew, the attacks on immigrants can be disheartening. But as she approaches 80, she remains committed to the work, drawing on the lessons of a life spent challenging who gets to belong: from her childhood as a Chinese student taught to reject her native language to her work as one of San Francisco’s first Cantonese bilingual teachers. Each step has shaped her conviction that education should make room for everyone. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>“I embrace this country for what it aspires to be … No matter how strange everything is nowadays, I still believe in [its] foundation, even though [the founders] were all flawed. Isn’t that interesting?” she said, with a laugh. “And yet, they had this idealistic version of what a country can be, and we’re all still trying to live by it.”\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "For generations, Chinese immigrants and their children have pursued educational equity. Their fights helped redefine what it means to belong in America.",
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"title": "How the San Francisco Chinese Community’s Fight for Belonging Shaped Bilingual Education | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Laureen Chew, 78, still remembers her first day of kindergarten at Washington Irving Elementary School in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco\">San Francisco\u003c/a>. It was the day she began to question her cultural heritage. Growing up in the city’s North Beach and Chinatown neighborhoods, Chew only spoke Cantonese. Born and raised in the U.S., Chew was raised primarily by her Chinese immigrant mother, who couldn’t speak English, and her world — up until then — was a tight-knit community of other Cantonese speakers.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">“I remember going to school the first day being very excited because everybody said school was fun. All the kids there were Chinese Cantonese speakers; very few had English skills,” Chew said. “But then, the first thing that came out of the teacher’s mouth was English, and we were freaking out. And in fact, I didn’t wanna go back to school the next day.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Chew said that by the time she was in the third grade, the language barriers evolved into a source of shame.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">“The teachers did a very good job of downgrading our native language at school,” she said, reflecting on recess time in the schoolyard. “We’d be playing and speaking in Cantonese to each other, and they’d ring the bell and say, ‘You’re in American school now, speak English!”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">It wasn’t until Chew became a student activist during college in the 1960s that she began to reclaim her cultural identity. She also discovered how to best help her community: by teaching and advocating for multilingual Chinese students.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">“Bilingual ed is not only about language … It’s about identity so that you can feel that you’re worthy,” Chew said. “It’s about keeping a positive sense of who I am to help me express my voice in this country without feeling inferior.” \u003c/p>\n\n\n\u003cdiv class=\"wp-block-image\">\n\u003cfigure class=\"aligncenter size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/10/101926-TheFightForEducationandBelonging-06-MC-KQED-18f00d22.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12106630\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/10/101926-TheFightForEducationandBelonging-06-MC-KQED-18f00d22.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/10/101926-TheFightForEducationandBelonging-06-MC-KQED-18f00d22-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/10/101926-TheFightForEducationandBelonging-06-MC-KQED-18f00d22-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Laureen Chew poses for a portrait in her home in San Francisco on Oct. 19, 2026. (Miles Cull/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/div>\n\n\n\u003cp class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">The Chinese community has played an important role in advancing bilingual education in San Francisco and across the country. The foundations of that advocacy trace back to the 19th-century Exclusion era when early Chinese immigrants fought for the most basic of education rights, like access to public schools. As they did in other arenas, including \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12088125/as-america-turns-250-san-franciscos-role-in-defining-citizenship-endures\">birthright citizenship\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12050233/how-a-chinese-laundryman-shaped-us-civil-rights-from-san-francisco\">due process and equal protection\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12096279/chinese-immigrants-led-the-first-mass-resistance-to-americas-deportation-system\">the right to remain in the country\u003c/a>, Chinese immigrants leveraged the legal system and the resources afforded by a highly organized San Francisco Chinatown network to make their case for equal education. Their efforts have helped expand the protections available to immigrant families and their children.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Today, Chinese Americans and immigrants continue to grapple with questions of belonging, identity and equity in education. But as the Chinese population has changed over the generations, so too have the terms of their activism. The education debates within the community have become increasingly complex — and sometimes \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11954612/u-s-supreme-court-strikes-down-affirmative-action-barring-california-private-universities-from-considering-race-in-admissions\">deeply divisive\u003c/a> — yet a throughline persists: a continuing negotiation over what meaningful inclusion looks like, and who gets to define it. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Education organizing remains an important way for Chinese community members to assert their place in American society, and to claim a stake in its future. And people like Chew say it’s especially critical now as the Trump administration’s anti-immigrant rhetoric and policies are impacting things like \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12096573/under-proposed-trump-rule-head-start-would-be-english-only\">language rights\u003c/a> for student English learners. She said by fighting for bilingual education, she can help to protect and nurture a multiracial democracy.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003ch2 class=\"wp-block-heading\">Before bilingual education, the fight for a seat in the classroom\u003c/h2>\n\n\n\n\u003cp class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Chinese immigrants in San Francisco began fighting in the 1850s for access to education. The concept of public education — universally available, state-funded and free — gained traction in the 1830s, and one of its stated goals was to prepare young people to be capable voters who could safeguard American democracy. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">That principle helps explain why public education has remained a contentious issue when it comes to immigrants, said Hiroshi Motomura, a professor and immigration law scholar at UCLA.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">“Children become the source of a great hope and the source of a great threat,” Motomura said. “As a threat, I think it’s realizing that if you let kids become citizens or get educated, [there’s] the sense that they’re going to displace you … Education is the key to immigrant integration.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\u003cdiv class=\"wp-block-image\">\n\u003cfigure class=\"aligncenter size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"1338\" height=\"1099\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/10/261027-Fight-For-Education-and-Belonging-02-KQED-45e99778.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12106752\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/10/261027-Fight-For-Education-and-Belonging-02-KQED-45e99778.jpg 1338w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/10/261027-Fight-For-Education-and-Belonging-02-KQED-45e99778-160x131.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1338px) 100vw, 1338px\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">A portrait of Chinese Primary School students in 1890. As noted in historian Mae Ngai’s book “The Lucky Ones,” Mamie Tape is the girl sitting in the center of the second row. (Courtesy of The Bancroft Library, University of California, Berkeley)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/div>\n\n\n\u003cp class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">In 19th-century San Francisco, access to public education was largely reserved for white children. Although California law eventually required public schools to admit all children, Black, Asian and American Indian students were segregated from their white peers. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">In 1871, as animosity and violence against the Chinese community \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/10429550/boomtown-history-2b\">intensified in San Francisco\u003c/a>, Chinese children were banned from even segregated public schools. Throughout the next decade, both the San Francisco school board and the state legislature ignored petitions by thousands of Chinese residents for admission to public schools. That is until one Chinese family in particular spoke up: the Tape family.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">By the 1880s, an estimated 1,000 Chinese school-age children were living in the city, and most of them were American-born, including 8-year-old Mamie Tape. Her parents, Joseph and Mary Tape, were atypical Chinese immigrants: they were Americanized, spoke excellent English, adopted Western-style manners and clothing and lived outside of Chinatown in a white, middle-class neighborhood.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">In 1884, Mamie’s parents attempted to enroll her at the all-white Spring Valley School. But when they arrived, the school’s principal, Jennie Hurley, refused to let her in, citing the district’s policy against admitting Chinese children. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">In response, Mamie’s father Joseph waged a legal battle that garnered widespread attention, captivating white and Chinese people alike. There was a lot at stake: would the privileges and benefits of U.S. citizenship be afforded to the American-born children of the much-reviled Chinese immigrant population? \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\n\n\u003cp class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Eventually, the Tapes won their case in San Francisco’s Superior Court, a decision that was upheld in the California Supreme Court in 1885’s historic case \u003ca href=\"https://law.justia.com/cases/california/supreme-court/1885/66-cal-473.html\">\u003cem>Tape v. Hurley\u003c/em>\u003c/a>. The court affirmed that Chinese children born in the U.S. were entitled to public education under the Constitution. However, the school board rushed an act through the state legislature, authorizing segregated schools for Chinese students; Mamie could attend a public school, but only a segregated one for Chinese children. In response, Mamie’s mother Mary wrote a long fiery letter to the school board in a local newspaper.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">“Dear sirs, Will you please to tell me! Is it a disgrace to be Born a Chinese? … My children don’t dress like the other Chinese … It seems no matter how a Chinese may live and dress so long as you know they Chinese. Then they are hated as one. There is not any right or justice for them.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Mary declared that Mamie would not attend any Chinese-only schools, but eventually she and her brother Frank were among the first students to enroll in the Chinese Primary School when it opened. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Mae Ngai, a professor of history at Columbia University and author of \u003cem>The Lucky Ones\u003c/em>, a book about the Tape family, called the ruling a “partial victory.” \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">“\u003cem>Tape v. Hurley\u003c/em> was an exclusion case, not a segregation case,” she said. “In fact, the Chinese were so excluded that they got promoted to being segregated … they were not even on par with Black people and Native Americans in 19th-century California,” she said. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Ngai believes that the Tape’s argument, that Mamie should be admitted because the family identified with the white population, shouldn’t be seen as an aspirational strategy for the Chinese community today: “I don’t think it’s healthy for us to say people of color are only worthy when they deny their own cultures and languages and heritages,” Ngai said. “[The case] is maybe cautionary … if your idea is to convince the mainstream that you’re just going to be like white people.” \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Nevertheless, \u003cem>Tape v. Hurley\u003c/em> was a fundamental case for the country’s earliest immigrants, Ngai said. “Education is a central issue of settlement. ‘We’re here, we’re not citizens, but our children are born here, they are citizens, and we are here to stay.’ That is the message.” \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003ch2 class=\"wp-block-heading\">How the Civil Rights era reshaped San Francisco’s classrooms — and the fight for equity\u003c/h2>\n\n\n\n\u003cp class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">That tension — between gaining access to American institutions and submitting to cultural erasure — would become more explicit in the decades that followed, especially as the Chinese community fought for bilingual education. There were a series of historical milestones that set the stage for that fight, particularly during the Civil Rights Movement.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">In 1954, the U.S. Supreme Court ruled that racial segregation in public schools was unconstitutional in \u003ca href=\"https://www.archives.gov/milestone-documents/brown-v-board-of-education\">\u003cem>Brown v. Board of Education\u003c/em>\u003c/a>. Meanwhile, arrivals to the U.S. dramatically shifted with the 1965 \u003ca href=\"https://history.house.gov/Historical-Highlights/1951-2000/Immigration-and-Nationality-Act-of-1965/\">Immigration and Nationality Act\u003c/a>, which eliminated decades-long immigration restrictions from Asian and African countries. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">San Francisco’s Chinese immigrant population surged, and with it, the school district’s Chinese student population. But while school segregation was legally unconstitutional, de facto segregation — driven primarily by redlining and discriminatory housing policies — meant that schools in areas like Chinatown reflected the segregation of the surrounding neighborhoods. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\u003cdiv class=\"wp-block-image\">\n\u003cfigure class=\"alignleft size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"750\" height=\"480\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/10/1495678.750x-f09c70aa.png\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12106969\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/10/1495678.750x-f09c70aa.png 750w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/10/1495678.750x-f09c70aa-160x102.png 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 750px) 100vw, 750px\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Police arrest Black Student Union member John Cleveland during the student strike at San Francisco State College 1968-69, which resulted in the creation of a College of Ethnic Studies. (Courtesy of San Francisco State University Photographic Timeline Project)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/div>\n\n\n\u003cp class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">By the late 1960s and early 1970s, a new generation of immigrant and Chinese-speaking youth emerged, which increased the need for different resources, including language services at schools. Being placed in English-only classrooms meant many Chinese students were effectively excluded from participating in class, and that their academic progress — if any — was significantly slower than their peers’.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">A 1974 California Law Review article describing those challenges said that Chinese students in these learning conditions were “doomed to poor achievement, illiteracy, and disproportionately high dropout rates” and that the isolating environment created psychological harm, making students feel inferior.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Despite the social problems in Chinatown, a new political consciousness was growing. Chew was part of a generation of young Chinese Americans who were returning to the neighborhood after monumental social upheavals.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">As a student at San Francisco State, she participated in the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11830384/how-the-longest-student-strike-in-u-s-history-created-ethnic-studies\">1968-69 Third World Liberation Front (TWLF) Strikes\u003c/a>, the longest student strike in U.S. history, where a coalition of student groups at SF State and UC Berkeley worked in solidarity to achieve their goals, including academic reforms and non-Eurocentric curricula. The term “Asian American” was formed at that time to create a political and organizing pan-ethnic identity, and the strike resulted in the formation of the nation’s first ethnic studies programs.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Up until then, Chew’s educational experience had left her feeling angry and invisible, but she said that joining the historic student movement was pivotal and “opened up a whole new world for me.” Working alongside Black, Chicano, Filipino, Native American and other student organizers, and questioning institutional power together, she learned to not only reembrace her community — she became motivated to fight for it. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\u003cdiv class=\"wp-block-image\">\n\u003cfigure class=\"aligncenter size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"1478\" height=\"986\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/10/101926-TheFightForEducationandBelonging-03-MC-KQED-1ce735ce.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12106629\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/10/101926-TheFightForEducationandBelonging-03-MC-KQED-1ce735ce.jpg 1478w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/10/101926-TheFightForEducationandBelonging-03-MC-KQED-1ce735ce-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1478px) 100vw, 1478px\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Laureen Chew taught second graders at Commodore Stockton during the 1970s. She said her roots in San Francisco Chinatown inspired her advocacy for Chinese English learner students. (Miles Cull/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/div>\n\n\n\u003cp class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">“I was so entrenched in the strike, but the strike wasn’t just about the strike,” Chew said. “That involvement made me think about [getting involved] in my community, in my context of being a Chinese American.” She wanted to help Chinese immigrant students embrace their language and cultural identity — an experience that she didn’t have growing up. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">After graduating in 1972 and enlisting in the National Teacher Corps, Chew began teaching at Commodore Stockton Elementary. The building, which was once the segregated school for Chinese students that Mamie Tape attended, was now the site of San Francisco’s first Cantonese bilingual program, made possible by the Bilingual Education Act of 1968.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Chew said it was a unique time to join the school because, in addition to the pilot bilingual program, the district had just implemented \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfusd.edu/facing-our-past-changing-our-future-part-ii-five-decades-desegregation-sfusd-1971-today\">busing\u003c/a> to integrate the city’s elementary schools following \u003ca href=\"https://law.justia.com/cases/federal/district-courts/FSupp/339/1315/1460757/\">\u003cem>Johnson v. SFUSD\u003c/em>\u003c/a>, in which Black families sued the district over school segregation. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\u003cdiv class=\"wp-block-image\">\n\u003cfigure class=\"aligncenter size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/10/101926-TheFightForEducationandBelonging-01-MC_qed-2456ef2f.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12106877\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/10/101926-TheFightForEducationandBelonging-01-MC_qed-2456ef2f.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/10/101926-TheFightForEducationandBelonging-01-MC_qed-2456ef2f-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/10/101926-TheFightForEducationandBelonging-01-MC_qed-2456ef2f-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Laureen Chew holds a film slide showing a teaching event she attended in the past, in San Francisco on Oct. 19, 2026. (Miles Cull/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/div>\n\n\n\u003cp class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Chinese immigrant parents largely opposed the court-ordered school busing program. One of their chief concerns was that it would scatter their children away from critical language resources at their neighborhood schools, like Commodore Stockton.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">For Chew, who spent six years teaching second graders at Commodore, the overlap of bilingual teaching and the busing effort proved to be challenging yet exciting. While there were racial frictions between the kids from Chinatown and the Black students bussed in from Bayview-Hunter’s Point, she saw the benefits of bilingual education beyond language itself. As students learned English and Chinese together, it bridged the differences between them. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">“I came from a different frame because of the [TWLF] strikes,” she said. “I was able to try a lot of different things during that time in terms of building humanity in a classroom and then more importantly, building community.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003ch2 class=\"wp-block-heading\">The case for bilingual education: a new kind of grassroots movement in Chinatown\u003c/h2>\n\n\n\n\u003cp class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Even as the pilot bilingual program at Commodore Stockton took shape, there still weren’t adequate linguistic resources for all Chinese students in San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">In 1970, a group of Chinese American students filed a class-action lawsuit against SFUSD arguing an estimated 1,800 Chinese-speaking students were unable to meaningfully participate in their education because they were in English-only classrooms without any language support.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Most of the families in the case were low-income Chinese immigrant families who lived in Chinatown single room occupancy buildings. The lead plaintiff was Kinney Kinmon Lau, a Chinese American first grader attending Jean Parker Elementary School. The case was filed with the Chinese for Affirmative Action (CAA), one of the progressive Asian American civil rights and social services organizations that emerged in the late ’60s and early ’70s.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\u003cdiv class=\"wp-block-image\">\n\u003cfigure class=\"aligncenter size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1613\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/10/261027-Fight-For-Education-and-Belonging-03-KQED-9a45685c.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12106762\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/10/261027-Fight-For-Education-and-Belonging-03-KQED-9a45685c.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/10/261027-Fight-For-Education-and-Belonging-03-KQED-9a45685c-160x129.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/10/261027-Fight-For-Education-and-Belonging-03-KQED-9a45685c-1536x1239.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Students watching a Chinese New Year program at Jean Parker Elementary School in 1970. The San Francisco school was at the center of the 1974 U.S. Supreme Court case, Lau v. Nichols. (Courtesy of San Francisco History Center, San Francisco Public Library)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/div>\n\n\n\u003cp class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Political power was starting to shift in Chinatown. Since the 1800s, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12050233/how-a-chinese-laundryman-shaped-us-civil-rights-from-san-francisco\">Chinese Consolidated Benevolent Association\u003c/a>, or the Chinese Six Companies — a group of family associations — had been the major player behind the fight for Chinese immigrant rights. The case for bilingual education demonstrated a new kind of grassroots resistance, one that was younger, multiracial, intersectional and based in self-determination. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">“They’re younger activists who are able to connect what they’re seeing in Chinatown to the broader civil rights movement,” CAA’s current co-Executive Director Vincent Pan said. “That’s the difference. And they’re marrying that with parents who do have a very important interest in seeing their kids get a better education.” \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Trish Morita-Mullaney, author of the book \u003cem>Lau v. Nichols and Chinese American Language Rights,\u003c/em> called the \u003cem>\u003c/em>case an “emergency response” to what was happening in the community and indicative of the growing language rights movement across the country.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\n\n\u003cp class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">“There was precedent set within the Latino community … [and here], the thinking around language rights is that ‘I really want my kid to have access to the instruction and because my kids are not proficient, we need differentiation of instruction, and Cantonese should be one of those options.’” \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">The District Court ruled in favor of SFUSD, stating that there was no constitutional responsibility to provide special language programs, a decision later upheld by the Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals. The plaintiffs brought the case to the U.S. Supreme Court, arguing that SFUSD’s “English-only” policy denied them equal protection. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">In 1974, the Supreme Court ruled in favor of the Chinese plaintiffs, deciding that not providing non-English-speaking students with supplemental language courses was a violation of several legal precedents, namely the \u003ca href=\"https://www.archives.gov/milestone-documents/civil-rights-act\">Civil Rights Act of 1964\u003c/a>, delivering a victory for bilingual instruction. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">The \u003cem>Lau\u003c/em> decision set a national precedent that education needed to be responsive to the different language needs and identities of students, Morita-Mullaney said. While the Court didn’t specify the steps school districts needed to take, it mandated supplemental instruction for English language learners. SFUSD took the bilingual education route, entering into a federal legal agreement, called the Lau Consent Decree, which legally bound the district to provide specialized language instruction and equal educational access to all non-English-speaking students.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Pan sees the \u003cem>Lau victory\u003c/em> as part of the struggle for Chinese Americans and immigrants to participate fully in American society that \u003cem>Tape v. Hurley\u003c/em> began nearly 90 years earlier. While \u003cem>Tape\u003c/em> was a fight for the Chinese people to be “seen as humans,” Pan said \u003cem>Lau\u003c/em> took it a step further “to get at the issue of ‘you’re human even if you don’t speak English well.’” \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003ch2 class=\"wp-block-heading\">What does fair and equitable public education mean now?\u003c/h2>\n\n\n\n\u003cp class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">On a recent evening at the Southeast Community Center in Bayview-Hunters Point, six candidates running for San Francisco’s District 10 supervisor’s seat addressed a room full of students and families. CAA was co-hosting the event, and managing director of policy Annie Lee posed questions to the candidates. One by one, they each weighed in on a wide range of community issues, including Flock cameras and mental health services inside schools. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">While the district is a historically Black community, \u003ca href=\"https://censusreporter.org/profiles/79500US0607507-san-francisco-county-south-central-bayview-hunters-point-puma-ca/\">nearly half\u003c/a> of its population is Asian, and more than 60% of the residents speak a language that isn’t English at home. \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/sf/article/chinese-americans-san-francisco-neighborhoods-22458761.php\">Recent reporting\u003c/a> from \u003cem>The San Francisco Chronicle\u003c/em> shows that the Chinese population grew by nearly two-thirds between 2010 and 2024. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\u003cdiv class=\"wp-block-image\">\n\u003cfigure class=\"aligncenter size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/10/260930-CHINESEEDUCATION-JY-07-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12102814\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/10/260930-CHINESEEDUCATION-JY-07-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/10/260930-CHINESEEDUCATION-JY-07-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/10/260930-CHINESEEDUCATION-JY-07-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">District 10 Supervisor candidate J.R. Eppler speaks during a youth-led candidate forum at Southeast Community Center in San Francisco on Sept. 30, 2026. The 3rd Street Youth Center and Chinese for Affirmative Action (CAA) partnered to host the forum for local residents. (Juliana Yamada/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/div>\n\n\n\u003cp class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Among the crowd that evening were a few Chinese parents who wore headsets, as interpreters on the sidelines translated the conversation into Cantonese.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">One of them was 43-year-old Christina Ouyang, a single mother with a 13-year-old daughter who works part-time doing community outreach with CAA.\u003cbr>\u003cbr>“I came here to learn more about the programming and opportunities available to children in the school district,” Ouyang said in Cantonese, sharing that she was most concerned about the safety and well-being of her daughter, who had faced bullying at her school.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">While the D10 candidates didn’t address that specific issue, the attendance of Chinese parents at events like these demonstrates that despite the language barriers, education remains a central way that they engage in the larger community. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-gallery has-nested-images columns-default is-cropped wp-block-gallery-1 is-layout-flex wp-block-gallery-is-layout-flex\">\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-large\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" data-id=\"12106818\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/10/260930-ChineseEducation-JY-16-KQED-76919386.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12106818\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/10/260930-ChineseEducation-JY-16-KQED-76919386.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/10/260930-ChineseEducation-JY-16-KQED-76919386-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/10/260930-ChineseEducation-JY-16-KQED-76919386-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Christina Ouyang attends a youth-led candidate forum for District 10 supervisor at Southeast Community Center in San Francisco on Sept. 30, 2026. Ouyang is a parent in the district and attended the forum to gather more information that might help her child. (Juliana Yamada/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\n\n\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-large\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" data-id=\"12102818\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/10/260930-CHINESEEDUCATION-JY-13-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12102818\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/10/260930-CHINESEEDUCATION-JY-13-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/10/260930-CHINESEEDUCATION-JY-13-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/10/260930-CHINESEEDUCATION-JY-13-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Interpreter Gladys Chiu holds a script while translating English into Chinese during a youth-led candidate forum for District 10 Supervisor at Southeast Community Center in San Francisco on Sept. 30, 2026. 3rd Street Youth Center and Chinese for Affirmative Action (CAA) partnered to host the forum for local residents. (Juliana Yamada/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/figure>\n\n\n\n\u003cp class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">It’s the kind of work that CAA remains dedicated to today, and Pan sees it as a continuation of the \u003cem>Lau\u003c/em> case’s legacy. In the past, they’ve helped immigrant parents have a say in their children’s education, including with efforts like helping \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11680868/voter-registration-for-non-citizens-begins-in-s-f-school-board-election\">noncitizens vote in school board elections\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">“Who doesn’t want parents to be involved? … It’ll make the schools better for everyone, but because of all the rhetoric against immigrants, you can see that’s being demonized right now,” Pan said.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Education — often positioned as a gateway to American society — has become a contentious, hot-button issue for the Asian American community, especially around the recent \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11954612/u-s-supreme-court-strikes-down-affirmative-action-barring-california-private-universities-from-considering-race-in-admissions\">U.S. Supreme Court ban on affirmative action\u003c/a>, and the threats to ethnic studies. CAA often finds itself confronting divisions within the community, Pan said. Many Asian Americans were vocal and proactive in helping dismantle affirmative action, while others have called for the end of ethnic studies curriculum, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12091955/lowell-high-school-group-sues-sfusd-over-newly-adopted-ethnic-studies-curriculum\">including recently at Lowell High School in San Francisco\u003c/a>. He notes these friction points reflect generational and class shifts: while some Chinese families advocate for strict meritocracy as the surest route to advancement, others see those moves as chipping away at the multiracial coalitions that secured rights for vulnerable learners in the first place.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">He notes these friction points reflect generational and class shifts: while some Chinese families advocate for strict meritocracy as the surest route to advancement, others see those moves as chipping away at the multiracial coalitions that secured rights for vulnerable learners in the first place. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\u003cdiv class=\"wp-block-image\">\n\u003cfigure class=\"aligncenter size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/10/260930-CHINESEEDUCATION-JY-11-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12102817\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/10/260930-CHINESEEDUCATION-JY-11-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/10/260930-CHINESEEDUCATION-JY-11-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/10/260930-CHINESEEDUCATION-JY-11-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Ivy Zhou listens to a Chinese interpretation through an earpiece as Laura Quan translates behind her during a youth-led candidate forum for District 10 Supervisor at Southeast Community Center in San Francisco on Sept. 30, 2026. The 3rd Street Youth Center and Chinese for Affirmative Action (CAA) partnered to host the forum for local residents. (Juliana Yamada/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/div>\n\n\n\u003cp class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">“Unfortunately, when the stakes are high, people can get emotional. What we really also need to do is to be able to think clear-headed about what the effective public policies might be,” Pan said. “The more viable common sense practical path is to actually expand opportunity as opposed to fight for limited seats in a system that makes high quality education very scarce.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">But the second-term Trump administration has done the opposite of expanding opportunities for English learners. In addition to weakening federal civil rights oversight of language access and terminating grants and support for English-learner programs, President Trump signed \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/presidential-actions/2025/03/designating-english-as-the-official-language-of-the-united-states/\">an executive order\u003c/a> last year, declaring English as the nation’s only official language. The order states: “Speaking English not only opens doors economically, but it helps newcomers engage in their communities, participate in national traditions, and give back to our society.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">It’s a sentiment that flies in the face of everything Laureen Chew feels about the power of bilingual education to help “newcomers” engage in their broader communities.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Today, she’s working with the CAA and The Association of Chinese Teachers (another advocacy organization founded in the 1960s) to reactivate the bilingual teacher training track at SF State, to ensure there are teachers to help replace the generation of Cantonese bilingual teachers who are retiring. While there have been some heritage language preservation efforts in the city, like “\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11953666/city-college-of-san-francisco-withdraws-previously-approved-cantonese-program\">Save Cantonese\u003c/a>,” Chew said there’s still a need to provide bilingual language resources to the city’s most vulnerable Chinese students.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Bilingual education is also under pressure as districts like SFUSD face low enrollment numbers, less state funding and an emphasis on test scores.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">In 2019 — 45 years after the \u003cem>Lau\u003c/em> decision — SFUSD \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfusd.edu/about-sfusd/sfusd-news/press-releases/2019-07-01-lau-consent-decree-sunsets-sfusd\">sunsetted\u003c/a> the Lau Consent Decree, relieving the district of the federal mandate to provide services for English language learners. Officials declared that the district remained committed to supporting students, even without the oversight. But Morita-Mullaney said many have expressed concerns. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\u003cdiv class=\"wp-block-image\">\n\u003cfigure class=\"aligncenter size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/10/101926-TheFightForEducationandBelonging-13-MC-KQED-f516ded8.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12106633\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/10/101926-TheFightForEducationandBelonging-13-MC-KQED-f516ded8.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/10/101926-TheFightForEducationandBelonging-13-MC-KQED-f516ded8-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/10/101926-TheFightForEducationandBelonging-13-MC-KQED-f516ded8-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Laureen Chew poses for a portrait in her home in San Francisco on Oct. 19, 2026. (Miles Cull/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/div>\n\n\n\u003cp class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">“There’s a lot of people I’ve talked to in Chinatown that are not happy about that because it was done very quietly.” \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">She explained that as more Chinese Americans become English-dominant, some teachers may adopt the same expectations and norms that prioritize English proficiency, weakening support for accountability measures that were designed to protect English learners. That’s why remembering the legacy of fights like Lau v. Nichols helps place bilingual education’s importance into context, Morita-Mullaney said.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">“What Lau does for us is it says go back to the people. We are talking about the humanity of language learners, and what is their rightful case for language access. And so it is about the curriculum, it is about progress … but the beneficiaries are the students, and you don’t see that foregrounded in policy in the same way.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">For Chew, the attacks on immigrants can be disheartening. But as she approaches 80, she remains committed to the work, drawing on the lessons of a life spent challenging who gets to belong: from her childhood as a Chinese student taught to reject her native language to her work as one of San Francisco’s first Cantonese bilingual teachers. Each step has shaped her conviction that education should make room for everyone. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">“I embrace this country for what it aspires to be … No matter how strange everything is nowadays, I still believe in [its] foundation, even though [the founders] were all flawed. Isn’t that interesting?” she said, with a laugh. “And yet, they had this idealistic version of what a country can be, and we’re all still trying to live by it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "chinese-immigrants-led-the-first-mass-resistance-to-americas-deportation-system",
"title": "Chinese Immigrants Led the First Mass Resistance to America's Deportation System",
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"headTitle": "Chinese Immigrants Led the First Mass Resistance to America’s Deportation System | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>Connie Young Yu thought she knew a lot about her beloved \u003cem>gung gung\u003c/em>. As a young girl, she would listen as her grandfather, Yung Wah Gok, recounted what it was like living through America’s Chinese Exclusion era of the late 19th century. She had heard many stories, like how, as a young boy in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-jose\">San José\u003c/a> Chinatown, he’d have to sprint home while white residents hurled rocks at him.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>It wasn’t until 1972, when Yu was an adult active in Asian American organizing and scholarship, that her mother shared a surprising piece of his history with her. From the family’s large carved camphor chest in her bedroom, her mother pulled out a neatly folded parchment: It was \u003ca href=\"https://www.thegearyactproject.com/copy-of-upload-a-certificate?pgid=m68xajc7-a512c26d-b87a-443c-883e-98cc622e3d31\">her grandfather’s \u003cem>chak chee\u003c/em>\u003c/a>, a certificate of residence that all Chinese people in the U.S. were required to carry, as mandated by the 1892 Geary Act, the successor to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.archives.gov/milestone-documents/chinese-exclusion-act\">1882 Chinese Exclusion Act\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Stamped across the top of the document was the word “LABORER.” Below it were his occupation — “cook,” his height — just over 5 feet, 3 inches and identifying marks — “scar on left forearm.” And in the lower left corner was a striking portrait photo of her grandfather at the age of 25.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\u003cdiv class=\"wp-block-image\">\n\u003cfigure class=\"aligncenter size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260730-ConnieYu-JY-11_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12096096\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260730-ConnieYu-JY-11_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260730-ConnieYu-JY-11_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260730-ConnieYu-JY-11_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Historian Connie Young Yu’s collection of certificates of residence includes her own grandfather’s document. Yung Wah Gok and other Chinese residents initially resisted the Geary Act requirement to carry the certificates with them at all times under the threat of deportation. (Juliana Yamada/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/div>\n\n\n\u003cp>“I just thought, ‘Gee … that doesn’t look like my \u003cem>gung gung\u003c/em>,’” said Yu, now 85, who had known her grandfather as a dignified man who wore suits. “But actually, I really liked that picture in many ways because he looks very determined. Like a young rebel.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The certificate was issued in May 1894, two years after the passage of the Geary Act, revealing that her grandfather had been one of the tens of thousands of Chinese residents across the country who had resisted the federal government’s demands to register — forming one of the largest campaigns of civil disobedience in U.S. history.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>From 1892-93, Chinese immigrants refused to comply with the requirement to register with their local internal revenue offices. If they were caught without a certificate, they faced arrest, detention and deportation as stipulated by the Geary Act, which historians and legal theorists say helped shape today’s U.S. immigration system. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>While Chinese immigrants are remembered for constitutional victories, including rulings that established \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12088125/as-america-turns-250-san-franciscos-role-in-defining-citizenship-endures\">birthright citizenship\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12050233/how-a-chinese-laundryman-shaped-us-civil-rights-from-san-francisco\">strengthened equal protection\u003c/a>, they have another legacy: they led a nationwide campaign against the federal government’s expansion of immigration powers. And though they ultimately failed to overturn the Geary Act in court, their resistance challenged the adoption of now-routine practices — calling them “cruel and unjust,” and incompatible with the nation’s constitutional ideals. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\u003cdiv class=\"wp-block-image\">\n\u003cfigure class=\"aligncenter size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260730-CONNIEYU-JY-13-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12095828\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260730-CONNIEYU-JY-13-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260730-CONNIEYU-JY-13-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260730-CONNIEYU-JY-13-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Historian Connie Young Yu stands for a portrait in her home in Los Altos, California, on Thursday, July 30, 2026. Yu’s paternal grandfather, Yung Wah Gok, arrived in the U.S.as an 11-year-old laborer in 1881, a year before the Chinese Exclusion Act. (Juliana Yamada/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/div>\n\n\n\u003cp>Those sentiments are echoed today by immigrant communities across the country, as the Trump administration \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12078084/agents-of-chaos-border-patrols-year-of-unchecked-force\">continues\u003c/a> to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12092697/bay-area-immigrant-advocates-warn-noncitizens-to-avoid-air-travel-after-ice-arrests\">double down\u003c/a> on its \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12085159/immigration-courts-are-using-a-new-tactic-to-speed-up-deportations\">deportation efforts\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Yu, a longtime local historian and author, argues the resistance of early Chinese immigrants like her grandfather should be more well known. She co-founded \u003ca href=\"https://www.thegearyactproject.com/\">The Geary Act Project\u003c/a> two years ago and is now on a mission to collect more certificates — to lay a paper trail of evidence linking the racism experienced by her ancestors to the current administration’s immigration crackdown.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“Our society is under threat, we’re under attack,” she said. “We’re trying to show that the Chinese Exclusion Act was actually a foundation for ICE and the harassment of people of color and immigration detention and deportation.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003ch2 class=\"wp-block-heading\">When Chinese exclusion wasn’t enough\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Yu said it’s by luck that she was born in the United States. Her grandfather arrived in 1881, at age 11 — just one year before the Chinese Exclusion Act banned Chinese laborers from entering the U.S. for a decade.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“My parents always said, ‘If he had waited until he was 12, you wouldn’t be here,’” Yu said. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>When Chinese people began arriving in the U.S. in the late 1840s, there was no federal immigration system. States, including \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/10429550/boomtown-history-2b\">California\u003c/a>, passed laws targeting Chinese immigrants as anti-Chinese sentiment grew, fueled by the narrative that they threatened the nation’s economic well-being.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\u003cdiv class=\"wp-block-image\">\n\u003cfigure class=\"aligncenter size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1459\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/GETTYIMAGES-1311093098-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12095866\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/GETTYIMAGES-1311093098-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/GETTYIMAGES-1311093098-KQED-160x117.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/GETTYIMAGES-1311093098-KQED-1536x1121.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">A Chinese butcher and grocery store, with meat hanging from hooks with vegetables and other fresh produce displayed in crates at the front of the store in the Chinatown neighborhood of San Francisco, California, circa 1885. (Bettmann Archive/Getty Images)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/div>\n\n\n\u003cp>But Reconstruction — the post-Civil War era when constitutional protections were expanded for newly freed Black Americans — changed the landscape. The 14th Amendment ensured due process and equal protection to everyone, giving Chinese immigrants new grounds to challenge discriminatory state laws.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Several Supreme Court justices, along with others who wished to continue excluding Chinese immigrants, pushed for the federal government to take up immigration control, according to Kelly Lytle Hernández, an author and professor of history at UCLA.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“I understand our federal immigration system as being the creation of an effort to skirt the 14th Amendment, to skirt the growth of a multiracial democracy,” she said. ”Reconstruction and Chinese Exclusion are all part of the same story.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>In 1875, the Supreme Court ruled in \u003ca href=\"https://supreme.justia.com/cases/federal/us/92/275/\">\u003cem>Chy Lung v. Freeman\u003c/em>\u003c/a> that immigration was a federal responsibility, while \u003ca href=\"https://www.nps.gov/safr/blogs/chinese-women-immigration-and-the-first-u-s-exclusion-law-the-page-act-of-1875.htm\">the Page Act\u003c/a> established one of the first major federal restrictions on immigration, targeting Chinese and other Asian women. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\u003cdiv class=\"wp-block-image\">\n\u003cfigure class=\"aligncenter size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"1020\" height=\"754\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260820-ChinatownActivism-01.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12096097\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260820-ChinatownActivism-01.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260820-ChinatownActivism-01-160x118.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1020px) 100vw, 1020px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">The Second Market Street Chinatown burned down in an arson fire in 1887. There were no recorded casualties, but the entire Chinese community in San José was displaced. (Courtesy of History San José)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/div>\n\n\n\u003cp>Seven years later came the Chinese Exclusion Act. Despite the passage of the landmark law, thousands of Chinese laborers and immigrants still arrived. They filed legal challenges to their exclusion, inundating federal courts in San Francisco and frustrating white politicians and residents who wanted to see Chinese immigration come to an end.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>As the Chinese Exclusion Act was set to expire in 1892, the federal government realized it needed a way to plug the loopholes of the act, especially as anti-Chinese violence intensified.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp> “As soon as [white residents] saw that their goals weren’t being met by this experiment in diplomatic control, this is why we see the most violent anti-Chinese incidents happening between ’85 and ’88, not before 1882,” said Alexander Jin, a historian at Dartmouth University.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Vigilante mobs seized Chinese businesses and homes, and rural Chinatowns along the West Coast were set on fire, including \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11891987/chinese-immigrants-were-forced-out-of-eureka-in-1885-heres-how-locals-are-making-that-history-known\">Eureka\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101886267/california-cities-apologize-for-historical-wrongs-against-chinese-community\">Antioch\u003c/a>, Napa and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11877801/san-jose-had-5-chinatowns-why-did-they-vanish\">San José\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Yu’s grandfather was a pioneer of San José’s Chinatown, and she said he shared details of how his community was destroyed in 1887: “The newspaper always said ‘mysterious fire’ … but my grandfather always said the fire was set to drive us out … [they should’ve] asked the Chinese themselves how they felt,” Yu said. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003ch2 class=\"wp-block-heading\">‘The Dog Tag Law’\u003c/h2>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Months before the Chinese Exclusion Act was set to lapse, Santa Rosa lawyer and U.S. House Representative \u003ca href=\"https://history.house.gov/People/Detail/13702\">Thomas J. Geary\u003c/a> introduced legislation that addressed a question the original act had a hard time answering: how could the government not only restrict newcomers but remove Chinese people who were already living in the country?\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The Geary Act became law, extending the Chinese Exclusion Act by a decade and imposing remarkable provisions on Chinese laborers living in the U.S. They had to register with the federal government and obtain a certificate of residence that they had to carry with them at all times or risk up to one year of hard labor in prison and deportation unless they could prove their immigration status with the testimony of two white witnesses. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-gallery has-nested-images columns-default is-cropped wp-block-gallery-9 is-layout-flex wp-block-gallery-is-layout-flex\">\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-large\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"803\" height=\"772\" data-id=\"12095847\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260818-FIGHTING-THE-GEARY-ACT-02-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12095847\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260818-FIGHTING-THE-GEARY-ACT-02-KQED.jpg 803w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260818-FIGHTING-THE-GEARY-ACT-02-KQED-160x154.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 803px) 100vw, 803px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">When faced with the prospect of deportation, early Chinese immigrants organized across the country to resist the 1892 Geary Act, forming one of the largest civil disobedience campaigns in U.S. history. (Courtesy of the Geary Act Project)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\n\n\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-large\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"859\" height=\"797\" data-id=\"12095849\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260818-FIGHTING-THE-GEARY-ACT-04-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12095849\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260818-FIGHTING-THE-GEARY-ACT-04-KQED.jpg 859w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260818-FIGHTING-THE-GEARY-ACT-04-KQED-160x148.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 859px) 100vw, 859px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Most of the certificates are marked as “laborer” while others, notably children, were categorized as “persons other than laborer.” (Courtesy of the Geary Act Project)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/figure>\n\n\n\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-gallery has-nested-images columns-default is-cropped wp-block-gallery-10 is-layout-flex wp-block-gallery-is-layout-flex\">\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-large\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"853\" height=\"797\" data-id=\"12095850\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260818-FIGHTING-THE-GEARY-ACT-05-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12095850\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260818-FIGHTING-THE-GEARY-ACT-05-KQED.jpg 853w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260818-FIGHTING-THE-GEARY-ACT-05-KQED-160x149.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 853px) 100vw, 853px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">The Geary Act Project, launched by Connie Young Yu and Barre Fong, has collected about 300 certificates since launching about two years ago. (Courtesy of the Geary Act Project)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\n\n\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-large\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"803\" height=\"772\" data-id=\"12095848\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260818-FIGHTING-THE-GEARY-ACT-03-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12095848\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260818-FIGHTING-THE-GEARY-ACT-03-KQED.jpg 803w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260818-FIGHTING-THE-GEARY-ACT-03-KQED-160x154.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 803px) 100vw, 803px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">“This is how they describe somebody born in the United States. They describe him, this 8-year-old boy, ‘persons other than laborer.’ They do not say ‘American,’ they do not say ‘citizen.’ I want people to know this.” — Janice Tong, San Francisco resident. (Courtesy of the Geary Act Project)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/figure>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>In other words, the Geary Act provided the U.S. government a way to deport longtime Chinese residents who had entered the U.S. legally. Historians say the law became the precursor to green cards, visas and other forms of surveillance and identification that the federal government uses today.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Though the act was signed into law, it garnered strongly worded protests within Congress, including from Robert R. Hitt, a representative from Illinois. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“Never before in a free country was there such a system of tagging a man like a dog to be caught by the police and examined, and if his tag or collar is not all right, taken to the pound or drowned or shot … Never before was it applied by a free people to a human being with the exception (which we can never refer to with pride) of the sad days of slavery.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003ch2 class=\"wp-block-heading\">‘Un-American, barbarous and inhuman’\u003c/h2>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>For the Chinese immigrant community, the law was unthinkable and unjust, and the response was swift. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The San Francisco-based Chinese Consolidated Benevolent Association, or the Chinese Six Companies, a powerful coalition that had financed earlier \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12015449/a-129-year-old-san-francisco-lawsuit-could-stop-trump-from-ending-birthright-citizenship\">legal victories\u003c/a>, asked Chinese residents to each contribute a dollar towards a legal campaign against the law. Meanwhile, in New York, the Chinese Equal Rights League was formed with the sole purpose of overturning the Geary Act.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>In addition to applying political pressure and organizing petition drives, the groups organized Chinese residents to challenge the Geary Act through mass noncompliance. The Six Companies distributed leaflets in Chinese communities throughout the country, declaring that “The Geary Act is an unjust law and no Chinese should obey it … They have disregarded our rights and paid no attention to their promise, and made a law to suit themselves, no matter how unjust to us … Let us stand together.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\u003cdiv class=\"wp-block-image\">\n\u003cfigure class=\"aligncenter size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/250731-YICKWOCIVILRIGHTS-05-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12096098\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/250731-YICKWOCIVILRIGHTS-05-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/250731-YICKWOCIVILRIGHTS-05-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/250731-YICKWOCIVILRIGHTS-05-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">The Chinese Consolidated Benevolent Association in San Francisco’s Chinatown neighborhood on July 31, 2025. (Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/div>\n\n\n\u003cp>Russell Jeung, a professor of Asian American studies at San Francisco State University, remarked that spreading these messages across the country was an amazing feat, and demonstrated just how tight-knit and organized the Chinese immigrant population was: “The Chinese networks are in a better position to [raise awareness to] the Chinese community than the American government was … clearly there were networks and newspapers and communication among the community.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Chinese residents found allyship with different faith communities, particularly Christians. Some white Americans were compelled, in part, by the efforts of people like Jee Gam, a community leader and the first Chinese congregational pastor in America. Gam wrote essays in English for publications, most notably one titled \u003ca href=\"https://www.whobuiltamerica.org/item/the-geary-act-from-the-standpoint-of-a-christian-chinese\">“The Geary Act: From the Standpoint of a Christian Chinese\u003c/a>.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp> “This Act withdraws some sacred rights such as in the Declaration of Independence are declared to be inalienable,” he wrote. “The right to a free, untrammelled pursuit of happiness, the right of habeas corpus, the right to be adjudged innocent until proven guilty … it is un-American, barbarous and inhuman.” \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The call to participate in the civil disobedience campaign was an extraordinary success. Only about 13,000 of the approximately 100,000 Chinese residents in the country registered during the initial registration period. That left the federal government with the challenge of arresting and deporting over 85% of the nation’s Chinese population — something they weren’t prepared or resourced to do. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“Getting 100,000 people to do a thing is hard in itself, but I think the biggest success is making plain the weakness of the federal government,” Jin said. “Through the process of not registering and seeing how much power that had, they were able to find the weaknesses of the system and continue to exploit it throughout the exclusion era.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003ch2 class=\"wp-block-heading\">The search for the Geary Act’s paper trail\u003c/h2>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>On a dining room table in her Los Altos home, Yu fanned out the \u003cem>chak chee’s\u003c/em> that she’s been collecting, along with her grandfather’s. Since launching The Geary Act Project, Yu and documentary filmmaker Barre Fong have received and digitized \u003ca href=\"https://www.thegearyactproject.com/thecollection\">almost 300 certificates\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“Tens of thousands of people were part of the civil disobedience, including my grandfather. They complied, and they felt unity; there was a community because everybody’s behind it,” Yu said, as she carefully picked up the documents. Most of them are men, marked as “laborers,” but there are also ones for women and children.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Almost all of the certificates collected by the project were issued a couple of years after the Geary Act became law. Chinese immigrants only registered after the Supreme Court upheld the law in its ruling on \u003ca href=\"https://tile.loc.gov/storage-services/service/ll/usrep/usrep149/usrep149698/usrep149698.pdf\">\u003cem>Fong Yue Ting v. United States\u003c/em>\u003c/a>, a case carefully orchestrated by the Six Companies. They had raised enough money to hire prominent attorneys and chose three unregistered laundrymen in New York to surrender themselves for arrest. The men were ordered to be deported in accordance with the Geary Act, and a lawsuit was initiated claiming the legislation was discriminatory and violated constitutional protections, including the 14th Amendment. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\u003cdiv class=\"wp-block-image\">\n\u003cfigure class=\"aligncenter size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260730-CONNIEYU-JY-09-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12095826\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260730-CONNIEYU-JY-09-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260730-CONNIEYU-JY-09-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260730-CONNIEYU-JY-09-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Historian Connie Young Yu speaks to KQED in her home in Los Altos, California, on Thursday, July 30, 2026. A longtime historian, Yu is the co-founder of the Geary Act Project, which is collecting and digitizing certificates of residence that may still be in the possession of Chinese American families. (Juliana Yamada/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/div>\n\n\n\u003cp>In May 1893, the court announced a 5-3 decision: the Geary Act was constitutional. The ruling extended the federal government’s power to exclude Chinese immigrants and gave it the ability to deport those already living in the U.S. The decision helped cement \u003ca href=\"https://constitution.congress.gov/browse/essay/artI-S8-C18-8-7-1/ALDE_00001261/\">the plenary power doctrine\u003c/a>, which gives the federal government almost unlimited discretion on all aspects of immigration policy and remains a key tenet of U.S. immigration law today. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“Things that seem normal today were actually created at a certain moment in time and for a very specific purpose: to keep Chinese immigrants, or as many as possible, out of the country,” Lytle Hernández said. “ What does it mean that the logic and the language and the rhetoric and the spirit of Chinese exclusion remains written into our precedent and our legal landscape of the immigration regime?”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>In \u003cem>Strangers in the Land\u003c/em>, author Michael Luo wrote about the news of the Geary Act ruling reaching the San Francisco headquarters of the Six Companies: “In the afternoon, a reporter from the \u003cem>Call\u003c/em> found Gee Chong Tone, the secretary of the Six Companies, inside his office surrounded by stacks of telegrams from concerned immigrants across the state and country … he was shocked by the decision. ‘It’s like a man feeling safe being hit between the eyes in the dark,’ he said.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-gallery has-nested-images columns-default is-cropped wp-block-gallery-11 is-layout-flex wp-block-gallery-is-layout-flex\">\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"800\" height=\"738\" data-id=\"12095851\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260818-FIGHTING-THE-GEARY-ACT-06-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12095851\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260818-FIGHTING-THE-GEARY-ACT-06-KQED.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260818-FIGHTING-THE-GEARY-ACT-06-KQED-160x148.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">When faced with the prospect of deportation, early Chinese immigrants organized across the country to resist the 1892 Geary Act, forming one of the largest civil disobedience campaigns in U.S. history. (Courtesy of the Geary Act Project)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\n\n\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"871\" height=\"797\" data-id=\"12095852\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260818-FIGHTING-THE-GEARY-ACT-07-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12095852\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260818-FIGHTING-THE-GEARY-ACT-07-KQED.jpg 871w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260818-FIGHTING-THE-GEARY-ACT-07-KQED-160x146.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 871px) 100vw, 871px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Chinese immigrants are remembered for constitutional victories, including rulings that established birthright citizenship and strengthened equal protection. But they have another legacy: they led a nationwide campaign against the federal government’s expansion of immigration powers. (Courtesy of the Geary Act Project)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/figure>\n\n\n\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-gallery has-nested-images columns-default is-cropped wp-block-gallery-12 is-layout-flex wp-block-gallery-is-layout-flex\">\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-large\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"869\" height=\"797\" data-id=\"12095853\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260818-FIGHTING-THE-GEARY-ACT-08-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12095853\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260818-FIGHTING-THE-GEARY-ACT-08-KQED.jpg 869w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260818-FIGHTING-THE-GEARY-ACT-08-KQED-160x147.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 869px) 100vw, 869px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Most of the certificates collected by the Geary Act Project were issued in 1894, two years after the passage of the Geary Act, because Chinese residents refused to comply with the requirements of the law. (Courtesy of the Geary Act Project)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\n\n\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-large\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"874\" height=\"797\" data-id=\"12095854\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260818-FIGHTING-THE-GEARY-ACT-10-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12095854\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260818-FIGHTING-THE-GEARY-ACT-10-KQED.jpg 874w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260818-FIGHTING-THE-GEARY-ACT-10-KQED-160x146.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 874px) 100vw, 874px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">“Exclusion is kind of a nebulous idea, but then you look at the faces [on the certificates], and you’re like, ‘Oh, those are real people’ … and they were trying to have a dream of what they wanted to do, and they’re trying to survive.” — Barre Fong, documentary filmmaker. (Courtesy of the Geary Act Project)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/figure>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>After the ruling, Geary added more teeth to the law, notably requiring the certificates of residence to include photographs.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“You can not make a verbal description of a Chinaman such as you can make of a white man … All Chinamen look alike, all dress alike, all have the same kind of eyes …” Geary said. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Yu acknowledges the cruelty of the requirement, but as a historian, she also understands the value of having such detailed documentation of the country’s earliest Chinese residents. You know where each person lived and their physical traits, as detailed as “gold filling in upper teeth” or “large wart on nose right side.” There were also portraits of their faces, some of which show indisputable evidence of their hard labor and the stresses of surviving exclusion: the tanned skin from working outside, the wrinkles on their foreheads, the bags under their eyes. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The idea to collect the documents came from a conversation with Yu during a community event, Fong said, shortly after Trump won his second presidential election. There was a “general sense of fear and dread” about the threat facing immigrants, he said, and it felt like the right time to tell a counter-narrative about some of the country’s earliest immigrants. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\u003cdiv class=\"wp-block-image\">\n\u003cfigure class=\"alignleft size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"812\" height=\"797\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260818-FIGHTING-THE-GEARY-ACT-01-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12095845\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260818-FIGHTING-THE-GEARY-ACT-01-KQED.jpg 812w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260818-FIGHTING-THE-GEARY-ACT-01-KQED-160x157.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 812px) 100vw, 812px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Transcontinental railroad worker Jow Kee’s original certificate of residence. (Courtesy of the Geary Act Project)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/div>\n\n\n\u003cp>“Exclusion is kind of a nebulous idea, but then you look at the faces [on the certificates], and you’re like ‘oh those are real people’ … and they were trying to have a dream of what they wanted to do, and they’re trying to survive,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The preservation of the Geary Act certificates offers a tangible record of the government’s efforts to define and categorize Chinese immigrants. Yu and Fong say it’s a slow, manual, volunteer-run effort. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>In addition to tapping into collections from different historical organizations, they’re depending on submissions from families that have held onto the documents as keepsakes for generations. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Some are stored at the National Archives in San Bruno, which announced \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12088904/exclusive-the-bay-areas-national-archives-office-is-closing-researchers-are-worried\">its impending closure\u003c/a> earlier this year. Documents could be dispersed across the country, Fong said, which would make the search far more difficult.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Among the most striking certificates collected by the Geary Act Project came from San Francisco resident Janice Tong, including those belonging to her great-grandfather, great-grandmother and her grandfather when he was just a young boy. It was the child’s certificate that struck Yu as particularly “cold-blooded.” \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“This is how they describe somebody born in the United States. They describe him, this 8-year-old boy, ‘persons other than laborer.’ They do not say ‘American,’ they do not say ‘citizen.’ I want people to know this.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Among the most prized certificates they have uncovered was one belonging to Jow Kee, a transcontinental railroad worker. It is the only portrait that has been found of one of the roughly 12,000 Chinese men who helped build the railroad. It had been sitting in a box under a bed in a descendant’s home for years. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Fong said the collection of certificates could open up some critical conversations in the Chinese American community: “The \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12021919/bay-area-japanese-americans-draw-on-wwii-trauma-resist-deportation-threats\">Japanese American community’s incarcerated survivors\u003c/a> [from World War II] are really great at talking about intergenerational trauma. The Chinese American community is not great at that … I think we should be better at talking about it.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, the work of the Geary Act Project is not just a labor of love, Yu said. She believes it’s her “destiny” and that the current moment demands it. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>As she carefully slipped the certificates back into their protective plastic sleeves, Yu shared a message to her community.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“The call to action is ‘stand up, Chinese Americans.’ Stand up for your people and the people in your community … because your ancestors have gone through this turmoil and struggle that so many immigrants are going through … show solidarity. Show empathy.” \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>She also hopes more Chinese American families will search their closets, attics and archives for more certificates — \u003ca href=\"https://www.thegearyactproject.com/upload-a-certificate\">and share them\u003c/a>. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And bring proof of your ancestors’ lives,” she said, with a small smile. “They struggled to be here.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Connie Young Yu thought she knew a lot about her beloved \u003cem>gung gung\u003c/em>. As a young girl, she would listen as her grandfather, Yung Wah Gok, recounted what it was like living through America’s Chinese Exclusion era of the late 19th century. She had heard many stories, like how, as a young boy in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-jose\">San José\u003c/a> Chinatown, he’d have to sprint home while white residents hurled rocks at him.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>It wasn’t until 1972, when Yu was an adult active in Asian American organizing and scholarship, that her mother shared a surprising piece of his history with her. From the family’s large carved camphor chest in her bedroom, her mother pulled out a neatly folded parchment: It was \u003ca href=\"https://www.thegearyactproject.com/copy-of-upload-a-certificate?pgid=m68xajc7-a512c26d-b87a-443c-883e-98cc622e3d31\">her grandfather’s \u003cem>chak chee\u003c/em>\u003c/a>, a certificate of residence that all Chinese people in the U.S. were required to carry, as mandated by the 1892 Geary Act, the successor to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.archives.gov/milestone-documents/chinese-exclusion-act\">1882 Chinese Exclusion Act\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>It wasn’t until 1972, when Yu was an adult active in Asian American organizing and scholarship, that her mother shared a surprising piece of his history with her. From the family’s large carved camphor chest in her bedroom, her mother pulled out a neatly folded parchment: It was \u003ca href=\"https://www.thegearyactproject.com/copy-of-upload-a-certificate?pgid=m68xajc7-a512c26d-b87a-443c-883e-98cc622e3d31\">her grandfather’s \u003cem>chak chee\u003c/em>\u003c/a>, a certificate of residence that all Chinese people in the U.S. were required to carry, as mandated by the 1892 Geary Act, the successor to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.archives.gov/milestone-documents/chinese-exclusion-act\">1882 Chinese Exclusion Act\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Stamped across the top of the document was the word “LABORER.” Below it were his occupation — “cook,” his height — just over 5 feet, 3 inches and identifying marks — “scar on left forearm.” And in the lower left corner was a striking portrait photo of her grandfather at the age of 25.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Stamped across the top of the document was the word “LABORER.” Below it were his occupation — “cook,” his height — just over 5 feet, 3 inches and identifying marks — “scar on left forearm.” And in the lower left corner was a striking portrait photo of her grandfather at the age of 25.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image aligncenter size-full\">\u003cimg src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260730-ConnieYu-JY-11_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12096096\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260730-ConnieYu-JY-11_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260730-ConnieYu-JY-11_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260730-ConnieYu-JY-11_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(min-width: 992px) min(100vw, 1536px), (min-width: 768px) min(100vw, 1280px), min(100vw, 1020px)\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Historian Connie Young Yu’s collection of certificates of residence includes her own grandfather’s document. Yung Wah Gok and other Chinese residents initially resisted the Geary Act requirement to carry the certificates with them at all times under the threat of deportation.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n",
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"\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image aligncenter size-full\">\u003cimg src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260730-ConnieYu-JY-11_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12096096\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Historian Connie Young Yu’s collection of certificates of residence includes her own grandfather’s document. Yung Wah Gok and other Chinese residents initially resisted the Geary Act requirement to carry the certificates with them at all times under the threat of deportation.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>“I just thought, ‘Gee … that doesn’t look like my \u003cem>gung gung\u003c/em>,’” said Yu, now 85, who had known her grandfather as a dignified man who wore suits. “But actually, I really liked that picture in many ways because he looks very determined. Like a young rebel.”\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>“I just thought, ‘Gee … that doesn’t look like my \u003cem>gung gung\u003c/em>,’” said Yu, now 85, who had known her grandfather as a dignified man who wore suits. “But actually, I really liked that picture in many ways because he looks very determined. Like a young rebel.”\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>The certificate was issued in May 1894, two years after the passage of the Geary Act, revealing that her grandfather had been one of the tens of thousands of Chinese residents across the country who had resisted the federal government’s demands to register — forming one of the largest campaigns of civil disobedience in U.S. history.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>The certificate was issued in May 1894, two years after the passage of the Geary Act, revealing that her grandfather had been one of the tens of thousands of Chinese residents across the country who had resisted the federal government’s demands to register — forming one of the largest campaigns of civil disobedience in U.S. history.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>From 1892-93, Chinese immigrants refused to comply with the requirement to register with their local internal revenue offices. If they were caught without a certificate, they faced arrest, detention and deportation as stipulated by the Geary Act, which historians and legal theorists say helped shape today’s U.S. immigration system. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>From 1892-93, Chinese immigrants refused to comply with the requirement to register with their local internal revenue offices. If they were caught without a certificate, they faced arrest, detention and deportation as stipulated by the Geary Act, which historians and legal theorists say helped shape today’s U.S. immigration system. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>While Chinese immigrants are remembered for constitutional victories, including rulings that established \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12088125/as-america-turns-250-san-franciscos-role-in-defining-citizenship-endures\">birthright citizenship\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12050233/how-a-chinese-laundryman-shaped-us-civil-rights-from-san-francisco\">strengthened equal protection\u003c/a>, they have another legacy: they led a nationwide campaign against the federal government’s expansion of immigration powers. And though they ultimately failed to overturn the Geary Act in court, their resistance challenged the adoption of now-routine practices — calling them “cruel and unjust,” and incompatible with the nation’s constitutional ideals. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>While Chinese immigrants are remembered for constitutional victories, including rulings that established \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12088125/as-america-turns-250-san-franciscos-role-in-defining-citizenship-endures\">birthright citizenship\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12050233/how-a-chinese-laundryman-shaped-us-civil-rights-from-san-francisco\">strengthened equal protection\u003c/a>, they have another legacy: they led a nationwide campaign against the federal government’s expansion of immigration powers. And though they ultimately failed to overturn the Geary Act in court, their resistance challenged the adoption of now-routine practices — calling them “cruel and unjust,” and incompatible with the nation’s constitutional ideals. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image aligncenter size-full\">\u003cimg src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260730-CONNIEYU-JY-13-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12095828\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260730-CONNIEYU-JY-13-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260730-CONNIEYU-JY-13-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260730-CONNIEYU-JY-13-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(min-width: 992px) min(100vw, 1536px), (min-width: 768px) min(100vw, 1280px), min(100vw, 1020px)\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Historian Connie Young Yu stands for a portrait in her home in Los Altos, California, on Thursday, July 30, 2026. Yu’s paternal grandfather, Yung Wah Gok, arrived in the U.S.as an 11-year-old laborer in 1881, a year before the Chinese Exclusion Act. \u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n",
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"\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image aligncenter size-full\">\u003cimg src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260730-CONNIEYU-JY-13-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12095828\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Historian Connie Young Yu stands for a portrait in her home in Los Altos, California, on Thursday, July 30, 2026. Yu’s paternal grandfather, Yung Wah Gok, arrived in the U.S.as an 11-year-old laborer in 1881, a year before the Chinese Exclusion Act. \u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Those sentiments are echoed today by immigrant communities across the country, as the Trump administration \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12078084/agents-of-chaos-border-patrols-year-of-unchecked-force\">continues\u003c/a> to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12092697/bay-area-immigrant-advocates-warn-noncitizens-to-avoid-air-travel-after-ice-arrests\">double down\u003c/a> on its \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12085159/immigration-courts-are-using-a-new-tactic-to-speed-up-deportations\">deportation efforts\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Those sentiments are echoed today by immigrant communities across the country, as the Trump administration \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12078084/agents-of-chaos-border-patrols-year-of-unchecked-force\">continues\u003c/a> to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12092697/bay-area-immigrant-advocates-warn-noncitizens-to-avoid-air-travel-after-ice-arrests\">double down\u003c/a> on its \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12085159/immigration-courts-are-using-a-new-tactic-to-speed-up-deportations\">deportation efforts\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Yu, a longtime local historian and author, argues the resistance of early Chinese immigrants like her grandfather should be more well known. She co-founded \u003ca href=\"https://www.thegearyactproject.com/\">The Geary Act Project\u003c/a> two years ago and is now on a mission to collect more certificates — to lay a paper trail of evidence linking the racism experienced by her ancestors to the current administration’s immigration crackdown.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Yu, a longtime local historian and author, argues the resistance of early Chinese immigrants like her grandfather should be more well known. She co-founded \u003ca href=\"https://www.thegearyactproject.com/\">The Geary Act Project\u003c/a> two years ago and is now on a mission to collect more certificates — to lay a paper trail of evidence linking the racism experienced by her ancestors to the current administration’s immigration crackdown.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>“Our society is under threat, we’re under attack,” she said. “We’re trying to show that the Chinese Exclusion Act was actually a foundation for ICE and the harassment of people of color and immigration detention and deportation.”\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>“Our society is under threat, we’re under attack,” she said. “We’re trying to show that the Chinese Exclusion Act was actually a foundation for ICE and the harassment of people of color and immigration detention and deportation.”\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003ch2 class=\"wp-block-heading\">When Chinese exclusion wasn’t enough\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n",
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"\n\u003ch2 class=\"wp-block-heading\">When Chinese exclusion wasn’t enough\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Yu said it’s by luck that she was born in the United States. Her grandfather arrived in 1881, at age 11 — just one year before the Chinese Exclusion Act banned Chinese laborers from entering the U.S. for a decade.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Yu said it’s by luck that she was born in the United States. Her grandfather arrived in 1881, at age 11 — just one year before the Chinese Exclusion Act banned Chinese laborers from entering the U.S. for a decade.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>“My parents always said, ‘If he had waited until he was 12, you wouldn’t be here,’” Yu said. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>“My parents always said, ‘If he had waited until he was 12, you wouldn’t be here,’” Yu said. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>When Chinese people began arriving in the U.S. in the late 1840s, there was no federal immigration system. States, including \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/10429550/boomtown-history-2b\">California\u003c/a>, passed laws targeting Chinese immigrants as anti-Chinese sentiment grew, fueled by the narrative that they threatened the nation’s economic well-being.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>When Chinese people began arriving in the U.S. in the late 1840s, there was no federal immigration system. States, including \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/10429550/boomtown-history-2b\">California\u003c/a>, passed laws targeting Chinese immigrants as anti-Chinese sentiment grew, fueled by the narrative that they threatened the nation’s economic well-being.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image aligncenter size-full\">\u003cimg src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/GETTYIMAGES-1311093098-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12095866\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/GETTYIMAGES-1311093098-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/GETTYIMAGES-1311093098-KQED-160x117.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/GETTYIMAGES-1311093098-KQED-1536x1121.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(min-width: 992px) min(100vw, 1536px), (min-width: 768px) min(100vw, 1280px), min(100vw, 1020px)\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">A Chinese butcher and grocery store, with meat hanging from hooks with vegetables and other fresh produce displayed in crates at the front of the store in the Chinatown neighborhood of San Francisco, California, circa 1885. \u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n",
"innerContent": [
"\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image aligncenter size-full\">\u003cimg src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/GETTYIMAGES-1311093098-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12095866\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">A Chinese butcher and grocery store, with meat hanging from hooks with vegetables and other fresh produce displayed in crates at the front of the store in the Chinatown neighborhood of San Francisco, California, circa 1885. \u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>But Reconstruction — the post-Civil War era when constitutional protections were expanded for newly freed Black Americans — changed the landscape. The 14th Amendment ensured due process and equal protection to everyone, giving Chinese immigrants new grounds to challenge discriminatory state laws.\u003c/p>\n",
"innerContent": [
"\n\u003cp>But Reconstruction — the post-Civil War era when constitutional protections were expanded for newly freed Black Americans — changed the landscape. The 14th Amendment ensured due process and equal protection to everyone, giving Chinese immigrants new grounds to challenge discriminatory state laws.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Several Supreme Court justices, along with others who wished to continue excluding Chinese immigrants, pushed for the federal government to take up immigration control, according to Kelly Lytle Hernández, an author and professor of history at UCLA.\u003c/p>\n",
"innerContent": [
"\n\u003cp>Several Supreme Court justices, along with others who wished to continue excluding Chinese immigrants, pushed for the federal government to take up immigration control, according to Kelly Lytle Hernández, an author and professor of history at UCLA.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>“I understand our federal immigration system as being the creation of an effort to skirt the 14th Amendment, to skirt the growth of a multiracial democracy,” she said. ”Reconstruction and Chinese Exclusion are all part of the same story.”\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>“I understand our federal immigration system as being the creation of an effort to skirt the 14th Amendment, to skirt the growth of a multiracial democracy,” she said. ”Reconstruction and Chinese Exclusion are all part of the same story.”\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>In 1875, the Supreme Court ruled in \u003ca href=\"https://supreme.justia.com/cases/federal/us/92/275/\">\u003cem>Chy Lung v. Freeman\u003c/em>\u003c/a> that immigration was a federal responsibility, while \u003ca href=\"https://www.nps.gov/safr/blogs/chinese-women-immigration-and-the-first-u-s-exclusion-law-the-page-act-of-1875.htm\">the Page Act\u003c/a> established one of the first major federal restrictions on immigration, targeting Chinese and other Asian women. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>In 1875, the Supreme Court ruled in \u003ca href=\"https://supreme.justia.com/cases/federal/us/92/275/\">\u003cem>Chy Lung v. Freeman\u003c/em>\u003c/a> that immigration was a federal responsibility, while \u003ca href=\"https://www.nps.gov/safr/blogs/chinese-women-immigration-and-the-first-u-s-exclusion-law-the-page-act-of-1875.htm\">the Page Act\u003c/a> established one of the first major federal restrictions on immigration, targeting Chinese and other Asian women. \u003c/p>\n"
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"id": 12096097,
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"imageCredit": "Courtesy of History San José",
"srcset": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260820-ChinatownActivism-01.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260820-ChinatownActivism-01-160x118.jpg 160w",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image aligncenter size-full\">\u003cimg src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260820-ChinatownActivism-01.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12096097\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260820-ChinatownActivism-01.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260820-ChinatownActivism-01-160x118.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(min-width: 992px) min(100vw, 1536px), (min-width: 768px) min(100vw, 1280px), min(100vw, 1020px)\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">The Second Market Street Chinatown burned down in an arson fire in 1887. There were no recorded casualties, but the entire Chinese community in San José was displaced. \u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n",
"innerContent": [
"\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image aligncenter size-full\">\u003cimg src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260820-ChinatownActivism-01.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12096097\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">The Second Market Street Chinatown burned down in an arson fire in 1887. There were no recorded casualties, but the entire Chinese community in San José was displaced. \u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Seven years later came the Chinese Exclusion Act. Despite the passage of the landmark law, thousands of Chinese laborers and immigrants still arrived. They filed legal challenges to their exclusion, inundating federal courts in San Francisco and frustrating white politicians and residents who wanted to see Chinese immigration come to an end.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Seven years later came the Chinese Exclusion Act. Despite the passage of the landmark law, thousands of Chinese laborers and immigrants still arrived. They filed legal challenges to their exclusion, inundating federal courts in San Francisco and frustrating white politicians and residents who wanted to see Chinese immigration come to an end.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>As the Chinese Exclusion Act was set to expire in 1892, the federal government realized it needed a way to plug the loopholes of the act, especially as anti-Chinese violence intensified.\u003c/p>\n",
"innerContent": [
"\n\u003cp>As the Chinese Exclusion Act was set to expire in 1892, the federal government realized it needed a way to plug the loopholes of the act, especially as anti-Chinese violence intensified.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp> “As soon as [white residents] saw that their goals weren’t being met by this experiment in diplomatic control, this is why we see the most violent anti-Chinese incidents happening between ’85 and ’88, not before 1882,” said Alexander Jin, a historian at Dartmouth University.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp> “As soon as [white residents] saw that their goals weren’t being met by this experiment in diplomatic control, this is why we see the most violent anti-Chinese incidents happening between ’85 and ’88, not before 1882,” said Alexander Jin, a historian at Dartmouth University.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Vigilante mobs seized Chinese businesses and homes, and rural Chinatowns along the West Coast were set on fire, including \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11891987/chinese-immigrants-were-forced-out-of-eureka-in-1885-heres-how-locals-are-making-that-history-known\">Eureka\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101886267/california-cities-apologize-for-historical-wrongs-against-chinese-community\">Antioch\u003c/a>, Napa and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11877801/san-jose-had-5-chinatowns-why-did-they-vanish\">San José\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Vigilante mobs seized Chinese businesses and homes, and rural Chinatowns along the West Coast were set on fire, including \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11891987/chinese-immigrants-were-forced-out-of-eureka-in-1885-heres-how-locals-are-making-that-history-known\">Eureka\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101886267/california-cities-apologize-for-historical-wrongs-against-chinese-community\">Antioch\u003c/a>, Napa and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11877801/san-jose-had-5-chinatowns-why-did-they-vanish\">San José\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Yu’s grandfather was a pioneer of San José’s Chinatown, and she said he shared details of how his community was destroyed in 1887: “The newspaper always said ‘mysterious fire’ … but my grandfather always said the fire was set to drive us out … [they should’ve] asked the Chinese themselves how they felt,” Yu said. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Yu’s grandfather was a pioneer of San José’s Chinatown, and she said he shared details of how his community was destroyed in 1887: “The newspaper always said ‘mysterious fire’ … but my grandfather always said the fire was set to drive us out … [they should’ve] asked the Chinese themselves how they felt,” Yu said. \u003c/p>\n"
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{
"blockName": "core/heading",
"attrs": {
"text": "‘The Dog Tag Law’",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003ch2 class=\"wp-block-heading\">‘The Dog Tag Law’\u003c/h2>\n",
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"\n\u003ch2 class=\"wp-block-heading\">‘The Dog Tag Law’\u003c/h2>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Months before the Chinese Exclusion Act was set to lapse, Santa Rosa lawyer and U.S. House Representative \u003ca href=\"https://history.house.gov/People/Detail/13702\">Thomas J. Geary\u003c/a> introduced legislation that addressed a question the original act had a hard time answering: how could the government not only restrict newcomers but remove Chinese people who were already living in the country?\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Months before the Chinese Exclusion Act was set to lapse, Santa Rosa lawyer and U.S. House Representative \u003ca href=\"https://history.house.gov/People/Detail/13702\">Thomas J. Geary\u003c/a> introduced legislation that addressed a question the original act had a hard time answering: how could the government not only restrict newcomers but remove Chinese people who were already living in the country?\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>The Geary Act became law, extending the Chinese Exclusion Act by a decade and imposing remarkable provisions on Chinese laborers living in the U.S. They had to register with the federal government and obtain a certificate of residence that they had to carry with them at all times or risk up to one year of hard labor in prison and deportation unless they could prove their immigration status with the testimony of two white witnesses. \u003c/p>\n",
"innerContent": [
"\n\u003cp>The Geary Act became law, extending the Chinese Exclusion Act by a decade and imposing remarkable provisions on Chinese laborers living in the U.S. They had to register with the federal government and obtain a certificate of residence that they had to carry with them at all times or risk up to one year of hard labor in prison and deportation unless they could prove their immigration status with the testimony of two white witnesses. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-gallery has-nested-images columns-default is-cropped\">\n\n\u003c/figure>\n",
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"\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-gallery has-nested-images columns-default is-cropped\">",
null,
"\n\n",
null,
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-large\">\u003cimg src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260818-FIGHTING-THE-GEARY-ACT-02-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12095847\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">When faced with the prospect of deportation, early Chinese immigrants organized across the country to resist the 1892 Geary Act, forming one of the largest civil disobedience campaigns in U.S. history.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n",
"innerContent": [
"\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-large\">\u003cimg src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260818-FIGHTING-THE-GEARY-ACT-02-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12095847\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">When faced with the prospect of deportation, early Chinese immigrants organized across the country to resist the 1892 Geary Act, forming one of the largest civil disobedience campaigns in U.S. history.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n"
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{
"blockName": "core/image",
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"id": 12095849,
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-large\">\u003cimg src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260818-FIGHTING-THE-GEARY-ACT-04-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12095849\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Most of the certificates are marked as “laborer” while others, notably children, were categorized as “persons other than laborer.”\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n",
"innerContent": [
"\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-large\">\u003cimg src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260818-FIGHTING-THE-GEARY-ACT-04-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12095849\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Most of the certificates are marked as “laborer” while others, notably children, were categorized as “persons other than laborer.”\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-gallery has-nested-images columns-default is-cropped\">\n\n\u003c/figure>\n",
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"\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-gallery has-nested-images columns-default is-cropped\">",
null,
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null,
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-large\">\u003cimg src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260818-FIGHTING-THE-GEARY-ACT-05-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12095850\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">The Geary Act Project, launched by Connie Young Yu and Barre Fong, has collected about 300 certificates since launching about two years ago. \u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n",
"innerContent": [
"\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-large\">\u003cimg src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260818-FIGHTING-THE-GEARY-ACT-05-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12095850\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">The Geary Act Project, launched by Connie Young Yu and Barre Fong, has collected about 300 certificates since launching about two years ago. \u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-large\">\u003cimg src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260818-FIGHTING-THE-GEARY-ACT-03-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12095848\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">“This is how they describe somebody born in the United States. They describe him, this 8-year-old boy, ‘persons other than laborer.’ They do not say ‘American,’ they do not say ‘citizen.’ I want people to know this.” — Janice Tong, San Francisco resident.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n",
"innerContent": [
"\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-large\">\u003cimg src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260818-FIGHTING-THE-GEARY-ACT-03-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12095848\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">“This is how they describe somebody born in the United States. They describe him, this 8-year-old boy, ‘persons other than laborer.’ They do not say ‘American,’ they do not say ‘citizen.’ I want people to know this.” — Janice Tong, San Francisco resident.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>In other words, the Geary Act provided the U.S. government a way to deport longtime Chinese residents who had entered the U.S. legally. Historians say the law became the precursor to green cards, visas and other forms of surveillance and identification that the federal government uses today.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>In other words, the Geary Act provided the U.S. government a way to deport longtime Chinese residents who had entered the U.S. legally. Historians say the law became the precursor to green cards, visas and other forms of surveillance and identification that the federal government uses today.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Though the act was signed into law, it garnered strongly worded protests within Congress, including from Robert R. Hitt, a representative from Illinois. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Though the act was signed into law, it garnered strongly worded protests within Congress, including from Robert R. Hitt, a representative from Illinois. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>“Never before in a free country was there such a system of tagging a man like a dog to be caught by the police and examined, and if his tag or collar is not all right, taken to the pound or drowned or shot … Never before was it applied by a free people to a human being with the exception (which we can never refer to with pride) of the sad days of slavery.”\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>“Never before in a free country was there such a system of tagging a man like a dog to be caught by the police and examined, and if his tag or collar is not all right, taken to the pound or drowned or shot … Never before was it applied by a free people to a human being with the exception (which we can never refer to with pride) of the sad days of slavery.”\u003c/p>\n"
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"blockName": "core/heading",
"attrs": {
"text": "‘Un-American, barbarous and inhuman’",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003ch2 class=\"wp-block-heading\">‘Un-American, barbarous and inhuman’\u003c/h2>\n",
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"\n\u003ch2 class=\"wp-block-heading\">‘Un-American, barbarous and inhuman’\u003c/h2>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>For the Chinese immigrant community, the law was unthinkable and unjust, and the response was swift. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>For the Chinese immigrant community, the law was unthinkable and unjust, and the response was swift. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>The San Francisco-based Chinese Consolidated Benevolent Association, or the Chinese Six Companies, a powerful coalition that had financed earlier \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12015449/a-129-year-old-san-francisco-lawsuit-could-stop-trump-from-ending-birthright-citizenship\">legal victories\u003c/a>, asked Chinese residents to each contribute a dollar towards a legal campaign against the law. Meanwhile, in New York, the Chinese Equal Rights League was formed with the sole purpose of overturning the Geary Act.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>The San Francisco-based Chinese Consolidated Benevolent Association, or the Chinese Six Companies, a powerful coalition that had financed earlier \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12015449/a-129-year-old-san-francisco-lawsuit-could-stop-trump-from-ending-birthright-citizenship\">legal victories\u003c/a>, asked Chinese residents to each contribute a dollar towards a legal campaign against the law. Meanwhile, in New York, the Chinese Equal Rights League was formed with the sole purpose of overturning the Geary Act.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>In addition to applying political pressure and organizing petition drives, the groups organized Chinese residents to challenge the Geary Act through mass noncompliance. The Six Companies distributed leaflets in Chinese communities throughout the country, declaring that “The Geary Act is an unjust law and no Chinese should obey it … They have disregarded our rights and paid no attention to their promise, and made a law to suit themselves, no matter how unjust to us … Let us stand together.”\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>In addition to applying political pressure and organizing petition drives, the groups organized Chinese residents to challenge the Geary Act through mass noncompliance. The Six Companies distributed leaflets in Chinese communities throughout the country, declaring that “The Geary Act is an unjust law and no Chinese should obey it … They have disregarded our rights and paid no attention to their promise, and made a law to suit themselves, no matter how unjust to us … Let us stand together.”\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image aligncenter size-full\">\u003cimg src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/250731-YICKWOCIVILRIGHTS-05-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12096098\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/250731-YICKWOCIVILRIGHTS-05-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/250731-YICKWOCIVILRIGHTS-05-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/250731-YICKWOCIVILRIGHTS-05-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(min-width: 992px) min(100vw, 1536px), (min-width: 768px) min(100vw, 1280px), min(100vw, 1020px)\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">The Chinese Consolidated Benevolent Association in San Francisco’s Chinatown neighborhood on July 31, 2025.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n",
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"\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image aligncenter size-full\">\u003cimg src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/250731-YICKWOCIVILRIGHTS-05-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12096098\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">The Chinese Consolidated Benevolent Association in San Francisco’s Chinatown neighborhood on July 31, 2025.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Russell Jeung, a professor of Asian American studies at San Francisco State University, remarked that spreading these messages across the country was an amazing feat, and demonstrated just how tight-knit and organized the Chinese immigrant population was: “The Chinese networks are in a better position to [raise awareness to] the Chinese community than the American government was … clearly there were networks and newspapers and communication among the community.”\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Russell Jeung, a professor of Asian American studies at San Francisco State University, remarked that spreading these messages across the country was an amazing feat, and demonstrated just how tight-knit and organized the Chinese immigrant population was: “The Chinese networks are in a better position to [raise awareness to] the Chinese community than the American government was … clearly there were networks and newspapers and communication among the community.”\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Chinese residents found allyship with different faith communities, particularly Christians. Some white Americans were compelled, in part, by the efforts of people like Jee Gam, a community leader and the first Chinese congregational pastor in America. Gam wrote essays in English for publications, most notably one titled \u003ca href=\"https://www.whobuiltamerica.org/item/the-geary-act-from-the-standpoint-of-a-christian-chinese\">“The Geary Act: From the Standpoint of a Christian Chinese\u003c/a>.”\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Chinese residents found allyship with different faith communities, particularly Christians. Some white Americans were compelled, in part, by the efforts of people like Jee Gam, a community leader and the first Chinese congregational pastor in America. Gam wrote essays in English for publications, most notably one titled \u003ca href=\"https://www.whobuiltamerica.org/item/the-geary-act-from-the-standpoint-of-a-christian-chinese\">“The Geary Act: From the Standpoint of a Christian Chinese\u003c/a>.”\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp> “This Act withdraws some sacred rights such as in the Declaration of Independence are declared to be inalienable,” he wrote. “The right to a free, untrammelled pursuit of happiness, the right of habeas corpus, the right to be adjudged innocent until proven guilty … it is un-American, barbarous and inhuman.” \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp> “This Act withdraws some sacred rights such as in the Declaration of Independence are declared to be inalienable,” he wrote. “The right to a free, untrammelled pursuit of happiness, the right of habeas corpus, the right to be adjudged innocent until proven guilty … it is un-American, barbarous and inhuman.” \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>The call to participate in the civil disobedience campaign was an extraordinary success. Only about 13,000 of the approximately 100,000 Chinese residents in the country registered during the initial registration period. That left the federal government with the challenge of arresting and deporting over 85% of the nation’s Chinese population — something they weren’t prepared or resourced to do. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>The call to participate in the civil disobedience campaign was an extraordinary success. Only about 13,000 of the approximately 100,000 Chinese residents in the country registered during the initial registration period. That left the federal government with the challenge of arresting and deporting over 85% of the nation’s Chinese population — something they weren’t prepared or resourced to do. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>“Getting 100,000 people to do a thing is hard in itself, but I think the biggest success is making plain the weakness of the federal government,” Jin said. “Through the process of not registering and seeing how much power that had, they were able to find the weaknesses of the system and continue to exploit it throughout the exclusion era.”\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>“Getting 100,000 people to do a thing is hard in itself, but I think the biggest success is making plain the weakness of the federal government,” Jin said. “Through the process of not registering and seeing how much power that had, they were able to find the weaknesses of the system and continue to exploit it throughout the exclusion era.”\u003c/p>\n"
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"text": "The search for the Geary Act’s paper trail",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003ch2 class=\"wp-block-heading\">The search for the Geary Act’s paper trail\u003c/h2>\n",
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"\n\u003ch2 class=\"wp-block-heading\">The search for the Geary Act’s paper trail\u003c/h2>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>On a dining room table in her Los Altos home, Yu fanned out the \u003cem>chak chee’s\u003c/em> that she’s been collecting, along with her grandfather’s. Since launching The Geary Act Project, Yu and documentary filmmaker Barre Fong have received and digitized \u003ca href=\"https://www.thegearyactproject.com/thecollection\">almost 300 certificates\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>On a dining room table in her Los Altos home, Yu fanned out the \u003cem>chak chee’s\u003c/em> that she’s been collecting, along with her grandfather’s. Since launching The Geary Act Project, Yu and documentary filmmaker Barre Fong have received and digitized \u003ca href=\"https://www.thegearyactproject.com/thecollection\">almost 300 certificates\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>“Tens of thousands of people were part of the civil disobedience, including my grandfather. They complied, and they felt unity; there was a community because everybody’s behind it,” Yu said, as she carefully picked up the documents. Most of them are men, marked as “laborers,” but there are also ones for women and children.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>“Tens of thousands of people were part of the civil disobedience, including my grandfather. They complied, and they felt unity; there was a community because everybody’s behind it,” Yu said, as she carefully picked up the documents. Most of them are men, marked as “laborers,” but there are also ones for women and children.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Almost all of the certificates collected by the project were issued a couple of years after the Geary Act became law. Chinese immigrants only registered after the Supreme Court upheld the law in its ruling on \u003ca href=\"https://tile.loc.gov/storage-services/service/ll/usrep/usrep149/usrep149698/usrep149698.pdf\">\u003cem>Fong Yue Ting v. United States\u003c/em>\u003c/a>, a case carefully orchestrated by the Six Companies. They had raised enough money to hire prominent attorneys and chose three unregistered laundrymen in New York to surrender themselves for arrest. The men were ordered to be deported in accordance with the Geary Act, and a lawsuit was initiated claiming the legislation was discriminatory and violated constitutional protections, including the 14th Amendment. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Almost all of the certificates collected by the project were issued a couple of years after the Geary Act became law. Chinese immigrants only registered after the Supreme Court upheld the law in its ruling on \u003ca href=\"https://tile.loc.gov/storage-services/service/ll/usrep/usrep149/usrep149698/usrep149698.pdf\">\u003cem>Fong Yue Ting v. United States\u003c/em>\u003c/a>, a case carefully orchestrated by the Six Companies. They had raised enough money to hire prominent attorneys and chose three unregistered laundrymen in New York to surrender themselves for arrest. The men were ordered to be deported in accordance with the Geary Act, and a lawsuit was initiated claiming the legislation was discriminatory and violated constitutional protections, including the 14th Amendment. \u003c/p>\n"
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"srcset": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260730-CONNIEYU-JY-09-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260730-CONNIEYU-JY-09-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260730-CONNIEYU-JY-09-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w",
"sizes": "(min-width: 992px) min(100vw, 1536px), (min-width: 768px) min(100vw, 1280px), min(100vw, 1020px)",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image aligncenter size-full\">\u003cimg src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260730-CONNIEYU-JY-09-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12095826\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260730-CONNIEYU-JY-09-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260730-CONNIEYU-JY-09-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260730-CONNIEYU-JY-09-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(min-width: 992px) min(100vw, 1536px), (min-width: 768px) min(100vw, 1280px), min(100vw, 1020px)\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Historian Connie Young Yu speaks to KQED in her home in Los Altos, California, on Thursday, July 30, 2026. A longtime historian, Yu is the co-founder of the Geary Act Project, which is collecting and digitizing certificates of residence that may still be in the possession of Chinese American families. \u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n",
"innerContent": [
"\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image aligncenter size-full\">\u003cimg src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260730-CONNIEYU-JY-09-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12095826\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Historian Connie Young Yu speaks to KQED in her home in Los Altos, California, on Thursday, July 30, 2026. A longtime historian, Yu is the co-founder of the Geary Act Project, which is collecting and digitizing certificates of residence that may still be in the possession of Chinese American families. \u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>In May 1893, the court announced a 5-3 decision: the Geary Act was constitutional. The ruling extended the federal government’s power to exclude Chinese immigrants and gave it the ability to deport those already living in the U.S. The decision helped cement \u003ca href=\"https://constitution.congress.gov/browse/essay/artI-S8-C18-8-7-1/ALDE_00001261/\">the plenary power doctrine\u003c/a>, which gives the federal government almost unlimited discretion on all aspects of immigration policy and remains a key tenet of U.S. immigration law today. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>In May 1893, the court announced a 5-3 decision: the Geary Act was constitutional. The ruling extended the federal government’s power to exclude Chinese immigrants and gave it the ability to deport those already living in the U.S. The decision helped cement \u003ca href=\"https://constitution.congress.gov/browse/essay/artI-S8-C18-8-7-1/ALDE_00001261/\">the plenary power doctrine\u003c/a>, which gives the federal government almost unlimited discretion on all aspects of immigration policy and remains a key tenet of U.S. immigration law today. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>“Things that seem normal today were actually created at a certain moment in time and for a very specific purpose: to keep Chinese immigrants, or as many as possible, out of the country,” Lytle Hernández said. “ What does it mean that the logic and the language and the rhetoric and the spirit of Chinese exclusion remains written into our precedent and our legal landscape of the immigration regime?”\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>“Things that seem normal today were actually created at a certain moment in time and for a very specific purpose: to keep Chinese immigrants, or as many as possible, out of the country,” Lytle Hernández said. “ What does it mean that the logic and the language and the rhetoric and the spirit of Chinese exclusion remains written into our precedent and our legal landscape of the immigration regime?”\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>In \u003cem>Strangers in the Land\u003c/em>, author Michael Luo wrote about the news of the Geary Act ruling reaching the San Francisco headquarters of the Six Companies: “In the afternoon, a reporter from the \u003cem>Call\u003c/em> found Gee Chong Tone, the secretary of the Six Companies, inside his office surrounded by stacks of telegrams from concerned immigrants across the state and country … he was shocked by the decision. ‘It’s like a man feeling safe being hit between the eyes in the dark,’ he said.”\u003c/p>\n",
"innerContent": [
"\n\u003cp>In \u003cem>Strangers in the Land\u003c/em>, author Michael Luo wrote about the news of the Geary Act ruling reaching the San Francisco headquarters of the Six Companies: “In the afternoon, a reporter from the \u003cem>Call\u003c/em> found Gee Chong Tone, the secretary of the Six Companies, inside his office surrounded by stacks of telegrams from concerned immigrants across the state and country … he was shocked by the decision. ‘It’s like a man feeling safe being hit between the eyes in the dark,’ he said.”\u003c/p>\n"
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null,
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260818-FIGHTING-THE-GEARY-ACT-06-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12095851\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">When faced with the prospect of deportation, early Chinese immigrants organized across the country to resist the 1892 Geary Act, forming one of the largest civil disobedience campaigns in U.S. history.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n",
"innerContent": [
"\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260818-FIGHTING-THE-GEARY-ACT-06-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12095851\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">When faced with the prospect of deportation, early Chinese immigrants organized across the country to resist the 1892 Geary Act, forming one of the largest civil disobedience campaigns in U.S. history.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n"
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{
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260818-FIGHTING-THE-GEARY-ACT-07-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12095852\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Chinese immigrants are remembered for constitutional victories, including rulings that established birthright citizenship and strengthened equal protection. But they have another legacy: they led a nationwide campaign against the federal government’s expansion of immigration powers.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n",
"innerContent": [
"\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260818-FIGHTING-THE-GEARY-ACT-07-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12095852\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Chinese immigrants are remembered for constitutional victories, including rulings that established birthright citizenship and strengthened equal protection. But they have another legacy: they led a nationwide campaign against the federal government’s expansion of immigration powers.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-large\">\u003cimg src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260818-FIGHTING-THE-GEARY-ACT-08-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12095853\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Most of the certificates collected by the Geary Act Project were issued in 1894, two years after the passage of the Geary Act, because Chinese residents refused to comply with the requirements of the law. \u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n",
"innerContent": [
"\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-large\">\u003cimg src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260818-FIGHTING-THE-GEARY-ACT-08-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12095853\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Most of the certificates collected by the Geary Act Project were issued in 1894, two years after the passage of the Geary Act, because Chinese residents refused to comply with the requirements of the law. \u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-large\">\u003cimg src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260818-FIGHTING-THE-GEARY-ACT-10-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12095854\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\"> “Exclusion is kind of a nebulous idea, but then you look at the faces [on the certificates], and you’re like, ‘Oh, those are real people’ … and they were trying to have a dream of what they wanted to do, and they’re trying to survive.” — Barre Fong, documentary filmmaker.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n",
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"\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-large\">\u003cimg src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260818-FIGHTING-THE-GEARY-ACT-10-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12095854\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\"> “Exclusion is kind of a nebulous idea, but then you look at the faces [on the certificates], and you’re like, ‘Oh, those are real people’ … and they were trying to have a dream of what they wanted to do, and they’re trying to survive.” — Barre Fong, documentary filmmaker.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>After the ruling, Geary added more teeth to the law, notably requiring the certificates of residence to include photographs.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>“You can not make a verbal description of a Chinaman such as you can make of a white man … All Chinamen look alike, all dress alike, all have the same kind of eyes …” Geary said. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>“You can not make a verbal description of a Chinaman such as you can make of a white man … All Chinamen look alike, all dress alike, all have the same kind of eyes …” Geary said. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Yu acknowledges the cruelty of the requirement, but as a historian, she also understands the value of having such detailed documentation of the country’s earliest Chinese residents. You know where each person lived and their physical traits, as detailed as “gold filling in upper teeth” or “large wart on nose right side.” There were also portraits of their faces, some of which show indisputable evidence of their hard labor and the stresses of surviving exclusion: the tanned skin from working outside, the wrinkles on their foreheads, the bags under their eyes. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Yu acknowledges the cruelty of the requirement, but as a historian, she also understands the value of having such detailed documentation of the country’s earliest Chinese residents. You know where each person lived and their physical traits, as detailed as “gold filling in upper teeth” or “large wart on nose right side.” There were also portraits of their faces, some of which show indisputable evidence of their hard labor and the stresses of surviving exclusion: the tanned skin from working outside, the wrinkles on their foreheads, the bags under their eyes. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>“Exclusion is kind of a nebulous idea, but then you look at the faces [on the certificates], and you’re like ‘oh those are real people’ … and they were trying to have a dream of what they wanted to do, and they’re trying to survive,” he said.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>The preservation of the Geary Act certificates offers a tangible record of the government’s efforts to define and categorize Chinese immigrants. Yu and Fong say it’s a slow, manual, volunteer-run effort. \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>In addition to tapping into collections from different historical organizations, they’re depending on submissions from families that have held onto the documents as keepsakes for generations. \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Some are stored at the National Archives in San Bruno, which announced \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12088904/exclusive-the-bay-areas-national-archives-office-is-closing-researchers-are-worried\">its impending closure\u003c/a> earlier this year. Documents could be dispersed across the country, Fong said, which would make the search far more difficult.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Among the most striking certificates collected by the Geary Act Project came from San Francisco resident Janice Tong, including those belonging to her great-grandfather, great-grandmother and her grandfather when he was just a young boy. It was the child’s certificate that struck Yu as particularly “cold-blooded.” \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Among the most striking certificates collected by the Geary Act Project came from San Francisco resident Janice Tong, including those belonging to her great-grandfather, great-grandmother and her grandfather when he was just a young boy. It was the child’s certificate that struck Yu as particularly “cold-blooded.” \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>“This is how they describe somebody born in the United States. They describe him, this 8-year-old boy, ‘persons other than laborer.’ They do not say ‘American,’ they do not say ‘citizen.’ I want people to know this.”\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Among the most prized certificates they have uncovered was one belonging to Jow Kee, a transcontinental railroad worker. It is the only portrait that has been found of one of the roughly 12,000 Chinese men who helped build the railroad. It had been sitting in a box under a bed in a descendant’s home for years. \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Fong said the collection of certificates could open up some critical conversations in the Chinese American community: “The \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12021919/bay-area-japanese-americans-draw-on-wwii-trauma-resist-deportation-threats\">Japanese American community’s incarcerated survivors\u003c/a> [from World War II] are really great at talking about intergenerational trauma. The Chinese American community is not great at that … I think we should be better at talking about it.”\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, the work of the Geary Act Project is not just a labor of love, Yu said. She believes it’s her “destiny” and that the current moment demands it. \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>As she carefully slipped the certificates back into their protective plastic sleeves, Yu shared a message to her community.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>“The call to action is ‘stand up, Chinese Americans.’ Stand up for your people and the people in your community … because your ancestors have gone through this turmoil and struggle that so many immigrants are going through … show solidarity. Show empathy.” \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>She also hopes more Chinese American families will search their closets, attics and archives for more certificates — \u003ca href=\"https://www.thegearyactproject.com/upload-a-certificate\">and share them\u003c/a>. \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>“And bring proof of your ancestors’ lives,” she said, with a small smile. “They struggled to be here.”\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Long before immigration raids and deportations became political flashpoints, Chinese immigrants defied the federal government’s expansion of immigration powers in the late 19th century.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Connie Young Yu thought she knew a lot about her beloved \u003cem>gung gung\u003c/em>. As a young girl, she would listen as her grandfather, Yung Wah Gok, recounted what it was like living through America’s Chinese Exclusion era of the late 19th century. She had heard many stories, like how, as a young boy in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-jose\">San José\u003c/a> Chinatown, he’d have to sprint home while white residents hurled rocks at him.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>It wasn’t until 1972, when Yu was an adult active in Asian American organizing and scholarship, that her mother shared a surprising piece of his history with her. From the family’s large carved camphor chest in her bedroom, her mother pulled out a neatly folded parchment: It was \u003ca href=\"https://www.thegearyactproject.com/copy-of-upload-a-certificate?pgid=m68xajc7-a512c26d-b87a-443c-883e-98cc622e3d31\">her grandfather’s \u003cem>chak chee\u003c/em>\u003c/a>, a certificate of residence that all Chinese people in the U.S. were required to carry, as mandated by the 1892 Geary Act, the successor to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.archives.gov/milestone-documents/chinese-exclusion-act\">1882 Chinese Exclusion Act\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Stamped across the top of the document was the word “LABORER.” Below it were his occupation — “cook,” his height — just over 5 feet, 3 inches and identifying marks — “scar on left forearm.” And in the lower left corner was a striking portrait photo of her grandfather at the age of 25.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\u003cdiv class=\"wp-block-image\">\n\u003cfigure class=\"aligncenter size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260730-ConnieYu-JY-11_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12096096\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260730-ConnieYu-JY-11_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260730-ConnieYu-JY-11_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260730-ConnieYu-JY-11_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Historian Connie Young Yu’s collection of certificates of residence includes her own grandfather’s document. Yung Wah Gok and other Chinese residents initially resisted the Geary Act requirement to carry the certificates with them at all times under the threat of deportation. (Juliana Yamada/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/div>\n\n\n\u003cp>“I just thought, ‘Gee … that doesn’t look like my \u003cem>gung gung\u003c/em>,’” said Yu, now 85, who had known her grandfather as a dignified man who wore suits. “But actually, I really liked that picture in many ways because he looks very determined. Like a young rebel.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The certificate was issued in May 1894, two years after the passage of the Geary Act, revealing that her grandfather had been one of the tens of thousands of Chinese residents across the country who had resisted the federal government’s demands to register — forming one of the largest campaigns of civil disobedience in U.S. history.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>From 1892-93, Chinese immigrants refused to comply with the requirement to register with their local internal revenue offices. If they were caught without a certificate, they faced arrest, detention and deportation as stipulated by the Geary Act, which historians and legal theorists say helped shape today’s U.S. immigration system. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>While Chinese immigrants are remembered for constitutional victories, including rulings that established \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12088125/as-america-turns-250-san-franciscos-role-in-defining-citizenship-endures\">birthright citizenship\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12050233/how-a-chinese-laundryman-shaped-us-civil-rights-from-san-francisco\">strengthened equal protection\u003c/a>, they have another legacy: they led a nationwide campaign against the federal government’s expansion of immigration powers. And though they ultimately failed to overturn the Geary Act in court, their resistance challenged the adoption of now-routine practices — calling them “cruel and unjust,” and incompatible with the nation’s constitutional ideals. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\u003cdiv class=\"wp-block-image\">\n\u003cfigure class=\"aligncenter size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260730-CONNIEYU-JY-13-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12095828\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260730-CONNIEYU-JY-13-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260730-CONNIEYU-JY-13-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260730-CONNIEYU-JY-13-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Historian Connie Young Yu stands for a portrait in her home in Los Altos, California, on Thursday, July 30, 2026. Yu’s paternal grandfather, Yung Wah Gok, arrived in the U.S.as an 11-year-old laborer in 1881, a year before the Chinese Exclusion Act. (Juliana Yamada/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/div>\n\n\n\u003cp>Those sentiments are echoed today by immigrant communities across the country, as the Trump administration \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12078084/agents-of-chaos-border-patrols-year-of-unchecked-force\">continues\u003c/a> to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12092697/bay-area-immigrant-advocates-warn-noncitizens-to-avoid-air-travel-after-ice-arrests\">double down\u003c/a> on its \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12085159/immigration-courts-are-using-a-new-tactic-to-speed-up-deportations\">deportation efforts\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Yu, a longtime local historian and author, argues the resistance of early Chinese immigrants like her grandfather should be more well known. She co-founded \u003ca href=\"https://www.thegearyactproject.com/\">The Geary Act Project\u003c/a> two years ago and is now on a mission to collect more certificates — to lay a paper trail of evidence linking the racism experienced by her ancestors to the current administration’s immigration crackdown.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“Our society is under threat, we’re under attack,” she said. “We’re trying to show that the Chinese Exclusion Act was actually a foundation for ICE and the harassment of people of color and immigration detention and deportation.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003ch2 class=\"wp-block-heading\">When Chinese exclusion wasn’t enough\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Yu said it’s by luck that she was born in the United States. Her grandfather arrived in 1881, at age 11 — just one year before the Chinese Exclusion Act banned Chinese laborers from entering the U.S. for a decade.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“My parents always said, ‘If he had waited until he was 12, you wouldn’t be here,’” Yu said. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>When Chinese people began arriving in the U.S. in the late 1840s, there was no federal immigration system. States, including \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/10429550/boomtown-history-2b\">California\u003c/a>, passed laws targeting Chinese immigrants as anti-Chinese sentiment grew, fueled by the narrative that they threatened the nation’s economic well-being.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\u003cdiv class=\"wp-block-image\">\n\u003cfigure class=\"aligncenter size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1459\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/GETTYIMAGES-1311093098-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12095866\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/GETTYIMAGES-1311093098-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/GETTYIMAGES-1311093098-KQED-160x117.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/GETTYIMAGES-1311093098-KQED-1536x1121.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">A Chinese butcher and grocery store, with meat hanging from hooks with vegetables and other fresh produce displayed in crates at the front of the store in the Chinatown neighborhood of San Francisco, California, circa 1885. (Bettmann Archive/Getty Images)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/div>\n\n\n\u003cp>But Reconstruction — the post-Civil War era when constitutional protections were expanded for newly freed Black Americans — changed the landscape. The 14th Amendment ensured due process and equal protection to everyone, giving Chinese immigrants new grounds to challenge discriminatory state laws.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Several Supreme Court justices, along with others who wished to continue excluding Chinese immigrants, pushed for the federal government to take up immigration control, according to Kelly Lytle Hernández, an author and professor of history at UCLA.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“I understand our federal immigration system as being the creation of an effort to skirt the 14th Amendment, to skirt the growth of a multiracial democracy,” she said. ”Reconstruction and Chinese Exclusion are all part of the same story.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>In 1875, the Supreme Court ruled in \u003ca href=\"https://supreme.justia.com/cases/federal/us/92/275/\">\u003cem>Chy Lung v. Freeman\u003c/em>\u003c/a> that immigration was a federal responsibility, while \u003ca href=\"https://www.nps.gov/safr/blogs/chinese-women-immigration-and-the-first-u-s-exclusion-law-the-page-act-of-1875.htm\">the Page Act\u003c/a> established one of the first major federal restrictions on immigration, targeting Chinese and other Asian women. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\u003cdiv class=\"wp-block-image\">\n\u003cfigure class=\"aligncenter size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"1020\" height=\"754\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260820-ChinatownActivism-01.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12096097\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260820-ChinatownActivism-01.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260820-ChinatownActivism-01-160x118.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1020px) 100vw, 1020px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">The Second Market Street Chinatown burned down in an arson fire in 1887. There were no recorded casualties, but the entire Chinese community in San José was displaced. (Courtesy of History San José)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/div>\n\n\n\u003cp>Seven years later came the Chinese Exclusion Act. Despite the passage of the landmark law, thousands of Chinese laborers and immigrants still arrived. They filed legal challenges to their exclusion, inundating federal courts in San Francisco and frustrating white politicians and residents who wanted to see Chinese immigration come to an end.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>As the Chinese Exclusion Act was set to expire in 1892, the federal government realized it needed a way to plug the loopholes of the act, especially as anti-Chinese violence intensified.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp> “As soon as [white residents] saw that their goals weren’t being met by this experiment in diplomatic control, this is why we see the most violent anti-Chinese incidents happening between ’85 and ’88, not before 1882,” said Alexander Jin, a historian at Dartmouth University.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Vigilante mobs seized Chinese businesses and homes, and rural Chinatowns along the West Coast were set on fire, including \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11891987/chinese-immigrants-were-forced-out-of-eureka-in-1885-heres-how-locals-are-making-that-history-known\">Eureka\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101886267/california-cities-apologize-for-historical-wrongs-against-chinese-community\">Antioch\u003c/a>, Napa and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11877801/san-jose-had-5-chinatowns-why-did-they-vanish\">San José\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Yu’s grandfather was a pioneer of San José’s Chinatown, and she said he shared details of how his community was destroyed in 1887: “The newspaper always said ‘mysterious fire’ … but my grandfather always said the fire was set to drive us out … [they should’ve] asked the Chinese themselves how they felt,” Yu said. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003ch2 class=\"wp-block-heading\">‘The Dog Tag Law’\u003c/h2>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Months before the Chinese Exclusion Act was set to lapse, Santa Rosa lawyer and U.S. House Representative \u003ca href=\"https://history.house.gov/People/Detail/13702\">Thomas J. Geary\u003c/a> introduced legislation that addressed a question the original act had a hard time answering: how could the government not only restrict newcomers but remove Chinese people who were already living in the country?\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The Geary Act became law, extending the Chinese Exclusion Act by a decade and imposing remarkable provisions on Chinese laborers living in the U.S. They had to register with the federal government and obtain a certificate of residence that they had to carry with them at all times or risk up to one year of hard labor in prison and deportation unless they could prove their immigration status with the testimony of two white witnesses. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-gallery has-nested-images columns-default is-cropped wp-block-gallery-9 is-layout-flex wp-block-gallery-is-layout-flex\">\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-large\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"803\" height=\"772\" data-id=\"12095847\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260818-FIGHTING-THE-GEARY-ACT-02-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12095847\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260818-FIGHTING-THE-GEARY-ACT-02-KQED.jpg 803w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260818-FIGHTING-THE-GEARY-ACT-02-KQED-160x154.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 803px) 100vw, 803px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">When faced with the prospect of deportation, early Chinese immigrants organized across the country to resist the 1892 Geary Act, forming one of the largest civil disobedience campaigns in U.S. history. (Courtesy of the Geary Act Project)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\n\n\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-large\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"859\" height=\"797\" data-id=\"12095849\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260818-FIGHTING-THE-GEARY-ACT-04-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12095849\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260818-FIGHTING-THE-GEARY-ACT-04-KQED.jpg 859w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260818-FIGHTING-THE-GEARY-ACT-04-KQED-160x148.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 859px) 100vw, 859px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Most of the certificates are marked as “laborer” while others, notably children, were categorized as “persons other than laborer.” (Courtesy of the Geary Act Project)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/figure>\n\n\n\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-gallery has-nested-images columns-default is-cropped wp-block-gallery-10 is-layout-flex wp-block-gallery-is-layout-flex\">\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-large\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"853\" height=\"797\" data-id=\"12095850\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260818-FIGHTING-THE-GEARY-ACT-05-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12095850\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260818-FIGHTING-THE-GEARY-ACT-05-KQED.jpg 853w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260818-FIGHTING-THE-GEARY-ACT-05-KQED-160x149.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 853px) 100vw, 853px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">The Geary Act Project, launched by Connie Young Yu and Barre Fong, has collected about 300 certificates since launching about two years ago. (Courtesy of the Geary Act Project)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\n\n\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-large\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"803\" height=\"772\" data-id=\"12095848\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260818-FIGHTING-THE-GEARY-ACT-03-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12095848\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260818-FIGHTING-THE-GEARY-ACT-03-KQED.jpg 803w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260818-FIGHTING-THE-GEARY-ACT-03-KQED-160x154.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 803px) 100vw, 803px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">“This is how they describe somebody born in the United States. They describe him, this 8-year-old boy, ‘persons other than laborer.’ They do not say ‘American,’ they do not say ‘citizen.’ I want people to know this.” — Janice Tong, San Francisco resident. (Courtesy of the Geary Act Project)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/figure>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>In other words, the Geary Act provided the U.S. government a way to deport longtime Chinese residents who had entered the U.S. legally. Historians say the law became the precursor to green cards, visas and other forms of surveillance and identification that the federal government uses today.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Though the act was signed into law, it garnered strongly worded protests within Congress, including from Robert R. Hitt, a representative from Illinois. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“Never before in a free country was there such a system of tagging a man like a dog to be caught by the police and examined, and if his tag or collar is not all right, taken to the pound or drowned or shot … Never before was it applied by a free people to a human being with the exception (which we can never refer to with pride) of the sad days of slavery.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003ch2 class=\"wp-block-heading\">‘Un-American, barbarous and inhuman’\u003c/h2>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>For the Chinese immigrant community, the law was unthinkable and unjust, and the response was swift. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The San Francisco-based Chinese Consolidated Benevolent Association, or the Chinese Six Companies, a powerful coalition that had financed earlier \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12015449/a-129-year-old-san-francisco-lawsuit-could-stop-trump-from-ending-birthright-citizenship\">legal victories\u003c/a>, asked Chinese residents to each contribute a dollar towards a legal campaign against the law. Meanwhile, in New York, the Chinese Equal Rights League was formed with the sole purpose of overturning the Geary Act.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>In addition to applying political pressure and organizing petition drives, the groups organized Chinese residents to challenge the Geary Act through mass noncompliance. The Six Companies distributed leaflets in Chinese communities throughout the country, declaring that “The Geary Act is an unjust law and no Chinese should obey it … They have disregarded our rights and paid no attention to their promise, and made a law to suit themselves, no matter how unjust to us … Let us stand together.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\u003cdiv class=\"wp-block-image\">\n\u003cfigure class=\"aligncenter size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/250731-YICKWOCIVILRIGHTS-05-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12096098\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/250731-YICKWOCIVILRIGHTS-05-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/250731-YICKWOCIVILRIGHTS-05-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/250731-YICKWOCIVILRIGHTS-05-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">The Chinese Consolidated Benevolent Association in San Francisco’s Chinatown neighborhood on July 31, 2025. (Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/div>\n\n\n\u003cp>Russell Jeung, a professor of Asian American studies at San Francisco State University, remarked that spreading these messages across the country was an amazing feat, and demonstrated just how tight-knit and organized the Chinese immigrant population was: “The Chinese networks are in a better position to [raise awareness to] the Chinese community than the American government was … clearly there were networks and newspapers and communication among the community.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Chinese residents found allyship with different faith communities, particularly Christians. Some white Americans were compelled, in part, by the efforts of people like Jee Gam, a community leader and the first Chinese congregational pastor in America. Gam wrote essays in English for publications, most notably one titled \u003ca href=\"https://www.whobuiltamerica.org/item/the-geary-act-from-the-standpoint-of-a-christian-chinese\">“The Geary Act: From the Standpoint of a Christian Chinese\u003c/a>.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp> “This Act withdraws some sacred rights such as in the Declaration of Independence are declared to be inalienable,” he wrote. “The right to a free, untrammelled pursuit of happiness, the right of habeas corpus, the right to be adjudged innocent until proven guilty … it is un-American, barbarous and inhuman.” \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The call to participate in the civil disobedience campaign was an extraordinary success. Only about 13,000 of the approximately 100,000 Chinese residents in the country registered during the initial registration period. That left the federal government with the challenge of arresting and deporting over 85% of the nation’s Chinese population — something they weren’t prepared or resourced to do. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“Getting 100,000 people to do a thing is hard in itself, but I think the biggest success is making plain the weakness of the federal government,” Jin said. “Through the process of not registering and seeing how much power that had, they were able to find the weaknesses of the system and continue to exploit it throughout the exclusion era.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003ch2 class=\"wp-block-heading\">The search for the Geary Act’s paper trail\u003c/h2>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>On a dining room table in her Los Altos home, Yu fanned out the \u003cem>chak chee’s\u003c/em> that she’s been collecting, along with her grandfather’s. Since launching The Geary Act Project, Yu and documentary filmmaker Barre Fong have received and digitized \u003ca href=\"https://www.thegearyactproject.com/thecollection\">almost 300 certificates\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“Tens of thousands of people were part of the civil disobedience, including my grandfather. They complied, and they felt unity; there was a community because everybody’s behind it,” Yu said, as she carefully picked up the documents. Most of them are men, marked as “laborers,” but there are also ones for women and children.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Almost all of the certificates collected by the project were issued a couple of years after the Geary Act became law. Chinese immigrants only registered after the Supreme Court upheld the law in its ruling on \u003ca href=\"https://tile.loc.gov/storage-services/service/ll/usrep/usrep149/usrep149698/usrep149698.pdf\">\u003cem>Fong Yue Ting v. United States\u003c/em>\u003c/a>, a case carefully orchestrated by the Six Companies. They had raised enough money to hire prominent attorneys and chose three unregistered laundrymen in New York to surrender themselves for arrest. The men were ordered to be deported in accordance with the Geary Act, and a lawsuit was initiated claiming the legislation was discriminatory and violated constitutional protections, including the 14th Amendment. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\u003cdiv class=\"wp-block-image\">\n\u003cfigure class=\"aligncenter size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260730-CONNIEYU-JY-09-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12095826\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260730-CONNIEYU-JY-09-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260730-CONNIEYU-JY-09-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260730-CONNIEYU-JY-09-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Historian Connie Young Yu speaks to KQED in her home in Los Altos, California, on Thursday, July 30, 2026. A longtime historian, Yu is the co-founder of the Geary Act Project, which is collecting and digitizing certificates of residence that may still be in the possession of Chinese American families. (Juliana Yamada/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/div>\n\n\n\u003cp>In May 1893, the court announced a 5-3 decision: the Geary Act was constitutional. The ruling extended the federal government’s power to exclude Chinese immigrants and gave it the ability to deport those already living in the U.S. The decision helped cement \u003ca href=\"https://constitution.congress.gov/browse/essay/artI-S8-C18-8-7-1/ALDE_00001261/\">the plenary power doctrine\u003c/a>, which gives the federal government almost unlimited discretion on all aspects of immigration policy and remains a key tenet of U.S. immigration law today. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“Things that seem normal today were actually created at a certain moment in time and for a very specific purpose: to keep Chinese immigrants, or as many as possible, out of the country,” Lytle Hernández said. “ What does it mean that the logic and the language and the rhetoric and the spirit of Chinese exclusion remains written into our precedent and our legal landscape of the immigration regime?”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>In \u003cem>Strangers in the Land\u003c/em>, author Michael Luo wrote about the news of the Geary Act ruling reaching the San Francisco headquarters of the Six Companies: “In the afternoon, a reporter from the \u003cem>Call\u003c/em> found Gee Chong Tone, the secretary of the Six Companies, inside his office surrounded by stacks of telegrams from concerned immigrants across the state and country … he was shocked by the decision. ‘It’s like a man feeling safe being hit between the eyes in the dark,’ he said.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-gallery has-nested-images columns-default is-cropped wp-block-gallery-11 is-layout-flex wp-block-gallery-is-layout-flex\">\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"800\" height=\"738\" data-id=\"12095851\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260818-FIGHTING-THE-GEARY-ACT-06-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12095851\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260818-FIGHTING-THE-GEARY-ACT-06-KQED.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260818-FIGHTING-THE-GEARY-ACT-06-KQED-160x148.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">When faced with the prospect of deportation, early Chinese immigrants organized across the country to resist the 1892 Geary Act, forming one of the largest civil disobedience campaigns in U.S. history. (Courtesy of the Geary Act Project)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\n\n\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"871\" height=\"797\" data-id=\"12095852\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260818-FIGHTING-THE-GEARY-ACT-07-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12095852\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260818-FIGHTING-THE-GEARY-ACT-07-KQED.jpg 871w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260818-FIGHTING-THE-GEARY-ACT-07-KQED-160x146.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 871px) 100vw, 871px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Chinese immigrants are remembered for constitutional victories, including rulings that established birthright citizenship and strengthened equal protection. But they have another legacy: they led a nationwide campaign against the federal government’s expansion of immigration powers. (Courtesy of the Geary Act Project)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/figure>\n\n\n\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-gallery has-nested-images columns-default is-cropped wp-block-gallery-12 is-layout-flex wp-block-gallery-is-layout-flex\">\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-large\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"869\" height=\"797\" data-id=\"12095853\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260818-FIGHTING-THE-GEARY-ACT-08-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12095853\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260818-FIGHTING-THE-GEARY-ACT-08-KQED.jpg 869w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260818-FIGHTING-THE-GEARY-ACT-08-KQED-160x147.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 869px) 100vw, 869px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Most of the certificates collected by the Geary Act Project were issued in 1894, two years after the passage of the Geary Act, because Chinese residents refused to comply with the requirements of the law. (Courtesy of the Geary Act Project)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\n\n\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-large\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"874\" height=\"797\" data-id=\"12095854\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260818-FIGHTING-THE-GEARY-ACT-10-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12095854\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260818-FIGHTING-THE-GEARY-ACT-10-KQED.jpg 874w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260818-FIGHTING-THE-GEARY-ACT-10-KQED-160x146.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 874px) 100vw, 874px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">“Exclusion is kind of a nebulous idea, but then you look at the faces [on the certificates], and you’re like, ‘Oh, those are real people’ … and they were trying to have a dream of what they wanted to do, and they’re trying to survive.” — Barre Fong, documentary filmmaker. (Courtesy of the Geary Act Project)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/figure>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>After the ruling, Geary added more teeth to the law, notably requiring the certificates of residence to include photographs.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“You can not make a verbal description of a Chinaman such as you can make of a white man … All Chinamen look alike, all dress alike, all have the same kind of eyes …” Geary said. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Yu acknowledges the cruelty of the requirement, but as a historian, she also understands the value of having such detailed documentation of the country’s earliest Chinese residents. You know where each person lived and their physical traits, as detailed as “gold filling in upper teeth” or “large wart on nose right side.” There were also portraits of their faces, some of which show indisputable evidence of their hard labor and the stresses of surviving exclusion: the tanned skin from working outside, the wrinkles on their foreheads, the bags under their eyes. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The idea to collect the documents came from a conversation with Yu during a community event, Fong said, shortly after Trump won his second presidential election. There was a “general sense of fear and dread” about the threat facing immigrants, he said, and it felt like the right time to tell a counter-narrative about some of the country’s earliest immigrants. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\u003cdiv class=\"wp-block-image\">\n\u003cfigure class=\"alignleft size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"812\" height=\"797\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260818-FIGHTING-THE-GEARY-ACT-01-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12095845\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260818-FIGHTING-THE-GEARY-ACT-01-KQED.jpg 812w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260818-FIGHTING-THE-GEARY-ACT-01-KQED-160x157.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 812px) 100vw, 812px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Transcontinental railroad worker Jow Kee’s original certificate of residence. (Courtesy of the Geary Act Project)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/div>\n\n\n\u003cp>“Exclusion is kind of a nebulous idea, but then you look at the faces [on the certificates], and you’re like ‘oh those are real people’ … and they were trying to have a dream of what they wanted to do, and they’re trying to survive,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The preservation of the Geary Act certificates offers a tangible record of the government’s efforts to define and categorize Chinese immigrants. Yu and Fong say it’s a slow, manual, volunteer-run effort. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>In addition to tapping into collections from different historical organizations, they’re depending on submissions from families that have held onto the documents as keepsakes for generations. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Some are stored at the National Archives in San Bruno, which announced \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12088904/exclusive-the-bay-areas-national-archives-office-is-closing-researchers-are-worried\">its impending closure\u003c/a> earlier this year. Documents could be dispersed across the country, Fong said, which would make the search far more difficult.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Among the most striking certificates collected by the Geary Act Project came from San Francisco resident Janice Tong, including those belonging to her great-grandfather, great-grandmother and her grandfather when he was just a young boy. It was the child’s certificate that struck Yu as particularly “cold-blooded.” \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“This is how they describe somebody born in the United States. They describe him, this 8-year-old boy, ‘persons other than laborer.’ They do not say ‘American,’ they do not say ‘citizen.’ I want people to know this.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Among the most prized certificates they have uncovered was one belonging to Jow Kee, a transcontinental railroad worker. It is the only portrait that has been found of one of the roughly 12,000 Chinese men who helped build the railroad. It had been sitting in a box under a bed in a descendant’s home for years. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Fong said the collection of certificates could open up some critical conversations in the Chinese American community: “The \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12021919/bay-area-japanese-americans-draw-on-wwii-trauma-resist-deportation-threats\">Japanese American community’s incarcerated survivors\u003c/a> [from World War II] are really great at talking about intergenerational trauma. The Chinese American community is not great at that … I think we should be better at talking about it.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, the work of the Geary Act Project is not just a labor of love, Yu said. She believes it’s her “destiny” and that the current moment demands it. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>As she carefully slipped the certificates back into their protective plastic sleeves, Yu shared a message to her community.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“The call to action is ‘stand up, Chinese Americans.’ Stand up for your people and the people in your community … because your ancestors have gone through this turmoil and struggle that so many immigrants are going through … show solidarity. Show empathy.” \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>She also hopes more Chinese American families will search their closets, attics and archives for more certificates — \u003ca href=\"https://www.thegearyactproject.com/upload-a-certificate\">and share them\u003c/a>. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And bring proof of your ancestors’ lives,” she said, with a small smile. “They struggled to be here.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Several longtime residents of a San Francisco \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/chinatown\">Chinatown\u003c/a> building are facing eviction in what they believe is an effort to turn the units over so the new owner can charge higher rents. Now, they’re working together to fight back.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tenants at 1120 Jackson St. on the border of Nob Hill and Chinatown, including many Chinese immigrants who have lived in the building for decades, announced Monday they are forming a union and urging their new landlord to drop the eviction cases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Their struggle comes as rents in San Francisco are skyrocketing, largely driven by the artificial intelligence industry boom, and as evictions in the city are at the highest levels in nearly a decade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I hope that the landlord of this building will hear our voice and stop this kind of harassment and eviction. Any planned evictions need to be stopped,” said Kin Wong, who has lived in the 16-unit building with his wife for more than 35 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since the building was sold last summer, six residents have received eviction notices following apartment inspections and nuisance complaints about trash and clutter, according to Shelby Nacino, an attorney with the Asian Law Caucus who is representing tenants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In one complaint obtained by KQED, a resident was dinged for having installed a washing machine “without permission,” but also cited for “unsanitary conditions” in the unit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12088402\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12088402\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260622-SF-CHINATOWN-TENANT-RALLY-MD-02-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260622-SF-CHINATOWN-TENANT-RALLY-MD-02-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260622-SF-CHINATOWN-TENANT-RALLY-MD-02-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260622-SF-CHINATOWN-TENANT-RALLY-MD-02-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">King Yan and others rally in front of 1120 Jackson St. in San Francisco to protest evictions and rent hikes proposed by the property’s new owner, on June 22, 2026. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Many of the residents are monolingual Chinese speakers and have struggled to get clear information about what is happening to them or their neighbors, Nacino said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not normal to have six nuisance evictions in one building that are all very similar. The notices have slightly different language, but the gist of all six of them is that these people are so messy and so poor at maintaining their units that they’re causing a health and safety concern,” Nacino said. “What we’re really concerned about is the lack of communication. And so that’s why we’re here today.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kit Ying Mak’s family is among them. She and her mother moved into the building in 2001 from Hong Kong, and she later married and raised her children in a separate unit in the building to remain close to care for her elderly mother.[aside postID=news_12087973 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260127-SUPERBOWLHOMELESSNESS-13-BL-KQED.jpg']“These inspections feel harassing, and all the while, I have not received any communications on what more I can do,” Mak said, adding that the previous owner and building manager never raised similar complaints about how they maintain their homes. “My kids are teens now. They have grown up in this building.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Others, like Wong, have been hit with massive rent hikes that they say they can’t afford. For years under the previous building ownership, Wong’s wife worked as a resident manager at the rent-controlled property.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That allowed them to maintain an exceptionally low rent around $210, Wong said. But after the building recently sold, the new owners began charging them $2,820 for the same one-bedroom where the couple raised their three children, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Emily Wong, Kin Wong’s daughter, called the situation in her parents’ building a “shame.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It speaks to how difficult housing is in San Francisco,” she said. “My parents have said the only reason they have been able to save and put me and my siblings through college is because the building is rent-controlled and not eating up half of their income, especially as people who didn’t work in tech or medicine, but doing blue-collar labor.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12088403\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12088403\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260622-SF-CHINATOWN-TENANT-RALLY-MD-03-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260622-SF-CHINATOWN-TENANT-RALLY-MD-03-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260622-SF-CHINATOWN-TENANT-RALLY-MD-03-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260622-SF-CHINATOWN-TENANT-RALLY-MD-03-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Kit Ying Mak speaks at a rally in front of 1120 Jackson St. in San Francisco to protest evictions and rent hikes proposed by the property’s new owner, on June 22, 2026. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The owners of the building, operating under a private LLC called Nabob Hill, said that they had documentation of every allegation of nuisance, which include “clutter and hoarding.” The owners also alleged that some tenants reside in other homes, which the tenants have denied.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The owners are confident that these matters will be resolved properly and lawfully, based upon their faith in the judicial process. At every stage, the owners have endeavored to act in full compliance with the law and have extended numerous courtesy notices to the tenants in an effort to address these issues amicably before pursuing further action,” Daniel Bornstein, who is legally representing Nabob Hill, LLC, said in an email on behalf of the owners. “The owners are pursuing these matters with the expectation that a resolution with the tenants will be fair, just, and equitable, considering the allegations of each particular matter.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The average price for a two-bedroom apartment in San Francisco is currently around $5,800, according to \u003ca href=\"https://www.zillow.com/rental-manager/market-trends/san-francisco-ca/?bedrooms=2\">Zillow\u003c/a>, a 35% increase from one year ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An \u003ca href=\"https://vanguardproperties.com/home-search/listings/8540838278265249025-1120-1126-Jackson-Street\">online listing\u003c/a> for the property, now marked as closed, said that current rents in the building are significantly below-market, “with an estimated 224% rental upside achievable through unit turnover.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many of the longtime residents in the building have been able to stay in San Francisco on fixed incomes due to the city’s rent-control policies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12088405\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12088405\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260622-SF-CHINATOWN-TENANT-RALLY-MD-05-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260622-SF-CHINATOWN-TENANT-RALLY-MD-05-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260622-SF-CHINATOWN-TENANT-RALLY-MD-05-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260622-SF-CHINATOWN-TENANT-RALLY-MD-05-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Laura Chiera, with Legal Assistance for the Elderly, speaks at a rally in front of 1120 Jackson St. in San Francisco to protest evictions and rent hikes proposed by the property’s new owner, on June 22, 2026. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>It’s a charming older building along the cable car route, and was even pictured in a scene in \u003cem>The Princess Diaries\u003c/em> where Anne Hathaway as Mia Thermopolis is pushing her scooter up a hill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the real estate market around the current tech boom soars, tenants like Wong are increasingly feeling the pressure from building owners who want to cash in on the moment, said Molly Goldberg, director of San Francisco’s Anti-Displacement Coalition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What we’re seeing is the anticipation of an ability to get higher rents from these buildings. We’re seeing speculators go after buildings that have large numbers of long-term rent control tenants,” Goldberg said. “Our rights don’t change when a building is for sale.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Laura Chiera, executive director of Legal Assistance to the Elderly, said that eviction notices have increased by roughly 25% in the last year and caseloads at her organization are spilling over. Statewide, seniors represent the fastest-growing demographic of people experiencing homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are turning seniors away because we do not have the capacity to take all of the evictions that seniors in San Francisco are facing,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12088408\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12088408\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260622-SF-CHINATOWN-TENANT-RALLY-MD-08-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260622-SF-CHINATOWN-TENANT-RALLY-MD-08-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260622-SF-CHINATOWN-TENANT-RALLY-MD-08-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260622-SF-CHINATOWN-TENANT-RALLY-MD-08-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">People rally in front of 1120 Jackson St. in San Francisco to protest evictions and rent hikes proposed by the property’s new owner, on June 22, 2026. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>San Francisco has stronger tenant protections and rent control policies than many other cities, but it’s often up to residents themselves to understand and assert those rights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tenants told KQED they hope the union will allow them to share information and resources as they navigate their legal cases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I am part of the Tenants Association because we feel that the landlord is trying to take us out one by one,” Mac said. “My neighbors’ support has given me strength.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Several longtime residents of a San Francisco \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/chinatown\">Chinatown\u003c/a> building are facing eviction in what they believe is an effort to turn the units over so the new owner can charge higher rents. Now, they’re working together to fight back.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tenants at 1120 Jackson St. on the border of Nob Hill and Chinatown, including many Chinese immigrants who have lived in the building for decades, announced Monday they are forming a union and urging their new landlord to drop the eviction cases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Their struggle comes as rents in San Francisco are skyrocketing, largely driven by the artificial intelligence industry boom, and as evictions in the city are at the highest levels in nearly a decade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I hope that the landlord of this building will hear our voice and stop this kind of harassment and eviction. Any planned evictions need to be stopped,” said Kin Wong, who has lived in the 16-unit building with his wife for more than 35 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since the building was sold last summer, six residents have received eviction notices following apartment inspections and nuisance complaints about trash and clutter, according to Shelby Nacino, an attorney with the Asian Law Caucus who is representing tenants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In one complaint obtained by KQED, a resident was dinged for having installed a washing machine “without permission,” but also cited for “unsanitary conditions” in the unit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12088402\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12088402\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260622-SF-CHINATOWN-TENANT-RALLY-MD-02-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260622-SF-CHINATOWN-TENANT-RALLY-MD-02-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260622-SF-CHINATOWN-TENANT-RALLY-MD-02-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260622-SF-CHINATOWN-TENANT-RALLY-MD-02-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">King Yan and others rally in front of 1120 Jackson St. in San Francisco to protest evictions and rent hikes proposed by the property’s new owner, on June 22, 2026. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Many of the residents are monolingual Chinese speakers and have struggled to get clear information about what is happening to them or their neighbors, Nacino said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not normal to have six nuisance evictions in one building that are all very similar. The notices have slightly different language, but the gist of all six of them is that these people are so messy and so poor at maintaining their units that they’re causing a health and safety concern,” Nacino said. “What we’re really concerned about is the lack of communication. And so that’s why we’re here today.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kit Ying Mak’s family is among them. She and her mother moved into the building in 2001 from Hong Kong, and she later married and raised her children in a separate unit in the building to remain close to care for her elderly mother.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“These inspections feel harassing, and all the while, I have not received any communications on what more I can do,” Mak said, adding that the previous owner and building manager never raised similar complaints about how they maintain their homes. “My kids are teens now. They have grown up in this building.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Others, like Wong, have been hit with massive rent hikes that they say they can’t afford. For years under the previous building ownership, Wong’s wife worked as a resident manager at the rent-controlled property.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That allowed them to maintain an exceptionally low rent around $210, Wong said. But after the building recently sold, the new owners began charging them $2,820 for the same one-bedroom where the couple raised their three children, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Emily Wong, Kin Wong’s daughter, called the situation in her parents’ building a “shame.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It speaks to how difficult housing is in San Francisco,” she said. “My parents have said the only reason they have been able to save and put me and my siblings through college is because the building is rent-controlled and not eating up half of their income, especially as people who didn’t work in tech or medicine, but doing blue-collar labor.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12088403\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12088403\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260622-SF-CHINATOWN-TENANT-RALLY-MD-03-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260622-SF-CHINATOWN-TENANT-RALLY-MD-03-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260622-SF-CHINATOWN-TENANT-RALLY-MD-03-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260622-SF-CHINATOWN-TENANT-RALLY-MD-03-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Kit Ying Mak speaks at a rally in front of 1120 Jackson St. in San Francisco to protest evictions and rent hikes proposed by the property’s new owner, on June 22, 2026. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The owners of the building, operating under a private LLC called Nabob Hill, said that they had documentation of every allegation of nuisance, which include “clutter and hoarding.” The owners also alleged that some tenants reside in other homes, which the tenants have denied.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The owners are confident that these matters will be resolved properly and lawfully, based upon their faith in the judicial process. At every stage, the owners have endeavored to act in full compliance with the law and have extended numerous courtesy notices to the tenants in an effort to address these issues amicably before pursuing further action,” Daniel Bornstein, who is legally representing Nabob Hill, LLC, said in an email on behalf of the owners. “The owners are pursuing these matters with the expectation that a resolution with the tenants will be fair, just, and equitable, considering the allegations of each particular matter.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The average price for a two-bedroom apartment in San Francisco is currently around $5,800, according to \u003ca href=\"https://www.zillow.com/rental-manager/market-trends/san-francisco-ca/?bedrooms=2\">Zillow\u003c/a>, a 35% increase from one year ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An \u003ca href=\"https://vanguardproperties.com/home-search/listings/8540838278265249025-1120-1126-Jackson-Street\">online listing\u003c/a> for the property, now marked as closed, said that current rents in the building are significantly below-market, “with an estimated 224% rental upside achievable through unit turnover.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many of the longtime residents in the building have been able to stay in San Francisco on fixed incomes due to the city’s rent-control policies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12088405\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12088405\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260622-SF-CHINATOWN-TENANT-RALLY-MD-05-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260622-SF-CHINATOWN-TENANT-RALLY-MD-05-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260622-SF-CHINATOWN-TENANT-RALLY-MD-05-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260622-SF-CHINATOWN-TENANT-RALLY-MD-05-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Laura Chiera, with Legal Assistance for the Elderly, speaks at a rally in front of 1120 Jackson St. in San Francisco to protest evictions and rent hikes proposed by the property’s new owner, on June 22, 2026. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>It’s a charming older building along the cable car route, and was even pictured in a scene in \u003cem>The Princess Diaries\u003c/em> where Anne Hathaway as Mia Thermopolis is pushing her scooter up a hill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the real estate market around the current tech boom soars, tenants like Wong are increasingly feeling the pressure from building owners who want to cash in on the moment, said Molly Goldberg, director of San Francisco’s Anti-Displacement Coalition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What we’re seeing is the anticipation of an ability to get higher rents from these buildings. We’re seeing speculators go after buildings that have large numbers of long-term rent control tenants,” Goldberg said. “Our rights don’t change when a building is for sale.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Laura Chiera, executive director of Legal Assistance to the Elderly, said that eviction notices have increased by roughly 25% in the last year and caseloads at her organization are spilling over. Statewide, seniors represent the fastest-growing demographic of people experiencing homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are turning seniors away because we do not have the capacity to take all of the evictions that seniors in San Francisco are facing,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12088408\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12088408\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260622-SF-CHINATOWN-TENANT-RALLY-MD-08-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260622-SF-CHINATOWN-TENANT-RALLY-MD-08-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260622-SF-CHINATOWN-TENANT-RALLY-MD-08-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260622-SF-CHINATOWN-TENANT-RALLY-MD-08-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">People rally in front of 1120 Jackson St. in San Francisco to protest evictions and rent hikes proposed by the property’s new owner, on June 22, 2026. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>San Francisco has stronger tenant protections and rent control policies than many other cities, but it’s often up to residents themselves to understand and assert those rights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tenants told KQED they hope the union will allow them to share information and resources as they navigate their legal cases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I am part of the Tenants Association because we feel that the landlord is trying to take us out one by one,” Mac said. “My neighbors’ support has given me strength.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "2026-san-francisco-chinese-new-year-sf-parade-map-route-closures-events-parking",
"title": "2026 San Francisco Chinese New Year Parade: Route, Street Closures, Parking and More",
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"headTitle": "2026 San Francisco Chinese New Year Parade: Route, Street Closures, Parking and More | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>It’s the Year of the Fire Horse, and the Bay Area will be celebrating with a long-standing tradition: \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12027348/san-francisco-celebrates-the-lunar-new-year-with-iconic-chinatown-parade\">the Chinese New Year Parade\u003c/a> in San Francisco on Saturday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many different cultures observe \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/arts/tag/lunar-new-year\">Lunar New Year\u003c/a>, and this year is the Year of the Fire Horse, representing \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2026/02/16/nx-s1-5713534/on-the-streets-of-beijing-many-wish-for-economic-stability-this-lunar-new-year\">action, risk-taking\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.elle.com/uk/horoscopes/a70327986/year-of-the-fire-horse/\">even financial positivity\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Past Fire Horse years \u003ca href=\"https://www.travelchinaguide.com/intro/social_customs/zodiac/horse.htm\">include\u003c/a> 1930, 1942, 1954, 1966, 1978, 1990, 2002 and 2014.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>(And for some fun further reading, take a look at how \u003ca href=\"https://www.theguardian.com/world/2026/feb/04/harry-potter-draco-malfoy-mascot-year-of-horse-china\">Harry Potter’s Draco Malfoy character\u003c/a> has somehow become a Year of the Horse \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/abc/status/2024084429493170330?s=46&t=7BBzFwo6eYLzJIVfAlumEQ\">meme mascot for 2026\u003c/a>.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This year’s Parade Grand Marshall will be San Francisco-born \u003ca href=\"https://www.instagram.com/reel/DU3W3fjiG-O/\">Eileen Gu\u003c/a>, an \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12072038/2026-winter-olympics-how-to-watch-bay-area-athletes-tahoe-figure-skating-skiing-snowboarding-cortina\">Olympic gold medalist and freestyle skier.\u003c/a> The parade is always free, so you should expect large crowds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12027359\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12027359\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250215-ChineseNewYear-25-BL.jpg\" alt=\"Fireworks are seen above a string of red lanterns.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250215-ChineseNewYear-25-BL.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250215-ChineseNewYear-25-BL-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250215-ChineseNewYear-25-BL-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250215-ChineseNewYear-25-BL-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250215-ChineseNewYear-25-BL-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250215-ChineseNewYear-25-BL-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Fireworks go off in Chinatown during the Chinese New Year Parade in San Francisco on Feb. 15, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Keep reading for what to know about the San Francisco Chinese New Year Parade this weekend, including the parade route map and street closures that day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For timely updates, you can follow the Chinese New Year Festival and Parade’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.instagram.com/chineseparade/\">official social media pages\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://chineseparade.com/faq/\">website.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Jump straight to:\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#WhatstheSanFranciscoChineseNewYearparaderoute\"> What’s the San Francisco Chinese New Year parade route?\u003cbr>\n\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#Whatstreetswillbeclosedfortheparade\"> What streets will be closed for the parade?\u003cbr>\n\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"WhatstheSanFranciscoChineseNewYearparaderoute\">\u003c/a>What is the San Francisco Chinese New Year Parade route?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The parade starts at 5:15 p.m. on Saturday, March 7.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://chineseparade.com/faq/\">route\u003c/a> begins at Second and Market streets, goes around Union Square and ends at Kearny Street and Columbus Avenue. The total route is around 1.3 miles long.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Do I need tickets to the San Francisco Chinese New Year parade?\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The parade is \u003ca href=\"https://chineseparade.com/faq/\">a free event\u003c/a>. However, if you want to sit on the bleachers, you’ll need paid tickets to be assigned a specific section (but not a specific seat).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are four bleacher sections, each on:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Washington and Jackson streets\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>California and Sacramento streets\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Kearny and Grant streets\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Stockton and Powell streets\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Tickets range from $45 to $75, and \u003ca href=\"https://chineseparade.com/tickets/\">can be bought online\u003c/a> for email delivery. The more expensive options include a gift bag. Bleacher seating is \u003ca href=\"https://chineseparade.com/tickets/\">free for children under two\u003c/a>, as long as they are sitting on the lap of a caregiver.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Organizers suggest that if you buy tickets, you’ll need to check in and be seated early on Saturday, close to 4 p.m., to be ready for the start of the parade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11977013\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11977013\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240224-ChineseNYParade-60-BL_qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240224-ChineseNYParade-60-BL_qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240224-ChineseNYParade-60-BL_qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240224-ChineseNYParade-60-BL_qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240224-ChineseNYParade-60-BL_qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240224-ChineseNYParade-60-BL_qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Fireworks go off at the Chinese New Year Parade in San Francisco on Feb. 24, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>All sections of the bleachers will have wheelchair seating, but you will need a ticket regardless.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you need accessible spaces, you will also need a ticket. Portable restrooms will be available near the bleachers.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"Whatstreetswillbeclosedfortheparade\">\u003c/a>How can I get to the San Francisco Chinese New Year parade? Are there street closures?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Chinese New Year Parade organizers \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://chineseparade.com/transportation/\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">strongly encourage public transportation\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">, and all Muni rides (except for cable cars) will be \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.sfmta.com/blog/free-muni-march-7-chinese-new-year-parade-learn-details\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">free that day\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">If you are driving, there will \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.sfmta.com/blog/free-muni-march-7-chinese-new-year-parade-learn-details\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">also be street closures\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> around the area.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But if you’d like an idea of what to expect, last year, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12024779/2025-san-francisco-chinese-new-year-parade-map-route-closures-events\">the following areas\u003c/a> were closed:[aside postID=arts_13986607 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/2/2026/02/020626GOLDEN-AGE-OF-ASIAN-STYLE-HIGH-TEA_GH_037-KQED.jpg']\u003cstrong>From 2 p.m. to around 9:30 p.m.\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli> 2nd Street between Market and Mission streets\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>From 3 p.m. to around 9:30 p.m\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Market Street between 2nd and Geary streets\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Geary Street between Market and Powell streets\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Powell Street between Geary and Post streets\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Post Street between Kearny and Powell streets\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Kearny Street between Geary and Pacific streets.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>According to \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfmta.com/project-updates/chinese-new-year-parade-service-alert\">the 2025 SFMTA guidance\u003c/a>, the easiest way to get to the parade is through the Market Street Subway at Montgomery Station, near the beginning of the parade. However, SFMTA also recommends using nearby Powell Station, “just a few blocks from where the Parade goes around Union Square,” which is the transfer point between the Central Subway and the Market Street Subway.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.sfmta.com/blog/free-muni-march-7-chinese-new-year-parade-learn-details\">The bus routes to the parade\u003c/a> are 1, 2, 5, 7, 8, 9, 12, 14, 14R, 15, 30, 31, 38R and 45. The metro and streetcar lines are F, J, K, L, M, N and T.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You can use \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfmta.com/getting-around/muni/routes-stops\">SFMTA’s website\u003c/a> or call 311 to plan out your route.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The closest BART stations are Montgomery Station (at Market and 2nd streets), Embarcadero and Powell St.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Is there any parking for the Chinese New Year parade?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>There are \u003ca href=\"https://chineseparade.com/transportation/\">parking garages\u003c/a> at:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Portsmouth Square Garage at 733 Kearny Street in Chinatown, which will also provide\u003ca href=\"https://www.sfmta.com/blog/free-muni-march-7-chinese-new-year-parade-learn-details\"> one hour of free parking through Sunday\u003c/a>.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Union Square at 123 O’Farrell St.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Chinatown at 250 Clay St. and 733 Kearny St.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>North Beach at 735 and 766 Vallejo St.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>You can also get \u003ca href=\"https://spothero.com/search?kind=destination&id=81237&%243p=a_hasoffers&%24affiliate_json=http%3A%2F%2Ftracking.spothero.com%2Faff_c%3Foffer_id%3D1%26aff_id%3D1391%26file_id%3D28%26source%3Dchinesenewyearfestival%26aff_sub2%3Dparkingpage%26aff_sub3%3Dlink%26format%3Djson&_branch_match_id=1553116847317693714&utm_source=Partnerships&utm_campaign=Tune_Platform&utm_medium=paid+advertising&_branch_referrer=H4sIAAAAAAAAA42RTU%2FDMAyGf01z3NqEjQ0pQgjEkQviXLmpu4R1SUhSpl3223E66PgSQsohfu04j1%2FrlHy8ms%2Bjd0ljcDPwftYbu52nWHn%2B8PKI1fXGQc8lZwW%2FEF5CrSG6rsMQWVQadyh17sK2xrayxZiMhWScZUfVG7WtTSurklei5etlxUXJVwIWZYcNL0XZ8MWKRTcEhVJpYzGixf0BIXS50yv0bAj96YdC3BT8ns4PWtLOvIWgmkVmLcTdJ9qCL8cLAVGionACzPGfiGOxi6lWQwho1YFePD3eTTJxDkhamZWIytkWwqH2Q9ObSKiUokzUUEPXmd5AwndpHJ3uvw9PFaP7VMDZB72smIek5Zep2Vc%2BSXR5YdN39XN0dvRxsjEFULS0zWzyU7kd6fSmVuTiN7eyfArEOsfUGE8CX%2F1rktwgDk0exkPIP3vY4DkhKHHa5rJzYQeJ4kzNNE0mfyydfbJelox8WdHuLtkxIHEHal83we0jBnmrg9vhG20%2FjF%2FtAgAA&view=dl\">a parking pass on websites like SpotHero\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong style=\"font-size: 24px\">What will the weather be like on Saturday for the Chinese New Year parade?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The parade will happen rain or shine, according to \u003ca href=\"https://chineseparade.com/faq/\">the Chinese New Year parade’s official website\u003c/a> — but luckily, \u003ca href=\"https://forecast.weather.gov/MapClick.php?lat=37.7800771&lon=-122.4201615\">the weather forecast for San Francisco\u003c/a> on Saturday promises sunshine, and highs of 78 degrees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You can keep an eye out for the weather on \u003ca href=\"https://www.weather.gov/mtr/\">the National Weather Service website\u003c/a>, but remember: it’s the Bay Area, and layers are always helpful.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You can also adorn yourself in \u003ca href=\"https://www.lofficielusa.com/fashion/chinese-new-year-fashion-red-and-gold-runway-looks\">lucky colors like red and gold\u003c/a> to mark the Lunar New Year.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>What should I not bring to the Chinese New Year parade?\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The parade is a public event, so organizers say you should not bring things like weapons, firearms, explosives or drones.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12027366\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12027366\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250215-ChineseNewYear-09-BL.jpg\" alt=\"Several women dressed in dance costumes perform on the street.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250215-ChineseNewYear-09-BL.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250215-ChineseNewYear-09-BL-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250215-ChineseNewYear-09-BL-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250215-ChineseNewYear-09-BL-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250215-ChineseNewYear-09-BL-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250215-ChineseNewYear-09-BL-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Members of Xiaopei Chinese Dance perform in the Chinese New Year Parade in San Francisco on Feb. 15, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Out of consideration for others, we request that large items that may encroach on others’ space—such as oversized cushions, coolers, pets, selfie sticks or camera tripods—are not brought into the bleacher sections,” \u003ca href=\"https://chineseparade.com/faq/\">the website reads\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>It’s the Year of the Fire Horse, and the Bay Area will be celebrating with a long-standing tradition: \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12027348/san-francisco-celebrates-the-lunar-new-year-with-iconic-chinatown-parade\">the Chinese New Year Parade\u003c/a> in San Francisco on Saturday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many different cultures observe \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/arts/tag/lunar-new-year\">Lunar New Year\u003c/a>, and this year is the Year of the Fire Horse, representing \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2026/02/16/nx-s1-5713534/on-the-streets-of-beijing-many-wish-for-economic-stability-this-lunar-new-year\">action, risk-taking\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.elle.com/uk/horoscopes/a70327986/year-of-the-fire-horse/\">even financial positivity\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Past Fire Horse years \u003ca href=\"https://www.travelchinaguide.com/intro/social_customs/zodiac/horse.htm\">include\u003c/a> 1930, 1942, 1954, 1966, 1978, 1990, 2002 and 2014.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>(And for some fun further reading, take a look at how \u003ca href=\"https://www.theguardian.com/world/2026/feb/04/harry-potter-draco-malfoy-mascot-year-of-horse-china\">Harry Potter’s Draco Malfoy character\u003c/a> has somehow become a Year of the Horse \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/abc/status/2024084429493170330?s=46&t=7BBzFwo6eYLzJIVfAlumEQ\">meme mascot for 2026\u003c/a>.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This year’s Parade Grand Marshall will be San Francisco-born \u003ca href=\"https://www.instagram.com/reel/DU3W3fjiG-O/\">Eileen Gu\u003c/a>, an \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12072038/2026-winter-olympics-how-to-watch-bay-area-athletes-tahoe-figure-skating-skiing-snowboarding-cortina\">Olympic gold medalist and freestyle skier.\u003c/a> The parade is always free, so you should expect large crowds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12027359\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12027359\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250215-ChineseNewYear-25-BL.jpg\" alt=\"Fireworks are seen above a string of red lanterns.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250215-ChineseNewYear-25-BL.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250215-ChineseNewYear-25-BL-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250215-ChineseNewYear-25-BL-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250215-ChineseNewYear-25-BL-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250215-ChineseNewYear-25-BL-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250215-ChineseNewYear-25-BL-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Fireworks go off in Chinatown during the Chinese New Year Parade in San Francisco on Feb. 15, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Keep reading for what to know about the San Francisco Chinese New Year Parade this weekend, including the parade route map and street closures that day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For timely updates, you can follow the Chinese New Year Festival and Parade’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.instagram.com/chineseparade/\">official social media pages\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://chineseparade.com/faq/\">website.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Jump straight to:\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#WhatstheSanFranciscoChineseNewYearparaderoute\"> What’s the San Francisco Chinese New Year parade route?\u003cbr>\n\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#Whatstreetswillbeclosedfortheparade\"> What streets will be closed for the parade?\u003cbr>\n\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"WhatstheSanFranciscoChineseNewYearparaderoute\">\u003c/a>What is the San Francisco Chinese New Year Parade route?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The parade starts at 5:15 p.m. on Saturday, March 7.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://chineseparade.com/faq/\">route\u003c/a> begins at Second and Market streets, goes around Union Square and ends at Kearny Street and Columbus Avenue. The total route is around 1.3 miles long.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Do I need tickets to the San Francisco Chinese New Year parade?\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The parade is \u003ca href=\"https://chineseparade.com/faq/\">a free event\u003c/a>. However, if you want to sit on the bleachers, you’ll need paid tickets to be assigned a specific section (but not a specific seat).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are four bleacher sections, each on:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Washington and Jackson streets\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>California and Sacramento streets\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Kearny and Grant streets\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Stockton and Powell streets\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Tickets range from $45 to $75, and \u003ca href=\"https://chineseparade.com/tickets/\">can be bought online\u003c/a> for email delivery. The more expensive options include a gift bag. Bleacher seating is \u003ca href=\"https://chineseparade.com/tickets/\">free for children under two\u003c/a>, as long as they are sitting on the lap of a caregiver.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Organizers suggest that if you buy tickets, you’ll need to check in and be seated early on Saturday, close to 4 p.m., to be ready for the start of the parade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11977013\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11977013\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240224-ChineseNYParade-60-BL_qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240224-ChineseNYParade-60-BL_qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240224-ChineseNYParade-60-BL_qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240224-ChineseNYParade-60-BL_qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240224-ChineseNYParade-60-BL_qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240224-ChineseNYParade-60-BL_qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Fireworks go off at the Chinese New Year Parade in San Francisco on Feb. 24, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>All sections of the bleachers will have wheelchair seating, but you will need a ticket regardless.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you need accessible spaces, you will also need a ticket. Portable restrooms will be available near the bleachers.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"Whatstreetswillbeclosedfortheparade\">\u003c/a>How can I get to the San Francisco Chinese New Year parade? Are there street closures?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Chinese New Year Parade organizers \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://chineseparade.com/transportation/\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">strongly encourage public transportation\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">, and all Muni rides (except for cable cars) will be \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.sfmta.com/blog/free-muni-march-7-chinese-new-year-parade-learn-details\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">free that day\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">If you are driving, there will \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.sfmta.com/blog/free-muni-march-7-chinese-new-year-parade-learn-details\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">also be street closures\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> around the area.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But if you’d like an idea of what to expect, last year, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12024779/2025-san-francisco-chinese-new-year-parade-map-route-closures-events\">the following areas\u003c/a> were closed:\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cstrong>From 2 p.m. to around 9:30 p.m.\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli> 2nd Street between Market and Mission streets\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>From 3 p.m. to around 9:30 p.m\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Market Street between 2nd and Geary streets\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Geary Street between Market and Powell streets\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Powell Street between Geary and Post streets\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Post Street between Kearny and Powell streets\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Kearny Street between Geary and Pacific streets.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>According to \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfmta.com/project-updates/chinese-new-year-parade-service-alert\">the 2025 SFMTA guidance\u003c/a>, the easiest way to get to the parade is through the Market Street Subway at Montgomery Station, near the beginning of the parade. However, SFMTA also recommends using nearby Powell Station, “just a few blocks from where the Parade goes around Union Square,” which is the transfer point between the Central Subway and the Market Street Subway.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.sfmta.com/blog/free-muni-march-7-chinese-new-year-parade-learn-details\">The bus routes to the parade\u003c/a> are 1, 2, 5, 7, 8, 9, 12, 14, 14R, 15, 30, 31, 38R and 45. The metro and streetcar lines are F, J, K, L, M, N and T.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You can use \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfmta.com/getting-around/muni/routes-stops\">SFMTA’s website\u003c/a> or call 311 to plan out your route.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The closest BART stations are Montgomery Station (at Market and 2nd streets), Embarcadero and Powell St.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Is there any parking for the Chinese New Year parade?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>There are \u003ca href=\"https://chineseparade.com/transportation/\">parking garages\u003c/a> at:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Portsmouth Square Garage at 733 Kearny Street in Chinatown, which will also provide\u003ca href=\"https://www.sfmta.com/blog/free-muni-march-7-chinese-new-year-parade-learn-details\"> one hour of free parking through Sunday\u003c/a>.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Union Square at 123 O’Farrell St.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Chinatown at 250 Clay St. and 733 Kearny St.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>North Beach at 735 and 766 Vallejo St.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>You can also get \u003ca href=\"https://spothero.com/search?kind=destination&id=81237&%243p=a_hasoffers&%24affiliate_json=http%3A%2F%2Ftracking.spothero.com%2Faff_c%3Foffer_id%3D1%26aff_id%3D1391%26file_id%3D28%26source%3Dchinesenewyearfestival%26aff_sub2%3Dparkingpage%26aff_sub3%3Dlink%26format%3Djson&_branch_match_id=1553116847317693714&utm_source=Partnerships&utm_campaign=Tune_Platform&utm_medium=paid+advertising&_branch_referrer=H4sIAAAAAAAAA42RTU%2FDMAyGf01z3NqEjQ0pQgjEkQviXLmpu4R1SUhSpl3223E66PgSQsohfu04j1%2FrlHy8ms%2Bjd0ljcDPwftYbu52nWHn%2B8PKI1fXGQc8lZwW%2FEF5CrSG6rsMQWVQadyh17sK2xrayxZiMhWScZUfVG7WtTSurklei5etlxUXJVwIWZYcNL0XZ8MWKRTcEhVJpYzGixf0BIXS50yv0bAj96YdC3BT8ns4PWtLOvIWgmkVmLcTdJ9qCL8cLAVGionACzPGfiGOxi6lWQwho1YFePD3eTTJxDkhamZWIytkWwqH2Q9ObSKiUokzUUEPXmd5AwndpHJ3uvw9PFaP7VMDZB72smIek5Zep2Vc%2BSXR5YdN39XN0dvRxsjEFULS0zWzyU7kd6fSmVuTiN7eyfArEOsfUGE8CX%2F1rktwgDk0exkPIP3vY4DkhKHHa5rJzYQeJ4kzNNE0mfyydfbJelox8WdHuLtkxIHEHal83we0jBnmrg9vhG20%2FjF%2FtAgAA&view=dl\">a parking pass on websites like SpotHero\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong style=\"font-size: 24px\">What will the weather be like on Saturday for the Chinese New Year parade?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The parade will happen rain or shine, according to \u003ca href=\"https://chineseparade.com/faq/\">the Chinese New Year parade’s official website\u003c/a> — but luckily, \u003ca href=\"https://forecast.weather.gov/MapClick.php?lat=37.7800771&lon=-122.4201615\">the weather forecast for San Francisco\u003c/a> on Saturday promises sunshine, and highs of 78 degrees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You can keep an eye out for the weather on \u003ca href=\"https://www.weather.gov/mtr/\">the National Weather Service website\u003c/a>, but remember: it’s the Bay Area, and layers are always helpful.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You can also adorn yourself in \u003ca href=\"https://www.lofficielusa.com/fashion/chinese-new-year-fashion-red-and-gold-runway-looks\">lucky colors like red and gold\u003c/a> to mark the Lunar New Year.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>What should I not bring to the Chinese New Year parade?\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The parade is a public event, so organizers say you should not bring things like weapons, firearms, explosives or drones.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12027366\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12027366\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250215-ChineseNewYear-09-BL.jpg\" alt=\"Several women dressed in dance costumes perform on the street.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250215-ChineseNewYear-09-BL.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250215-ChineseNewYear-09-BL-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250215-ChineseNewYear-09-BL-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250215-ChineseNewYear-09-BL-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250215-ChineseNewYear-09-BL-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250215-ChineseNewYear-09-BL-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Members of Xiaopei Chinese Dance perform in the Chinese New Year Parade in San Francisco on Feb. 15, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Out of consideration for others, we request that large items that may encroach on others’ space—such as oversized cushions, coolers, pets, selfie sticks or camera tripods—are not brought into the bleacher sections,” \u003ca href=\"https://chineseparade.com/faq/\">the website reads\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "san-francisco-supervisor-recall-asks-whose-voices-are-heard-in-a-fight-over-a-park",
"title": "San Francisco Supervisor Recall Asks: Whose Voices Are Heard in a Fight Over a Park?",
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"headTitle": "San Francisco Supervisor Recall Asks: Whose Voices Are Heard in a Fight Over a Park? | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>San Francisco’s latest recall campaign, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12053978/california-recall-fever-hits-san-franciscos-quiet-westside\">targeting Supervisor Joel Engardio\u003c/a> over his support for removing cars from part of the Great Highway to open a beachside park, has put a spotlight on deep tensions in the Sunset District.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters and opponents of the recall come from diverse backgrounds and ideologies. But in this district, one of the city’s most densely populated Chinese American neighborhoods, a common refrain among recall proponents is that their voices aren’t being represented.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The most important thing is that we’ve just not been heard,” said Albert Chow, a business owner in the Sunset and one of the most vocal recall supporters. “In fact, a lot felt betrayed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The park at the center of the debate, Sunset Dunes, was approved by voters citywide in 2024 through \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/science/1995182/proposition-k-victory-closing-part-of-the-great-highway-sparks-debate-and-delight\">Proposition K\u003c/a>. Some residents who live closest to the park and voted against it were furious to see it pass, and some continue to fight the road closure in court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chow and others say the park has increased car traffic on nearby avenues, although \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfmta.com/reports/outer-sunset-traffic-report-spring-2025\">an SFMTA study\u003c/a> found minimal impacts. Above all, they were stunned to find out that their supervisor had backed Proposition K.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12040913\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/SunsetDunesGetty.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12040913\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/SunsetDunesGetty.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/SunsetDunesGetty.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/SunsetDunesGetty-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/SunsetDunesGetty-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/SunsetDunesGetty-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/SunsetDunesGetty-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/SunsetDunesGetty-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Visitors are seen during the grand opening of the Sunset Dunes Park along the former Upper Great Highway, in San Francisco, on April 12, 2025. \u003ccite>(Stephen Lam/San Francisco Chronicle via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Many of us only found out that this would be on the ballot by Sen. Scott Wiener’s Twitter. That is not transparency, that is betrayal,” said Sunset resident Julia Quon at a recent Democratic Party meeting, where the party \u003ca href=\"https://missionlocal.org/2025/08/sf-democratic-party-no-endorsement-joel-engardio-recall/\">voted not to make an endorsement\u003c/a> in the recall. Quon is a member of the Chinese American Democratic Club, one of the biggest backers of the recall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That sense of betrayal, particularly among the neighborhood’s Chinese American residents, is rooted in history, said Russell Jeung, an Asian American studies professor at San Francisco State University.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“San Francisco has a long history of disenfranchising, redeveloping and evicting Asian American communities. The mayor of San Francisco called for the expulsion of Chinese (people) overall in the 19th century and wanted to get rid of Chinatown,” said Jeung. “That history isn’t forgotten.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Engardio stands by his support for the park, saying he simply gave voters a choice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you boil it down, my recall is over putting something on the ballot. I don’t have the power to close a road or create a park,” Engardio said while going door-to-door on a recent Saturday. “I supported democracy. I supported giving people a choice. I supported letting people vote on an issue.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even if Engardio is recalled, the highway won’t automatically reopen to cars — that would require another ballot measure. If he is removed from office, Mayor Daniel Lurie, who has not endorsed either side of the recall, would appoint an interim supervisor.[aside postID=news_12054762 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/20250412_SunsetDunesGrandOpening_GC-1_qed.jpg']To help get his message across, Engardio said he has a team of “WeChat warriors” — Chinese-speaking volunteers who clarify recall information on the popular messaging app.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Anyone who dares to counter some of the loudest voices on WeChat will be targeted and harassed to no end,” Engardio said. “We have some seniors in their 70s who are old enough to not really care anymore. They just want to speak the truth.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The sense of disempowerment among some residents dates back decades for Asian communities in the city, Jeung said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For Asian Americans, we haven’t had that community control — we were segregated in certain neighborhoods like Chinatown, like Japantown, but we didn’t even have control over those small neighborhoods,” Jeung said. “That’s why there’s that heightened sense of disempowerment.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the Chinese American community isn’t united on the recall. Many residents testified at the same Democratic Party meeting in support of the supervisor and the park.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of the Chinese American community here is saying, ‘If you don’t vote for the recall, you don’t want Chinese voices to be heard.’ I think that’s crazy because I’m Chinese and I want my voice to be heard,” Sunset resident Albert Lam told KQED. The recent college graduate grew up in the neighborhood and now lives with his parents, and said he supports the park for its environmental benefits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12042031\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250412_SUNSETDUNESGRANDOPENING_GC-9-KQED-1.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12042031\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250412_SUNSETDUNESGRANDOPENING_GC-9-KQED-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250412_SUNSETDUNESGRANDOPENING_GC-9-KQED-1.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250412_SUNSETDUNESGRANDOPENING_GC-9-KQED-1-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250412_SUNSETDUNESGRANDOPENING_GC-9-KQED-1-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250412_SUNSETDUNESGRANDOPENING_GC-9-KQED-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250412_SUNSETDUNESGRANDOPENING_GC-9-KQED-1-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250412_SUNSETDUNESGRANDOPENING_GC-9-KQED-1-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Supervisor Joel Engardio speaks during the Sunset Dunes Park grand opening on the Upper Great Highway in San Francisco on April 12, 2025. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Supporters say the road closure was necessary. The lower portion of the highway is already closed due to coastal erosion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s really important that we provide perspective and remember that we’re talking about a road that’s lost its greatest utility, and we’re talking about a park that is increasingly popular,” said Engardio. “People of all ages and backgrounds are benefiting from it, and the road was literally falling into the ocean. So, we had to do something.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ash Guay, a Chinese American westside resident, said she visits Sunset Dunes several times a week and was walking her dog there on a recent Sunday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I get to bike, be along the beach, enjoy the weather, see lots of people with dogs and families,” said Guay, who voted to open the park. “I know people who voted No on [Proposition] K, like friends of mine, but now that they’ve come out here and we all enjoy it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several local businesses, like the owners of Andytown Coffee and florist Bright Moments, told KQED they’ve seen increased sales since the park opened, as more people from across the city and the Bay Area visit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“An underlying theme among the recallers is wanting to keep San Francisco in the past and not being willing to accept change or welcome new people,” Engardio said. “But to me, it’s really important to welcome new people.”[aside postID=news_12055309 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/20250412_SunsetDunesGrandOpening_GC-16_qed.jpg']Engardio is now backing a rezoning proposal that could bring more housing to the westside as part of an effort to meet a statewide mandate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lam said he likes the supervisor’s stance to bring more affordable housing to the Sunset, too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Sunset belongs to everyone, not just a few loud and angry voices,” Lam said. “I’d love to stay here, but it’s just wildly unaffordable to live in San Francisco.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chow said Engardio’s position on the park and housing threatens the neighborhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He wants new people here, a new demographic, a different type of people with a whole different set of values and visions for this part of the city and probably the city in general. I think that is very dangerous,” Chow said in a \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=VNvBqZkf57A&t=69s\">promotional video\u003c/a> supporting the recall. “You have not asked our opinion, and at the same time, you want to make essential changes to our neighborhood.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Engardio said he’s focused on protecting existing residents while making the neighborhood more inclusive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The rhetoric Albert Chow and others are using about not wanting new people in the Sunset is the antithesis to what San Francisco is about,” he said. “Every new immigrant, every new LGBTQ person, every new artist and every new innovator benefits our city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12055055\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250903-SUNSETCHINESERECALL00096_TV-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12055055\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250903-SUNSETCHINESERECALL00096_TV-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250903-SUNSETCHINESERECALL00096_TV-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250903-SUNSETCHINESERECALL00096_TV-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250903-SUNSETCHINESERECALL00096_TV-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Albert Chow, a business owner of Great Wall in the Sunset District, walks through Taraval Street in San Francisco on September 3, 2025. Chinese voters in the Sunset are split on whether to support the recall of Supervisor Joel Engardio, who backed the proposal to close off the Great Highway to cars and open up a new park. \u003ccite>(Tâm Vũ/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We have to remember that 100 years ago, we took sand dunes and developed it into housing for a lot of immigrants and working families to live in the Sunset. We should continue to do that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Balancing residents’ concerns over the neighborhood will be challenging for whoever represents District 4.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Most people [in the Sunset] have multiple cars and inter-generational households. So how do you balance that with the needs of an evolving urban city?” said David Ho, a political consultant who grew up in the neighborhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Jeung, this recall underscores a bigger question: Who gets to shape a neighborhood, in a city with changing demographics and needs?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The question that people should be arguing and complaining about is not whether politicians are betraying us or not, but who should have decision-making over local community decisions,” Jeung said. “This was a citywide election and a popular vote.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>San Francisco’s latest recall campaign, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12053978/california-recall-fever-hits-san-franciscos-quiet-westside\">targeting Supervisor Joel Engardio\u003c/a> over his support for removing cars from part of the Great Highway to open a beachside park, has put a spotlight on deep tensions in the Sunset District.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters and opponents of the recall come from diverse backgrounds and ideologies. But in this district, one of the city’s most densely populated Chinese American neighborhoods, a common refrain among recall proponents is that their voices aren’t being represented.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The most important thing is that we’ve just not been heard,” said Albert Chow, a business owner in the Sunset and one of the most vocal recall supporters. “In fact, a lot felt betrayed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The park at the center of the debate, Sunset Dunes, was approved by voters citywide in 2024 through \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/science/1995182/proposition-k-victory-closing-part-of-the-great-highway-sparks-debate-and-delight\">Proposition K\u003c/a>. Some residents who live closest to the park and voted against it were furious to see it pass, and some continue to fight the road closure in court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chow and others say the park has increased car traffic on nearby avenues, although \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfmta.com/reports/outer-sunset-traffic-report-spring-2025\">an SFMTA study\u003c/a> found minimal impacts. Above all, they were stunned to find out that their supervisor had backed Proposition K.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12040913\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/SunsetDunesGetty.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12040913\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/SunsetDunesGetty.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/SunsetDunesGetty.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/SunsetDunesGetty-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/SunsetDunesGetty-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/SunsetDunesGetty-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/SunsetDunesGetty-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/SunsetDunesGetty-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Visitors are seen during the grand opening of the Sunset Dunes Park along the former Upper Great Highway, in San Francisco, on April 12, 2025. \u003ccite>(Stephen Lam/San Francisco Chronicle via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Many of us only found out that this would be on the ballot by Sen. Scott Wiener’s Twitter. That is not transparency, that is betrayal,” said Sunset resident Julia Quon at a recent Democratic Party meeting, where the party \u003ca href=\"https://missionlocal.org/2025/08/sf-democratic-party-no-endorsement-joel-engardio-recall/\">voted not to make an endorsement\u003c/a> in the recall. Quon is a member of the Chinese American Democratic Club, one of the biggest backers of the recall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That sense of betrayal, particularly among the neighborhood’s Chinese American residents, is rooted in history, said Russell Jeung, an Asian American studies professor at San Francisco State University.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“San Francisco has a long history of disenfranchising, redeveloping and evicting Asian American communities. The mayor of San Francisco called for the expulsion of Chinese (people) overall in the 19th century and wanted to get rid of Chinatown,” said Jeung. “That history isn’t forgotten.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Engardio stands by his support for the park, saying he simply gave voters a choice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you boil it down, my recall is over putting something on the ballot. I don’t have the power to close a road or create a park,” Engardio said while going door-to-door on a recent Saturday. “I supported democracy. I supported giving people a choice. I supported letting people vote on an issue.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even if Engardio is recalled, the highway won’t automatically reopen to cars — that would require another ballot measure. If he is removed from office, Mayor Daniel Lurie, who has not endorsed either side of the recall, would appoint an interim supervisor.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>To help get his message across, Engardio said he has a team of “WeChat warriors” — Chinese-speaking volunteers who clarify recall information on the popular messaging app.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Anyone who dares to counter some of the loudest voices on WeChat will be targeted and harassed to no end,” Engardio said. “We have some seniors in their 70s who are old enough to not really care anymore. They just want to speak the truth.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The sense of disempowerment among some residents dates back decades for Asian communities in the city, Jeung said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For Asian Americans, we haven’t had that community control — we were segregated in certain neighborhoods like Chinatown, like Japantown, but we didn’t even have control over those small neighborhoods,” Jeung said. “That’s why there’s that heightened sense of disempowerment.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the Chinese American community isn’t united on the recall. Many residents testified at the same Democratic Party meeting in support of the supervisor and the park.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of the Chinese American community here is saying, ‘If you don’t vote for the recall, you don’t want Chinese voices to be heard.’ I think that’s crazy because I’m Chinese and I want my voice to be heard,” Sunset resident Albert Lam told KQED. The recent college graduate grew up in the neighborhood and now lives with his parents, and said he supports the park for its environmental benefits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12042031\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250412_SUNSETDUNESGRANDOPENING_GC-9-KQED-1.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12042031\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250412_SUNSETDUNESGRANDOPENING_GC-9-KQED-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250412_SUNSETDUNESGRANDOPENING_GC-9-KQED-1.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250412_SUNSETDUNESGRANDOPENING_GC-9-KQED-1-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250412_SUNSETDUNESGRANDOPENING_GC-9-KQED-1-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250412_SUNSETDUNESGRANDOPENING_GC-9-KQED-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250412_SUNSETDUNESGRANDOPENING_GC-9-KQED-1-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250412_SUNSETDUNESGRANDOPENING_GC-9-KQED-1-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Supervisor Joel Engardio speaks during the Sunset Dunes Park grand opening on the Upper Great Highway in San Francisco on April 12, 2025. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Supporters say the road closure was necessary. The lower portion of the highway is already closed due to coastal erosion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s really important that we provide perspective and remember that we’re talking about a road that’s lost its greatest utility, and we’re talking about a park that is increasingly popular,” said Engardio. “People of all ages and backgrounds are benefiting from it, and the road was literally falling into the ocean. So, we had to do something.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ash Guay, a Chinese American westside resident, said she visits Sunset Dunes several times a week and was walking her dog there on a recent Sunday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I get to bike, be along the beach, enjoy the weather, see lots of people with dogs and families,” said Guay, who voted to open the park. “I know people who voted No on [Proposition] K, like friends of mine, but now that they’ve come out here and we all enjoy it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several local businesses, like the owners of Andytown Coffee and florist Bright Moments, told KQED they’ve seen increased sales since the park opened, as more people from across the city and the Bay Area visit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“An underlying theme among the recallers is wanting to keep San Francisco in the past and not being willing to accept change or welcome new people,” Engardio said. “But to me, it’s really important to welcome new people.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Engardio is now backing a rezoning proposal that could bring more housing to the westside as part of an effort to meet a statewide mandate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lam said he likes the supervisor’s stance to bring more affordable housing to the Sunset, too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Sunset belongs to everyone, not just a few loud and angry voices,” Lam said. “I’d love to stay here, but it’s just wildly unaffordable to live in San Francisco.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chow said Engardio’s position on the park and housing threatens the neighborhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He wants new people here, a new demographic, a different type of people with a whole different set of values and visions for this part of the city and probably the city in general. I think that is very dangerous,” Chow said in a \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=VNvBqZkf57A&t=69s\">promotional video\u003c/a> supporting the recall. “You have not asked our opinion, and at the same time, you want to make essential changes to our neighborhood.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Engardio said he’s focused on protecting existing residents while making the neighborhood more inclusive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The rhetoric Albert Chow and others are using about not wanting new people in the Sunset is the antithesis to what San Francisco is about,” he said. “Every new immigrant, every new LGBTQ person, every new artist and every new innovator benefits our city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12055055\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250903-SUNSETCHINESERECALL00096_TV-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12055055\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250903-SUNSETCHINESERECALL00096_TV-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250903-SUNSETCHINESERECALL00096_TV-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250903-SUNSETCHINESERECALL00096_TV-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250903-SUNSETCHINESERECALL00096_TV-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Albert Chow, a business owner of Great Wall in the Sunset District, walks through Taraval Street in San Francisco on September 3, 2025. Chinese voters in the Sunset are split on whether to support the recall of Supervisor Joel Engardio, who backed the proposal to close off the Great Highway to cars and open up a new park. \u003ccite>(Tâm Vũ/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We have to remember that 100 years ago, we took sand dunes and developed it into housing for a lot of immigrants and working families to live in the Sunset. We should continue to do that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Balancing residents’ concerns over the neighborhood will be challenging for whoever represents District 4.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Most people [in the Sunset] have multiple cars and inter-generational households. So how do you balance that with the needs of an evolving urban city?” said David Ho, a political consultant who grew up in the neighborhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Jeung, this recall underscores a bigger question: Who gets to shape a neighborhood, in a city with changing demographics and needs?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The question that people should be arguing and complaining about is not whether politicians are betraying us or not, but who should have decision-making over local community decisions,” Jeung said. “This was a citywide election and a popular vote.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "SF Chinatown Park Makeover Delayed, Thanks to Trump Tariffs",
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"content": "\u003cp>The planned makeover of one of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco\">San Francisco\u003c/a>’s oldest parks is facing a six-month delay due to tariff-induced increased construction prices.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Renovations to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/portsmouth-square\">Portsmouth Square\u003c/a>, in Chinatown, were projected to cost around $43 million but because of President Donald Trump’s tariffs on global trading partners, ongoing supply chain challenges and widespread construction inflation, all bids on the city project have exceeded that estimate by over $10 million, with the lowest at $54.7 million, according to the Recreation & Parks department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To stay on budget, the project will undergo another bidding process in September, with an anticipated groundbreaking in March 2026.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite the delay, community members said they are glad the development is still underway.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’d say the department is still on track. A five-month delay is nothing, the community has waited for years,” said Vanita Louie, a Rec and Parks commissioner, in a statement. “This is the most major park renovation project in Chinatown’s history. The department will take the extra time in finding cost-saving ways without changing the approved design.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11973426\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11973426\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/240122-PORTSMOUTHSQUARE-11-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"Birds fly above a pedestrian bridge connecting a Hilton to Portsmouth Square in San Francisco's Chinatown neighborhood on Jan. 22, 2024.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/240122-PORTSMOUTHSQUARE-11-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/240122-PORTSMOUTHSQUARE-11-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/240122-PORTSMOUTHSQUARE-11-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/240122-PORTSMOUTHSQUARE-11-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/240122-PORTSMOUTHSQUARE-11-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/240122-PORTSMOUTHSQUARE-11-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Birds fly above a pedestrian bridge connecting a Hilton to Portsmouth Square in San Francisco’s Chinatown neighborhood on Jan. 22, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>According to Rec and Parks spokesperson Tamara Aparton, rebidding will protect public funds, preserve access to time-sensitive state funding and add an emphasis on avoiding a full redesign that could delay the project further.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ll adjust the more ancillary or unseen parts of the project, like finding a less expensive material for something or adjusting things like fencing, to bring down the cost while keeping the heart of the project intact,” said Aparton.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The “heart of the project in question” is the needs and cultural preservation of Chinatown, where Portsmouth Square resides, Aparton said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Anni Chung, the president and CEO of Self-Help for the Elderly, a nonprofit that runs classes and workshops from the Portsmouth Square Clubhouse, emphasized that many of Chinatown’s 15,000 residents live in single-room occupancy apartments. Without living rooms, many rely on public spaces like parks to form community.[aside postID=news_11973503 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/240122-PORTSMOUTHSQUARE-35-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg']“It’s really part of our life. We work in Chinatown. Some of us live in Chinatown. The elderly and immigrant families live in Chinatown,” said Chung. “I know how important it is for our community to have a functional, viable, safe park where all our residents, young and old, can go and enjoy lunch there and just sit and relax for a few minutes before the hectic day.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While developments are in motion, the removal of the pedestrian bridge that connects the Hilton Financial District hotel and Kearny Street, which borders the park, poses a challenge for the project — as there isn’t an agreement as to who will cover the expense.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The hotel also hosts the neighborhood’s Chinese Culture Center, where community members have expressed concerns about the bridge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As part of the park design, the majority of the community supported the removal of the bridge,” said community member Allan Low.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Louie added that all the new bid proposals include plans for demolition of the Hilton bridge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city attorney’s office is currently in negotiations with the Hilton hotel. Construction and completion of the development are now expected to begin in the summer of 2028.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite the delay, community members said they are glad the development is still underway.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’d say the department is still on track. A five-month delay is nothing, the community has waited for years,” said Vanita Louie, a Rec and Parks commissioner, in a statement. “This is the most major park renovation project in Chinatown’s history. The department will take the extra time in finding cost-saving ways without changing the approved design.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11973426\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11973426\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/240122-PORTSMOUTHSQUARE-11-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"Birds fly above a pedestrian bridge connecting a Hilton to Portsmouth Square in San Francisco's Chinatown neighborhood on Jan. 22, 2024.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/240122-PORTSMOUTHSQUARE-11-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/240122-PORTSMOUTHSQUARE-11-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/240122-PORTSMOUTHSQUARE-11-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/240122-PORTSMOUTHSQUARE-11-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/240122-PORTSMOUTHSQUARE-11-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/240122-PORTSMOUTHSQUARE-11-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Birds fly above a pedestrian bridge connecting a Hilton to Portsmouth Square in San Francisco’s Chinatown neighborhood on Jan. 22, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>According to Rec and Parks spokesperson Tamara Aparton, rebidding will protect public funds, preserve access to time-sensitive state funding and add an emphasis on avoiding a full redesign that could delay the project further.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ll adjust the more ancillary or unseen parts of the project, like finding a less expensive material for something or adjusting things like fencing, to bring down the cost while keeping the heart of the project intact,” said Aparton.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The “heart of the project in question” is the needs and cultural preservation of Chinatown, where Portsmouth Square resides, Aparton said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Anni Chung, the president and CEO of Self-Help for the Elderly, a nonprofit that runs classes and workshops from the Portsmouth Square Clubhouse, emphasized that many of Chinatown’s 15,000 residents live in single-room occupancy apartments. Without living rooms, many rely on public spaces like parks to form community.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“It’s really part of our life. We work in Chinatown. Some of us live in Chinatown. The elderly and immigrant families live in Chinatown,” said Chung. “I know how important it is for our community to have a functional, viable, safe park where all our residents, young and old, can go and enjoy lunch there and just sit and relax for a few minutes before the hectic day.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While developments are in motion, the removal of the pedestrian bridge that connects the Hilton Financial District hotel and Kearny Street, which borders the park, poses a challenge for the project — as there isn’t an agreement as to who will cover the expense.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The hotel also hosts the neighborhood’s Chinese Culture Center, where community members have expressed concerns about the bridge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As part of the park design, the majority of the community supported the removal of the bridge,” said community member Allan Low.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Louie added that all the new bid proposals include plans for demolition of the Hilton bridge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city attorney’s office is currently in negotiations with the Hilton hotel. Construction and completion of the development are now expected to begin in the summer of 2028.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "the-transamerica-pyramid-at-50-from-architectural-butchery-to-icon",
"title": "The Transamerica Pyramid: From 'Architectural Butchery' to Icon",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"#A\">View the full episode transcript.\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This article originally published December 8, 2022. It has been updated to reflect recent changes to the building.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Golden Gate Bridge. The Bay Bridge. Sutro Tower. Coit Tower. Perhaps even (whisper it) the Salesforce Tower.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When it comes to instantly recognizable structures, San Francisco suffers no shortage. But if asked to pick their favorite, many people might go for a classic: the Transamerica Pyramid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[baycuriouspodcastinfo]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Pyramid — officially known as the Transamerica Pyramid Center — first opened back in 1972, making it more than 50 years old. At over 850 feet high, back then it was the tallest building San Francisco had ever seen. It has over 3,000 windows, an exterior of white quartz, and an illuminated spire at its very top, like the star on top of a Christmas tree.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11934440\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11934440\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61504_001_KQED_TransamericaPyramid_12062022-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61504_001_KQED_TransamericaPyramid_12062022-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61504_001_KQED_TransamericaPyramid_12062022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61504_001_KQED_TransamericaPyramid_12062022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61504_001_KQED_TransamericaPyramid_12062022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61504_001_KQED_TransamericaPyramid_12062022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Transamerica Pyramid as seen from Pier 7 in San Francisco on Dec. 6, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The Pyramid is no longer the tallest building in San Francisco; that honor now goes to the Salesforce Tower, at 1,070 feet. But the story of how it came to be might surprise you.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s because what is now an architectural icon was once quite controversial.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11934146\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11934146\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61484_016_KQED_TransamericaPyramid_11302022-qut-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61484_016_KQED_TransamericaPyramid_11302022-qut-1.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61484_016_KQED_TransamericaPyramid_11302022-qut-1-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61484_016_KQED_TransamericaPyramid_11302022-qut-1-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61484_016_KQED_TransamericaPyramid_11302022-qut-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61484_016_KQED_TransamericaPyramid_11302022-qut-1-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A view from the bottom of the Transamerica Pyramid in San Francisco on Nov. 30, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>San Francisco before the Pyramid\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Like a pin in a map, the Transamerica Pyramid marks the spot where the communities of Chinatown, North Beach, Telegraph Hill and the Financial District converge. And historically speaking, the Pyramid is built on hallowed ground.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the first half of the 19th century, this area of San Francisco wasn’t several blocks away from the bay, like it is now. It was the Barbary Coast, right on the water. A whaling ship called the Niantic even ran aground here in 1849 after the crew jumped ship to make their fortunes in the gold fields. Like many ships around this time, instead of being removed or torn down, the Niantic was instead absorbed into the fabric of the city: It was retrofitted into a hotel and ultimately became part of the landfill as the city expanded into the bay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11844073\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11844073\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/1-10.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/1-10.png 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/1-10-800x533.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/1-10-1020x680.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/1-10-160x107.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/1-10-1536x1024.png 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A view of San Francisco looking toward the bay, by Frank Marryat, ca. 1850. \u003ccite>(Library of Congress)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Back during the Gold Rush, Montgomery Street was at the center of city life. In 1853, workers constructed a massive building — appropriately known as the Montgomery Block — on the exact spot where the Transamerica Pyramid would later be built. “At the time, it was the tallest building west of the Mississippi at a towering four stories,” said author \u003ca href=\"https://hiyaswanhuyser.wordpress.com/\">Hiya Swanhuyser\u003c/a>, who is currently writing a book about the history of the building. “[It was] built, famously, on a foundation made up of redwood logs interlaced that were floated across the bay.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Franciscans, Swanhuyser says, even called the Montgomery Block “a floating fortress.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like so many spaces through San Francisco’s history, the Block — and the people inside it — lived many lives. Originally, the space was built to be law offices and a hangout spot for San Francisco’s high society. But when the city’s business folk started to migrate south to Market Street, artists moved in. The Montgomery Block entered its creative era.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11934444\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11934444\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/Montgomery-Block.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1440\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/Montgomery-Block.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/Montgomery-Block-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/Montgomery-Block-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/Montgomery-Block-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/Montgomery-Block-1536x1152.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A view of the Montgomery Block in 1856, by photographer G. R. Fardon (1807–1886) \u003ccite>(Google Art Project/Wikimedia Commons)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“They were writers and sculptors,” said Swanhuyser, “people who were inventing journalism in the mid-1860s. People like Ambrose Bierce, who, according to some, was America’s first newspaper columnist, and Mark Twain and Bret Harte. And Ina Coolbrith, who was California’s first poet laureate.”[aside postID=news_12045917 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/ATK6-KQED.jpg']This area of Montgomery Street was known for its bohemian ways, a scene that attracted freethinkers from near and far. Just a block to the north, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11848986/inside-frida-kahlo-and-diego-riveras-life-in-san-francisco\">now-iconic artists Frida Kahlo and Diego Rivera lived and worked here in the 1930s\u003c/a>. But the Montgomery Block’s influence was also ideological, says Swanhuyser, a “hotbed of painters and political people”: \u003ca href=\"http://www.tenderloinmuseum.org/public-programs-2019-1/2019/5/23/the-history-of-the-1934-general-strike\">The massive General Strike of 1934, which shut the city down for four days\u003c/a> and brought class struggles to a head, was organized, in part, right here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lights went out on the Montgomery Block’s creative chapter in 1959. That year, explained Swanhuyser, “a man named S.E. Onorato bought it and tore it down, claiming he was going to make a parking structure.” But Onorato never got to build his parking garage, and the space remained a single parking lot for almost a decade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s when the Transamerica Corporation — and the Pyramid — came into the picture.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11934143\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11934143\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61480_011_KQED_TransamericaPyramid_11302022-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61480_011_KQED_TransamericaPyramid_11302022-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61480_011_KQED_TransamericaPyramid_11302022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61480_011_KQED_TransamericaPyramid_11302022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61480_011_KQED_TransamericaPyramid_11302022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61480_011_KQED_TransamericaPyramid_11302022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A view from the bottom of the Transamerica Pyramid in San Francisco on Nov. 30, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>Path to the Pyramid\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Transamerica is now a financial services company, concerned with insurance and investments. Its story starts back in 1904 with the founding of the Bank of Italy in San Francisco — the brainchild of San José’s A.P. Giannini. That bank would become the Bank of America in the 1930s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Transamerica began as the holding company for Giannini’s various financial ventures, which had by then become legion. The original “Transamerica Building” is actually still standing — it’s \u003ca href=\"http://playfoursquare.s3.amazonaws.com/pix/7871784_ficuEsfM_7kskU64jWPZTlip36tZCTyeSNJ1tkepH4A.jpg\">that flatiron-looking building\u003c/a> that forms a junction between Montgomery Street and Columbus Avenue, just across the street from where the Pyramid now stretches into the sky.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now it’s the San Francisco headquarters of the Church of Scientology, but in 1969, it was home to the corporation that wanted a new headquarters. And it turned out Transamerica wanted to build … a pyramid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The corporation had brought in a Los Angeles architect named \u003ca href=\"https://www.laconservancy.org/architects/william-pereira\">William Pereira\u003c/a> who had worked as an art director in Hollywood. His brief was, apparently, to create something that allowed sunlight to filter down to ground level.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11934144\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11934144\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61483_017_KQED_TransamericaPyramid_11302022-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61483_017_KQED_TransamericaPyramid_11302022-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61483_017_KQED_TransamericaPyramid_11302022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61483_017_KQED_TransamericaPyramid_11302022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61483_017_KQED_TransamericaPyramid_11302022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61483_017_KQED_TransamericaPyramid_11302022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The moon rises near the Transamerica Pyramid in San Francisco on Nov. 30, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Pereira envisioned a pyramid more than 850 feet tall, with two wing-like columns running up either side to allow for an elevator shaft on one side and a stairwell on the other. Even with its pyramid structure, it would have a capacity of 763,000 square feet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When the Transamerica Corporation shared the design with the public, the critics hated it. The San Francisco Chronicle’s architecture writer Allan Temko called it “authentic architectural butchery.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And it wasn’t just local critics. The Washington Post said the Pyramid proposal was “a second-class World’s Fair Space Needle.” Los Angeles Times critic John Pastier called the design “antisocial architecture at its worst,” capturing a broader unease at how Transamerica was trying to smear its corporate vision on San Francisco’s skyline. “Corporations that are far more important to the city have exercised considerably more restraint in their architecture than Transamerica,” wrote Pastier, “which is blatantly attempting to put its ‘brand’ on the city.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 1969, San Franciscans protested against the Pyramid plans in the street, carrying signs that bore slogans like “Corporate Egotism” and “Stop the Shaft.” Some protesters even donned pyramid-shaped dunce hats. (You can \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/oursf/article/Transamerica-Pyramid-sf-17154748.php\">see more photos from the protests in the San Francisco Chronicle’s archives\u003c/a>.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11934436\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11934436\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/Chron-image.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1539\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/Chron-image.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/Chron-image-800x641.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/Chron-image-1020x818.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/Chron-image-160x128.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/Chron-image-1536x1231.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Protestors at the old Transamerica Building march against the new Transamerica Pyramid, announced in 1969 and built in 1972, on July 23, 1969. \u003ccite>(Stan Creighton/San Francisco Chronicle)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Those protesters included Hiya Swanhuyser’s mother. “She was a community-minded hippie and she didn’t think that a neighborhood was the right place for a skyscraper,” Swanhuyser said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There was even a lawsuit filed by nearby residents. At a City Hall hearing about the proposal, an attorney for the Telegraph Hill Dwellers Association spoke for those residents, in language that echoed the burgeoning environmentalism of the 1960s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The curse of this country is the worship of material things,” the residents’ attorney told City Hall. “We’ve polluted our rivers, our harbors, and our lakes, and our air — and we’re now about to pollute the skyline of San Francisco, one of its greatest treasures.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yet at that same hearing, San Francisco Mayor Joseph Alioto made his support for the Pyramid — and its design — clear. Alioto urged those assembled to acknowledge the subjectivity of taste, proclaiming that the real issue was whether the Pyramid “is so bad that all reasonable men must agree.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The design, Alioto said, wasn’t that bad. On the contrary, it would “add considerable interest and beauty to the San Francisco skyline.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city’s Planning Commission ultimately signed off. The Pyramid was officially coming to San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11934148\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11934148\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61493_023_KQED_TransamericaPyramid_11302022-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61493_023_KQED_TransamericaPyramid_11302022-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61493_023_KQED_TransamericaPyramid_11302022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61493_023_KQED_TransamericaPyramid_11302022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61493_023_KQED_TransamericaPyramid_11302022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61493_023_KQED_TransamericaPyramid_11302022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Transamerica Pyramid seen from Montgomery Street in San Francisco on Nov. 30, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>Darkness and light in a most strange year\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Construction on the Transamerica Pyramid started in 1969. And this was no ordinary year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.biography.com/crime-figure/zodiac-killer\">The Zodiac Killer\u003c/a> murdered three of his four confirmed victims in 1969, in Vallejo, at Lake Berryessa and, finally, in San Francisco’s Presidio Heights neighborhood. That same year, Bay Area residents would open their morning papers to see strange symbols — ciphers that someone claiming to be the Zodiac Killer sent to the press.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This was also the summer that \u003ca href=\"https://www.history.com/this-day-in-history/manson-cult-kills-five-people\">Charles Manson’s so-called “family” murdered five people in Los Angeles\u003c/a>, co-opting the visual language of the occult in their heinous acts. Then, the very same month construction on the Pyramid began, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.history.com/this-day-in-history/the-altamont-festival-brings-the-1960s-to-a-violent-end\">Altamont Speedway Free Festival\u003c/a> outside Livermore turned from a celebration of the counterculture into violence, mayhem and murder.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=xY8Jrp_L7jM\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This was the backdrop against which San Franciscans were now watching a gigantic, mysterious pyramid start to stretch into the sky: the same ancient symbol that’s loomed large in the worlds of magic, alchemy and superstition for millennia — appearing, that year of all years, between North Beach and Chinatown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some may have found it creepy. But Larry Yee, who grew up nearby, remembers it as exciting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yee is now president of the historic Chinese Consolidated Benevolent Association (also known as the \u003ca href=\"https://www.foundsf.org/index.php?title=The_Six_Companies\">Chinese Six Companies\u003c/a>), and serves on the San Francisco Police Commission. But back in 1969, growing up in \u003ca href=\"https://landezine-award.com/everyone-deserves-a-garden-ping-yuen-public-housing-rehabilitation/\">Chinatown’s Ping Yuen housing development\u003c/a>, Yee was a basketball-obsessed teen running around this part of the city with his friends.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We challenged ourselves to go into some of these vacant buildings that they developed,” Yee said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11934393\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1656px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11934393\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61501_GettyImages-1206186630-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1656\" height=\"1007\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61501_GettyImages-1206186630-qut.jpg 1656w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61501_GettyImages-1206186630-qut-800x486.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61501_GettyImages-1206186630-qut-1020x620.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61501_GettyImages-1206186630-qut-160x97.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61501_GettyImages-1206186630-qut-1536x934.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1656px) 100vw, 1656px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Construction progresses at the Transamerica Pyramid Building, on June 3, 1971. \u003ccite>(Joe Rosenthal/San Francisco Chronicle via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Yee recalls how different San Francisco looked before the Pyramid. “Yeah, it was flat!” he said, adding that it was rare to see “buildings like this, that pop up through the skyline.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He and his friends were getting a front-row seat to the construction of San Francisco’s most talked-about landmark, and one of his most enduring memories is of the constant construction noise. Far louder than the rattle of the California Street cable car that ran nearby, Yee said, was workers “pounding down on the pillars: ‘bom, bom, bom, bom.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Initially, he and his friends didn’t even know it was a pyramid being built down the street. They just saw a building being built up, and up … and then up even further, getting narrower. He laughs recalling how he and his friends worried the strange new building “could tip over.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yee has still kept his enthusiasm for the Transamerica Pyramid, decades after he watched it being built. He likes what it represents, and its place in the visual fabric of the city — and the neighborhood — he’s always called home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It is, he says, still “magical.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11934142\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11934142\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61473_003_KQED_TransamericaPyramid_11302022-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61473_003_KQED_TransamericaPyramid_11302022-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61473_003_KQED_TransamericaPyramid_11302022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61473_003_KQED_TransamericaPyramid_11302022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61473_003_KQED_TransamericaPyramid_11302022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61473_003_KQED_TransamericaPyramid_11302022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Transamerica Pyramid can be seen reflected in the front window of a 1 California Muni bus in San Francisco on Nov. 30, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>The more things change\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>San Francisco is a place of relentless change, and the Pyramid’s reputation is no exception. For a building that’s literally built on the site where creative genius flourished — a structure whose design was so fiercely contentious — the Transamerica Pyramid Center is now thoroughly uncontroversial.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What’s good about the Pyramid overwhelms what’s bad about it,” architect Henrik Bull told The San Francisco Chronicle on the building’s 40th anniversary. Once a loud opponent of the plan, he’d changed his mind. “It’s a wonderful building,” he said. “And what makes it wonderful is everything that we were objecting to.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11934441\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11934441\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS60290_010_KQED_TransamericaPyramid_11182022-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS60290_010_KQED_TransamericaPyramid_11182022-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS60290_010_KQED_TransamericaPyramid_11182022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS60290_010_KQED_TransamericaPyramid_11182022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS60290_010_KQED_TransamericaPyramid_11182022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS60290_010_KQED_TransamericaPyramid_11182022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Transamerica Pyramid, a 48-story skyscraper in San Francisco’s Financial District, on Nov. 18, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The Transamerica Pyramid is no longer the headquarters of its namesake — the corporation moved to Maryland — but its offices are still leased to financial services companies. Among insurance, wealth management and private equity, a 21st-century Montgomery Block artist’s haven this is not.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here’s another thing: For the most public, visible local icon you could imagine, the Transamerica Pyramid is also not very public. First-time tourists might naturally assume that a trip up the Pyramid is one of the City’s must-see attractions — like climbing the Empire State Building in New York City, or Seattle’s Space Needle. But you can’t go inside the Pyramid Center beyond the lobby, let alone climb to the top to see the view, unless you’re visiting one of the offices inside. There used to be an observation deck up there, but it closed in the ’90s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11934438\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11934438\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61516_015_KQED_TransamericaPyramid_12062022-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61516_015_KQED_TransamericaPyramid_12062022-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61516_015_KQED_TransamericaPyramid_12062022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61516_015_KQED_TransamericaPyramid_12062022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61516_015_KQED_TransamericaPyramid_12062022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61516_015_KQED_TransamericaPyramid_12062022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Supervisor Aaron Peskin (from left), state Sen. Scott Wiener, Deutsche Finance America partner Jason Lucas, SHVO Chairman and CEO Michael Shvo, Mayor London Breed and former Mayor Willie Brown break ground at the Transamerica Pyramid during a 50th-anniversary celebration of the building and a groundbreaking ceremony for a $400 million redevelopment of the site in San Francisco on Dec. 6, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The building recently underwent a $400 million-dollar renovation by Norman Foster’s architectural firm. The Pyramid’s owner, Michael Shvo, says he’s in talks to \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/sf/article/A-members-only-luxury-club-with-fees-up-to-16799906.php\">bring three restaurants to the building\u003c/a>, which apparently will be open to the public.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But among other interior changes, the renovation will also see a\u003ca href=\"https://sfist.com/2022/01/25/just-what-downtown-sf-needs-a-new-private-club-for-the-ultra-rich/\"> high-end club moving into the Pyramid\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’ll be private, for members only.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Present meets past\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>For all this site’s corporate credentials, the ghosts of the original Montgomery Block and this area’s Barbary Coast roots still linger here — if you know where to look.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11934439\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11934439\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61509_008_KQED_TransamericaPyramid_12062022-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61509_008_KQED_TransamericaPyramid_12062022-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61509_008_KQED_TransamericaPyramid_12062022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61509_008_KQED_TransamericaPyramid_12062022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61509_008_KQED_TransamericaPyramid_12062022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61509_008_KQED_TransamericaPyramid_12062022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A grove of redwood trees grows at the base of the Transamerica Pyramid in San Francisco on Dec. 6, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Architect Pereira’s design includes a small park at the east side of the Pyramid’s base: the Transamerica Redwood Park, which was planted with 80 redwood trees shipped north from the Santa Cruz Mountains. Next to those redwoods you’ll find Mark Twain Place, named for one of the Montgomery Block’s most iconic figures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When excavation began in the late ’70s for the plaza complex adjacent to the park, construction workers found none other than the remains of \u003ca href=\"https://www.nps.gov/safr/learn/historyculture/nianticpainting.htm\">the Niantic, that whaling ship that docked in 1849\u003c/a>. The vessel hadn’t been lost to time after all. Instead, it was pushed down over the decades by a city that has been compulsively remaking itself in all directions since European colonizers arrived, buried deep underground. It’s said that champagne bottles were even found resting in the ship’s hull.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11934151\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11934151\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61498_030_KQED_TransamericaPyramid_11302022-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61498_030_KQED_TransamericaPyramid_11302022-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61498_030_KQED_TransamericaPyramid_11302022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61498_030_KQED_TransamericaPyramid_11302022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61498_030_KQED_TransamericaPyramid_11302022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61498_030_KQED_TransamericaPyramid_11302022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A man stops to look at the view of the Transamerica Pyramid at dusk in San Francisco on Nov. 30, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>And just steps away from these markers of our past is the once-hated Pyramid. It may still be a symbol of the city’s money and power. But it’s an icon that’s finally found acceptance here — even affection — nonetheless.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[baycuriousquestion]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"A\">\u003c/a>Episode Transcript\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This is a computer-generated transcript. While our team has reviewed it, there may be errors.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Katrina Schwartz:\u003c/b> The Transamerica Pyramid is one of the most recognizable parts of the San Francisco skyline, and was groundbreaking in many ways when it opened in 1972.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Did you know all of the building’s windows rotate nearly 360 degrees? CBS demonstrated in this news clip.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>CBS newsclip: \u003c/b>Because of the building’s unique shape, architects designed windows that could be cleaned from the inside. “Yeah but you missed a spot” spritz spritz 3,676 to go…\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Katrina Schwartz:\u003c/b> The pointed peak of the building is a 212 foot spire, reinforced by aluminum grating. KRON4 climbed to the top to check it out in 1998.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>KRON4 newsclip: \u003c/b>This is the spire … oh my god…\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Katrina Schwartz:\u003c/b> The now famous building just got a $400 million dollar makeover and in the process builders uncovered something surprising\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>News clip: \u003c/b>But deep within its steel bones there, construction crews discovered a time capsule.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>John Krizek: \u003c/b>There was always this tradition of putting time capsules in buildings under construction. I’m John Krizek and I was the public relations manager of Transamerica Corporation from 1968 to 1977.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Katrina Schwartz:\u003c/b> John and his friend Bill Bronson, who was the editor of the California Historical Society, planted the capsule back when the Transamerica Pyramid was being built in the early 70s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>John Krizek: \u003c/b>I think it was our intent at the time that this was going to be locked up and not looked at for 50 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Katrina Schwartz:\u003c/b> They put in cassette tapes, photos, maps, recipes, and newspaper articles that would show whoever found the capsule how the spot where the building stands has played an important role in San Francisco history since the Gold Rush.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>John Krizek: \u003c/b>We needed to save that history. And on top of that, on this sacred site, we come along with this shocking plan for this unusual building, which went through an enormous amount of controversy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Theme starts\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Katrina Schwartz:\u003c/b> Today on Bay Curious, we’re digging into the history of the Transamerica Pyramid. It’s one of the most iconic San Francisco buildings and yet there’s a lot I didn’t know about it. We first aired this episode in December of 2022 in honor of the pyramid’s 50th birthday. I’m Katrina Schwartz, filling in for Olivia Allen-Price. Stay with us.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Theme ends\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Katrina Schwartz:\u003c/b> The Transamerica Pyramid is iconic now, but you will not be surprised to learn when it was new, people \u003ci>hated\u003c/i> it. KQED reporter Carly Severn takes us back in time to the birth of a legendary landmark.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Carly Severn:\u003c/b> Like a pin in a map, the Transamerica Pyramid marks the spot where the communities of Chinatown, North Beach, Telegraph Hill and the Financial District all converge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And in terms of the city’s history, the site that the Pyramid is built on is hallowed ground.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 1849, the year the Gold Rush began, this part of San Francisco was right on the water. So close, that a whaling ship called the Niantic was deliberately run aground right here after the crew abandoned ship to seek their fortunes in this wild, wily town.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The coast didn’t stay “the coast” for long. Landfill was used to rapidly swell the San Francisco streets further out into the Bay – swallowing that shipwreck with it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But back when this part of Montgomery Street still bordered the bay — in 1853 — it was a good place to construct a huge building, one that spanned the entire block.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They called it the Montgomery Block. And the history of this building has long fascinated San Francisco writer Hiya Swanhuyser.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Hiya Swanhuyser: \u003c/b>It was the tallest building west of the Mississippi. At a towering four stories, it was famously built on a foundation of a so-called raft of redwood logs that had been floated across the Bay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Carly Severn:\u003c/b> Like so many places in San Francisco, the Montgomery Block, and the people inside it, lived many lives. This space was originally built to be law offices, with a hangout spot for high society, but when the city’s business folk started to migrate to Market Street, the creatives moved in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Hiya Swanhuyser: \u003c/b>They were writers and sculptors, people who were inventing journalism in the mid 1860s. People like Ambrose Bierce, who according to some, was America’s first newspaper columnist.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Dramatic read of Amrose Bierce writing: \u003c/b>Corporation: An ingenious device for obtaining profit without individual responsibility.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Hiya Swanhuyser: \u003c/b>And Mark Twain and Bret Harte.\u003cb> \u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Dramatic read of Bret Harte writing: \u003c/b>The only sure thing about luck is that it will change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Hiya Swanhuyser: \u003c/b>And Ina Coolbrith, who was California’s first poet laureate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Dramatic read of Ina Coolbrith writing: \u003c/b>Were I to write what I know, the book would be too sensational to print, but were I to write what I think proper, it would be too dull to read.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Carly Severn: \u003c/b>Just a block to the north, now-iconic artists Frida Kahlo and Diego Rivera lived and worked here in the 1930s. It was \u003ci>a scene.\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Hiya Swanhuyser: \u003c/b>It sort of stayed a scene for most of its life, which ended in 1959 when someone bought it and tore it down to make a parking structure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Carly Severn: \u003c/b>But the garage never materialized. And so the space remained a single parking lot for almost a decade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Enter the Transamerica Corporation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This business actually started in San Francisco back in 1904 as the Bank of Italy, courtesy of a local man called A.P. Giannini. Later, in the thirties, it would become known as Bank of America. Ever heard of it?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Giannini had a lot of financial schemes and he soon needed more than a bank to contain them. That’s when the Transamerica Corporation was born. By 1969 the Corporation was ready to make its mark on San Francisco with a new headquarters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They brought in a Los Angeles architect named William Pereira to design it. He was told to create something that would still allow light to filter down to street level.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But when the design for the 763 thousand square foot pyramid dropped, the critics hated it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The San Francisco Chronicle’s architecture writer Allan Temko called it\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Dramatic reading of Allan Temko: \u003c/b>Authentic architectural butchery.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Carly Severn:\u003c/b> And it wasn’t just local critics. The Washington Post said Pereira’s Pyramid proposal was:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Washington Post voice over: \u003c/b>A second-class world’s fair space needle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pastier voice over: \u003c/b>Antisocial architecture at its worst.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Carly Severn:\u003c/b> Said Los Angeles Times critic John Pastier. He captured a broader unease about Transamerica trying to smear its corporate vision on the San Francisco skyline:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pastier voice over: \u003c/b>Corporations that are far more important to the city have exercised considerably more restraint in their architecture than Transamerica, which is blatantly attempting to put its ‘brand’ on the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Carly Severn:\u003c/b> People protested against Pereira’s pyramid design, carrying signs that bore slogans like “Corporate Egotism” and “Stop the Shaft.” They even wore pyramid-shaped dunce hats.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These protesters actually included Hiya Swanhuyser’s own mother:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Hiya Swanhuyser: \u003c/b>She was a community minded hippie and she didn’t think that a neighborhood was the right place for a skyscraper.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Carlyn Severn:\u003c/b> Neighborhood residents even filed a lawsuit. At a City Hall hearing about the proposal, an attorney for the Telegraph Hill Dwellers Association spoke for those residents, in language that echoed the burgeoning environmentalism of the sixties:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>THDA Attorney: \u003c/b>The curse of this country is the worship of material things. We’ve polluted our rivers, our harbors, and our lakes, and our air. And we’re now about to pollute the skyline of San Francisco, one of its greatest treasures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Carlyn Severn: \u003c/b>But at that same hearing, San Francisco Mayor Joseph Alioto quoted the classics in support of the pyramid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Joseph Alioto: \u003c/b>We have to recognize that the Latinists used to say ‘De gustibus non est disputandum’ – that there simply is no disputing tastes, and the only question is whether it is \u003ci>so \u003c/i>bad that all reasonable men must agree.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Carly Severn:\u003c/b> And this pyramid, Alioto said, wasn’t \u003ci>that \u003c/i>bad. On the contrary:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Joseph Alioto: \u003c/b>It will add considerable interest and beauty to the San Francisco skyline.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Carly Severn: \u003c/b>The city’s Planning Commission signed off on the project and the pyramid was officially coming to San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Construction on the Transamerica Pyramid started in 1969, a dark year in many ways. This was the year in which three of the four confirmed murders by the Zodiac killer took place – the last one in San Francisco itself.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>News clip: \u003c/b>School children are nice targets, I shall wipe out a school bus one more and then pick off the kiddies as they come bounding out. That was the threat of the zodiac killer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Carly Severn: \u003c/b>The year that you could open the Chronicle and read the Zodiac’s cryptic letters full of codes and symbols right there at your breakfast table.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>News clip: \u003c/b>They are weighing advice from astrologers on the theory that the killer who calls himself the Zodiac may be planning his next victim based on astrological signs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Carly Severn: \u003c/b>‘69 was also the year of the gruesome Manson Family murders in LA, with all their Satanic imagery.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>News clip: \u003c/b>One officer summed up the murders when he said, “in all my years, I have never seen anything like this before.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>Sneak up Rolling Stones set at Altamont Festival\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Carly Severn: \u003c/b>Of the disastrous Altamont Festival outside Livermore\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Rolling Stones: \u003c/b>Hey People!\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>Crowd noise\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Carly Severn: \u003c/b>A celebration of counterculture that devolved into violence, mayhem and murder.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Rolling Stones: Why Are we fighting? \u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Carly Severn: \u003c/b>So I can’t help thinking how it would have felt to be living in San Francisco at the start of the 70s, bombarded with so much occult-inflected darkness in your morning paper – and seeing one of the most ancient and mysterious symbols, a pyramid, being summoned in your backyard.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But for many, watching a skyscraper go up was also exciting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Larry Yee: \u003c/b>My name is Larry Yee, born and raised in San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Carly Severn: \u003c/b>Now, Larry is the president of the historic Chinese Consolidated Benevolent Association, also known as the Chinese Six Companies. He also serves on the San Francisco Police Commission.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But back in 1969, growing up in Chinatown’s Ping Yuen housing development, Larry was a basketball-obsessed teen, running – or often skating – around this part of the city with his friends.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Larry Yee: \u003c/b>Play hide and seek — you know, we challenge ourselves and go into some of these vacant buildings that they developed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Carly Severn: \u003c/b>Walking around the base of the Pyramid over 50 years later, with the sound of traffic and tourists echoing off the street corners, Larry says the San Francisco he remembers from childhood, pre-pyramid, looked quite different:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Larry Yee: \u003c/b>Yeah. It was flat! You know, there weren’t many buildings like this that pop up through the skyline.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Carly Severn: \u003c/b>This part of town was hopping, and full of the kinds of characters that had frequented the Montgomery Block years back. It was home to famous nightclubs like the Hungry I and the Purple Onion comedy cellar, where folks like Lenny Bruce were playing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Lenny Bruce: \u003c/b>Where I’m goin’ kill it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Carly Severn: \u003c/b>But when the Pyramid was being built, all Larry and his friends could get was a sneak peek through the holes in the plywood fencing that hid the rapidly-rising behemoth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And he still remembers the sheer, constant construction noise.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Larry Yee: \u003c/b>You come home from school and you know they’re pounding down on the pillars. Bam, bam, bam, bam.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Carly Severn: \u003c/b>Initially, he and his friends didn’t even know it was a pyramid. They just saw a building being built up, and up, and then up even further, getting narrower.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Larry Yee: \u003c/b>We had concerns too, how far it’s going to go, whether it could tip over and then once they finished we said “Ah, this is a pyramid.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Carly Severn: \u003c/b>When it was finished, Pereira’s pyramid had over 3,000 windows, an exterior of white quartz, and an illuminated spire at its very top, like the star on top of a Christmas tree.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Subtle, the pyramid is not. But decades on, Larry’s still a fan of this building. He says for him, it represents progress — the meeting of the old and the new. And he’s fond of its place in the visual fabric of the city, and the neighborhood, he’s always called home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Larry Yee: \u003c/b>I don’t know. It’s magical.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Carly Severn: \u003c/b>And it’s funny. For a building that’s literally built on the site of the Montgomery Block, where creative genius flourished; a building whose design was so fiercely contentious, the Transamerica Pyramid Center is now thoroughly uncontroversial.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Its silhouette on our skyline has become symbolic of San Francisco. Even several of those early critics changed their minds. Henrik Bull, an architect who originally opposed the pyramid — publicly, and loudly -– told the San Francisco Chronicle on the building’s 40th anniversary that like many others, he’d switched course in the intervening decades:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Henrik Bull voice over: \u003c/b>What’s good about the Pyramid overwhelms what’s bad about it. It’s a wonderful building. And what makes it wonderful is everything that we were objecting to.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Carly Severn: \u003c/b>What started out as a corporate symbol has stayed, well, corporate. In a Financial District full of office buildings, the pyramid is in many ways just another one of them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Transamerica Pyramid isn’t even the Transamerica headquarters any more — those officially moved to Maryland. These offices are primarily leased by financial services companies dealing in wealth management and private equity. There’s even a high-end members club moving in soon. A 21st-century Montgomery Block artist’s haven this is \u003ci>not\u003c/i>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But here’s another thing: For the most visible local icon you could imagine, the Transamerica Pyramid is not very public. Tourists might naturally assume that a trip up the pyramid is one of the City’s must-see attractions — like climbing the Empire State Building or the Space Needle. But you can’t go inside the Pyramid Center, let alone climb to the top to see the view, unless you’re visiting one of the offices inside. There used to be an observation deck up there, but it closed in the nineties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, the ghosts of this site’s previous inhabitants linger here, if you know where to look.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you go to the Pyramid today, and walk into the small park at its base, you’ll find Mark Twain Place, named after one of the Montgomery Block’s most iconic inhabitants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And remember that old ship that ran aground here in the Gold Rush, back when all this was bayside? The Niantic?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It wasn’t lost to time after all. Later in the ‘70s, way after the pyramid was built, a construction team working in the park discovered what was left of that ship, right here. Pushed down over the decades by a city that has been remaking itself since Europeans arrived, buried deep underground. It’s said that champagne bottles were even found resting in its hull.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And just steps away from these markers of our past is the once-hated pyramid. A symbol of the city’s money and power, but an accepted icon nonetheless.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Katrina Schwartz:\u003c/b> That was KQED’s Carly Severn.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You can go see the items preserved in the time capsule in the lobby of the renovated building. And checkout the redwood park while you’re there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bay Curious is produced in San Francisco at member-supported KQED. Our show is made by Gabriela Glueck, Christopher Beale and me, Katrina Schwartz. With extra support from Alana Walker, Maha Sanad, Katie Springer, Jen Chien, Holly Kernan and everyone at KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Bay Curious team is taking next week off for Juneteenth, but we’ll be back with a brand new episode on June 26th!\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some members of the KQED podcast team are represented by The Screen Actors Guild, American Federation of Television and Radio Artists. San Francisco Northern California Local.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thanks for listening! Have a great week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "The Transamerica Pyramid recently got a makeover. And construction crews unearthed a time capsule hidden for more than 50 years. Even after half a century, there's much about the backstory of this surprisingly controversial architectural icon that you still might not know.",
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"title": "The Transamerica Pyramid: From 'Architectural Butchery' to Icon | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"#A\">View the full episode transcript.\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This article originally published December 8, 2022. It has been updated to reflect recent changes to the building.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Golden Gate Bridge. The Bay Bridge. Sutro Tower. Coit Tower. Perhaps even (whisper it) the Salesforce Tower.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When it comes to instantly recognizable structures, San Francisco suffers no shortage. But if asked to pick their favorite, many people might go for a classic: the Transamerica Pyramid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003caside class=\"alignleft utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__bayCuriousPodcastShortcode__bayCurious\">\u003cimg src=https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/02/bayCuriousLogo.png alt=\"Bay Curious Podcast\" loading=\"lazy\" />\n \u003ca href=\"/news/series/baycurious\">Bay Curious\u003c/a> is a podcast that answers your questions about the Bay Area.\n Subscribe on \u003ca href=\"https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/bay-curious/id1172473406\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Apple Podcasts\u003c/a>,\n \u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/podcasts/500557090/bay-curious\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">NPR One\u003c/a> or your favorite podcast platform.\u003c/aside>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Pyramid — officially known as the Transamerica Pyramid Center — first opened back in 1972, making it more than 50 years old. At over 850 feet high, back then it was the tallest building San Francisco had ever seen. It has over 3,000 windows, an exterior of white quartz, and an illuminated spire at its very top, like the star on top of a Christmas tree.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11934440\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11934440\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61504_001_KQED_TransamericaPyramid_12062022-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61504_001_KQED_TransamericaPyramid_12062022-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61504_001_KQED_TransamericaPyramid_12062022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61504_001_KQED_TransamericaPyramid_12062022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61504_001_KQED_TransamericaPyramid_12062022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61504_001_KQED_TransamericaPyramid_12062022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Transamerica Pyramid as seen from Pier 7 in San Francisco on Dec. 6, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The Pyramid is no longer the tallest building in San Francisco; that honor now goes to the Salesforce Tower, at 1,070 feet. But the story of how it came to be might surprise you.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s because what is now an architectural icon was once quite controversial.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11934146\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11934146\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61484_016_KQED_TransamericaPyramid_11302022-qut-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61484_016_KQED_TransamericaPyramid_11302022-qut-1.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61484_016_KQED_TransamericaPyramid_11302022-qut-1-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61484_016_KQED_TransamericaPyramid_11302022-qut-1-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61484_016_KQED_TransamericaPyramid_11302022-qut-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61484_016_KQED_TransamericaPyramid_11302022-qut-1-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A view from the bottom of the Transamerica Pyramid in San Francisco on Nov. 30, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>San Francisco before the Pyramid\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Like a pin in a map, the Transamerica Pyramid marks the spot where the communities of Chinatown, North Beach, Telegraph Hill and the Financial District converge. And historically speaking, the Pyramid is built on hallowed ground.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the first half of the 19th century, this area of San Francisco wasn’t several blocks away from the bay, like it is now. It was the Barbary Coast, right on the water. A whaling ship called the Niantic even ran aground here in 1849 after the crew jumped ship to make their fortunes in the gold fields. Like many ships around this time, instead of being removed or torn down, the Niantic was instead absorbed into the fabric of the city: It was retrofitted into a hotel and ultimately became part of the landfill as the city expanded into the bay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11844073\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11844073\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/1-10.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/1-10.png 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/1-10-800x533.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/1-10-1020x680.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/1-10-160x107.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/1-10-1536x1024.png 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A view of San Francisco looking toward the bay, by Frank Marryat, ca. 1850. \u003ccite>(Library of Congress)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Back during the Gold Rush, Montgomery Street was at the center of city life. In 1853, workers constructed a massive building — appropriately known as the Montgomery Block — on the exact spot where the Transamerica Pyramid would later be built. “At the time, it was the tallest building west of the Mississippi at a towering four stories,” said author \u003ca href=\"https://hiyaswanhuyser.wordpress.com/\">Hiya Swanhuyser\u003c/a>, who is currently writing a book about the history of the building. “[It was] built, famously, on a foundation made up of redwood logs interlaced that were floated across the bay.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Franciscans, Swanhuyser says, even called the Montgomery Block “a floating fortress.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like so many spaces through San Francisco’s history, the Block — and the people inside it — lived many lives. Originally, the space was built to be law offices and a hangout spot for San Francisco’s high society. But when the city’s business folk started to migrate south to Market Street, artists moved in. The Montgomery Block entered its creative era.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11934444\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11934444\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/Montgomery-Block.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1440\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/Montgomery-Block.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/Montgomery-Block-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/Montgomery-Block-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/Montgomery-Block-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/Montgomery-Block-1536x1152.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A view of the Montgomery Block in 1856, by photographer G. R. Fardon (1807–1886) \u003ccite>(Google Art Project/Wikimedia Commons)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“They were writers and sculptors,” said Swanhuyser, “people who were inventing journalism in the mid-1860s. People like Ambrose Bierce, who, according to some, was America’s first newspaper columnist, and Mark Twain and Bret Harte. And Ina Coolbrith, who was California’s first poet laureate.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>This area of Montgomery Street was known for its bohemian ways, a scene that attracted freethinkers from near and far. Just a block to the north, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11848986/inside-frida-kahlo-and-diego-riveras-life-in-san-francisco\">now-iconic artists Frida Kahlo and Diego Rivera lived and worked here in the 1930s\u003c/a>. But the Montgomery Block’s influence was also ideological, says Swanhuyser, a “hotbed of painters and political people”: \u003ca href=\"http://www.tenderloinmuseum.org/public-programs-2019-1/2019/5/23/the-history-of-the-1934-general-strike\">The massive General Strike of 1934, which shut the city down for four days\u003c/a> and brought class struggles to a head, was organized, in part, right here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lights went out on the Montgomery Block’s creative chapter in 1959. That year, explained Swanhuyser, “a man named S.E. Onorato bought it and tore it down, claiming he was going to make a parking structure.” But Onorato never got to build his parking garage, and the space remained a single parking lot for almost a decade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s when the Transamerica Corporation — and the Pyramid — came into the picture.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11934143\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11934143\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61480_011_KQED_TransamericaPyramid_11302022-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61480_011_KQED_TransamericaPyramid_11302022-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61480_011_KQED_TransamericaPyramid_11302022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61480_011_KQED_TransamericaPyramid_11302022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61480_011_KQED_TransamericaPyramid_11302022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61480_011_KQED_TransamericaPyramid_11302022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A view from the bottom of the Transamerica Pyramid in San Francisco on Nov. 30, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>Path to the Pyramid\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Transamerica is now a financial services company, concerned with insurance and investments. Its story starts back in 1904 with the founding of the Bank of Italy in San Francisco — the brainchild of San José’s A.P. Giannini. That bank would become the Bank of America in the 1930s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Transamerica began as the holding company for Giannini’s various financial ventures, which had by then become legion. The original “Transamerica Building” is actually still standing — it’s \u003ca href=\"http://playfoursquare.s3.amazonaws.com/pix/7871784_ficuEsfM_7kskU64jWPZTlip36tZCTyeSNJ1tkepH4A.jpg\">that flatiron-looking building\u003c/a> that forms a junction between Montgomery Street and Columbus Avenue, just across the street from where the Pyramid now stretches into the sky.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now it’s the San Francisco headquarters of the Church of Scientology, but in 1969, it was home to the corporation that wanted a new headquarters. And it turned out Transamerica wanted to build … a pyramid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The corporation had brought in a Los Angeles architect named \u003ca href=\"https://www.laconservancy.org/architects/william-pereira\">William Pereira\u003c/a> who had worked as an art director in Hollywood. His brief was, apparently, to create something that allowed sunlight to filter down to ground level.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11934144\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11934144\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61483_017_KQED_TransamericaPyramid_11302022-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61483_017_KQED_TransamericaPyramid_11302022-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61483_017_KQED_TransamericaPyramid_11302022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61483_017_KQED_TransamericaPyramid_11302022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61483_017_KQED_TransamericaPyramid_11302022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61483_017_KQED_TransamericaPyramid_11302022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The moon rises near the Transamerica Pyramid in San Francisco on Nov. 30, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Pereira envisioned a pyramid more than 850 feet tall, with two wing-like columns running up either side to allow for an elevator shaft on one side and a stairwell on the other. Even with its pyramid structure, it would have a capacity of 763,000 square feet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When the Transamerica Corporation shared the design with the public, the critics hated it. The San Francisco Chronicle’s architecture writer Allan Temko called it “authentic architectural butchery.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And it wasn’t just local critics. The Washington Post said the Pyramid proposal was “a second-class World’s Fair Space Needle.” Los Angeles Times critic John Pastier called the design “antisocial architecture at its worst,” capturing a broader unease at how Transamerica was trying to smear its corporate vision on San Francisco’s skyline. “Corporations that are far more important to the city have exercised considerably more restraint in their architecture than Transamerica,” wrote Pastier, “which is blatantly attempting to put its ‘brand’ on the city.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 1969, San Franciscans protested against the Pyramid plans in the street, carrying signs that bore slogans like “Corporate Egotism” and “Stop the Shaft.” Some protesters even donned pyramid-shaped dunce hats. (You can \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/oursf/article/Transamerica-Pyramid-sf-17154748.php\">see more photos from the protests in the San Francisco Chronicle’s archives\u003c/a>.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11934436\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11934436\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/Chron-image.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1539\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/Chron-image.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/Chron-image-800x641.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/Chron-image-1020x818.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/Chron-image-160x128.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/Chron-image-1536x1231.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Protestors at the old Transamerica Building march against the new Transamerica Pyramid, announced in 1969 and built in 1972, on July 23, 1969. \u003ccite>(Stan Creighton/San Francisco Chronicle)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Those protesters included Hiya Swanhuyser’s mother. “She was a community-minded hippie and she didn’t think that a neighborhood was the right place for a skyscraper,” Swanhuyser said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There was even a lawsuit filed by nearby residents. At a City Hall hearing about the proposal, an attorney for the Telegraph Hill Dwellers Association spoke for those residents, in language that echoed the burgeoning environmentalism of the 1960s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The curse of this country is the worship of material things,” the residents’ attorney told City Hall. “We’ve polluted our rivers, our harbors, and our lakes, and our air — and we’re now about to pollute the skyline of San Francisco, one of its greatest treasures.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yet at that same hearing, San Francisco Mayor Joseph Alioto made his support for the Pyramid — and its design — clear. Alioto urged those assembled to acknowledge the subjectivity of taste, proclaiming that the real issue was whether the Pyramid “is so bad that all reasonable men must agree.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The design, Alioto said, wasn’t that bad. On the contrary, it would “add considerable interest and beauty to the San Francisco skyline.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city’s Planning Commission ultimately signed off. The Pyramid was officially coming to San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11934148\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11934148\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61493_023_KQED_TransamericaPyramid_11302022-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61493_023_KQED_TransamericaPyramid_11302022-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61493_023_KQED_TransamericaPyramid_11302022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61493_023_KQED_TransamericaPyramid_11302022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61493_023_KQED_TransamericaPyramid_11302022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61493_023_KQED_TransamericaPyramid_11302022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Transamerica Pyramid seen from Montgomery Street in San Francisco on Nov. 30, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>Darkness and light in a most strange year\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Construction on the Transamerica Pyramid started in 1969. And this was no ordinary year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.biography.com/crime-figure/zodiac-killer\">The Zodiac Killer\u003c/a> murdered three of his four confirmed victims in 1969, in Vallejo, at Lake Berryessa and, finally, in San Francisco’s Presidio Heights neighborhood. That same year, Bay Area residents would open their morning papers to see strange symbols — ciphers that someone claiming to be the Zodiac Killer sent to the press.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This was also the summer that \u003ca href=\"https://www.history.com/this-day-in-history/manson-cult-kills-five-people\">Charles Manson’s so-called “family” murdered five people in Los Angeles\u003c/a>, co-opting the visual language of the occult in their heinous acts. Then, the very same month construction on the Pyramid began, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.history.com/this-day-in-history/the-altamont-festival-brings-the-1960s-to-a-violent-end\">Altamont Speedway Free Festival\u003c/a> outside Livermore turned from a celebration of the counterculture into violence, mayhem and murder.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/xY8Jrp_L7jM'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/xY8Jrp_L7jM'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>This was the backdrop against which San Franciscans were now watching a gigantic, mysterious pyramid start to stretch into the sky: the same ancient symbol that’s loomed large in the worlds of magic, alchemy and superstition for millennia — appearing, that year of all years, between North Beach and Chinatown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some may have found it creepy. But Larry Yee, who grew up nearby, remembers it as exciting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yee is now president of the historic Chinese Consolidated Benevolent Association (also known as the \u003ca href=\"https://www.foundsf.org/index.php?title=The_Six_Companies\">Chinese Six Companies\u003c/a>), and serves on the San Francisco Police Commission. But back in 1969, growing up in \u003ca href=\"https://landezine-award.com/everyone-deserves-a-garden-ping-yuen-public-housing-rehabilitation/\">Chinatown’s Ping Yuen housing development\u003c/a>, Yee was a basketball-obsessed teen running around this part of the city with his friends.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We challenged ourselves to go into some of these vacant buildings that they developed,” Yee said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11934393\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1656px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11934393\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61501_GettyImages-1206186630-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1656\" height=\"1007\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61501_GettyImages-1206186630-qut.jpg 1656w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61501_GettyImages-1206186630-qut-800x486.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61501_GettyImages-1206186630-qut-1020x620.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61501_GettyImages-1206186630-qut-160x97.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61501_GettyImages-1206186630-qut-1536x934.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1656px) 100vw, 1656px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Construction progresses at the Transamerica Pyramid Building, on June 3, 1971. \u003ccite>(Joe Rosenthal/San Francisco Chronicle via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Yee recalls how different San Francisco looked before the Pyramid. “Yeah, it was flat!” he said, adding that it was rare to see “buildings like this, that pop up through the skyline.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He and his friends were getting a front-row seat to the construction of San Francisco’s most talked-about landmark, and one of his most enduring memories is of the constant construction noise. Far louder than the rattle of the California Street cable car that ran nearby, Yee said, was workers “pounding down on the pillars: ‘bom, bom, bom, bom.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Initially, he and his friends didn’t even know it was a pyramid being built down the street. They just saw a building being built up, and up … and then up even further, getting narrower. He laughs recalling how he and his friends worried the strange new building “could tip over.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yee has still kept his enthusiasm for the Transamerica Pyramid, decades after he watched it being built. He likes what it represents, and its place in the visual fabric of the city — and the neighborhood — he’s always called home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It is, he says, still “magical.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11934142\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11934142\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61473_003_KQED_TransamericaPyramid_11302022-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61473_003_KQED_TransamericaPyramid_11302022-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61473_003_KQED_TransamericaPyramid_11302022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61473_003_KQED_TransamericaPyramid_11302022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61473_003_KQED_TransamericaPyramid_11302022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61473_003_KQED_TransamericaPyramid_11302022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Transamerica Pyramid can be seen reflected in the front window of a 1 California Muni bus in San Francisco on Nov. 30, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>The more things change\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>San Francisco is a place of relentless change, and the Pyramid’s reputation is no exception. For a building that’s literally built on the site where creative genius flourished — a structure whose design was so fiercely contentious — the Transamerica Pyramid Center is now thoroughly uncontroversial.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What’s good about the Pyramid overwhelms what’s bad about it,” architect Henrik Bull told The San Francisco Chronicle on the building’s 40th anniversary. Once a loud opponent of the plan, he’d changed his mind. “It’s a wonderful building,” he said. “And what makes it wonderful is everything that we were objecting to.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11934441\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11934441\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS60290_010_KQED_TransamericaPyramid_11182022-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS60290_010_KQED_TransamericaPyramid_11182022-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS60290_010_KQED_TransamericaPyramid_11182022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS60290_010_KQED_TransamericaPyramid_11182022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS60290_010_KQED_TransamericaPyramid_11182022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS60290_010_KQED_TransamericaPyramid_11182022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Transamerica Pyramid, a 48-story skyscraper in San Francisco’s Financial District, on Nov. 18, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The Transamerica Pyramid is no longer the headquarters of its namesake — the corporation moved to Maryland — but its offices are still leased to financial services companies. Among insurance, wealth management and private equity, a 21st-century Montgomery Block artist’s haven this is not.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here’s another thing: For the most public, visible local icon you could imagine, the Transamerica Pyramid is also not very public. First-time tourists might naturally assume that a trip up the Pyramid is one of the City’s must-see attractions — like climbing the Empire State Building in New York City, or Seattle’s Space Needle. But you can’t go inside the Pyramid Center beyond the lobby, let alone climb to the top to see the view, unless you’re visiting one of the offices inside. There used to be an observation deck up there, but it closed in the ’90s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11934438\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11934438\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61516_015_KQED_TransamericaPyramid_12062022-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61516_015_KQED_TransamericaPyramid_12062022-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61516_015_KQED_TransamericaPyramid_12062022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61516_015_KQED_TransamericaPyramid_12062022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61516_015_KQED_TransamericaPyramid_12062022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61516_015_KQED_TransamericaPyramid_12062022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Supervisor Aaron Peskin (from left), state Sen. Scott Wiener, Deutsche Finance America partner Jason Lucas, SHVO Chairman and CEO Michael Shvo, Mayor London Breed and former Mayor Willie Brown break ground at the Transamerica Pyramid during a 50th-anniversary celebration of the building and a groundbreaking ceremony for a $400 million redevelopment of the site in San Francisco on Dec. 6, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The building recently underwent a $400 million-dollar renovation by Norman Foster’s architectural firm. The Pyramid’s owner, Michael Shvo, says he’s in talks to \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/sf/article/A-members-only-luxury-club-with-fees-up-to-16799906.php\">bring three restaurants to the building\u003c/a>, which apparently will be open to the public.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But among other interior changes, the renovation will also see a\u003ca href=\"https://sfist.com/2022/01/25/just-what-downtown-sf-needs-a-new-private-club-for-the-ultra-rich/\"> high-end club moving into the Pyramid\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’ll be private, for members only.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Present meets past\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>For all this site’s corporate credentials, the ghosts of the original Montgomery Block and this area’s Barbary Coast roots still linger here — if you know where to look.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11934439\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11934439\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61509_008_KQED_TransamericaPyramid_12062022-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61509_008_KQED_TransamericaPyramid_12062022-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61509_008_KQED_TransamericaPyramid_12062022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61509_008_KQED_TransamericaPyramid_12062022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61509_008_KQED_TransamericaPyramid_12062022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61509_008_KQED_TransamericaPyramid_12062022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A grove of redwood trees grows at the base of the Transamerica Pyramid in San Francisco on Dec. 6, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Architect Pereira’s design includes a small park at the east side of the Pyramid’s base: the Transamerica Redwood Park, which was planted with 80 redwood trees shipped north from the Santa Cruz Mountains. Next to those redwoods you’ll find Mark Twain Place, named for one of the Montgomery Block’s most iconic figures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When excavation began in the late ’70s for the plaza complex adjacent to the park, construction workers found none other than the remains of \u003ca href=\"https://www.nps.gov/safr/learn/historyculture/nianticpainting.htm\">the Niantic, that whaling ship that docked in 1849\u003c/a>. The vessel hadn’t been lost to time after all. Instead, it was pushed down over the decades by a city that has been compulsively remaking itself in all directions since European colonizers arrived, buried deep underground. It’s said that champagne bottles were even found resting in the ship’s hull.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11934151\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11934151\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61498_030_KQED_TransamericaPyramid_11302022-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61498_030_KQED_TransamericaPyramid_11302022-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61498_030_KQED_TransamericaPyramid_11302022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61498_030_KQED_TransamericaPyramid_11302022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61498_030_KQED_TransamericaPyramid_11302022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61498_030_KQED_TransamericaPyramid_11302022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A man stops to look at the view of the Transamerica Pyramid at dusk in San Francisco on Nov. 30, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>And just steps away from these markers of our past is the once-hated Pyramid. It may still be a symbol of the city’s money and power. But it’s an icon that’s finally found acceptance here — even affection — nonetheless.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"A\">\u003c/a>Episode Transcript\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This is a computer-generated transcript. While our team has reviewed it, there may be errors.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Katrina Schwartz:\u003c/b> The Transamerica Pyramid is one of the most recognizable parts of the San Francisco skyline, and was groundbreaking in many ways when it opened in 1972.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Did you know all of the building’s windows rotate nearly 360 degrees? CBS demonstrated in this news clip.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>CBS newsclip: \u003c/b>Because of the building’s unique shape, architects designed windows that could be cleaned from the inside. “Yeah but you missed a spot” spritz spritz 3,676 to go…\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Katrina Schwartz:\u003c/b> The pointed peak of the building is a 212 foot spire, reinforced by aluminum grating. KRON4 climbed to the top to check it out in 1998.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>KRON4 newsclip: \u003c/b>This is the spire … oh my god…\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Katrina Schwartz:\u003c/b> The now famous building just got a $400 million dollar makeover and in the process builders uncovered something surprising\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>News clip: \u003c/b>But deep within its steel bones there, construction crews discovered a time capsule.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>John Krizek: \u003c/b>There was always this tradition of putting time capsules in buildings under construction. I’m John Krizek and I was the public relations manager of Transamerica Corporation from 1968 to 1977.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Katrina Schwartz:\u003c/b> John and his friend Bill Bronson, who was the editor of the California Historical Society, planted the capsule back when the Transamerica Pyramid was being built in the early 70s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>John Krizek: \u003c/b>I think it was our intent at the time that this was going to be locked up and not looked at for 50 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Katrina Schwartz:\u003c/b> They put in cassette tapes, photos, maps, recipes, and newspaper articles that would show whoever found the capsule how the spot where the building stands has played an important role in San Francisco history since the Gold Rush.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>John Krizek: \u003c/b>We needed to save that history. And on top of that, on this sacred site, we come along with this shocking plan for this unusual building, which went through an enormous amount of controversy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Theme starts\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Katrina Schwartz:\u003c/b> Today on Bay Curious, we’re digging into the history of the Transamerica Pyramid. It’s one of the most iconic San Francisco buildings and yet there’s a lot I didn’t know about it. We first aired this episode in December of 2022 in honor of the pyramid’s 50th birthday. I’m Katrina Schwartz, filling in for Olivia Allen-Price. Stay with us.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Theme ends\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Katrina Schwartz:\u003c/b> The Transamerica Pyramid is iconic now, but you will not be surprised to learn when it was new, people \u003ci>hated\u003c/i> it. KQED reporter Carly Severn takes us back in time to the birth of a legendary landmark.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Carly Severn:\u003c/b> Like a pin in a map, the Transamerica Pyramid marks the spot where the communities of Chinatown, North Beach, Telegraph Hill and the Financial District all converge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And in terms of the city’s history, the site that the Pyramid is built on is hallowed ground.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 1849, the year the Gold Rush began, this part of San Francisco was right on the water. So close, that a whaling ship called the Niantic was deliberately run aground right here after the crew abandoned ship to seek their fortunes in this wild, wily town.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The coast didn’t stay “the coast” for long. Landfill was used to rapidly swell the San Francisco streets further out into the Bay – swallowing that shipwreck with it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But back when this part of Montgomery Street still bordered the bay — in 1853 — it was a good place to construct a huge building, one that spanned the entire block.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They called it the Montgomery Block. And the history of this building has long fascinated San Francisco writer Hiya Swanhuyser.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Hiya Swanhuyser: \u003c/b>It was the tallest building west of the Mississippi. At a towering four stories, it was famously built on a foundation of a so-called raft of redwood logs that had been floated across the Bay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Carly Severn:\u003c/b> Like so many places in San Francisco, the Montgomery Block, and the people inside it, lived many lives. This space was originally built to be law offices, with a hangout spot for high society, but when the city’s business folk started to migrate to Market Street, the creatives moved in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Hiya Swanhuyser: \u003c/b>They were writers and sculptors, people who were inventing journalism in the mid 1860s. People like Ambrose Bierce, who according to some, was America’s first newspaper columnist.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Dramatic read of Amrose Bierce writing: \u003c/b>Corporation: An ingenious device for obtaining profit without individual responsibility.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Hiya Swanhuyser: \u003c/b>And Mark Twain and Bret Harte.\u003cb> \u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Dramatic read of Bret Harte writing: \u003c/b>The only sure thing about luck is that it will change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Hiya Swanhuyser: \u003c/b>And Ina Coolbrith, who was California’s first poet laureate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Dramatic read of Ina Coolbrith writing: \u003c/b>Were I to write what I know, the book would be too sensational to print, but were I to write what I think proper, it would be too dull to read.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Carly Severn: \u003c/b>Just a block to the north, now-iconic artists Frida Kahlo and Diego Rivera lived and worked here in the 1930s. It was \u003ci>a scene.\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Hiya Swanhuyser: \u003c/b>It sort of stayed a scene for most of its life, which ended in 1959 when someone bought it and tore it down to make a parking structure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Carly Severn: \u003c/b>But the garage never materialized. And so the space remained a single parking lot for almost a decade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Enter the Transamerica Corporation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This business actually started in San Francisco back in 1904 as the Bank of Italy, courtesy of a local man called A.P. Giannini. Later, in the thirties, it would become known as Bank of America. Ever heard of it?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Giannini had a lot of financial schemes and he soon needed more than a bank to contain them. That’s when the Transamerica Corporation was born. By 1969 the Corporation was ready to make its mark on San Francisco with a new headquarters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They brought in a Los Angeles architect named William Pereira to design it. He was told to create something that would still allow light to filter down to street level.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But when the design for the 763 thousand square foot pyramid dropped, the critics hated it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The San Francisco Chronicle’s architecture writer Allan Temko called it\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Dramatic reading of Allan Temko: \u003c/b>Authentic architectural butchery.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Carly Severn:\u003c/b> And it wasn’t just local critics. The Washington Post said Pereira’s Pyramid proposal was:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Washington Post voice over: \u003c/b>A second-class world’s fair space needle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pastier voice over: \u003c/b>Antisocial architecture at its worst.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Carly Severn:\u003c/b> Said Los Angeles Times critic John Pastier. He captured a broader unease about Transamerica trying to smear its corporate vision on the San Francisco skyline:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pastier voice over: \u003c/b>Corporations that are far more important to the city have exercised considerably more restraint in their architecture than Transamerica, which is blatantly attempting to put its ‘brand’ on the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Carly Severn:\u003c/b> People protested against Pereira’s pyramid design, carrying signs that bore slogans like “Corporate Egotism” and “Stop the Shaft.” They even wore pyramid-shaped dunce hats.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These protesters actually included Hiya Swanhuyser’s own mother:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Hiya Swanhuyser: \u003c/b>She was a community minded hippie and she didn’t think that a neighborhood was the right place for a skyscraper.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Carlyn Severn:\u003c/b> Neighborhood residents even filed a lawsuit. At a City Hall hearing about the proposal, an attorney for the Telegraph Hill Dwellers Association spoke for those residents, in language that echoed the burgeoning environmentalism of the sixties:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>THDA Attorney: \u003c/b>The curse of this country is the worship of material things. We’ve polluted our rivers, our harbors, and our lakes, and our air. And we’re now about to pollute the skyline of San Francisco, one of its greatest treasures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Carlyn Severn: \u003c/b>But at that same hearing, San Francisco Mayor Joseph Alioto quoted the classics in support of the pyramid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Joseph Alioto: \u003c/b>We have to recognize that the Latinists used to say ‘De gustibus non est disputandum’ – that there simply is no disputing tastes, and the only question is whether it is \u003ci>so \u003c/i>bad that all reasonable men must agree.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Carly Severn:\u003c/b> And this pyramid, Alioto said, wasn’t \u003ci>that \u003c/i>bad. On the contrary:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Joseph Alioto: \u003c/b>It will add considerable interest and beauty to the San Francisco skyline.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Carly Severn: \u003c/b>The city’s Planning Commission signed off on the project and the pyramid was officially coming to San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Construction on the Transamerica Pyramid started in 1969, a dark year in many ways. This was the year in which three of the four confirmed murders by the Zodiac killer took place – the last one in San Francisco itself.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>News clip: \u003c/b>School children are nice targets, I shall wipe out a school bus one more and then pick off the kiddies as they come bounding out. That was the threat of the zodiac killer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Carly Severn: \u003c/b>The year that you could open the Chronicle and read the Zodiac’s cryptic letters full of codes and symbols right there at your breakfast table.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>News clip: \u003c/b>They are weighing advice from astrologers on the theory that the killer who calls himself the Zodiac may be planning his next victim based on astrological signs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Carly Severn: \u003c/b>‘69 was also the year of the gruesome Manson Family murders in LA, with all their Satanic imagery.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>News clip: \u003c/b>One officer summed up the murders when he said, “in all my years, I have never seen anything like this before.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>Sneak up Rolling Stones set at Altamont Festival\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Carly Severn: \u003c/b>Of the disastrous Altamont Festival outside Livermore\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Rolling Stones: \u003c/b>Hey People!\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>Crowd noise\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Carly Severn: \u003c/b>A celebration of counterculture that devolved into violence, mayhem and murder.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Rolling Stones: Why Are we fighting? \u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Carly Severn: \u003c/b>So I can’t help thinking how it would have felt to be living in San Francisco at the start of the 70s, bombarded with so much occult-inflected darkness in your morning paper – and seeing one of the most ancient and mysterious symbols, a pyramid, being summoned in your backyard.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But for many, watching a skyscraper go up was also exciting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Larry Yee: \u003c/b>My name is Larry Yee, born and raised in San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Carly Severn: \u003c/b>Now, Larry is the president of the historic Chinese Consolidated Benevolent Association, also known as the Chinese Six Companies. He also serves on the San Francisco Police Commission.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But back in 1969, growing up in Chinatown’s Ping Yuen housing development, Larry was a basketball-obsessed teen, running – or often skating – around this part of the city with his friends.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Larry Yee: \u003c/b>Play hide and seek — you know, we challenge ourselves and go into some of these vacant buildings that they developed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Carly Severn: \u003c/b>Walking around the base of the Pyramid over 50 years later, with the sound of traffic and tourists echoing off the street corners, Larry says the San Francisco he remembers from childhood, pre-pyramid, looked quite different:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Larry Yee: \u003c/b>Yeah. It was flat! You know, there weren’t many buildings like this that pop up through the skyline.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Carly Severn: \u003c/b>This part of town was hopping, and full of the kinds of characters that had frequented the Montgomery Block years back. It was home to famous nightclubs like the Hungry I and the Purple Onion comedy cellar, where folks like Lenny Bruce were playing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Lenny Bruce: \u003c/b>Where I’m goin’ kill it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Carly Severn: \u003c/b>But when the Pyramid was being built, all Larry and his friends could get was a sneak peek through the holes in the plywood fencing that hid the rapidly-rising behemoth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And he still remembers the sheer, constant construction noise.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Larry Yee: \u003c/b>You come home from school and you know they’re pounding down on the pillars. Bam, bam, bam, bam.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Carly Severn: \u003c/b>Initially, he and his friends didn’t even know it was a pyramid. They just saw a building being built up, and up, and then up even further, getting narrower.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Larry Yee: \u003c/b>We had concerns too, how far it’s going to go, whether it could tip over and then once they finished we said “Ah, this is a pyramid.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Carly Severn: \u003c/b>When it was finished, Pereira’s pyramid had over 3,000 windows, an exterior of white quartz, and an illuminated spire at its very top, like the star on top of a Christmas tree.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Subtle, the pyramid is not. But decades on, Larry’s still a fan of this building. He says for him, it represents progress — the meeting of the old and the new. And he’s fond of its place in the visual fabric of the city, and the neighborhood, he’s always called home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Larry Yee: \u003c/b>I don’t know. It’s magical.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Carly Severn: \u003c/b>And it’s funny. For a building that’s literally built on the site of the Montgomery Block, where creative genius flourished; a building whose design was so fiercely contentious, the Transamerica Pyramid Center is now thoroughly uncontroversial.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Its silhouette on our skyline has become symbolic of San Francisco. Even several of those early critics changed their minds. Henrik Bull, an architect who originally opposed the pyramid — publicly, and loudly -– told the San Francisco Chronicle on the building’s 40th anniversary that like many others, he’d switched course in the intervening decades:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Henrik Bull voice over: \u003c/b>What’s good about the Pyramid overwhelms what’s bad about it. It’s a wonderful building. And what makes it wonderful is everything that we were objecting to.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Carly Severn: \u003c/b>What started out as a corporate symbol has stayed, well, corporate. In a Financial District full of office buildings, the pyramid is in many ways just another one of them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Transamerica Pyramid isn’t even the Transamerica headquarters any more — those officially moved to Maryland. These offices are primarily leased by financial services companies dealing in wealth management and private equity. There’s even a high-end members club moving in soon. A 21st-century Montgomery Block artist’s haven this is \u003ci>not\u003c/i>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But here’s another thing: For the most visible local icon you could imagine, the Transamerica Pyramid is not very public. Tourists might naturally assume that a trip up the pyramid is one of the City’s must-see attractions — like climbing the Empire State Building or the Space Needle. But you can’t go inside the Pyramid Center, let alone climb to the top to see the view, unless you’re visiting one of the offices inside. There used to be an observation deck up there, but it closed in the nineties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, the ghosts of this site’s previous inhabitants linger here, if you know where to look.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you go to the Pyramid today, and walk into the small park at its base, you’ll find Mark Twain Place, named after one of the Montgomery Block’s most iconic inhabitants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And remember that old ship that ran aground here in the Gold Rush, back when all this was bayside? The Niantic?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It wasn’t lost to time after all. Later in the ‘70s, way after the pyramid was built, a construction team working in the park discovered what was left of that ship, right here. Pushed down over the decades by a city that has been remaking itself since Europeans arrived, buried deep underground. It’s said that champagne bottles were even found resting in its hull.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And just steps away from these markers of our past is the once-hated pyramid. A symbol of the city’s money and power, but an accepted icon nonetheless.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Katrina Schwartz:\u003c/b> That was KQED’s Carly Severn.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You can go see the items preserved in the time capsule in the lobby of the renovated building. And checkout the redwood park while you’re there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bay Curious is produced in San Francisco at member-supported KQED. Our show is made by Gabriela Glueck, Christopher Beale and me, Katrina Schwartz. With extra support from Alana Walker, Maha Sanad, Katie Springer, Jen Chien, Holly Kernan and everyone at KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Bay Curious team is taking next week off for Juneteenth, but we’ll be back with a brand new episode on June 26th!\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some members of the KQED podcast team are represented by The Screen Actors Guild, American Federation of Television and Radio Artists. San Francisco Northern California Local.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thanks for listening! Have a great week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>The Trump administration’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12036939/san-francisco-chinatown-businesses-survival-mode-trade-war\">trade war\u003c/a> with China could prove to be even more devastating to businesses in San Francisco’s Chinatown than the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s according to Donald Luu, president of the San Francisco Chinese Chamber of Commerce, who told KQED \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/donald-trump\">the administration’s\u003c/a> steep tariffs on Chinese goods — of up to 145% — are creating a nearly impossible situation for the more than 1,000 mostly small businesses in this historic immigrant community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Speaking at a Tuesday press event on Clay Street, in the heart of Chinatown, Luu said about 90% of goods sold there are from China, and the tariffs have already forced many merchants to raise their prices by at least 30%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“With this economic trade war, we feel that the effect’s going to be long-lasting and it’s going to threaten the very fabric of Chinatown,” said Luu, flanked by local business leaders and state Assemblymember Matt Haney, who represents the community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Magan Li, the owner of Lion Trading, which sells religious and spiritual items, said nearly all the products lining her shelves come from China. As costs skyrocket, she said she can only increase prices so much before customers refuse to pay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12037241\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12037241\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-CHINATOWNTARIFFS-22-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-CHINATOWNTARIFFS-22-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-CHINATOWNTARIFFS-22-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-CHINATOWNTARIFFS-22-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-CHINATOWNTARIFFS-22-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-CHINATOWNTARIFFS-22-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-CHINATOWNTARIFFS-22-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Grant Avenue in San Francisco’s Chinatown neighborhood on April 21, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“This is a very, very big blow to our small business,” said Li in Cantonese. “We’re at risk of losing the traditions that the community has spent so much time protecting. And so I hope that the government will work something out and help small businesses like us to continue to thrive.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chinese exports to the U.S. have plummeted amid the administration’s outsized tariffs (and China’s reciprocal 125% import duties on U.S. products), prompting major U.S. retailers and small businesses alike to sound the alarm about imminent \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbsnews.com/news/china-exports-to-us-drop-sharply/\">supply shortages\u003c/a>. The Port of Los Angeles, a major entry point for Chinese goods, has seen that drop firsthand, leading its director to recently predict that cargo shipments to the port will drop by 35% within a few weeks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>None of that bodes well for businesses in San Francisco’s Chinatown, the oldest and largest of its kind in the country, which has been reluctantly thrust onto the frontlines of Trump’s escalating trade war.[aside postID=news_12036939 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-CHINATOWNTARIFFS-32-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg']“I think Chinatown is at the center of why these tariffs are so harmful and how devastating they’re going to be — not to another country’s government, but to us here, in our country,” Haney said on Tuesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many products sold here can’t be found anywhere else in the city, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a direct attack on these businesses, and it’s a direct attack on our residents who rely on this community,” Haney said. “This is where they get their medicine. This is where they get their clothing. This is where they get their goods to cook.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Haney said that if the administration refuses to relent on the tariffs, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/gavin-newsom\">Gov. Gavin Newsom\u003c/a> has indicated he would begin negotiating directly with China on a California trade agreement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s unfortunate that California is increasingly having to act like our own country, negotiating trade agreements with countries and trying to find ways to reduce the cost of these imports,” said Haney, who noted California’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12036199/trumps-tariffs-could-wreck-californias-economy-the-state-is-suing\">recent lawsuit\u003c/a> against the administration over the tariffs. “Because our businesses, our economy, cannot survive without these imports, especially coming from Asia.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The trade war has pushed Chinatown merchants into an existential crisis, Malcolm Yeung, executive director of the Chinatown Community Development Center, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12036939/san-francisco-chinatown-businesses-survival-mode-trade-war\">told KQED\u003c/a> for a recent story profiling several local business owners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“ This has always been a community that has been built around trade,” he said, noting the resiliency of the district throughout its long history. “Trade created an opportunity for upward economic mobility for people through owning stores, or by leveraging relationships that they have back in China.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/camiiddominguez\">\u003cem>Cami Dominguez\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> and \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/adahlstromeckman\">\u003cem>Azul Dahlstrom-Eckman\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> contributed reporting.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The Trump administration’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12036939/san-francisco-chinatown-businesses-survival-mode-trade-war\">trade war\u003c/a> with China could prove to be even more devastating to businesses in San Francisco’s Chinatown than the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s according to Donald Luu, president of the San Francisco Chinese Chamber of Commerce, who told KQED \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/donald-trump\">the administration’s\u003c/a> steep tariffs on Chinese goods — of up to 145% — are creating a nearly impossible situation for the more than 1,000 mostly small businesses in this historic immigrant community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Speaking at a Tuesday press event on Clay Street, in the heart of Chinatown, Luu said about 90% of goods sold there are from China, and the tariffs have already forced many merchants to raise their prices by at least 30%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“With this economic trade war, we feel that the effect’s going to be long-lasting and it’s going to threaten the very fabric of Chinatown,” said Luu, flanked by local business leaders and state Assemblymember Matt Haney, who represents the community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Magan Li, the owner of Lion Trading, which sells religious and spiritual items, said nearly all the products lining her shelves come from China. As costs skyrocket, she said she can only increase prices so much before customers refuse to pay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12037241\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12037241\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-CHINATOWNTARIFFS-22-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-CHINATOWNTARIFFS-22-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-CHINATOWNTARIFFS-22-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-CHINATOWNTARIFFS-22-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-CHINATOWNTARIFFS-22-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-CHINATOWNTARIFFS-22-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-CHINATOWNTARIFFS-22-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Grant Avenue in San Francisco’s Chinatown neighborhood on April 21, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“This is a very, very big blow to our small business,” said Li in Cantonese. “We’re at risk of losing the traditions that the community has spent so much time protecting. And so I hope that the government will work something out and help small businesses like us to continue to thrive.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chinese exports to the U.S. have plummeted amid the administration’s outsized tariffs (and China’s reciprocal 125% import duties on U.S. products), prompting major U.S. retailers and small businesses alike to sound the alarm about imminent \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbsnews.com/news/china-exports-to-us-drop-sharply/\">supply shortages\u003c/a>. The Port of Los Angeles, a major entry point for Chinese goods, has seen that drop firsthand, leading its director to recently predict that cargo shipments to the port will drop by 35% within a few weeks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>None of that bodes well for businesses in San Francisco’s Chinatown, the oldest and largest of its kind in the country, which has been reluctantly thrust onto the frontlines of Trump’s escalating trade war.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“I think Chinatown is at the center of why these tariffs are so harmful and how devastating they’re going to be — not to another country’s government, but to us here, in our country,” Haney said on Tuesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many products sold here can’t be found anywhere else in the city, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a direct attack on these businesses, and it’s a direct attack on our residents who rely on this community,” Haney said. “This is where they get their medicine. This is where they get their clothing. This is where they get their goods to cook.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Haney said that if the administration refuses to relent on the tariffs, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/gavin-newsom\">Gov. Gavin Newsom\u003c/a> has indicated he would begin negotiating directly with China on a California trade agreement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s unfortunate that California is increasingly having to act like our own country, negotiating trade agreements with countries and trying to find ways to reduce the cost of these imports,” said Haney, who noted California’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12036199/trumps-tariffs-could-wreck-californias-economy-the-state-is-suing\">recent lawsuit\u003c/a> against the administration over the tariffs. “Because our businesses, our economy, cannot survive without these imports, especially coming from Asia.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The trade war has pushed Chinatown merchants into an existential crisis, Malcolm Yeung, executive director of the Chinatown Community Development Center, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12036939/san-francisco-chinatown-businesses-survival-mode-trade-war\">told KQED\u003c/a> for a recent story profiling several local business owners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“ This has always been a community that has been built around trade,” he said, noting the resiliency of the district throughout its long history. “Trade created an opportunity for upward economic mobility for people through owning stores, or by leveraging relationships that they have back in China.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/camiiddominguez\">\u003cem>Cami Dominguez\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> and \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/adahlstromeckman\">\u003cem>Azul Dahlstrom-Eckman\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> contributed reporting.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Business owners like Mei Zhu in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco\">San Francisco’s\u003c/a> Chinatown say they’re struggling to stay afloat, facing declining sales and an uncertain future, as the U.S.-China trade war drags on.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“With tariffs increasing so drastically, it’s very difficult to keep it going,” said Zhu, who has owned Mei’s Grocery on Stockton Street for the past 11 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Around 90% of the goods at her store are imported from China — now subject to \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/fact-sheets/2025/04/fact-sheet-president-donald-j-trump-ensures-national-security-and-economic-resilience-through-section-232-actions-on-processed-critical-minerals-and-derivative-products/\">tariffs\u003c/a> as high as 245%. Her inventory includes sauces, dry noodles, candies and cookies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to Zhu, wholesalers have absorbed some of the price hikes associated with the tariffs, so she’s raised her prices by 50% for certain items. However, some products now cost 145% more, so she’s stopped stocking them. For the remaining stock, higher prices are driving customers away, and sales are down 30%, Zhu said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If things continue like this for another month or two, the only option is to end the business and stop operating,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12037242\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12037242\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-CHINATOWNTARIFFS-24-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-CHINATOWNTARIFFS-24-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-CHINATOWNTARIFFS-24-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-CHINATOWNTARIFFS-24-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-CHINATOWNTARIFFS-24-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-CHINATOWNTARIFFS-24-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-CHINATOWNTARIFFS-24-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Mei Zhu stocks items in her grocery store, Mei’s Grocery, in San Francisco’s Chinatown neighborhood on April 21, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Several Chinatown business owners, interviewed by KQED through a Cantonese interpreter, echoed Zhu’s concerns. They say that if the trade war persists, they’ll be forced to shut down or retire early.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The situation has pushed San Francisco’s Chinatown — which has served as an immigrant gateway and economic hub for more than a century — into an existential crisis, according to Malcolm Yeung, executive director of the Chinatown Community Development Center.[aside postID=news_12035335 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/20250415_BIKETARIFF_GC-3-KQED-1020x680.jpg']“ This has always been a community that has been built around trade,” he said. “Trade created an opportunity for upward economic mobility for people through owning stores, or by leveraging relationships that they have back in China.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yeung said the tariffs signal that this way of life is cut off.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since taking office, President Donald Trump has deployed tariffs as a tool to pursue his policy agenda, which is meant to encourage domestic manufacturing and reduce trade deficits between the U.S. and its largest trading partners. China, in particular, has retaliated by raising its tariffs on all U.S. goods to 125%. As of Friday, China \u003ca href=\"https://www.cnn.com/2025/04/25/business/china-us-tariffs-semiconductors-exemptions-hnk-intl/index.html\">reportedly\u003c/a> appeared to roll back some of the tax on U.S.-made semiconductors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>David Bachman, a professor of China studies at the University of Washington, said Trump’s tariff policies could be better defined.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If [the Trump administration] is out to re-establish American manufacturing, they could have confined those tariffs to manufactured products and ignored agricultural products or other areas where it was extremely unlikely that the U.S. would establish production lines,” Bachman said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12037241\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12037241\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-CHINATOWNTARIFFS-22-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-CHINATOWNTARIFFS-22-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-CHINATOWNTARIFFS-22-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-CHINATOWNTARIFFS-22-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-CHINATOWNTARIFFS-22-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-CHINATOWNTARIFFS-22-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-CHINATOWNTARIFFS-22-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Grant Avenue in San Francisco’s Chinatown neighborhood on April 21, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Consumers of Chinese imports are likely to feel the impacts of the tariffs, too, according to Bachman.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Daniel Young lives in Antioch and travels to the Chinatowns in San Francisco and Oakland to get things he can’t get anywhere else. He had a grocery bag full of Chinese products, including “Spanish ham” and lamb-flavored potato chips.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“ These bags were $11 a piece. They used to be $7. It’s ridiculous,” Young said, referring to a bag of fortune cookies he had bought.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sam Liang, owner of Run Feng Hai Wei Chinese Herbal in San Francisco’s Chinatown, sells ingredients used in traditional Chinese medicine, including Tangerine peels, ginseng and chrysanthemum flowers. He said his suppliers have raised their prices by $3 to $4 a pound.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12037237\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12037237\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-CHINATOWNTARIFFS-06-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-CHINATOWNTARIFFS-06-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-CHINATOWNTARIFFS-06-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-CHINATOWNTARIFFS-06-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-CHINATOWNTARIFFS-06-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-CHINATOWNTARIFFS-06-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-CHINATOWNTARIFFS-06-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Owner Sam Liang weighs medical herbs at his shop, Run Feng Hai Wei Chinese Herbal Inc., in San Francisco’s Chinatown neighborhood on April 21, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“The impact is already becoming apparent now. When we go to suppliers to get goods, they’re often out of stock or have shortages,” Liang said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Liang has operated Chinese medicine businesses in San Francisco’s Chinatown for the past eight years. He said his business was already struggling, but with the latest tariffs, revenue and profit have decreased by around 30%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He added that some products might not appeal to his customers if they are manufactured in other countries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m worried about running out of inventory,” Liang said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12037238\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12037238\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-CHINATOWNTARIFFS-09-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-CHINATOWNTARIFFS-09-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-CHINATOWNTARIFFS-09-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-CHINATOWNTARIFFS-09-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-CHINATOWNTARIFFS-09-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-CHINATOWNTARIFFS-09-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-CHINATOWNTARIFFS-09-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Owner Sam Liang at his shop, Run Feng Hai Wei Chinese Herbal Inc., in San Francisco’s Chinatown neighborhood on April 21, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>These merchants may experience relief from the economic pressures soon. On Tuesday, Trump \u003ca href=\"https://www.cnn.com/2025/04/22/business/trump-china-trade-war-reduction-hnk-intl/index.html\">signaled\u003c/a> that the “tariffs will come down substantially.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s very difficult to predict; we’re just taking it one day at a time,” said Liu, owner of Beijing Shopping Center, which specializes in specialty clothing from China, such as hand-embroidered wedding dresses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lui added that if the tariffs continue, she’ll consider pivoting to sell more clothing produced domestically — or close the store entirely.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12037245\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12037245\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-CHINATOWNTARIFFS-31-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-CHINATOWNTARIFFS-31-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-CHINATOWNTARIFFS-31-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-CHINATOWNTARIFFS-31-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-CHINATOWNTARIFFS-31-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-CHINATOWNTARIFFS-31-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-CHINATOWNTARIFFS-31-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Imported items fill the wall at Beijing Shopping Center in San Francisco’s Chinatown neighborhood on April 21, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Yeung said business owners in the neighborhood are feeling an “emerging sense of powerlessness,” but he’s confident the community will weather the storm, given its history of surviving adversity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said the community has overcome discriminatory policies, like the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12034009/angel-island-exhibit-aims-shine-light-border-surveillance-american-exclusion\">Chinese Exclusion Act\u003c/a>, urban redevelopment and, more recently, the COVID-19 pandemic and the subsequent rise in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11961693/californias-anti-asian-hate-crimes-decline-but-long-term-pattern-persists\">hate crimes targeting Asian communities\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“ That’s actually the Chinatown story more than virtually anything else,” Yeung said. “We’ve found ways to just be here through thick and thin. I think we’re entering into a thin period, but this community in many ways is built for that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Small business owners in San Francisco’s Chinatown have long relied on imports from China, but this economic connection could be in jeopardy under the current trade war. ",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Business owners like Mei Zhu in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco\">San Francisco’s\u003c/a> Chinatown say they’re struggling to stay afloat, facing declining sales and an uncertain future, as the U.S.-China trade war drags on.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“With tariffs increasing so drastically, it’s very difficult to keep it going,” said Zhu, who has owned Mei’s Grocery on Stockton Street for the past 11 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Around 90% of the goods at her store are imported from China — now subject to \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/fact-sheets/2025/04/fact-sheet-president-donald-j-trump-ensures-national-security-and-economic-resilience-through-section-232-actions-on-processed-critical-minerals-and-derivative-products/\">tariffs\u003c/a> as high as 245%. Her inventory includes sauces, dry noodles, candies and cookies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to Zhu, wholesalers have absorbed some of the price hikes associated with the tariffs, so she’s raised her prices by 50% for certain items. However, some products now cost 145% more, so she’s stopped stocking them. For the remaining stock, higher prices are driving customers away, and sales are down 30%, Zhu said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If things continue like this for another month or two, the only option is to end the business and stop operating,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12037242\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12037242\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-CHINATOWNTARIFFS-24-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-CHINATOWNTARIFFS-24-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-CHINATOWNTARIFFS-24-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-CHINATOWNTARIFFS-24-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-CHINATOWNTARIFFS-24-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-CHINATOWNTARIFFS-24-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-CHINATOWNTARIFFS-24-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Mei Zhu stocks items in her grocery store, Mei’s Grocery, in San Francisco’s Chinatown neighborhood on April 21, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Several Chinatown business owners, interviewed by KQED through a Cantonese interpreter, echoed Zhu’s concerns. They say that if the trade war persists, they’ll be forced to shut down or retire early.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The situation has pushed San Francisco’s Chinatown — which has served as an immigrant gateway and economic hub for more than a century — into an existential crisis, according to Malcolm Yeung, executive director of the Chinatown Community Development Center.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“ This has always been a community that has been built around trade,” he said. “Trade created an opportunity for upward economic mobility for people through owning stores, or by leveraging relationships that they have back in China.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yeung said the tariffs signal that this way of life is cut off.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since taking office, President Donald Trump has deployed tariffs as a tool to pursue his policy agenda, which is meant to encourage domestic manufacturing and reduce trade deficits between the U.S. and its largest trading partners. China, in particular, has retaliated by raising its tariffs on all U.S. goods to 125%. As of Friday, China \u003ca href=\"https://www.cnn.com/2025/04/25/business/china-us-tariffs-semiconductors-exemptions-hnk-intl/index.html\">reportedly\u003c/a> appeared to roll back some of the tax on U.S.-made semiconductors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>David Bachman, a professor of China studies at the University of Washington, said Trump’s tariff policies could be better defined.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If [the Trump administration] is out to re-establish American manufacturing, they could have confined those tariffs to manufactured products and ignored agricultural products or other areas where it was extremely unlikely that the U.S. would establish production lines,” Bachman said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12037241\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12037241\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-CHINATOWNTARIFFS-22-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-CHINATOWNTARIFFS-22-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-CHINATOWNTARIFFS-22-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-CHINATOWNTARIFFS-22-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-CHINATOWNTARIFFS-22-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-CHINATOWNTARIFFS-22-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-CHINATOWNTARIFFS-22-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Grant Avenue in San Francisco’s Chinatown neighborhood on April 21, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Consumers of Chinese imports are likely to feel the impacts of the tariffs, too, according to Bachman.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Daniel Young lives in Antioch and travels to the Chinatowns in San Francisco and Oakland to get things he can’t get anywhere else. He had a grocery bag full of Chinese products, including “Spanish ham” and lamb-flavored potato chips.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“ These bags were $11 a piece. They used to be $7. It’s ridiculous,” Young said, referring to a bag of fortune cookies he had bought.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sam Liang, owner of Run Feng Hai Wei Chinese Herbal in San Francisco’s Chinatown, sells ingredients used in traditional Chinese medicine, including Tangerine peels, ginseng and chrysanthemum flowers. He said his suppliers have raised their prices by $3 to $4 a pound.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12037237\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12037237\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-CHINATOWNTARIFFS-06-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-CHINATOWNTARIFFS-06-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-CHINATOWNTARIFFS-06-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-CHINATOWNTARIFFS-06-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-CHINATOWNTARIFFS-06-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-CHINATOWNTARIFFS-06-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-CHINATOWNTARIFFS-06-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Owner Sam Liang weighs medical herbs at his shop, Run Feng Hai Wei Chinese Herbal Inc., in San Francisco’s Chinatown neighborhood on April 21, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“The impact is already becoming apparent now. When we go to suppliers to get goods, they’re often out of stock or have shortages,” Liang said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Liang has operated Chinese medicine businesses in San Francisco’s Chinatown for the past eight years. He said his business was already struggling, but with the latest tariffs, revenue and profit have decreased by around 30%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He added that some products might not appeal to his customers if they are manufactured in other countries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m worried about running out of inventory,” Liang said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12037238\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12037238\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-CHINATOWNTARIFFS-09-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-CHINATOWNTARIFFS-09-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-CHINATOWNTARIFFS-09-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-CHINATOWNTARIFFS-09-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-CHINATOWNTARIFFS-09-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-CHINATOWNTARIFFS-09-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-CHINATOWNTARIFFS-09-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Owner Sam Liang at his shop, Run Feng Hai Wei Chinese Herbal Inc., in San Francisco’s Chinatown neighborhood on April 21, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>These merchants may experience relief from the economic pressures soon. On Tuesday, Trump \u003ca href=\"https://www.cnn.com/2025/04/22/business/trump-china-trade-war-reduction-hnk-intl/index.html\">signaled\u003c/a> that the “tariffs will come down substantially.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s very difficult to predict; we’re just taking it one day at a time,” said Liu, owner of Beijing Shopping Center, which specializes in specialty clothing from China, such as hand-embroidered wedding dresses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lui added that if the tariffs continue, she’ll consider pivoting to sell more clothing produced domestically — or close the store entirely.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12037245\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12037245\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-CHINATOWNTARIFFS-31-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-CHINATOWNTARIFFS-31-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-CHINATOWNTARIFFS-31-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-CHINATOWNTARIFFS-31-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-CHINATOWNTARIFFS-31-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-CHINATOWNTARIFFS-31-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-CHINATOWNTARIFFS-31-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Imported items fill the wall at Beijing Shopping Center in San Francisco’s Chinatown neighborhood on April 21, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Yeung said business owners in the neighborhood are feeling an “emerging sense of powerlessness,” but he’s confident the community will weather the storm, given its history of surviving adversity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said the community has overcome discriminatory policies, like the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12034009/angel-island-exhibit-aims-shine-light-border-surveillance-american-exclusion\">Chinese Exclusion Act\u003c/a>, urban redevelopment and, more recently, the COVID-19 pandemic and the subsequent rise in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11961693/californias-anti-asian-hate-crimes-decline-but-long-term-pattern-persists\">hate crimes targeting Asian communities\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“ That’s actually the Chinatown story more than virtually anything else,” Yeung said. “We’ve found ways to just be here through thick and thin. I think we’re entering into a thin period, but this community in many ways is built for that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "san-francisco-celebrates-the-lunar-new-year-with-iconic-chinatown-parade",
"title": "San Francisco Celebrates the Lunar New Year With Iconic Chinatown Parade",
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"headTitle": "San Francisco Celebrates the Lunar New Year With Iconic Chinatown Parade | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>Thousands of revelers from throughout the Bay Area and beyond converged on San Francisco’s Chinatown Saturday for Lunar New Year celebrations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The official first day of the Year of the Snake was in late January, but this weekend brought the peak of festivities, culminating in Saturday night’s annual parade along Market Street. The NBA All-Star Weekend also takes place in San Francisco this year, making for a lively weekend in the city at a time when concerns over its revitalization following the COVID-19 pandemic are front of mind.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12027371\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250215-ChineseNewYear-04-BL.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12027371\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250215-ChineseNewYear-04-BL.jpg\" alt=\"Two people dressed in decorative outfits walk on stilts in the street.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250215-ChineseNewYear-04-BL.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250215-ChineseNewYear-04-BL-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250215-ChineseNewYear-04-BL-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250215-ChineseNewYear-04-BL-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250215-ChineseNewYear-04-BL-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250215-ChineseNewYear-04-BL-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Members of the Asian Performing Arts Program of San Francisco perform in the Chinese New Year Parade in San Francisco on Feb. 15, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“The Year of the Snake symbolizes rebirth and renewal,” said Malcolm Yeung, executive director of the Chinatown Community Development Center. “Every year the snake sheds its scales, it puts on new skin and it’s reborn…this was particularly important because this is a moment in which San Francisco and California could always use some rebirth and renewal and we’re really hoping the energy from the Year of the Snake is captured by the city as a whole.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12027370\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250215_ChineseNewYearParade_GC-8_duo.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12027370\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250215_ChineseNewYearParade_GC-8_duo.jpg\" alt=\"Left: A headshot of a Black woman wearing glasses and a red jacket.Right: Colorful masks and decor piled together on the street.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"790\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250215_ChineseNewYearParade_GC-8_duo.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250215_ChineseNewYearParade_GC-8_duo-800x316.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250215_ChineseNewYearParade_GC-8_duo-1020x403.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250215_ChineseNewYearParade_GC-8_duo-160x63.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250215_ChineseNewYearParade_GC-8_duo-1536x607.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250215_ChineseNewYearParade_GC-8_duo-1920x758.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">(left) Lanai Windsong, of Castro Valley, wears earrings for the Year of the Snake on her way to see the Chinese New Year Parade for her first time in San Francisco. (right) Masks and decor with the Ma Tsu Temple rests on the sidewalk ahead of the Chinese New Year parade. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12027369\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250215_ChineseNewYearParade_GC-9_duo.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12027369\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250215_ChineseNewYearParade_GC-9_duo.jpg\" alt=\"Left: A man wearing a red suit poses for a photo while another person holds the camera. Right: A young girl wearing a red and white outfit sits atop a man's shoulders.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"660\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250215_ChineseNewYearParade_GC-9_duo.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250215_ChineseNewYearParade_GC-9_duo-800x264.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250215_ChineseNewYearParade_GC-9_duo-1020x337.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250215_ChineseNewYearParade_GC-9_duo-160x53.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250215_ChineseNewYearParade_GC-9_duo-1536x507.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250215_ChineseNewYearParade_GC-9_duo-1920x634.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">(left) Daniel Callejas, of Pacifica, poses for a photo taken by his friend Jaden De La Cruz, of Visitation Valley, in a Northeast China Big Flower suit on Grant Street in San Francisco. (right) Ziyan You and her father Xuehe You watch the parade on Market Street. \u003ccite>((left) David M. Barreda/KQED; (right) Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12024779 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/240224-ChineseNYParade-38-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg'] The parade route began on Second and Market streets and continued for over a mile through Chinatown on Kearny Street. The celebrations continue on Sunday with a street fair on Grant Avenue until 5 p.m. Nearly 100 organizations participated in the parade, with colorful floats, signs and other decorations displayed as onlookers cheered and waved at the performers and dancers. Banners flying over Grant Avenue also acknowledged that this is the first year under new Mayor Daniel Lurie, who ran a campaign as an outsider to local government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12027368\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250215_Lunar-Parade_DMB_02000.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12027368\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250215_Lunar-Parade_DMB_02000.jpg\" alt=\"A fire truck flashes headlights with a man waving from the top of the vehicle on the street.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250215_Lunar-Parade_DMB_02000.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250215_Lunar-Parade_DMB_02000-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250215_Lunar-Parade_DMB_02000-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250215_Lunar-Parade_DMB_02000-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250215_Lunar-Parade_DMB_02000-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250215_Lunar-Parade_DMB_02000-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Members of the San Francisco Fire Department turn the corner from Kearney Street to Columbus Ave at the end of the Chinese New Year Parade in San Francisco on Saturday, Feb. 15, 2025. \u003ccite>(David M. Barreda/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12027366\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250215-ChineseNewYear-09-BL.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12027366\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250215-ChineseNewYear-09-BL.jpg\" alt=\"Several women dressed in dance costumes perform on the street.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250215-ChineseNewYear-09-BL.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250215-ChineseNewYear-09-BL-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250215-ChineseNewYear-09-BL-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250215-ChineseNewYear-09-BL-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250215-ChineseNewYear-09-BL-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250215-ChineseNewYear-09-BL-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Members of Xiaopei Chinese Dance perform in the Chinese New Year Parade in San Francisco. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12027367\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250215_ChineseNewYearParade_GC-29.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12027367\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250215_ChineseNewYearParade_GC-29.jpg\" alt=\"Two people wearing yellow and holding stands to raise a decorative snake walk in front of a crowd.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250215_ChineseNewYearParade_GC-29.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250215_ChineseNewYearParade_GC-29-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250215_ChineseNewYearParade_GC-29-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250215_ChineseNewYearParade_GC-29-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250215_ChineseNewYearParade_GC-29-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250215_ChineseNewYearParade_GC-29-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Yau Kung Moon Kung Fu performers walk around holding a snake, for year of the snake, during the Chinese New Year parade. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>A portion of Grant Avenue — where the parade was held until the 1970s — was closed to cars Saturday for the annual Community Street Fair. Attendees completely filled the street for several blocks, filtering in and out of neighborhood shops and stopping at the scores of booths selling snacks and holiday goods.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12027365\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250215-ChineseNewYear-11-BL.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12027365\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250215-ChineseNewYear-11-BL.jpg\" alt=\"An Asian man and woman sit in a car with flags behind them.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250215-ChineseNewYear-11-BL.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250215-ChineseNewYear-11-BL-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250215-ChineseNewYear-11-BL-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250215-ChineseNewYear-11-BL-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250215-ChineseNewYear-11-BL-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250215-ChineseNewYear-11-BL-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Grand Marshal Joan Chen rides in a car during the Chinese New Year Parade in San Francisco. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12027364\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250215-ChineseNewYear-14-BL.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12027364\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250215-ChineseNewYear-14-BL.jpg\" alt=\"Fireworks explode in the night sky while people on the street look.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250215-ChineseNewYear-14-BL.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250215-ChineseNewYear-14-BL-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250215-ChineseNewYear-14-BL-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250215-ChineseNewYear-14-BL-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250215-ChineseNewYear-14-BL-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250215-ChineseNewYear-14-BL-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Fireworks go off in Chinatown during the Chinese New Year Parade in San Francisco. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“I think it’s great, especially with the NBA All-Star weekend, there’s a lot more people coming in,” said Evan Wong, a local content creator and videographer selling merchandise from a booth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For us, it’s kind of like a full circle moment because when we were younger, we used to watch the parade,” Wong said of himself and his business partner. “Then years later, we would be in the parade as lion dancers, and now we’re here at the booth meeting the community.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12027363\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250215_Lunar-Parade_DMB_04105.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12027363\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250215_Lunar-Parade_DMB_04105.jpg\" alt=\"A large crowd behind metal gates on the street.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250215_Lunar-Parade_DMB_04105.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250215_Lunar-Parade_DMB_04105-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250215_Lunar-Parade_DMB_04105-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250215_Lunar-Parade_DMB_04105-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250215_Lunar-Parade_DMB_04105-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250215_Lunar-Parade_DMB_04105-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Crowds pack Kearney Street in the Chinese New Year Parade in San Francisco. \u003ccite>(David M. Barreda/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12027360\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2020px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250215_Lunar-Parade_DMB_03050_duo.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12027360\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250215_Lunar-Parade_DMB_03050_duo.jpg\" alt=\"Left: The remains of empty fireworks on the ground. Right: A snake-printed cape.\" width=\"2020\" height=\"667\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250215_Lunar-Parade_DMB_03050_duo.jpg 2020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250215_Lunar-Parade_DMB_03050_duo-800x264.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250215_Lunar-Parade_DMB_03050_duo-1020x337.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250215_Lunar-Parade_DMB_03050_duo-160x53.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250215_Lunar-Parade_DMB_03050_duo-1536x507.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250215_Lunar-Parade_DMB_03050_duo-1920x634.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2020px) 100vw, 2020px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">(left) Fireworks on the street near the end of the parade. (right) A snake skin-printed cape nods to the Year of the Snake. \u003ccite>((left) Beth LaBerge/KQED; (right) David M. Barreda/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Simon Huong grew up in the city and regularly attended the fair and parade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I moved to the East Bay about seven years ago,” Huong said. “I’m taking my son out to our second fair together just to see and expose him to the culture.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Huong said they planned to watch the parade on television as he’s worried it will be too loud for his 3-year-old.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12027361\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250215_ChineseNewYearParade_GC-35.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12027361\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250215_ChineseNewYearParade_GC-35.jpg\" alt=\"An Asian woman wearing a crown and sash sits next to a man in a red car with several people in the background.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250215_ChineseNewYearParade_GC-35.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250215_ChineseNewYearParade_GC-35-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250215_ChineseNewYearParade_GC-35-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250215_ChineseNewYearParade_GC-35-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250215_ChineseNewYearParade_GC-35-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250215_ChineseNewYearParade_GC-35-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Miss Chinatown USA 2024 Tara Wong Nash passes in a convertible during the Chinese New Year parade. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12027362\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250215_ChineseNewYearParade_GC-39.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12027362\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250215_ChineseNewYearParade_GC-39.jpg\" alt=\"A crowd behind a metal gate reach out to touch a yellow decorative costume on the street.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250215_ChineseNewYearParade_GC-39.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250215_ChineseNewYearParade_GC-39-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250215_ChineseNewYearParade_GC-39-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250215_ChineseNewYearParade_GC-39-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250215_ChineseNewYearParade_GC-39-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250215_ChineseNewYearParade_GC-39-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">West Coast Lion Dance Troupe dancers approach the crowd during the Chinese New Year parade. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Some visitors expressed hope that the new year will bring new opportunities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m going to be graduating from university this semester, and that’s going to be a bit nerve-wracking,” said Tricia Nguyen, who went to the fair with her mother and her film camera to capture the festivities. “I’m really hoping that a lot of things turn out well, especially with the job market and all.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12027359\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250215-ChineseNewYear-25-BL.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12027359\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250215-ChineseNewYear-25-BL.jpg\" alt=\"Fireworks are seen above a string of red lanterns.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250215-ChineseNewYear-25-BL.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250215-ChineseNewYear-25-BL-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250215-ChineseNewYear-25-BL-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250215-ChineseNewYear-25-BL-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250215-ChineseNewYear-25-BL-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250215-ChineseNewYear-25-BL-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Fireworks go off in Chinatown during the Chinese New Year Parade in San Francisco. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The festivities will continue in San Francisco with events and street fairs in accordance with the moon’s 12 phases through March 2.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Bay Area residents ushered in the Year of the Snake at San Francisco’s Chinese New Year Parade on Saturday, with actress Joan Chen as grand marshal.",
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"title": "San Francisco Celebrates the Lunar New Year With Iconic Chinatown Parade | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Thousands of revelers from throughout the Bay Area and beyond converged on San Francisco’s Chinatown Saturday for Lunar New Year celebrations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The official first day of the Year of the Snake was in late January, but this weekend brought the peak of festivities, culminating in Saturday night’s annual parade along Market Street. The NBA All-Star Weekend also takes place in San Francisco this year, making for a lively weekend in the city at a time when concerns over its revitalization following the COVID-19 pandemic are front of mind.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12027371\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250215-ChineseNewYear-04-BL.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12027371\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250215-ChineseNewYear-04-BL.jpg\" alt=\"Two people dressed in decorative outfits walk on stilts in the street.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250215-ChineseNewYear-04-BL.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250215-ChineseNewYear-04-BL-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250215-ChineseNewYear-04-BL-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250215-ChineseNewYear-04-BL-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250215-ChineseNewYear-04-BL-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250215-ChineseNewYear-04-BL-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Members of the Asian Performing Arts Program of San Francisco perform in the Chinese New Year Parade in San Francisco on Feb. 15, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“The Year of the Snake symbolizes rebirth and renewal,” said Malcolm Yeung, executive director of the Chinatown Community Development Center. “Every year the snake sheds its scales, it puts on new skin and it’s reborn…this was particularly important because this is a moment in which San Francisco and California could always use some rebirth and renewal and we’re really hoping the energy from the Year of the Snake is captured by the city as a whole.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12027370\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250215_ChineseNewYearParade_GC-8_duo.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12027370\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250215_ChineseNewYearParade_GC-8_duo.jpg\" alt=\"Left: A headshot of a Black woman wearing glasses and a red jacket.Right: Colorful masks and decor piled together on the street.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"790\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250215_ChineseNewYearParade_GC-8_duo.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250215_ChineseNewYearParade_GC-8_duo-800x316.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250215_ChineseNewYearParade_GC-8_duo-1020x403.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250215_ChineseNewYearParade_GC-8_duo-160x63.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250215_ChineseNewYearParade_GC-8_duo-1536x607.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250215_ChineseNewYearParade_GC-8_duo-1920x758.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">(left) Lanai Windsong, of Castro Valley, wears earrings for the Year of the Snake on her way to see the Chinese New Year Parade for her first time in San Francisco. (right) Masks and decor with the Ma Tsu Temple rests on the sidewalk ahead of the Chinese New Year parade. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12027369\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250215_ChineseNewYearParade_GC-9_duo.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12027369\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250215_ChineseNewYearParade_GC-9_duo.jpg\" alt=\"Left: A man wearing a red suit poses for a photo while another person holds the camera. Right: A young girl wearing a red and white outfit sits atop a man's shoulders.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"660\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250215_ChineseNewYearParade_GC-9_duo.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250215_ChineseNewYearParade_GC-9_duo-800x264.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250215_ChineseNewYearParade_GC-9_duo-1020x337.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250215_ChineseNewYearParade_GC-9_duo-160x53.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250215_ChineseNewYearParade_GC-9_duo-1536x507.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250215_ChineseNewYearParade_GC-9_duo-1920x634.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">(left) Daniel Callejas, of Pacifica, poses for a photo taken by his friend Jaden De La Cruz, of Visitation Valley, in a Northeast China Big Flower suit on Grant Street in San Francisco. (right) Ziyan You and her father Xuehe You watch the parade on Market Street. \u003ccite>((left) David M. Barreda/KQED; (right) Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp> The parade route began on Second and Market streets and continued for over a mile through Chinatown on Kearny Street. The celebrations continue on Sunday with a street fair on Grant Avenue until 5 p.m. Nearly 100 organizations participated in the parade, with colorful floats, signs and other decorations displayed as onlookers cheered and waved at the performers and dancers. Banners flying over Grant Avenue also acknowledged that this is the first year under new Mayor Daniel Lurie, who ran a campaign as an outsider to local government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12027368\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250215_Lunar-Parade_DMB_02000.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12027368\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250215_Lunar-Parade_DMB_02000.jpg\" alt=\"A fire truck flashes headlights with a man waving from the top of the vehicle on the street.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250215_Lunar-Parade_DMB_02000.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250215_Lunar-Parade_DMB_02000-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250215_Lunar-Parade_DMB_02000-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250215_Lunar-Parade_DMB_02000-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250215_Lunar-Parade_DMB_02000-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250215_Lunar-Parade_DMB_02000-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Members of the San Francisco Fire Department turn the corner from Kearney Street to Columbus Ave at the end of the Chinese New Year Parade in San Francisco on Saturday, Feb. 15, 2025. \u003ccite>(David M. Barreda/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12027366\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250215-ChineseNewYear-09-BL.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12027366\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250215-ChineseNewYear-09-BL.jpg\" alt=\"Several women dressed in dance costumes perform on the street.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250215-ChineseNewYear-09-BL.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250215-ChineseNewYear-09-BL-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250215-ChineseNewYear-09-BL-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250215-ChineseNewYear-09-BL-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250215-ChineseNewYear-09-BL-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250215-ChineseNewYear-09-BL-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Members of Xiaopei Chinese Dance perform in the Chinese New Year Parade in San Francisco. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12027367\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250215_ChineseNewYearParade_GC-29.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12027367\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250215_ChineseNewYearParade_GC-29.jpg\" alt=\"Two people wearing yellow and holding stands to raise a decorative snake walk in front of a crowd.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250215_ChineseNewYearParade_GC-29.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250215_ChineseNewYearParade_GC-29-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250215_ChineseNewYearParade_GC-29-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250215_ChineseNewYearParade_GC-29-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250215_ChineseNewYearParade_GC-29-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250215_ChineseNewYearParade_GC-29-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Yau Kung Moon Kung Fu performers walk around holding a snake, for year of the snake, during the Chinese New Year parade. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>A portion of Grant Avenue — where the parade was held until the 1970s — was closed to cars Saturday for the annual Community Street Fair. Attendees completely filled the street for several blocks, filtering in and out of neighborhood shops and stopping at the scores of booths selling snacks and holiday goods.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12027365\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250215-ChineseNewYear-11-BL.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12027365\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250215-ChineseNewYear-11-BL.jpg\" alt=\"An Asian man and woman sit in a car with flags behind them.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250215-ChineseNewYear-11-BL.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250215-ChineseNewYear-11-BL-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250215-ChineseNewYear-11-BL-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250215-ChineseNewYear-11-BL-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250215-ChineseNewYear-11-BL-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250215-ChineseNewYear-11-BL-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Grand Marshal Joan Chen rides in a car during the Chinese New Year Parade in San Francisco. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12027364\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250215-ChineseNewYear-14-BL.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12027364\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250215-ChineseNewYear-14-BL.jpg\" alt=\"Fireworks explode in the night sky while people on the street look.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250215-ChineseNewYear-14-BL.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250215-ChineseNewYear-14-BL-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250215-ChineseNewYear-14-BL-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250215-ChineseNewYear-14-BL-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250215-ChineseNewYear-14-BL-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250215-ChineseNewYear-14-BL-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Fireworks go off in Chinatown during the Chinese New Year Parade in San Francisco. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“I think it’s great, especially with the NBA All-Star weekend, there’s a lot more people coming in,” said Evan Wong, a local content creator and videographer selling merchandise from a booth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For us, it’s kind of like a full circle moment because when we were younger, we used to watch the parade,” Wong said of himself and his business partner. “Then years later, we would be in the parade as lion dancers, and now we’re here at the booth meeting the community.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12027363\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250215_Lunar-Parade_DMB_04105.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12027363\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250215_Lunar-Parade_DMB_04105.jpg\" alt=\"A large crowd behind metal gates on the street.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250215_Lunar-Parade_DMB_04105.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250215_Lunar-Parade_DMB_04105-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250215_Lunar-Parade_DMB_04105-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250215_Lunar-Parade_DMB_04105-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250215_Lunar-Parade_DMB_04105-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250215_Lunar-Parade_DMB_04105-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Crowds pack Kearney Street in the Chinese New Year Parade in San Francisco. \u003ccite>(David M. Barreda/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12027360\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2020px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250215_Lunar-Parade_DMB_03050_duo.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12027360\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250215_Lunar-Parade_DMB_03050_duo.jpg\" alt=\"Left: The remains of empty fireworks on the ground. Right: A snake-printed cape.\" width=\"2020\" height=\"667\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250215_Lunar-Parade_DMB_03050_duo.jpg 2020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250215_Lunar-Parade_DMB_03050_duo-800x264.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250215_Lunar-Parade_DMB_03050_duo-1020x337.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250215_Lunar-Parade_DMB_03050_duo-160x53.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250215_Lunar-Parade_DMB_03050_duo-1536x507.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250215_Lunar-Parade_DMB_03050_duo-1920x634.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2020px) 100vw, 2020px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">(left) Fireworks on the street near the end of the parade. (right) A snake skin-printed cape nods to the Year of the Snake. \u003ccite>((left) Beth LaBerge/KQED; (right) David M. Barreda/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Simon Huong grew up in the city and regularly attended the fair and parade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I moved to the East Bay about seven years ago,” Huong said. “I’m taking my son out to our second fair together just to see and expose him to the culture.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Huong said they planned to watch the parade on television as he’s worried it will be too loud for his 3-year-old.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12027361\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250215_ChineseNewYearParade_GC-35.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12027361\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250215_ChineseNewYearParade_GC-35.jpg\" alt=\"An Asian woman wearing a crown and sash sits next to a man in a red car with several people in the background.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250215_ChineseNewYearParade_GC-35.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250215_ChineseNewYearParade_GC-35-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250215_ChineseNewYearParade_GC-35-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250215_ChineseNewYearParade_GC-35-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250215_ChineseNewYearParade_GC-35-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250215_ChineseNewYearParade_GC-35-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Miss Chinatown USA 2024 Tara Wong Nash passes in a convertible during the Chinese New Year parade. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12027362\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250215_ChineseNewYearParade_GC-39.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12027362\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250215_ChineseNewYearParade_GC-39.jpg\" alt=\"A crowd behind a metal gate reach out to touch a yellow decorative costume on the street.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250215_ChineseNewYearParade_GC-39.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250215_ChineseNewYearParade_GC-39-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250215_ChineseNewYearParade_GC-39-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250215_ChineseNewYearParade_GC-39-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250215_ChineseNewYearParade_GC-39-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250215_ChineseNewYearParade_GC-39-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">West Coast Lion Dance Troupe dancers approach the crowd during the Chinese New Year parade. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Some visitors expressed hope that the new year will bring new opportunities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m going to be graduating from university this semester, and that’s going to be a bit nerve-wracking,” said Tricia Nguyen, who went to the fair with her mother and her film camera to capture the festivities. “I’m really hoping that a lot of things turn out well, especially with the job market and all.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12027359\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250215-ChineseNewYear-25-BL.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12027359\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250215-ChineseNewYear-25-BL.jpg\" alt=\"Fireworks are seen above a string of red lanterns.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250215-ChineseNewYear-25-BL.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250215-ChineseNewYear-25-BL-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250215-ChineseNewYear-25-BL-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250215-ChineseNewYear-25-BL-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250215-ChineseNewYear-25-BL-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, 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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 3:45 p.m. Tuesday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/bay-area\">Bay Area\u003c/a> teachers unions joined a statewide bargaining campaign Tuesday, kicking off coordinated negotiations with more than 30 school districts across California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Traditionally, teachers’ unions negotiate individually with their districts. This statewide campaign, dubbed “We Can’t Wait,” aims to align the bargaining sessions for more than 77,000 educators — including \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco-unified-school-district\">in San Francisco\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/oakland-unified-school-district\">Oakland\u003c/a> and San José — to demand smaller class sizes, more resources, better wages and benefits for teachers and improved mental health support for students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For us to be coordinating our fight at the same time right now is a unifying effort and a really powerful statement that we represent what the community of California needs, what students and families need,” said Cassondra Curiel, the president of United Educators in San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said that during the COVID-19 pandemic, unions across the state saw that they \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12014795/fewer-kids-are-going-to-california-public-schools-is-there-a-right-way-to-close-campuses\">faced similar challenges,\u003c/a> such as understaffing and frequent changes to curriculum and school resources.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It really also allowed us to see where and how many of our issues in our districts are so similar and what the benefit would be for us to put ourselves together on it. That’s essentially when we decided” to unify bargaining timelines, Curiel told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12025666\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12025666\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250204-WeCantWait-13-BL.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250204-WeCantWait-13-BL.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250204-WeCantWait-13-BL-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250204-WeCantWait-13-BL-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250204-WeCantWait-13-BL-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250204-WeCantWait-13-BL-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250204-WeCantWait-13-BL-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Cassondra Curiel, president of United Educators of San Francisco, speaks during a press conference at Buena Vista Horace Mann K-8 Community School in San Francisco’s Mission District on Tuesday, Feb. 4, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In both San Francisco and Oakland, budget shortfalls spurred plans to close or merge some schools last fall — proposals that were scaled back, delayed or called off amid intense controversy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the unions are mostly aligned on their overarching demands, how that looks in each district will be different, according to Curiel. She joined parents and other UESF members who traveled by motorized cable car to schools across the city to speak about their demands — like having Chinese-speaking parent liaisons, full-time school site nurses and dedicated social workers — at campuses from Chinatown to Hunter’s Point on Tuesday morning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I chose Gordon J. Lau for my students because of their teacher retention, strong leadership and low turnover rate,” said Brittany Cuartelon, a parent of three students at the elementary school. “I also chose Lau because of the access to enrichment programs and specialty teachers like arts, teachers, special ed teachers, speech pathologists and others … but we are seeing less and less of this as teachers are being let go, and these programs are being cut.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>UESF has sparred with the San Francisco Unified School District in recent years, accusing it of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12002125/as-san-francisco-school-closures-loom-frustrated-teachers-say-hiring-has-hit-a-wall\">incompetence in hiring\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11908196/sfusd-teachers-protest-missed-paychecks-and-payroll-glitches-at-headquarters-overnight-sfusd\">botching a payroll system\u003c/a>, and sowing confusion and fear as it \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12010008/sf-schools-crisis-is-spiraling-with-top-official-to-resign-heres-all-thats-happened\">considered closing schools\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12025664\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12025664 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250204-WeCantWait-05-BL.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250204-WeCantWait-05-BL.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250204-WeCantWait-05-BL-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250204-WeCantWait-05-BL-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250204-WeCantWait-05-BL-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250204-WeCantWait-05-BL-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250204-WeCantWait-05-BL-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Perry Siniard, a fourth-grade teacher, speaks during a press conference at Buena Vista Horace Mann K-8 Community School in San Francisco’s Mission District on Tuesday, Feb. 4, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>At the start of this school year, there were about 100 classrooms across the district without permanent teachers. In 2022 and 2023, many educators went without proper pay and had insurance and tax-filing issues after the district introduced a new payroll system that proved a failure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SFUSD is now preparing its 2025–2026 budget in the face of a massive deficit. While it shelved the controversial school closure plan in the fall, officials have said that without consolidations, school services will be pared down.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last month, officials shared a version of a sparse new staffing formula with school principals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It doesn’t look like the school sites we all work at, the school sites that our families and students expect,” Curiel said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Independence High School Principal Anna Klafter asked SFUSD board members last week to address why there were no mental health providers, social workers, nurses or counselors included in the plan. Other speakers on Tuesday’s UESF school tour noted that assistant principals weren’t budgeted in the model.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The district also announced a buy-out option for some staff, aimed at reducing layoffs and saving money spent on higher salaries for more experienced teachers, in December. The deadline for educators to take the deal is Feb. 21, but if fewer than 314 sign up, it will be voided. Curiel said if that’s the case, the union expects union members to receive pink slips this spring and is prepared to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12017631/embattled-sf-school-district-offer-hundreds-buyouts-potential-layoffs\">fight layoffs\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12025664\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12025665\" style=\"font-weight: bold;background-color: transparent;color: #767676\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250204-WeCantWait-08-BL.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250204-WeCantWait-08-BL.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250204-WeCantWait-08-BL-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250204-WeCantWait-08-BL-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250204-WeCantWait-08-BL-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250204-WeCantWait-08-BL-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250204-WeCantWait-08-BL-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Parent Blanca Fabiola Catalan speaks during a press conference at Buena Vista Horace Mann K-8 Community School in San Francisco’s Mission District on Tuesday, Feb. 4, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>UESF has called for necessary funding cuts to come from the district’s administration, pointing to high-salary positions in what it calls a “bloated” central office. But SFUSD said it has made the cuts it can away from children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Darcie Chan Blackburn, an English learning specialist at Sheridan Elementary School, said the draft staffing formula includes cutting one teacher and adding a third combined class from her campus. She doesn’t know if her position will be budgeted for at all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sheridan already has combined second-third grade and fourth-fifth grade classes and will add a kindergarten-first grade combo next fall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12024772 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250130_SSUTownHall_GC-5-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The third-grade students who are getting second-grade English language arts curriculum now are going to go up to a fourth-fifth class [next year],” Chan Blackburn said. “Well, the fourth-fifth is looping to the fifth-grade curriculum next year, so this third grader is going from second-grade English language arts to fifth-grade English language arts.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That just pushes our enrollment lower because what family really wants their child to be in a split grade level?” she asked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oakland is in a similar situation, facing a $150 million budget deficit while its \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12017719/oaklands-school-merger-plan-stalled-districts-huge-deficit-remains\">board refuses to vote on a school consolidation plan\u003c/a>. Last month, it \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12023461/ousd-on-track-run-out-of-cash-after-avoiding-hard-decisions-scathing-letter-says\">certified a negative budget\u003c/a> for the first time in more than 20 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These districts are in these positions because they didn’t listen to us in the first place,” Curiel said. “We’ve been saying that central offices should prioritize spending on students — really centering families and students at school sites — and if they were doing that, then they wouldn’t be sitting on the millions and millions and millions of dollars in reserve that they currently have in their bank accounts right now.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oakland Educators Association said it is seeking livable wages for the Bay Area, more paraeducator and mental health support, and keeping community schools open.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>OEA and UESF leaders will join Berkeley and West Contra Costa union members and Jeff Frietas, the president of the California Federation of Teachers, for a rally in the East Bay on Tuesday afternoon.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re really hoping that this campaign … will bring a light to the circumstances that we work under to achieve what is the foundation of our democratic society every day,” Curiel said. “And what it needs to survive moving forward and how that represents what the families and the citizens of one of the biggest states in the country should really be expecting in public schools.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 3:45 p.m. Tuesday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/bay-area\">Bay Area\u003c/a> teachers unions joined a statewide bargaining campaign Tuesday, kicking off coordinated negotiations with more than 30 school districts across California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Traditionally, teachers’ unions negotiate individually with their districts. This statewide campaign, dubbed “We Can’t Wait,” aims to align the bargaining sessions for more than 77,000 educators — including \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco-unified-school-district\">in San Francisco\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/oakland-unified-school-district\">Oakland\u003c/a> and San José — to demand smaller class sizes, more resources, better wages and benefits for teachers and improved mental health support for students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For us to be coordinating our fight at the same time right now is a unifying effort and a really powerful statement that we represent what the community of California needs, what students and families need,” said Cassondra Curiel, the president of United Educators in San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said that during the COVID-19 pandemic, unions across the state saw that they \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12014795/fewer-kids-are-going-to-california-public-schools-is-there-a-right-way-to-close-campuses\">faced similar challenges,\u003c/a> such as understaffing and frequent changes to curriculum and school resources.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It really also allowed us to see where and how many of our issues in our districts are so similar and what the benefit would be for us to put ourselves together on it. That’s essentially when we decided” to unify bargaining timelines, Curiel told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12025666\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12025666\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250204-WeCantWait-13-BL.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250204-WeCantWait-13-BL.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250204-WeCantWait-13-BL-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250204-WeCantWait-13-BL-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250204-WeCantWait-13-BL-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250204-WeCantWait-13-BL-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250204-WeCantWait-13-BL-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Cassondra Curiel, president of United Educators of San Francisco, speaks during a press conference at Buena Vista Horace Mann K-8 Community School in San Francisco’s Mission District on Tuesday, Feb. 4, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In both San Francisco and Oakland, budget shortfalls spurred plans to close or merge some schools last fall — proposals that were scaled back, delayed or called off amid intense controversy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the unions are mostly aligned on their overarching demands, how that looks in each district will be different, according to Curiel. She joined parents and other UESF members who traveled by motorized cable car to schools across the city to speak about their demands — like having Chinese-speaking parent liaisons, full-time school site nurses and dedicated social workers — at campuses from Chinatown to Hunter’s Point on Tuesday morning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I chose Gordon J. Lau for my students because of their teacher retention, strong leadership and low turnover rate,” said Brittany Cuartelon, a parent of three students at the elementary school. “I also chose Lau because of the access to enrichment programs and specialty teachers like arts, teachers, special ed teachers, speech pathologists and others … but we are seeing less and less of this as teachers are being let go, and these programs are being cut.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>UESF has sparred with the San Francisco Unified School District in recent years, accusing it of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12002125/as-san-francisco-school-closures-loom-frustrated-teachers-say-hiring-has-hit-a-wall\">incompetence in hiring\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11908196/sfusd-teachers-protest-missed-paychecks-and-payroll-glitches-at-headquarters-overnight-sfusd\">botching a payroll system\u003c/a>, and sowing confusion and fear as it \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12010008/sf-schools-crisis-is-spiraling-with-top-official-to-resign-heres-all-thats-happened\">considered closing schools\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12025664\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12025664 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250204-WeCantWait-05-BL.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250204-WeCantWait-05-BL.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250204-WeCantWait-05-BL-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250204-WeCantWait-05-BL-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250204-WeCantWait-05-BL-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250204-WeCantWait-05-BL-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250204-WeCantWait-05-BL-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Perry Siniard, a fourth-grade teacher, speaks during a press conference at Buena Vista Horace Mann K-8 Community School in San Francisco’s Mission District on Tuesday, Feb. 4, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>At the start of this school year, there were about 100 classrooms across the district without permanent teachers. In 2022 and 2023, many educators went without proper pay and had insurance and tax-filing issues after the district introduced a new payroll system that proved a failure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SFUSD is now preparing its 2025–2026 budget in the face of a massive deficit. While it shelved the controversial school closure plan in the fall, officials have said that without consolidations, school services will be pared down.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last month, officials shared a version of a sparse new staffing formula with school principals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It doesn’t look like the school sites we all work at, the school sites that our families and students expect,” Curiel said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Independence High School Principal Anna Klafter asked SFUSD board members last week to address why there were no mental health providers, social workers, nurses or counselors included in the plan. Other speakers on Tuesday’s UESF school tour noted that assistant principals weren’t budgeted in the model.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The district also announced a buy-out option for some staff, aimed at reducing layoffs and saving money spent on higher salaries for more experienced teachers, in December. The deadline for educators to take the deal is Feb. 21, but if fewer than 314 sign up, it will be voided. Curiel said if that’s the case, the union expects union members to receive pink slips this spring and is prepared to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12017631/embattled-sf-school-district-offer-hundreds-buyouts-potential-layoffs\">fight layoffs\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12025664\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12025665\" style=\"font-weight: bold;background-color: transparent;color: #767676\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250204-WeCantWait-08-BL.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250204-WeCantWait-08-BL.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250204-WeCantWait-08-BL-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250204-WeCantWait-08-BL-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250204-WeCantWait-08-BL-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250204-WeCantWait-08-BL-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250204-WeCantWait-08-BL-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Parent Blanca Fabiola Catalan speaks during a press conference at Buena Vista Horace Mann K-8 Community School in San Francisco’s Mission District on Tuesday, Feb. 4, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>UESF has called for necessary funding cuts to come from the district’s administration, pointing to high-salary positions in what it calls a “bloated” central office. But SFUSD said it has made the cuts it can away from children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Darcie Chan Blackburn, an English learning specialist at Sheridan Elementary School, said the draft staffing formula includes cutting one teacher and adding a third combined class from her campus. She doesn’t know if her position will be budgeted for at all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sheridan already has combined second-third grade and fourth-fifth grade classes and will add a kindergarten-first grade combo next fall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The third-grade students who are getting second-grade English language arts curriculum now are going to go up to a fourth-fifth class [next year],” Chan Blackburn said. “Well, the fourth-fifth is looping to the fifth-grade curriculum next year, so this third grader is going from second-grade English language arts to fifth-grade English language arts.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That just pushes our enrollment lower because what family really wants their child to be in a split grade level?” she asked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oakland is in a similar situation, facing a $150 million budget deficit while its \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12017719/oaklands-school-merger-plan-stalled-districts-huge-deficit-remains\">board refuses to vote on a school consolidation plan\u003c/a>. Last month, it \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12023461/ousd-on-track-run-out-of-cash-after-avoiding-hard-decisions-scathing-letter-says\">certified a negative budget\u003c/a> for the first time in more than 20 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These districts are in these positions because they didn’t listen to us in the first place,” Curiel said. “We’ve been saying that central offices should prioritize spending on students — really centering families and students at school sites — and if they were doing that, then they wouldn’t be sitting on the millions and millions and millions of dollars in reserve that they currently have in their bank accounts right now.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oakland Educators Association said it is seeking livable wages for the Bay Area, more paraeducator and mental health support, and keeping community schools open.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>OEA and UESF leaders will join Berkeley and West Contra Costa union members and Jeff Frietas, the president of the California Federation of Teachers, for a rally in the East Bay on Tuesday afternoon.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re really hoping that this campaign … will bring a light to the circumstances that we work under to achieve what is the foundation of our democratic society every day,” Curiel said. “And what it needs to survive moving forward and how that represents what the families and the citizens of one of the biggest states in the country should really be expecting in public schools.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "At SF Mayor Lurie’s Chinatown Party, Dancing, Fireworks and a Promise of Unity",
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"headTitle": "At SF Mayor Lurie’s Chinatown Party, Dancing, Fireworks and a Promise of Unity | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>After a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12020422/san-francisco-mayor-elect-daniel-lurie-launches-political-career-cable-cars-chinatown-market-prayer\">day of inaugural celebrations\u003c/a>, San Francisco’s newly sworn-in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/daniel-lurie\">Mayor Daniel Lurie\u003c/a> spent Wednesday night dining with Chinatown community leaders while residents celebrated on Grant Avenue with music, fireworks and dragon dances.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lurie’s decision to spend his first official night in office with Chinatown residents and community leaders reflected his \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12003096/public-safety-takes-center-stage-as-sf-mayoral-hopefuls-court-chinese-american-voters\">promises on the campaign trail\u003c/a> to the city’s Asian American voters. He pledged to increase public safety, boost police department staffing following upticks in anti-Asian violence and bring more staffers with Asian backgrounds to City Hall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lurie’s task will be to prove he can stay in touch with the diverse needs of Asian San Franciscans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As we speak, the San Francisco Police Department and sheriff’s department are rapidly shifting resources and personnel to bring drug dealers to justice and clean up our streets,” Lurie said in his inaugural address on Wednesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chinese Americans have long played a critical role in San Francisco politics and the city’s identity as a bastion of progress and compassion, advocating for integrated schools, affordable housing and public safety, especially after the pandemic when anti-Asian hate crimes spiked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12021091\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12021091\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250108_LurieChinatownMarket_DMB_00553-2.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250108_LurieChinatownMarket_DMB_00553-2.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250108_LurieChinatownMarket_DMB_00553-2-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250108_LurieChinatownMarket_DMB_00553-2-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250108_LurieChinatownMarket_DMB_00553-2-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250108_LurieChinatownMarket_DMB_00553-2-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250108_LurieChinatownMarket_DMB_00553-2-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A banner hangs over Grant Avenue welcoming Mayor Lurie at the Chinatown Night Market on Inauguration Day in San Francisco on Jan. 8, 2025. \u003ccite>(David M. Barreda/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>It’s also a fast-growing electorate. The Asian population had the highest growth rate of any ethnicity in San Francisco from 2010 to 2020, according to U.S. Census data. Chinese residents account for nearly 22% of the city’s population.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lurie has already hired several staffers to help him bridge cultural divides, including Han Zhao, a political strategist for Lurie’s campaign who will be the director of public affairs; Paul Yep, a former San Francisco police commander who will be the director of public safety; and Kit Lam, who was the Asian American and Pacific Islander political director for Lurie’s campaign and who was previously an organizer of the school board recall in 2022. He will serve as a press liaison between the mayor’s office and AAPI communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lurie, founder of the nonprofit Tipping Point and heir to the Levis Strauss clothing fortune, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12020420/san-francisco-mayor-daniel-lurie-sworn-in-today-heres-what-to-know\">campaigned as a political outsider\u003c/a> fed up with dysfunction and corruption in City Hall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He had never held elected office before but convinced voters that his background in nonprofit work would \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12001601/city-hall-outsider-daniel-lurie-wants-to-clean-up-local-government\">position him well to bring new ideas to City Hall\u003c/a>. Campaign contributions \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12017551/is-san-francisco-a-bellwether-for-cryptocurrency-influence-on-local-elections\">soared past $62 million\u003c/a>, topped by Lurie, who raised roughly $16 million — about half of which was self-funded — making his run the most expensive in the city’s history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12021095\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12021095\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250108_LurieInauguration_GC-49.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250108_LurieInauguration_GC-49.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250108_LurieInauguration_GC-49-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250108_LurieInauguration_GC-49-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250108_LurieInauguration_GC-49-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250108_LurieInauguration_GC-49-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250108_LurieInauguration_GC-49-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Mayor Daniel Lurie addresses supporters inside Far East Cafe, a Cantonese restaurant, during a visit to Chinatown’s Night Market on his Inauguration Day in San Francisco on Jan. 8, 2025. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>At Wednesday’s night market, hundreds of residents packed the streets of Chinatown to eat and dance to electronic music by San Francisco-born electronic music producer, Zhu.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I just got off of work over at Equinox and came because Zhu was performing, but I also came here to support our new Mayor Daniel Lurie,” said Mason Maes, who lives in Noe Valley. “It’s great to see all these residents get together.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Elizabeth Wang, a Marina resident, came because she was hoping to learn more about Lurie and to have fun with friends.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m just here for the vibes. I can’t say I know much about [Lurie] since he’s new to government,” Wang said. “But having a party here in Chinatown means a lot.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12021092\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12021092\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250108_LurieChinatownMarket_DMB_00645-2.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250108_LurieChinatownMarket_DMB_00645-2.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250108_LurieChinatownMarket_DMB_00645-2-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250108_LurieChinatownMarket_DMB_00645-2-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250108_LurieChinatownMarket_DMB_00645-2-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250108_LurieChinatownMarket_DMB_00645-2-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250108_LurieChinatownMarket_DMB_00645-2-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Crowds fill Grant Avenue for the Chinatown Night Market on Inauguration Day in San Francisco on Jan. 8, 2025. \u003ccite>(David M. Barreda/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Others at the event, who didn’t vote for Lurie and had skepticism about his wealthy background, said they’re waiting to see what type of change his administration will bring.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We weren’t Daniel Lurie fans, but we love this city and hope it gets better,” said Tiny Harris, who was chasing her toddler around the market.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said she voted for Aaron Peskin partly because he opposed sweeps of homeless encampments and supported housing and behavioral health solutions over law enforcement to address street homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But out of all the mayoral candidates, we could have done worse, so I’m thankful for that,” Harris said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12020848 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250108_LurieInaugurationDay_GC_00196-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before the festivities in Chinatown, Lurie spent the day flanked by family and friends as he walked through the Tenderloin, rode a cable car to Ghirardelli Square and took his oath of office from City Hall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In his inaugural address, the new mayor was blunt about the challenges facing the city — from a nearly $900 million budget deficit to homelessness and clean streets — and implored residents to respond with hope and action.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A problem of this magnitude requires us to make some painful decisions and rethink the way we operate. We need to stop spending more than we can afford,” Lurie said on Wednesday during his address. “We need to prioritize essential services and make the investments that are critical to getting San Francisco up and running again.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He also \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12020848/now-sf-mayor-lurie-unveils-emergency-plans-drug-homelessness-crises\">unveiled emergency plans to tackle drugs and homelessness\u003c/a>, among other policy announcements. He said that the package of emergency ordinances will go before the Board of Supervisors on Tuesday, and with an expedited approval process, certain plans could go into effect in about a month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lurie’s emergency plans would also increase nighttime operations for law enforcement targeting outdoor drug use and sales, particularly around United Nations Plaza and Market Street, according to a policy brief from Lurie’s communications team.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lurie is also asking the supervisors to ease restrictions around procurement and grant-making and to authorize the use of private funding to help finance his plans to build over 1,000 emergency shelter beds and open up a new 24/7 crisis drop-in center during his first six months in office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is truly a new era of cooperation and mutual respect between City Hall, the Board of Supervisors, law enforcement and the thousands of city employees working on the front lines,” Lurie said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "After campaigning to win over San Francisco’s Chinese American voters, Daniel Lurie will next have to stay in touch with the diverse needs of Asian San Franciscans.",
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"title": "At SF Mayor Lurie’s Chinatown Party, Dancing, Fireworks and a Promise of Unity | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>After a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12020422/san-francisco-mayor-elect-daniel-lurie-launches-political-career-cable-cars-chinatown-market-prayer\">day of inaugural celebrations\u003c/a>, San Francisco’s newly sworn-in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/daniel-lurie\">Mayor Daniel Lurie\u003c/a> spent Wednesday night dining with Chinatown community leaders while residents celebrated on Grant Avenue with music, fireworks and dragon dances.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lurie’s decision to spend his first official night in office with Chinatown residents and community leaders reflected his \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12003096/public-safety-takes-center-stage-as-sf-mayoral-hopefuls-court-chinese-american-voters\">promises on the campaign trail\u003c/a> to the city’s Asian American voters. He pledged to increase public safety, boost police department staffing following upticks in anti-Asian violence and bring more staffers with Asian backgrounds to City Hall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lurie’s task will be to prove he can stay in touch with the diverse needs of Asian San Franciscans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As we speak, the San Francisco Police Department and sheriff’s department are rapidly shifting resources and personnel to bring drug dealers to justice and clean up our streets,” Lurie said in his inaugural address on Wednesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chinese Americans have long played a critical role in San Francisco politics and the city’s identity as a bastion of progress and compassion, advocating for integrated schools, affordable housing and public safety, especially after the pandemic when anti-Asian hate crimes spiked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12021091\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12021091\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250108_LurieChinatownMarket_DMB_00553-2.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250108_LurieChinatownMarket_DMB_00553-2.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250108_LurieChinatownMarket_DMB_00553-2-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250108_LurieChinatownMarket_DMB_00553-2-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250108_LurieChinatownMarket_DMB_00553-2-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250108_LurieChinatownMarket_DMB_00553-2-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250108_LurieChinatownMarket_DMB_00553-2-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A banner hangs over Grant Avenue welcoming Mayor Lurie at the Chinatown Night Market on Inauguration Day in San Francisco on Jan. 8, 2025. \u003ccite>(David M. Barreda/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>It’s also a fast-growing electorate. The Asian population had the highest growth rate of any ethnicity in San Francisco from 2010 to 2020, according to U.S. Census data. Chinese residents account for nearly 22% of the city’s population.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lurie has already hired several staffers to help him bridge cultural divides, including Han Zhao, a political strategist for Lurie’s campaign who will be the director of public affairs; Paul Yep, a former San Francisco police commander who will be the director of public safety; and Kit Lam, who was the Asian American and Pacific Islander political director for Lurie’s campaign and who was previously an organizer of the school board recall in 2022. He will serve as a press liaison between the mayor’s office and AAPI communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lurie, founder of the nonprofit Tipping Point and heir to the Levis Strauss clothing fortune, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12020420/san-francisco-mayor-daniel-lurie-sworn-in-today-heres-what-to-know\">campaigned as a political outsider\u003c/a> fed up with dysfunction and corruption in City Hall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He had never held elected office before but convinced voters that his background in nonprofit work would \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12001601/city-hall-outsider-daniel-lurie-wants-to-clean-up-local-government\">position him well to bring new ideas to City Hall\u003c/a>. Campaign contributions \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12017551/is-san-francisco-a-bellwether-for-cryptocurrency-influence-on-local-elections\">soared past $62 million\u003c/a>, topped by Lurie, who raised roughly $16 million — about half of which was self-funded — making his run the most expensive in the city’s history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12021095\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12021095\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250108_LurieInauguration_GC-49.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250108_LurieInauguration_GC-49.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250108_LurieInauguration_GC-49-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250108_LurieInauguration_GC-49-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250108_LurieInauguration_GC-49-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250108_LurieInauguration_GC-49-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250108_LurieInauguration_GC-49-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Mayor Daniel Lurie addresses supporters inside Far East Cafe, a Cantonese restaurant, during a visit to Chinatown’s Night Market on his Inauguration Day in San Francisco on Jan. 8, 2025. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>At Wednesday’s night market, hundreds of residents packed the streets of Chinatown to eat and dance to electronic music by San Francisco-born electronic music producer, Zhu.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I just got off of work over at Equinox and came because Zhu was performing, but I also came here to support our new Mayor Daniel Lurie,” said Mason Maes, who lives in Noe Valley. “It’s great to see all these residents get together.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Elizabeth Wang, a Marina resident, came because she was hoping to learn more about Lurie and to have fun with friends.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m just here for the vibes. I can’t say I know much about [Lurie] since he’s new to government,” Wang said. “But having a party here in Chinatown means a lot.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12021092\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12021092\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250108_LurieChinatownMarket_DMB_00645-2.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250108_LurieChinatownMarket_DMB_00645-2.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250108_LurieChinatownMarket_DMB_00645-2-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250108_LurieChinatownMarket_DMB_00645-2-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250108_LurieChinatownMarket_DMB_00645-2-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250108_LurieChinatownMarket_DMB_00645-2-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250108_LurieChinatownMarket_DMB_00645-2-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Crowds fill Grant Avenue for the Chinatown Night Market on Inauguration Day in San Francisco on Jan. 8, 2025. \u003ccite>(David M. Barreda/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Others at the event, who didn’t vote for Lurie and had skepticism about his wealthy background, said they’re waiting to see what type of change his administration will bring.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We weren’t Daniel Lurie fans, but we love this city and hope it gets better,” said Tiny Harris, who was chasing her toddler around the market.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said she voted for Aaron Peskin partly because he opposed sweeps of homeless encampments and supported housing and behavioral health solutions over law enforcement to address street homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But out of all the mayoral candidates, we could have done worse, so I’m thankful for that,” Harris said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before the festivities in Chinatown, Lurie spent the day flanked by family and friends as he walked through the Tenderloin, rode a cable car to Ghirardelli Square and took his oath of office from City Hall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In his inaugural address, the new mayor was blunt about the challenges facing the city — from a nearly $900 million budget deficit to homelessness and clean streets — and implored residents to respond with hope and action.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A problem of this magnitude requires us to make some painful decisions and rethink the way we operate. We need to stop spending more than we can afford,” Lurie said on Wednesday during his address. “We need to prioritize essential services and make the investments that are critical to getting San Francisco up and running again.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He also \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12020848/now-sf-mayor-lurie-unveils-emergency-plans-drug-homelessness-crises\">unveiled emergency plans to tackle drugs and homelessness\u003c/a>, among other policy announcements. He said that the package of emergency ordinances will go before the Board of Supervisors on Tuesday, and with an expedited approval process, certain plans could go into effect in about a month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lurie’s emergency plans would also increase nighttime operations for law enforcement targeting outdoor drug use and sales, particularly around United Nations Plaza and Market Street, according to a policy brief from Lurie’s communications team.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lurie is also asking the supervisors to ease restrictions around procurement and grant-making and to authorize the use of private funding to help finance his plans to build over 1,000 emergency shelter beds and open up a new 24/7 crisis drop-in center during his first six months in office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is truly a new era of cooperation and mutual respect between City Hall, the Board of Supervisors, law enforcement and the thousands of city employees working on the front lines,” Lurie said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"id": "commonwealth-club",
"title": "Commonwealth Club of California Podcast",
"info": "The Commonwealth Club of California is the nation's oldest and largest public affairs forum. As a non-partisan forum, The Club brings to the public airwaves diverse viewpoints on important topics. The Club's weekly radio broadcast - the oldest in the U.S., dating back to 1924 - is carried across the nation on public radio stations and is now podcasting. Our website archive features audio of our recent programs, as well as selected speeches from our long and distinguished history. This podcast feed is usually updated twice a week and is always un-edited.",
"airtime": "THU 10pm, FRI 1am",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Commonwealth-Club-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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"meta": {
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"source": "Commonwealth Club of California"
},
"link": "/radio/program/commonwealth-club",
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cDovL3d3dy5jb21tb253ZWFsdGhjbHViLm9yZy9hdWRpby9wb2RjYXN0L3dlZWtseS54bWw",
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},
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"id": "forum",
"title": "Forum",
"tagline": "The conversation starts here",
"info": "KQED’s live call-in program discussing local, state, national and international issues, as well as in-depth interviews.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 9am-11am, 10pm-11pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Forum-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED Forum with Mina Kim and Alexis Madrigal",
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"order": 9
},
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"id": "freakonomics-radio",
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"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/freakonomicsRadio.png",
"officialWebsiteLink": "http://freakonomics.com/",
"airtime": "SUN 1am-2am, SAT 3pm-4pm",
"meta": {
"site": "radio",
"source": "WNYC"
},
"link": "/radio/program/freakonomics-radio",
"subscribe": {
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/freakonomics-radio/id354668519",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/podcasts/WNYC-Podcasts/Freakonomics-Radio-p272293/",
"rss": "https://feeds.feedburner.com/freakonomicsradio"
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},
"fresh-air": {
"id": "fresh-air",
"title": "Fresh Air",
"info": "Hosted by Terry Gross, \u003cem>Fresh Air from WHYY\u003c/em> is the Peabody Award-winning weekday magazine of contemporary arts and issues. One of public radio's most popular programs, Fresh Air features intimate conversations with today's biggest luminaries.",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/WebObjects/MZStore.woa/wa/viewPodcast?s=143441&mt=2&id=214089682&at=11l79Y&ct=nprdirectory",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/381444908/podcast.xml"
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"info": "A live production of NPR and WBUR Boston, in collaboration with stations across the country, Here & Now reflects the fluid world of news as it's happening in the middle of the day, with timely, in-depth news, interviews and conversation. Hosted by Robin Young, Jeremy Hobson and Tonya Mosley.",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510051/podcast.xml"
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},
"hidden-brain": {
"id": "hidden-brain",
"title": "Hidden Brain",
"info": "Shankar Vedantam uses science and storytelling to reveal the unconscious patterns that drive human behavior, shape our choices and direct our relationships.",
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"airtime": "SUN 7pm-8pm",
"meta": {
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"source": "NPR"
},
"link": "/radio/program/hidden-brain",
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},
"how-i-built-this": {
"id": "how-i-built-this",
"title": "How I Built This with Guy Raz",
"info": "Guy Raz dives into the stories behind some of the world's best known companies. How I Built This weaves a narrative journey about innovators, entrepreneurs and idealists—and the movements they built.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/howIBuiltThis.png",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/podcasts/510313/how-i-built-this",
"airtime": "SUN 7:30pm-8pm",
"meta": {
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},
"link": "/radio/program/how-i-built-this",
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"npr": "https://rpb3r.app.goo.gl/3zxy",
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/how-i-built-this-with-guy-raz/id1150510297?mt=2",
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},
"hyphenacion": {
"id": "hyphenacion",
"title": "Hyphenación",
"tagline": "Where conversation and cultura meet",
"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/03/Hyphenacion_FinalAssets_PodcastTile.png",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/hyphenacion",
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"order": 15
},
"link": "/podcasts/hyphenacion",
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"spotify": "https://open.spotify.com/show/2p3Fifq96nw9BPcmFdIq0o?si=39209f7b25774f38",
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},
"jerrybrown": {
"id": "jerrybrown",
"title": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown",
"tagline": "Lessons from a lifetime in politics",
"info": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown brings listeners the wisdom of the former Governor, Mayor, and presidential candidate. Scott Shafer interviewed Brown for more than 40 hours, covering the former governor's life and half-century in the political game – and Brown has some lessons he'd like to share. ",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-Political-Mind-of-Jerry-Brown-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/jerrybrown",
"meta": {
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"order": 18
},
"link": "/podcasts/jerrybrown",
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}
},
"latino-usa": {
"id": "latino-usa",
"title": "Latino USA",
"airtime": "MON 1am-2am, SUN 6pm-7pm",
"info": "Latino USA, the radio journal of news and culture, is the only national, English-language radio program produced from a Latino perspective.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/latinoUsa.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "http://latinousa.org/",
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},
"link": "/radio/program/latino-usa",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/WebObjects/MZStore.woa/wa/viewPodcast?s=143441&mt=2&id=79681317&at=11l79Y&ct=nprdirectory",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510016/podcast.xml"
}
},
"marketplace": {
"id": "marketplace",
"title": "Marketplace",
"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 4pm-4:30pm, MON-WED 6:30pm-7pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Marketplace-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.marketplace.org/",
"meta": {
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"source": "American Public Media"
},
"link": "/radio/program/marketplace",
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"rss": "https://feeds.publicradio.org/public_feeds/marketplace-pm/rss/rss"
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},
"masters-of-scale": {
"id": "masters-of-scale",
"title": "Masters of Scale",
"info": "Masters of Scale is an original podcast in which LinkedIn co-founder and Greylock Partner Reid Hoffman sets out to describe and prove theories that explain how great entrepreneurs take their companies from zero to a gazillion in ingenious fashion.",
"airtime": "Every other Wednesday June 12 through October 16 at 8pm (repeats Thursdays at 2am)",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Masters-of-Scale-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://mastersofscale.com/",
"meta": {
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"source": "WaitWhat"
},
"link": "/radio/program/masters-of-scale",
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"apple": "http://mastersofscale.app.link/",
"rss": "https://rss.art19.com/masters-of-scale"
}
},
"mindshift": {
"id": "mindshift",
"title": "MindShift",
"tagline": "A podcast about the future of learning and how we raise our kids",
"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Mindshift-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED MindShift: How We Will Learn",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/mindshift/",
"meta": {
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 12
},
"link": "/podcasts/mindshift",
"subscribe": {
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM1NzY0NjAwNDI5",
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}
},
"morning-edition": {
"id": "morning-edition",
"title": "Morning Edition",
"info": "\u003cem>Morning Edition\u003c/em> takes listeners around the country and the world with multi-faceted stories and commentaries every weekday. Hosts Steve Inskeep, David Greene and Rachel Martin bring you the latest breaking news and features to prepare you for the day.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 3am-9am",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Morning-Edition-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/programs/morning-edition/",
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"link": "/radio/program/morning-edition"
},
"onourwatch": {
"id": "onourwatch",
"title": "On Our Watch",
"tagline": "Deeply-reported investigative journalism",
"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/On-Our-Watch-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "On Our Watch from NPR and KQED",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/onourwatch",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "kqed",
"order": 11
},
"link": "/podcasts/onourwatch",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "https://podcasts.apple.com/podcast/id1567098962",
"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5ucHIub3JnLzUxMDM2MC9wb2RjYXN0LnhtbD9zYz1nb29nbGVwb2RjYXN0cw",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510360/podcast.xml"
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},
"on-the-media": {
"id": "on-the-media",
"title": "On The Media",
"info": "Our weekly podcast explores how the media 'sausage' is made, casts an incisive eye on fluctuations in the marketplace of ideas, and examines threats to the freedom of information and expression in America and abroad. For one hour a week, the show tries to lift the veil from the process of \"making media,\" especially news media, because it's through that lens that we see the world and the world sees us",
"airtime": "SUN 2pm-3pm, MON 12am-1am",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/onTheMedia.png",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.wnycstudios.org/shows/otm",
"meta": {
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"source": "wnyc"
},
"link": "/radio/program/on-the-media",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/on-the-media/id73330715?mt=2",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/radio/On-the-Media-p69/",
"rss": "http://feeds.wnyc.org/onthemedia"
}
},
"pbs-newshour": {
"id": "pbs-newshour",
"title": "PBS NewsHour",
"info": "Analysis, background reports and updates from the PBS NewsHour putting today's news in context.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 3pm-4pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/PBS-News-Hour-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.pbs.org/newshour/",
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"source": "pbs"
},
"link": "/radio/program/pbs-newshour",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/pbs-newshour-full-show/id394432287?mt=2",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/radio/PBS-NewsHour---Full-Show-p425698/",
"rss": "https://www.pbs.org/newshour/feeds/rss/podcasts/show"
}
},
"perspectives": {
"id": "perspectives",
"title": "Perspectives",
"tagline": "KQED's series of daily listener commentaries since 1991",
"info": "KQED's series of daily listener commentaries since 1991.",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/01/Perspectives_Tile_Final.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED Perspectives",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/perspectives/",
"meta": {
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 14
},
"link": "/perspectives",
"subscribe": {
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"npr": "https://www.npr.org/podcasts/432309616/perspectives",
"rss": "https://ww2.kqed.org/perspectives/category/perspectives/feed/",
"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly93dzIua3FlZC5vcmcvcGVyc3BlY3RpdmVzL2NhdGVnb3J5L3BlcnNwZWN0aXZlcy9mZWVkLw"
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},
"planet-money": {
"id": "planet-money",
"title": "Planet Money",
"info": "The economy explained. Imagine you could call up a friend and say, Meet me at the bar and tell me what's going on with the economy. Now imagine that's actually a fun evening.",
"airtime": "SUN 3pm-4pm",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/planetmoney.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/sections/money/",
"meta": {
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"source": "npr"
},
"link": "/radio/program/planet-money",
"subscribe": {
"npr": "https://rpb3r.app.goo.gl/M4f5",
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/planet-money/id290783428?mt=2",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/podcasts/Business--Economics-Podcasts/Planet-Money-p164680/",
"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510289/podcast.xml"
}
},
"politicalbreakdown": {
"id": "politicalbreakdown",
"title": "Political Breakdown",
"tagline": "Politics from a personal perspective",
"info": "Political Breakdown is a new series that explores the political intersection of California and the nation. Each week hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos are joined with a new special guest to unpack politics -- with personality — and offer an insider’s glimpse at how politics happens.",
"airtime": "THU 6:30pm-7pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Political-Breakdown-2024-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED Political Breakdown",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/politicalbreakdown",
"meta": {
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 5
},
"link": "/podcasts/politicalbreakdown",
"subscribe": {
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"amazon": "https://music.amazon.com/podcasts/e0c2d153-ad36-4c8d-901d-f1da6a724824/political-breakdown",
"npr": "https://www.npr.org/podcasts/572155894/political-breakdown",
"stitcher": "https://www.stitcher.com/podcast/kqed/political-breakdown",
"spotify": "https://open.spotify.com/show/07RVyIjIdk2WDuVehvBMoN",
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"fetchFailed": false,
"hasFetched": true,
"promos": {
"news": {},
"podcasts-radio": {},
"video-tv": {},
"events": {},
"support": {}
}
}
}
