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"content": "\n\u003cp>A task force is quietly working to expand higher education offerings in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/oakland\">Oakland\u003c/a> by bringing a historically Black college or university here. And Oakland Mayor \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/barbara-lee\">Barbara Lee\u003c/a> is central to the effort.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>There are a little over 100 recognized HBCUs in the country, but they are concentrated in the Southeast since many were established in the years following the Civil War, when African Americans were barred from most colleges and universities. The West Coast has only one historically Black educational institution — the Charles R. Drew University of Medicine and Science in Los Angeles, one of only a handful of historically Black medical schools in the nation. If an HBCU lands in Oakland, it could offer the first opportunity for undergraduate students in California to get a culturally relevant education closer to home.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>When students head east to enroll at an HBCU, they often don’t come back, said Kim Thompson, a member of the Oakland HBCU task force. She described that as a loss for California’s workforce.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“That’s a big brain drain and loss of students who could be staying here and gaining access to high-wage STEM careers that the Bay Area has to offer,” Thompson told The Oaklandside. “There’s a lot of students we think could benefit from the culturally affirming education that an HBCU could provide.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1123\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/OaklandGetty.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12015107\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/OaklandGetty.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/OaklandGetty-800x449.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/OaklandGetty-1020x573.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/OaklandGetty-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/OaklandGetty-1536x862.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/OaklandGetty-1920x1078.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">There are over 100 HBCUs in the U.S., mostly in the Southeast. The West Coast has only one, in Los Angeles. (Joe Sohm/Visions of America/Universal Images Group via Getty Images)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The Oakland HBCU initiative, a fiscally sponsored project of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.oaklandfund.org/oaklandhbcu\">Oakland Fund\u003c/a>, officially launched last year and is still in the early stages. A volunteer task force composed of Mayor Lee along with individuals from business, higher education, civic and philanthropic communities in Oakland is leading the effort.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The task force undertook a feasibility study this year to explore the potential economic impacts of a campus for Oakland and to identify which industries here are primed for growth. Thompson said the task force plans to publish the results of the study in the next month, but said they’ve already identified technology, entrepreneurship, life sciences, artificial intelligence, logistics and transportation as areas of focus.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The task force will then move to the next phase: solidifying a list of interested schools and settling on a location. The team is exploring a range of ideas, including a satellite campus for a single college, a hub center that would allow multiple colleges and universities to offer classes in Oakland and a partnership with the Peralta Community Colleges District to offer a pathway to a four-year degree from an HBCU.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>California’s community colleges already have a \u003ca href=\"https://icangotocollege.com/hbcu-transfer-opportunities\">transfer pathway for students to enroll at HBCUs\u003c/a>, which guarantees admission to more than 30 colleges and comes with a $5,000 scholarship, but few students take it, Taína Knox, another member of the task force, said. While tens of thousands of students transfer from community college to a UC or Cal State campus each year, those taking advantage of the HBCU transfer pathway number in the tens, Knox said. Five students received the Cal-HBCU transfer grant in 2024-2025, 10 in 2025-2026, and five payments are in progress for this academic year, according to the California Student Aid Commission.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“Students are still hesitant to transfer to out-of-state schools, and having an HBCU school here in California would have an impact,” Knox told The Oaklandside. “We think that an HBCU partnership could bolster what is already happening and hopefully increase students’ resiliency to continue through with the process that they start.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>In 2022, Paul Quinn College, an HBCU in Dallas, was in talks to \u003ca href=\"https://oaklandside.org/2022/04/21/texas-hbcu-paul-quinn-college-expansion-oakland-california/\">establish a campus in Oakland\u003c/a>. In 2024, Thompson and others, including then-deputy mayor Kimberly Mayfield representing the mayor’s office, attended the annual conference of the United Negro College Fund, the HBCU membership organization, to scout interest in Oakland. But the conference took place in July 2024, weeks after then mayor \u003ca href=\"https://oaklandside.org/tag/oakland-fbi-raids/\">Sheng Thao’s home was raided by the FBI\u003c/a>, so timing wasn’t ideal, Thompson said.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>After Lee became mayor last year, the talks restarted. At one point, Howard University, the country’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.forbes.com/sites/asia-alexander/2026/08/01/top-hbcus-20-historically-black-colleges-universities-that-set-grads-up-for-success/\">top-ranked private HBCU\u003c/a>, was interested, Thompson said.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“They came out for a site visit, we had ongoing conversations with them for several months,” Thompson said. “Currently, they have an interim leader in place, so now is not perfect timing for them to be making a definitive decision on something like this, but we continue to keep them in mind.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Lee said she is able to tap connections with HBCUs that she built during her time in Congress. Lee, who graduated from Mills College, the former women’s college in Oakland, has \u003ca href=\"https://uncf.org/the-latest/the-murell-family-legacy-establishing-a-uncf-scholarship-to-expand-educational-opportunity\">family members who attended HBCUs\u003c/a> and received an \u003ca href=\"https://thedig.howard.edu/all-stories/go-where-need-greatest-honorary-degree-designee-barbara-lee-has-spent-lifetime-uplifting-people\">honorary doctorate from Howard University last year\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/250428-OAKLAND-CITY-HALL-FILE-MD-02-KQED-1920x1280-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12081625\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/250428-OAKLAND-CITY-HALL-FILE-MD-02-KQED-1920x1280-1.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/250428-OAKLAND-CITY-HALL-FILE-MD-02-KQED-1920x1280-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/250428-OAKLAND-CITY-HALL-FILE-MD-02-KQED-1920x1280-1-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Oakland City Hall in Oakland on April 28, 2025. (Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Establishing an HBCU in Oakland could be crucial to stabilizing the Black population here, Lee said. When she was elected to Congress, 40% of Oakland was Black, she said, and now it’s around 20%.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“Here in Oakland, gentrification, redlining, and systemic discrimination has been a driver of bringing our population down,” she told The Oaklandside. “This would give some stability in many ways to the Black population and for everyone in Oakland to see that we still care about the Black community and Black students.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>In exploring potential locations, the task force has toured the former Holy Names University campus in the hills, as well as locations in downtown Oakland, but they don’t want to commit to a site until they’re further along in talks with the colleges.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The group also held listening sessions last fall with students to gauge their interest in an HBCU here.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“A lot of students said, ‘It’d be great to go to an HBCU, but I’m the first in my family to go to college, and it’s expensive to travel out of state,’” Thompson said. “But if it were here, that would be a great alternative opportunity to go to an HBCU, which many students had an interest in attending.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was originally published by \u003ca href=\"https://oaklandside.org/\">The Oaklandside\u003c/a> and distributed through a partnership with The Associated Press.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/OaklandGetty.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12015107\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/OaklandGetty.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/OaklandGetty-800x449.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/OaklandGetty-1020x573.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/OaklandGetty-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/OaklandGetty-1536x862.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/OaklandGetty-1920x1078.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(min-width: 992px) min(100vw, 1536px), (min-width: 768px) min(100vw, 1280px), min(100vw, 1020px)\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">There are over 100 HBCUs in the U.S., mostly in the Southeast. The West Coast has only one, in Los Angeles.\u003ccite class=\"wp-inline-image-credit\"> (Joe Sohm/Visions of America/Universal Images Group via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n",
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"\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/OaklandGetty.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12015107\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">There are over 100 HBCUs in the U.S., mostly in the Southeast. The West Coast has only one, in Los Angeles.\u003ccite class=\"wp-inline-image-credit\"> (Joe Sohm/Visions of America/Universal Images Group via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>The Oakland HBCU initiative, a fiscally sponsored project of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.oaklandfund.org/oaklandhbcu\">Oakland Fund\u003c/a>, officially launched last year and is still in the early stages. A volunteer task force composed of Mayor Lee along with individuals from business, higher education, civic and philanthropic communities in Oakland is leading the effort.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>The Oakland HBCU initiative, a fiscally sponsored project of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.oaklandfund.org/oaklandhbcu\">Oakland Fund\u003c/a>, officially launched last year and is still in the early stages. A volunteer task force composed of Mayor Lee along with individuals from business, higher education, civic and philanthropic communities in Oakland is leading the effort.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>The task force undertook a feasibility study this year to explore the potential economic impacts of a campus for Oakland and to identify which industries here are primed for growth. Thompson said the task force plans to publish the results of the study in the next month, but said they’ve already identified technology, entrepreneurship, life sciences, artificial intelligence, logistics and transportation as areas of focus.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>The task force undertook a feasibility study this year to explore the potential economic impacts of a campus for Oakland and to identify which industries here are primed for growth. Thompson said the task force plans to publish the results of the study in the next month, but said they’ve already identified technology, entrepreneurship, life sciences, artificial intelligence, logistics and transportation as areas of focus.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>The task force will then move to the next phase: solidifying a list of interested schools and settling on a location. The team is exploring a range of ideas, including a satellite campus for a single college, a hub center that would allow multiple colleges and universities to offer classes in Oakland and a partnership with the Peralta Community Colleges District to offer a pathway to a four-year degree from an HBCU.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>The task force will then move to the next phase: solidifying a list of interested schools and settling on a location. The team is exploring a range of ideas, including a satellite campus for a single college, a hub center that would allow multiple colleges and universities to offer classes in Oakland and a partnership with the Peralta Community Colleges District to offer a pathway to a four-year degree from an HBCU.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>California’s community colleges already have a \u003ca href=\"https://icangotocollege.com/hbcu-transfer-opportunities\">transfer pathway for students to enroll at HBCUs\u003c/a>, which guarantees admission to more than 30 colleges and comes with a $5,000 scholarship, but few students take it, Taína Knox, another member of the task force, said. While tens of thousands of students transfer from community college to a UC or Cal State campus each year, those taking advantage of the HBCU transfer pathway number in the tens, Knox said. Five students received the Cal-HBCU transfer grant in 2024-2025, 10 in 2025-2026, and five payments are in progress for this academic year, according to the California Student Aid Commission.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>California’s community colleges already have a \u003ca href=\"https://icangotocollege.com/hbcu-transfer-opportunities\">transfer pathway for students to enroll at HBCUs\u003c/a>, which guarantees admission to more than 30 colleges and comes with a $5,000 scholarship, but few students take it, Taína Knox, another member of the task force, said. While tens of thousands of students transfer from community college to a UC or Cal State campus each year, those taking advantage of the HBCU transfer pathway number in the tens, Knox said. Five students received the Cal-HBCU transfer grant in 2024-2025, 10 in 2025-2026, and five payments are in progress for this academic year, according to the California Student Aid Commission.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>“Students are still hesitant to transfer to out-of-state schools, and having an HBCU school here in California would have an impact,” Knox told The Oaklandside. “We think that an HBCU partnership could bolster what is already happening and hopefully increase students’ resiliency to continue through with the process that they start.”\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>“Students are still hesitant to transfer to out-of-state schools, and having an HBCU school here in California would have an impact,” Knox told The Oaklandside. “We think that an HBCU partnership could bolster what is already happening and hopefully increase students’ resiliency to continue through with the process that they start.”\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>In 2022, Paul Quinn College, an HBCU in Dallas, was in talks to \u003ca href=\"https://oaklandside.org/2022/04/21/texas-hbcu-paul-quinn-college-expansion-oakland-california/\">establish a campus in Oakland\u003c/a>. In 2024, Thompson and others, including then-deputy mayor Kimberly Mayfield representing the mayor’s office, attended the annual conference of the United Negro College Fund, the HBCU membership organization, to scout interest in Oakland. But the conference took place in July 2024, weeks after then mayor \u003ca href=\"https://oaklandside.org/tag/oakland-fbi-raids/\">Sheng Thao’s home was raided by the FBI\u003c/a>, so timing wasn’t ideal, Thompson said.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>In 2022, Paul Quinn College, an HBCU in Dallas, was in talks to \u003ca href=\"https://oaklandside.org/2022/04/21/texas-hbcu-paul-quinn-college-expansion-oakland-california/\">establish a campus in Oakland\u003c/a>. In 2024, Thompson and others, including then-deputy mayor Kimberly Mayfield representing the mayor’s office, attended the annual conference of the United Negro College Fund, the HBCU membership organization, to scout interest in Oakland. But the conference took place in July 2024, weeks after then mayor \u003ca href=\"https://oaklandside.org/tag/oakland-fbi-raids/\">Sheng Thao’s home was raided by the FBI\u003c/a>, so timing wasn’t ideal, Thompson said.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>After Lee became mayor last year, the talks restarted. At one point, Howard University, the country’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.forbes.com/sites/asia-alexander/2026/08/01/top-hbcus-20-historically-black-colleges-universities-that-set-grads-up-for-success/\">top-ranked private HBCU\u003c/a>, was interested, Thompson said.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>After Lee became mayor last year, the talks restarted. At one point, Howard University, the country’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.forbes.com/sites/asia-alexander/2026/08/01/top-hbcus-20-historically-black-colleges-universities-that-set-grads-up-for-success/\">top-ranked private HBCU\u003c/a>, was interested, Thompson said.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>“They came out for a site visit, we had ongoing conversations with them for several months,” Thompson said. “Currently, they have an interim leader in place, so now is not perfect timing for them to be making a definitive decision on something like this, but we continue to keep them in mind.”\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>“They came out for a site visit, we had ongoing conversations with them for several months,” Thompson said. “Currently, they have an interim leader in place, so now is not perfect timing for them to be making a definitive decision on something like this, but we continue to keep them in mind.”\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Lee said she is able to tap connections with HBCUs that she built during her time in Congress. Lee, who graduated from Mills College, the former women’s college in Oakland, has \u003ca href=\"https://uncf.org/the-latest/the-murell-family-legacy-establishing-a-uncf-scholarship-to-expand-educational-opportunity\">family members who attended HBCUs\u003c/a> and received an \u003ca href=\"https://thedig.howard.edu/all-stories/go-where-need-greatest-honorary-degree-designee-barbara-lee-has-spent-lifetime-uplifting-people\">honorary doctorate from Howard University last year\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Lee said she is able to tap connections with HBCUs that she built during her time in Congress. Lee, who graduated from Mills College, the former women’s college in Oakland, has \u003ca href=\"https://uncf.org/the-latest/the-murell-family-legacy-establishing-a-uncf-scholarship-to-expand-educational-opportunity\">family members who attended HBCUs\u003c/a> and received an \u003ca href=\"https://thedig.howard.edu/all-stories/go-where-need-greatest-honorary-degree-designee-barbara-lee-has-spent-lifetime-uplifting-people\">honorary doctorate from Howard University last year\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/250428-OAKLAND-CITY-HALL-FILE-MD-02-KQED-1920x1280-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12081625\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/250428-OAKLAND-CITY-HALL-FILE-MD-02-KQED-1920x1280-1.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/250428-OAKLAND-CITY-HALL-FILE-MD-02-KQED-1920x1280-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/250428-OAKLAND-CITY-HALL-FILE-MD-02-KQED-1920x1280-1-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(min-width: 992px) min(100vw, 1536px), (min-width: 768px) min(100vw, 1280px), min(100vw, 1020px)\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Oakland City Hall in Oakland on April 28, 2025. \u003ccite class=\"wp-inline-image-credit\"> (Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Establishing an HBCU in Oakland could be crucial to stabilizing the Black population here, Lee said. When she was elected to Congress, 40% of Oakland was Black, she said, and now it’s around 20%.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Establishing an HBCU in Oakland could be crucial to stabilizing the Black population here, Lee said. When she was elected to Congress, 40% of Oakland was Black, she said, and now it’s around 20%.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>“Here in Oakland, gentrification, redlining, and systemic discrimination has been a driver of bringing our population down,” she told The Oaklandside. “This would give some stability in many ways to the Black population and for everyone in Oakland to see that we still care about the Black community and Black students.”\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>“Here in Oakland, gentrification, redlining, and systemic discrimination has been a driver of bringing our population down,” she told The Oaklandside. “This would give some stability in many ways to the Black population and for everyone in Oakland to see that we still care about the Black community and Black students.”\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>In exploring potential locations, the task force has toured the former Holy Names University campus in the hills, as well as locations in downtown Oakland, but they don’t want to commit to a site until they’re further along in talks with the colleges.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>In exploring potential locations, the task force has toured the former Holy Names University campus in the hills, as well as locations in downtown Oakland, but they don’t want to commit to a site until they’re further along in talks with the colleges.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>The group also held listening sessions last fall with students to gauge their interest in an HBCU here.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>The group also held listening sessions last fall with students to gauge their interest in an HBCU here.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>“A lot of students said, ‘It’d be great to go to an HBCU, but I’m the first in my family to go to college, and it’s expensive to travel out of state,’” Thompson said. “But if it were here, that would be a great alternative opportunity to go to an HBCU, which many students had an interest in attending.”\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>“A lot of students said, ‘It’d be great to go to an HBCU, but I’m the first in my family to go to college, and it’s expensive to travel out of state,’” Thompson said. “But if it were here, that would be a great alternative opportunity to go to an HBCU, which many students had an interest in attending.”\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was originally published by \u003ca href=\"https://oaklandside.org/\">The Oaklandside\u003c/a> and distributed through a partnership with The Associated Press.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was originally published by \u003ca href=\"https://oaklandside.org/\">The Oaklandside\u003c/a> and distributed through a partnership with The Associated Press.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n"
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>A task force is quietly working to expand higher education offerings in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/oakland\">Oakland\u003c/a> by bringing a historically Black college or university here. And Oakland Mayor \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/barbara-lee\">Barbara Lee\u003c/a> is central to the effort.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>There are a little over 100 recognized HBCUs in the country, but they are concentrated in the Southeast since many were established in the years following the Civil War, when African Americans were barred from most colleges and universities. The West Coast has only one historically Black educational institution — the Charles R. Drew University of Medicine and Science in Los Angeles, one of only a handful of historically Black medical schools in the nation. If an HBCU lands in Oakland, it could offer the first opportunity for undergraduate students in California to get a culturally relevant education closer to home.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>When students head east to enroll at an HBCU, they often don’t come back, said Kim Thompson, a member of the Oakland HBCU task force. She described that as a loss for California’s workforce.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“That’s a big brain drain and loss of students who could be staying here and gaining access to high-wage STEM careers that the Bay Area has to offer,” Thompson told The Oaklandside. “There’s a lot of students we think could benefit from the culturally affirming education that an HBCU could provide.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1123\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/OaklandGetty.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12015107\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/OaklandGetty.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/OaklandGetty-800x449.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/OaklandGetty-1020x573.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/OaklandGetty-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/OaklandGetty-1536x862.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/OaklandGetty-1920x1078.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">There are over 100 HBCUs in the U.S., mostly in the Southeast. The West Coast has only one, in Los Angeles. (Joe Sohm/Visions of America/Universal Images Group via Getty Images)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The Oakland HBCU initiative, a fiscally sponsored project of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.oaklandfund.org/oaklandhbcu\">Oakland Fund\u003c/a>, officially launched last year and is still in the early stages. A volunteer task force composed of Mayor Lee along with individuals from business, higher education, civic and philanthropic communities in Oakland is leading the effort.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The task force undertook a feasibility study this year to explore the potential economic impacts of a campus for Oakland and to identify which industries here are primed for growth. Thompson said the task force plans to publish the results of the study in the next month, but said they’ve already identified technology, entrepreneurship, life sciences, artificial intelligence, logistics and transportation as areas of focus.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The task force will then move to the next phase: solidifying a list of interested schools and settling on a location. The team is exploring a range of ideas, including a satellite campus for a single college, a hub center that would allow multiple colleges and universities to offer classes in Oakland and a partnership with the Peralta Community Colleges District to offer a pathway to a four-year degree from an HBCU.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>California’s community colleges already have a \u003ca href=\"https://icangotocollege.com/hbcu-transfer-opportunities\">transfer pathway for students to enroll at HBCUs\u003c/a>, which guarantees admission to more than 30 colleges and comes with a $5,000 scholarship, but few students take it, Taína Knox, another member of the task force, said. While tens of thousands of students transfer from community college to a UC or Cal State campus each year, those taking advantage of the HBCU transfer pathway number in the tens, Knox said. Five students received the Cal-HBCU transfer grant in 2024-2025, 10 in 2025-2026, and five payments are in progress for this academic year, according to the California Student Aid Commission.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“Students are still hesitant to transfer to out-of-state schools, and having an HBCU school here in California would have an impact,” Knox told The Oaklandside. “We think that an HBCU partnership could bolster what is already happening and hopefully increase students’ resiliency to continue through with the process that they start.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>In 2022, Paul Quinn College, an HBCU in Dallas, was in talks to \u003ca href=\"https://oaklandside.org/2022/04/21/texas-hbcu-paul-quinn-college-expansion-oakland-california/\">establish a campus in Oakland\u003c/a>. In 2024, Thompson and others, including then-deputy mayor Kimberly Mayfield representing the mayor’s office, attended the annual conference of the United Negro College Fund, the HBCU membership organization, to scout interest in Oakland. But the conference took place in July 2024, weeks after then mayor \u003ca href=\"https://oaklandside.org/tag/oakland-fbi-raids/\">Sheng Thao’s home was raided by the FBI\u003c/a>, so timing wasn’t ideal, Thompson said.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>After Lee became mayor last year, the talks restarted. At one point, Howard University, the country’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.forbes.com/sites/asia-alexander/2026/08/01/top-hbcus-20-historically-black-colleges-universities-that-set-grads-up-for-success/\">top-ranked private HBCU\u003c/a>, was interested, Thompson said.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“They came out for a site visit, we had ongoing conversations with them for several months,” Thompson said. “Currently, they have an interim leader in place, so now is not perfect timing for them to be making a definitive decision on something like this, but we continue to keep them in mind.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Lee said she is able to tap connections with HBCUs that she built during her time in Congress. Lee, who graduated from Mills College, the former women’s college in Oakland, has \u003ca href=\"https://uncf.org/the-latest/the-murell-family-legacy-establishing-a-uncf-scholarship-to-expand-educational-opportunity\">family members who attended HBCUs\u003c/a> and received an \u003ca href=\"https://thedig.howard.edu/all-stories/go-where-need-greatest-honorary-degree-designee-barbara-lee-has-spent-lifetime-uplifting-people\">honorary doctorate from Howard University last year\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/250428-OAKLAND-CITY-HALL-FILE-MD-02-KQED-1920x1280-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12081625\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/250428-OAKLAND-CITY-HALL-FILE-MD-02-KQED-1920x1280-1.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/250428-OAKLAND-CITY-HALL-FILE-MD-02-KQED-1920x1280-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/250428-OAKLAND-CITY-HALL-FILE-MD-02-KQED-1920x1280-1-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Oakland City Hall in Oakland on April 28, 2025. (Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Establishing an HBCU in Oakland could be crucial to stabilizing the Black population here, Lee said. When she was elected to Congress, 40% of Oakland was Black, she said, and now it’s around 20%.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“Here in Oakland, gentrification, redlining, and systemic discrimination has been a driver of bringing our population down,” she told The Oaklandside. “This would give some stability in many ways to the Black population and for everyone in Oakland to see that we still care about the Black community and Black students.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>In exploring potential locations, the task force has toured the former Holy Names University campus in the hills, as well as locations in downtown Oakland, but they don’t want to commit to a site until they’re further along in talks with the colleges.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The group also held listening sessions last fall with students to gauge their interest in an HBCU here.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“A lot of students said, ‘It’d be great to go to an HBCU, but I’m the first in my family to go to college, and it’s expensive to travel out of state,’” Thompson said. “But if it were here, that would be a great alternative opportunity to go to an HBCU, which many students had an interest in attending.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was originally published by \u003ca href=\"https://oaklandside.org/\">The Oaklandside\u003c/a> and distributed through a partnership with The Associated Press.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "alameda-county-approves-1-3-million-in-reparations-for-displaced-black-hayward-families",
"title": "Alameda County Approves $1.3 Million in Reparations for Displaced Black Hayward Families",
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"headTitle": "Alameda County Approves $1.3 Million in Reparations for Displaced Black Hayward Families | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>Alameda County supervisors unanimously voted Tuesday to begin sending \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/reparations\">cash payments\u003c/a> to the last surviving homeowners forced out of Russell City, the unincorporated community dismantled by the county and the city of Hayward six decades ago.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The vote approved a memorandum of understanding with Hayward that sets up shared governance of a $1.3 million \u003ca href=\"https://reparations.alamedacountyca.gov/reparations-for-wrongfully-evicted-russell-city-residents-nbc-bay-area/\">redress fund\u003c/a>, seeded by all five supervisors, the city and the Alameda County Office of Education, to make amends to residents who had property seized during the 1960s. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Supervisors also authorized the county to issue a first round of payments of up to $25,000 per household. Russell City \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11922175/remembering-russell-city-a-thriving-east-bay-town-razed-by-racist-government\">once stood on the Hayward shoreline\u003c/a>, south of the modern Hayward Regional Shoreline Park. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>In the 1960s, county authorities declared Russell City blighted and used eminent domain to acquire close to 700 parcels, displacing roughly 1,400 residents and converting the land into an industrial park annexed by Hayward in 1964. Today, nothing of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12051329/displaced-russell-city-residents-set-to-receive-cash-reparations\">the historic Black and Latino community\u003c/a> survives, except the name of the Calpine Russell City Energy Center, a natural gas power plant.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1440\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/IMG_2829-scaled-e1638419681640.jpg\" alt='A board reads, \"Russell City: The city may be gone, but the memories live on.\"' class=\"wp-image-11897865\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">A board honoring the families that lived in Russell City is displayed during the annual Russell City reunion picnic at Kennedy Park in Hayward on Sept. 3, 2017. (Courtesy of Aisha Knowles)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The Fifth Amendment allows the government to seize private property for public use and requires it to pay “just compensation” in return. Research by the city of Hayward found some Russell City homeowners received around $2,000 for their homes, and some as little as $250.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Founded in 1853, Russell City was named for a Gold Rush-era schoolteacher, Joel Russell. The neighborhood filled in as World War II drew workers to nearby factories. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>At a time when racial covenants and redlining shut Black and Latino families out elsewhere, unincorporated Russell City became one of the few places in the East Bay where they could buy property and build. Families kept sheep, chickens, pigs and rabbits, and tended gardens big enough to feed neighbors.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-embed is-type-wp-embed is-provider-megaphone wp-block-embed-megaphone\">\u003cdiv class=\"wp-block-embed__wrapper\">\nhttps://playlist.megaphone.fm?e=KQINC4087576125&light=true\n\u003c/div>\u003c/figure>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Decades later, Hayward and Alameda County issued formal \u003ca href=\"https://www.hayward-ca.gov/discover/news/nov21/hayward-city-council-issues-formal-apology-citys-role-racial-discrimination-0\">apologies\u003c/a> to community members in 2021 and 2023, respectively.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Alameda County Supervisor Elisa Márquez, who represents Hayward, Newark, Union City and parts of Fremont, and who supported the reparations plan, said the vote moves the county toward action.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“No payment can fully repair the harm caused by the destruction of Russell City,” she said. “But these first redress payments represent an important step toward acknowledging that harm, honoring the resilience of former residents and advancing justice for their families.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Márquez’s voice broke as she explained why the first round goes only to the oldest survivors. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“When families come together, we don’t ask elders to get in line,” she said. “They are served first.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/Elisa-Marquez-Getty.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12094035\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/Elisa-Marquez-Getty.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/Elisa-Marquez-Getty-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/Elisa-Marquez-Getty-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Alameda County Supervisor Elisa Márquez speaks during a press conference in Hayward, California, on March 2, 2026. (Jessica Christian/San Francisco Chronicle via Getty Images)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://alamedacountyca.gov/board/bos_calendar/documents/RussellCMOU\">The first phase\u003c/a> of reparations is deliberately narrow. To qualify, an applicant must have both lived in and personally owned a home in Russell City between Jan. 1, 1961, and Dec. 31, 1964, and had that property taken by eminent domain during those years. Money is allocated by household rather than by person, and split evenly among qualifying residents of the same home. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Márquez said the county is “not anticipating a large number this first round” because applicants must still be living and must have owned their home. Once those payments go out, she said, the working group will release criteria for a second phase that includes descendants, though that will require another board vote.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Several speakers pressed the board on how the money will be divided. Priscilla Figueroa, a \u003ca href=\"https://www.hayward-ca.gov/your-government/staff/priscilla-figueroa\">Hayward resident\u003c/a> whose late husband’s family lived in Russell City, noted that $1.3 million divided by $25,000 covers only 52 households, and questioned how the county would determine who receives the full amount. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Deborah Harris, who grew up in Russell City with her parents, asked how the county will handle households where the original landowner has died, adding that “probably all of the original landowners are deceased at this point.” \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Hayward Councilmember \u003ca href=\"https://www.alamedacountyca.gov/board/bos_calendar/documents/DocsAgendaReg_08_04_26/GENERAL%20ADMINISTRATION/Set%20Matter%20Calendar/Supervisor%20M%c3%a1rquez_409832.pdf\">Angela Andrews\u003c/a>, who spoke at the meeting on Hayward’s behalf, said the city’s 2021 apology was not enough on its own. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“An apology is nothing without action,” she said. She urged philanthropic partners, the real estate industry and the business community to contribute to the fund, saying they benefited from the displacement.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Supervisor Nate Miley committed another $250,000, and Márquez said she would match it, which would bring the fund to $1.8 million. Both stressed the pledges are not binding yet and will have to return to the board, likely in the fall.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Aisha Knowles, a Russell City descendant who chaired Hayward’s steering committee — and who produced a documentary on the community’s displacement, \u003ca href=\"https://www.theapologyfilm.com/\">\u003cem>The Apology\u003c/em>\u003c/a> — asked the county to aim higher, arguing the fund should eventually match what Russell City land sold for. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>She told supervisors her grandfather never recovered from the loss.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“My grandfather did not live to be 50,” she said. “I am a year older than he was able to live and enjoy his life after Russell City.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She urged the board not to stop at phase one. “For those who are needing something to interrupt the trauma that they’ve held onto for the past 70 to 80 years, I encourage you to continue this work, and I thank you for staying in the fight.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Alameda County supervisors unanimously voted Tuesday to begin sending \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/reparations\">cash payments\u003c/a> to the last surviving homeowners forced out of Russell City, the unincorporated community dismantled by the county and the city of Hayward six decades ago.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>The vote approved a memorandum of understanding with Hayward that sets up shared governance of a $1.3 million \u003ca href=\"https://reparations.alamedacountyca.gov/reparations-for-wrongfully-evicted-russell-city-residents-nbc-bay-area/\">redress fund\u003c/a>, seeded by all five supervisors, the city and the Alameda County Office of Education, to make amends to residents who had property seized during the 1960s. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>The vote approved a memorandum of understanding with Hayward that sets up shared governance of a $1.3 million \u003ca href=\"https://reparations.alamedacountyca.gov/reparations-for-wrongfully-evicted-russell-city-residents-nbc-bay-area/\">redress fund\u003c/a>, seeded by all five supervisors, the city and the Alameda County Office of Education, to make amends to residents who had property seized during the 1960s. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Supervisors also authorized the county to issue a first round of payments of up to $25,000 per household. Russell City \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11922175/remembering-russell-city-a-thriving-east-bay-town-razed-by-racist-government\">once stood on the Hayward shoreline\u003c/a>, south of the modern Hayward Regional Shoreline Park. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Supervisors also authorized the county to issue a first round of payments of up to $25,000 per household. Russell City \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11922175/remembering-russell-city-a-thriving-east-bay-town-razed-by-racist-government\">once stood on the Hayward shoreline\u003c/a>, south of the modern Hayward Regional Shoreline Park. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>In the 1960s, county authorities declared Russell City blighted and used eminent domain to acquire close to 700 parcels, displacing roughly 1,400 residents and converting the land into an industrial park annexed by Hayward in 1964. Today, nothing of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12051329/displaced-russell-city-residents-set-to-receive-cash-reparations\">the historic Black and Latino community\u003c/a> survives, except the name of the Calpine Russell City Energy Center, a natural gas power plant.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>In the 1960s, county authorities declared Russell City blighted and used eminent domain to acquire close to 700 parcels, displacing roughly 1,400 residents and converting the land into an industrial park annexed by Hayward in 1964. Today, nothing of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12051329/displaced-russell-city-residents-set-to-receive-cash-reparations\">the historic Black and Latino community\u003c/a> survives, except the name of the Calpine Russell City Energy Center, a natural gas power plant.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/IMG_2829-scaled-e1638419681640.jpg\" alt=\"A board reads, "Russell City: The city may be gone, but the memories live on."\" class=\"wp-image-11897865\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">A board honoring the families that lived in Russell City is displayed during the annual Russell City reunion picnic at Kennedy Park in Hayward on Sept. 3, 2017.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n",
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"\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/IMG_2829-scaled-e1638419681640.jpg\" alt=\"A board reads, "Russell City: The city may be gone, but the memories live on."\" class=\"wp-image-11897865\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">A board honoring the families that lived in Russell City is displayed during the annual Russell City reunion picnic at Kennedy Park in Hayward on Sept. 3, 2017.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>The Fifth Amendment allows the government to seize private property for public use and requires it to pay “just compensation” in return. Research by the city of Hayward found some Russell City homeowners received around $2,000 for their homes, and some as little as $250.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>The Fifth Amendment allows the government to seize private property for public use and requires it to pay “just compensation” in return. Research by the city of Hayward found some Russell City homeowners received around $2,000 for their homes, and some as little as $250.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Founded in 1853, Russell City was named for a Gold Rush-era schoolteacher, Joel Russell. The neighborhood filled in as World War II drew workers to nearby factories. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Founded in 1853, Russell City was named for a Gold Rush-era schoolteacher, Joel Russell. The neighborhood filled in as World War II drew workers to nearby factories. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>At a time when racial covenants and redlining shut Black and Latino families out elsewhere, unincorporated Russell City became one of the few places in the East Bay where they could buy property and build. Families kept sheep, chickens, pigs and rabbits, and tended gardens big enough to feed neighbors.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>At a time when racial covenants and redlining shut Black and Latino families out elsewhere, unincorporated Russell City became one of the few places in the East Bay where they could buy property and build. Families kept sheep, chickens, pigs and rabbits, and tended gardens big enough to feed neighbors.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Decades later, Hayward and Alameda County issued formal \u003ca href=\"https://www.hayward-ca.gov/discover/news/nov21/hayward-city-council-issues-formal-apology-citys-role-racial-discrimination-0\">apologies\u003c/a> to community members in 2021 and 2023, respectively.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Alameda County Supervisor Elisa Márquez, who represents Hayward, Newark, Union City and parts of Fremont, and who supported the reparations plan, said the vote moves the county toward action.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Alameda County Supervisor Elisa Márquez, who represents Hayward, Newark, Union City and parts of Fremont, and who supported the reparations plan, said the vote moves the county toward action.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>“No payment can fully repair the harm caused by the destruction of Russell City,” she said. “But these first redress payments represent an important step toward acknowledging that harm, honoring the resilience of former residents and advancing justice for their families.”\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>“No payment can fully repair the harm caused by the destruction of Russell City,” she said. “But these first redress payments represent an important step toward acknowledging that harm, honoring the resilience of former residents and advancing justice for their families.”\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Márquez’s voice broke as she explained why the first round goes only to the oldest survivors. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Márquez’s voice broke as she explained why the first round goes only to the oldest survivors. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>“When families come together, we don’t ask elders to get in line,” she said. “They are served first.”\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://alamedacountyca.gov/board/bos_calendar/documents/RussellCMOU\">The first phase\u003c/a> of reparations is deliberately narrow. To qualify, an applicant must have both lived in and personally owned a home in Russell City between Jan. 1, 1961, and Dec. 31, 1964, and had that property taken by eminent domain during those years. Money is allocated by household rather than by person, and split evenly among qualifying residents of the same home. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://alamedacountyca.gov/board/bos_calendar/documents/RussellCMOU\">The first phase\u003c/a> of reparations is deliberately narrow. To qualify, an applicant must have both lived in and personally owned a home in Russell City between Jan. 1, 1961, and Dec. 31, 1964, and had that property taken by eminent domain during those years. Money is allocated by household rather than by person, and split evenly among qualifying residents of the same home. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Márquez said the county is “not anticipating a large number this first round” because applicants must still be living and must have owned their home. Once those payments go out, she said, the working group will release criteria for a second phase that includes descendants, though that will require another board vote.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Márquez said the county is “not anticipating a large number this first round” because applicants must still be living and must have owned their home. Once those payments go out, she said, the working group will release criteria for a second phase that includes descendants, though that will require another board vote.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Several speakers pressed the board on how the money will be divided. Priscilla Figueroa, a \u003ca href=\"https://www.hayward-ca.gov/your-government/staff/priscilla-figueroa\">Hayward resident\u003c/a> whose late husband’s family lived in Russell City, noted that $1.3 million divided by $25,000 covers only 52 households, and questioned how the county would determine who receives the full amount. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Several speakers pressed the board on how the money will be divided. Priscilla Figueroa, a \u003ca href=\"https://www.hayward-ca.gov/your-government/staff/priscilla-figueroa\">Hayward resident\u003c/a> whose late husband’s family lived in Russell City, noted that $1.3 million divided by $25,000 covers only 52 households, and questioned how the county would determine who receives the full amount. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Deborah Harris, who grew up in Russell City with her parents, asked how the county will handle households where the original landowner has died, adding that “probably all of the original landowners are deceased at this point.” \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Deborah Harris, who grew up in Russell City with her parents, asked how the county will handle households where the original landowner has died, adding that “probably all of the original landowners are deceased at this point.” \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Hayward Councilmember \u003ca href=\"https://www.alamedacountyca.gov/board/bos_calendar/documents/DocsAgendaReg_08_04_26/GENERAL%20ADMINISTRATION/Set%20Matter%20Calendar/Supervisor%20M%c3%a1rquez_409832.pdf\">Angela Andrews\u003c/a>, who spoke at the meeting on Hayward’s behalf, said the city’s 2021 apology was not enough on its own. \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>“An apology is nothing without action,” she said. She urged philanthropic partners, the real estate industry and the business community to contribute to the fund, saying they benefited from the displacement.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Supervisor Nate Miley committed another $250,000, and Márquez said she would match it, which would bring the fund to $1.8 million. Both stressed the pledges are not binding yet and will have to return to the board, likely in the fall.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Aisha Knowles, a Russell City descendant who chaired Hayward’s steering committee — and who produced a documentary on the community’s displacement, \u003ca href=\"https://www.theapologyfilm.com/\">\u003cem>The Apology\u003c/em>\u003c/a> — asked the county to aim higher, arguing the fund should eventually match what Russell City land sold for. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Aisha Knowles, a Russell City descendant who chaired Hayward’s steering committee — and who produced a documentary on the community’s displacement, \u003ca href=\"https://www.theapologyfilm.com/\">\u003cem>The Apology\u003c/em>\u003c/a> — asked the county to aim higher, arguing the fund should eventually match what Russell City land sold for. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>She told supervisors her grandfather never recovered from the loss.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>“My grandfather did not live to be 50,” she said. “I am a year older than he was able to live and enjoy his life after Russell City.”\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>She urged the board not to stop at phase one. “For those who are needing something to interrupt the trauma that they’ve held onto for the past 70 to 80 years, I encourage you to continue this work, and I thank you for staying in the fight.”\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>She urged the board not to stop at phase one. “For those who are needing something to interrupt the trauma that they’ve held onto for the past 70 to 80 years, I encourage you to continue this work, and I thank you for staying in the fight.”\u003c/p>\n"
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"excerpt": "Surviving homeowners of the East Bay neighborhood, whose property the county seized by eminent domain in the early 1960s, can receive up to $25,000 per household.\n",
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"title": "Alameda County Approves $1.3 Million in Reparations for Displaced Black Hayward Families | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Alameda County supervisors unanimously voted Tuesday to begin sending \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/reparations\">cash payments\u003c/a> to the last surviving homeowners forced out of Russell City, the unincorporated community dismantled by the county and the city of Hayward six decades ago.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The vote approved a memorandum of understanding with Hayward that sets up shared governance of a $1.3 million \u003ca href=\"https://reparations.alamedacountyca.gov/reparations-for-wrongfully-evicted-russell-city-residents-nbc-bay-area/\">redress fund\u003c/a>, seeded by all five supervisors, the city and the Alameda County Office of Education, to make amends to residents who had property seized during the 1960s. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Supervisors also authorized the county to issue a first round of payments of up to $25,000 per household. Russell City \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11922175/remembering-russell-city-a-thriving-east-bay-town-razed-by-racist-government\">once stood on the Hayward shoreline\u003c/a>, south of the modern Hayward Regional Shoreline Park. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>In the 1960s, county authorities declared Russell City blighted and used eminent domain to acquire close to 700 parcels, displacing roughly 1,400 residents and converting the land into an industrial park annexed by Hayward in 1964. Today, nothing of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12051329/displaced-russell-city-residents-set-to-receive-cash-reparations\">the historic Black and Latino community\u003c/a> survives, except the name of the Calpine Russell City Energy Center, a natural gas power plant.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1440\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/IMG_2829-scaled-e1638419681640.jpg\" alt='A board reads, \"Russell City: The city may be gone, but the memories live on.\"' class=\"wp-image-11897865\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">A board honoring the families that lived in Russell City is displayed during the annual Russell City reunion picnic at Kennedy Park in Hayward on Sept. 3, 2017. (Courtesy of Aisha Knowles)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The Fifth Amendment allows the government to seize private property for public use and requires it to pay “just compensation” in return. Research by the city of Hayward found some Russell City homeowners received around $2,000 for their homes, and some as little as $250.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Founded in 1853, Russell City was named for a Gold Rush-era schoolteacher, Joel Russell. The neighborhood filled in as World War II drew workers to nearby factories. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>At a time when racial covenants and redlining shut Black and Latino families out elsewhere, unincorporated Russell City became one of the few places in the East Bay where they could buy property and build. Families kept sheep, chickens, pigs and rabbits, and tended gardens big enough to feed neighbors.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-embed is-type-wp-embed is-provider-megaphone wp-block-embed-megaphone\">\u003cdiv class=\"wp-block-embed__wrapper\">\nhttps://playlist.megaphone.fm?e=KQINC4087576125&light=true\n\u003c/div>\u003c/figure>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Decades later, Hayward and Alameda County issued formal \u003ca href=\"https://www.hayward-ca.gov/discover/news/nov21/hayward-city-council-issues-formal-apology-citys-role-racial-discrimination-0\">apologies\u003c/a> to community members in 2021 and 2023, respectively.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Alameda County Supervisor Elisa Márquez, who represents Hayward, Newark, Union City and parts of Fremont, and who supported the reparations plan, said the vote moves the county toward action.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“No payment can fully repair the harm caused by the destruction of Russell City,” she said. “But these first redress payments represent an important step toward acknowledging that harm, honoring the resilience of former residents and advancing justice for their families.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Márquez’s voice broke as she explained why the first round goes only to the oldest survivors. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“When families come together, we don’t ask elders to get in line,” she said. “They are served first.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/Elisa-Marquez-Getty.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12094035\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/Elisa-Marquez-Getty.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/Elisa-Marquez-Getty-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/Elisa-Marquez-Getty-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Alameda County Supervisor Elisa Márquez speaks during a press conference in Hayward, California, on March 2, 2026. (Jessica Christian/San Francisco Chronicle via Getty Images)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://alamedacountyca.gov/board/bos_calendar/documents/RussellCMOU\">The first phase\u003c/a> of reparations is deliberately narrow. To qualify, an applicant must have both lived in and personally owned a home in Russell City between Jan. 1, 1961, and Dec. 31, 1964, and had that property taken by eminent domain during those years. Money is allocated by household rather than by person, and split evenly among qualifying residents of the same home. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Márquez said the county is “not anticipating a large number this first round” because applicants must still be living and must have owned their home. Once those payments go out, she said, the working group will release criteria for a second phase that includes descendants, though that will require another board vote.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Several speakers pressed the board on how the money will be divided. Priscilla Figueroa, a \u003ca href=\"https://www.hayward-ca.gov/your-government/staff/priscilla-figueroa\">Hayward resident\u003c/a> whose late husband’s family lived in Russell City, noted that $1.3 million divided by $25,000 covers only 52 households, and questioned how the county would determine who receives the full amount. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Deborah Harris, who grew up in Russell City with her parents, asked how the county will handle households where the original landowner has died, adding that “probably all of the original landowners are deceased at this point.” \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Hayward Councilmember \u003ca href=\"https://www.alamedacountyca.gov/board/bos_calendar/documents/DocsAgendaReg_08_04_26/GENERAL%20ADMINISTRATION/Set%20Matter%20Calendar/Supervisor%20M%c3%a1rquez_409832.pdf\">Angela Andrews\u003c/a>, who spoke at the meeting on Hayward’s behalf, said the city’s 2021 apology was not enough on its own. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“An apology is nothing without action,” she said. She urged philanthropic partners, the real estate industry and the business community to contribute to the fund, saying they benefited from the displacement.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Supervisor Nate Miley committed another $250,000, and Márquez said she would match it, which would bring the fund to $1.8 million. Both stressed the pledges are not binding yet and will have to return to the board, likely in the fall.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Aisha Knowles, a Russell City descendant who chaired Hayward’s steering committee — and who produced a documentary on the community’s displacement, \u003ca href=\"https://www.theapologyfilm.com/\">\u003cem>The Apology\u003c/em>\u003c/a> — asked the county to aim higher, arguing the fund should eventually match what Russell City land sold for. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>She told supervisors her grandfather never recovered from the loss.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“My grandfather did not live to be 50,” she said. “I am a year older than he was able to live and enjoy his life after Russell City.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She urged the board not to stop at phase one. “For those who are needing something to interrupt the trauma that they’ve held onto for the past 70 to 80 years, I encourage you to continue this work, and I thank you for staying in the fight.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Whether at home or at work as a policy strategist and university lecturer, Ashley Williams said she feels relaxed sliding between Black English and standard English.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She didn’t feel comfortable communicating this way growing up in South Los Angeles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Williams said that when she was 3 or 4 years old, her grandmother would correct the way she pronounced words like “napkin” whenever she dropped the “p” sound. Her older sister and cousin also told her the way she spoke: “amongst our community wasn’t OK at the schoolhouse.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Generations of Black children grew up learning that their home language wasn’t acceptable in school or the workplace. Many internalized the belief that Black English — sometimes referred to as African American Vernacular English, or AAVE, African American language or Ebonics — is bad English, loaded with slang and grammatical errors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But with that comes a lot of shame and embarrassment because you’re being constantly corrected when you’re still in a moment when you’re just learning language,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Williams wants to change that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As co-founder of Black Californians United for Early Care & Education, she’s part of a movement to get preschool teachers and caregivers to \u003ca href=\"https://blackece.org/blackenglish/\">legitimize Black English\u003c/a> as a way to build children’s early literacy skills and honor their cultural identity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The work is personal for Williams because she doesn’t want her 2-year-old son to experience what she went through as a child.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12088575\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12088575\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260619-BlackEnglish-JY-02-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260619-BlackEnglish-JY-02-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260619-BlackEnglish-JY-02-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260619-BlackEnglish-JY-02-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Ashley Williams, center, her wife Lauren Ford, right, and their son sit together during a portrait session at their home in Contra Costa County, California, on Friday, June 19, 2026. Williams, an educator and a co-founder of Black Californians United for Early Care and Education (BlackECE), works to create equity-minded policies in early childhood care for Black children like her own son. \u003ccite>(Juliana Yamada for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“I don’t want my son to walk into any room and feel like his voice is not valued or his perspective can’t be heard because he’s not saying it in one way or the other,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the last year and a half, the advocacy group, also known as BlackECE, has offered professional development training to spread the word about the importance of supporting Black English speakers the same way they support dual language learners, children who are learning two or more languages simultaneously.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, most children under age 5 are dual language learners and the state’s Master Plan for Early Learning and Care, which was released by Gov. Gavin Newsom in 2020, recognizes \u003ca href=\"https://californiaforallkids.chhs.ca.gov/assets/pdfs/CA%20For%20All%20Kids%20-%20Master%20Plan%20Knowledge%20Brief%20-%20DLL.pdf\">the opportunity to develop bilingualism during the early years\u003c/a>, when children’s brains are developing rapidly. It calls on educators to affirm children’s home language even as they’re learning standard English in the classroom. The 10-year road map lays out specific recommendations, such as training the workforce to support dual language learners to foster bilingualism.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>BlackECE, along with \u003ca href=\"https://earlyedgecalifornia.org/early-edge-policy-corner-advancing-language-justice-the-black-english-language-workgroup/\">other early childhood advocacy groups\u003c/a> and education experts, said those recommendations should also apply to children who speak Black English.[aside postID=news_12087644 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260619_Juneteenth_GC-13.jpg']“We talk about multilinguals, but we don’t include Black children who may be African-American English speakers,” said Xigrid Soto-Boykin, an early childhood language expert at Arizona State University. “We completely miss this subgroup of children that could also benefit from their language backgrounds to be sustained, but also to be leveraged for their own learning.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Training educators to recognize the legitimacy of Black English is important, she said, because although elements of the language have been \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=dw0ifECyfPI\">embraced by young people\u003c/a> and popularized around the world, misperceptions persist.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0885200623000856\">Soto-Boykin co-authored a 2023 study\u003c/a> that found that white early childhood educators who were familiar with Black English or received training to support children from linguistically and culturally diverse backgrounds were more likely to have positive views about the language. Those with less knowledge or training were more likely to believe that it hinders students’ achievement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said these beliefs can dramatically affect the lives of Black children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We see it in terms of referrals to special education; we see it in how sometimes teachers correct children and say, ‘We don’t speak like this here in the classroom,’” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A national study found that Black children are \u003ca href=\"https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/30973798/#affiliation-1\">disproportionately diagnosed with speech and language impairments\u003c/a> in 14% of states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Soto-Boykin’s study noted that veteran educators were more likely to have negative beliefs about Black English, possibly because they began their careers in the 1990s, around when the Oakland Unified School District’s Board of Education proposed using Ebonics to help Black students learn standard English. The idea sparked nationwide controversy, with critics disparaging the board for trying to dumb down education.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12088576\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12088576 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260619-BlackEnglish-JY-05-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260619-BlackEnglish-JY-05-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260619-BlackEnglish-JY-05-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260619-BlackEnglish-JY-05-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Ashley Williams and her son raise their hands up in the air after saying a prayer over food alongside his Williams’ grandmother, Sonja Pollard, and her aunt Sharron Allen, during a family Juneteenth celebration in Contra Costa County, California, on June 19, 2026. \u003ccite>(Juliana Yamada for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>By contrast, early-career educators were more likely to have positive beliefs about Black English because they may have started their careers during the Black Lives Matter movement and have a greater awareness of the broader racial reckoning that followed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When the perception of how children speak sits at the intersection of Blackness, that perception is nine times out of 10 negative,” Williams said. “Like, you’re from the hood, you’re not speaking correctly, you’re uneducated.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An awareness of Black English as a language is key, Williams said, “because then it allows that educator on the webinar to show up to work the next day and say, ‘There’s something here. … There’s a system behind the way that you speak as a Black child, and I want to learn more about how to support that and help you understand more standard English.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In webinars led by BlackECE, training begins with an explanation that Black English grew out of the English adopted by millions of people captured in Africa and forced into slavery in British colonial America, starting in 1619. Some linguists theorize that because enslaved people had to pick up the language of their captors quickly, they developed a more streamlined version of English. Over centuries of segregation, that speech evolved into a distinct language with its own rules of grammar, usage and pronunciation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some characteristics of Black English include double negation of verbs and the “habitual be,” to describe a repeated or ongoing action, as in “We be playin’ with Legos all the time.” Linguists say this use of “be” is systematic and more nuanced than standard English.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12088577\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12088577 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260619-BlackEnglish-JY-06-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260619-BlackEnglish-JY-06-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260619-BlackEnglish-JY-06-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260619-BlackEnglish-JY-06-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Ashley Williams holds her 2-year-old son as she and her family members fill their plates with food during a Juneteenth celebration at her home in Contra Costa County, California, on June 19, 2026. \u003ccite>(Juliana Yamada for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“When children learn that their language is valid and beautiful and follows rules, I can’t even describe the pride they feel with that identity,” said \u003ca href=\"https://sc.edu/study/colleges_schools/education/faculty-staff/boutte_gloria.php\">Gloria Swindler Boutte\u003c/a>, an early childhood education professor at the University of South Carolina.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It keeps children from thinking, ‘I have to speak this way at school and this way at home, so maybe there’s something wrong with the people at home and how they speak,’” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Educators don’t have to try to speak Black English to affirm the language, she said. They could provide books that feature Black English or identify Black English when they hear children speak it and “expand their repertoire” with alternative words or expressions in standard English.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Soto-Boykin suggests creating a vocabulary wall that includes words in Black English and standard English, so that children can make meaning with all the languages they know. For example, educators could help children understand that other words to describe something good could be “awesome, great, dope or fire.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Educators could also invite community members who speak Black English to visit the classroom and tell stories, she said.[aside postID=news_12070361 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/CaliforniaReparationsGetty.jpg']Aisha White, founder of a program at the University of Pittsburgh focused on \u003ca href=\"https://www.racepride.pitt.edu/about-pride/\">helping young Black children develop a positive racial identity\u003c/a>, said Black parents could also benefit from some training around Black English. She said that when she showed segments of a documentary called \u003ca href=\"https://www.talkingblackinamerica.org/\">\u003cem>Talking Black in America\u003c/em>\u003c/a> and held discussions with Black parents, many told her they would stop correcting the way their children speak.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was one of the most impactful projects because there were parents who came into the sessions with negative attitudes toward AAVE, and then decided they will not correct their children’s language anymore,” she said. “That is remarkable that parents would be willing to change their parenting behaviors based on what they learned.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Williams said this kind of support doesn’t cost anything, but can strengthen educators’ relationships with Black children and their families. On the other hand, the tendency to correct the way they speak comes at a personal cost to the kids.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When she was in third grade, Williams won a scholarship to attend summer camp, where for the first time she was surrounded by mostly white kids. She remembers picking up on some of the ways her campmates talked and listening to Ace of Bass.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When she came home, she remembers her sister and cousin teasing her for “talking white.” In fourth grade, a teacher who was “adamant about proper English” punished the Black students in her class by making them repeatedly enunciate words like “what” and “why.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It made me feel so insecure, but at the same time that was the language that I needed to be considered in the gifted program in elementary school and be considered the student who always got to lead the Pledge of Allegiance,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Learning to code-switch and “talk white” in school helped her excel academically. Williams went on to study child development at San Francisco State University and earn a doctorate in education.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12088579\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12088579 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260619-BlackEnglish-JY-09-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260619-BlackEnglish-JY-09-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260619-BlackEnglish-JY-09-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260619-BlackEnglish-JY-09-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Ashley Williams records her wife Lauren Ford as they dance together during a family Juneteenth celebration at their home in Contra Costa County, California, on Friday, June 19, 2026. \u003ccite>(Juliana Yamada for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But having to code-switch to fit in could be tiresome and felt inauthentic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When I’m in spaces where I feel the need to code-switch, my imposter syndrome is through the roof. I’m already feeling like, ‘I don’t belong here, I shouldn’t belong here,’” she said. “It’s like my throat closes because I am overthinking so much about what I’m saying.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As she learned more about Black English, Williams began to feel freer to speak a mix of Black English and standard English wherever she goes. The blending of two languages is called \u003ca href=\"https://wida.wisc.edu/news/guide-translanguaging-classroom\">translanguaging\u003c/a>, a concept increasingly recognized in education as a valuable teaching tool.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Really at the heart of this, it’s about affirming our identity and our culture and our humanity and not having to perform as something you’re not just to be accepted in a room,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Beyond raising awareness, BlackECE wants to include Black English speakers in California policies mandating state-funded preschools and child care programs to identify dual language learners to better understand their needs and design curriculum to support them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We know that with being deemed multilingual learners, there’s resources, there’s supports, there’s teacher training,” Williams said. “And we’re saying, ‘Yes, and we belong in that conversation too.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>***\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>Correction: An earlier version of this story incorrectly identified Xigrid Soto-Boykin as the director of the Children’s Equity Project at Arizona State University. She is a researcher and the director of language justice and learning equity at the Children’s Equity Project.\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>***\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What Does Repair Look Like? Start Here\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>What does reparations actually mean? Who is pursuing it? What policies are moving forward, and which remain symbolic? As conversations about repair grow across the country, understanding the facts has never been more important.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Subscribe to \u003ca href=\"https://airtable.com/appYRab8nOv1F5DoN/pag8qdExQMOokhv5S/form\">A Declaration of Repair\u003c/a>, a weekly newsletter from KQED that follows the people, policies and ideas shaping the reparations movement. Through reporting, accountability tracking and analysis, we help readers understand how past harms continue to shape the present — and explore what efforts to repair them look like today.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://airtable.com/appYRab8nOv1F5DoN/pag8qdExQMOokhv5S/form\">SUBSCRIBE HERE\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Generations of Black children grew up learning that their home language isn’t acceptable in school or the workplace. A movement is underway in California to change that.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Whether at home or at work as a policy strategist and university lecturer, Ashley Williams said she feels relaxed sliding between Black English and standard English.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She didn’t feel comfortable communicating this way growing up in South Los Angeles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Williams said that when she was 3 or 4 years old, her grandmother would correct the way she pronounced words like “napkin” whenever she dropped the “p” sound. Her older sister and cousin also told her the way she spoke: “amongst our community wasn’t OK at the schoolhouse.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Generations of Black children grew up learning that their home language wasn’t acceptable in school or the workplace. Many internalized the belief that Black English — sometimes referred to as African American Vernacular English, or AAVE, African American language or Ebonics — is bad English, loaded with slang and grammatical errors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But with that comes a lot of shame and embarrassment because you’re being constantly corrected when you’re still in a moment when you’re just learning language,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Williams wants to change that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As co-founder of Black Californians United for Early Care & Education, she’s part of a movement to get preschool teachers and caregivers to \u003ca href=\"https://blackece.org/blackenglish/\">legitimize Black English\u003c/a> as a way to build children’s early literacy skills and honor their cultural identity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The work is personal for Williams because she doesn’t want her 2-year-old son to experience what she went through as a child.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12088575\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12088575\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260619-BlackEnglish-JY-02-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260619-BlackEnglish-JY-02-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260619-BlackEnglish-JY-02-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260619-BlackEnglish-JY-02-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Ashley Williams, center, her wife Lauren Ford, right, and their son sit together during a portrait session at their home in Contra Costa County, California, on Friday, June 19, 2026. Williams, an educator and a co-founder of Black Californians United for Early Care and Education (BlackECE), works to create equity-minded policies in early childhood care for Black children like her own son. \u003ccite>(Juliana Yamada for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“I don’t want my son to walk into any room and feel like his voice is not valued or his perspective can’t be heard because he’s not saying it in one way or the other,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the last year and a half, the advocacy group, also known as BlackECE, has offered professional development training to spread the word about the importance of supporting Black English speakers the same way they support dual language learners, children who are learning two or more languages simultaneously.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, most children under age 5 are dual language learners and the state’s Master Plan for Early Learning and Care, which was released by Gov. Gavin Newsom in 2020, recognizes \u003ca href=\"https://californiaforallkids.chhs.ca.gov/assets/pdfs/CA%20For%20All%20Kids%20-%20Master%20Plan%20Knowledge%20Brief%20-%20DLL.pdf\">the opportunity to develop bilingualism during the early years\u003c/a>, when children’s brains are developing rapidly. It calls on educators to affirm children’s home language even as they’re learning standard English in the classroom. The 10-year road map lays out specific recommendations, such as training the workforce to support dual language learners to foster bilingualism.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>BlackECE, along with \u003ca href=\"https://earlyedgecalifornia.org/early-edge-policy-corner-advancing-language-justice-the-black-english-language-workgroup/\">other early childhood advocacy groups\u003c/a> and education experts, said those recommendations should also apply to children who speak Black English.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“We talk about multilinguals, but we don’t include Black children who may be African-American English speakers,” said Xigrid Soto-Boykin, an early childhood language expert at Arizona State University. “We completely miss this subgroup of children that could also benefit from their language backgrounds to be sustained, but also to be leveraged for their own learning.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Training educators to recognize the legitimacy of Black English is important, she said, because although elements of the language have been \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=dw0ifECyfPI\">embraced by young people\u003c/a> and popularized around the world, misperceptions persist.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0885200623000856\">Soto-Boykin co-authored a 2023 study\u003c/a> that found that white early childhood educators who were familiar with Black English or received training to support children from linguistically and culturally diverse backgrounds were more likely to have positive views about the language. Those with less knowledge or training were more likely to believe that it hinders students’ achievement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said these beliefs can dramatically affect the lives of Black children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We see it in terms of referrals to special education; we see it in how sometimes teachers correct children and say, ‘We don’t speak like this here in the classroom,’” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A national study found that Black children are \u003ca href=\"https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/30973798/#affiliation-1\">disproportionately diagnosed with speech and language impairments\u003c/a> in 14% of states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Soto-Boykin’s study noted that veteran educators were more likely to have negative beliefs about Black English, possibly because they began their careers in the 1990s, around when the Oakland Unified School District’s Board of Education proposed using Ebonics to help Black students learn standard English. The idea sparked nationwide controversy, with critics disparaging the board for trying to dumb down education.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12088576\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12088576 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260619-BlackEnglish-JY-05-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260619-BlackEnglish-JY-05-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260619-BlackEnglish-JY-05-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260619-BlackEnglish-JY-05-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Ashley Williams and her son raise their hands up in the air after saying a prayer over food alongside his Williams’ grandmother, Sonja Pollard, and her aunt Sharron Allen, during a family Juneteenth celebration in Contra Costa County, California, on June 19, 2026. \u003ccite>(Juliana Yamada for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>By contrast, early-career educators were more likely to have positive beliefs about Black English because they may have started their careers during the Black Lives Matter movement and have a greater awareness of the broader racial reckoning that followed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When the perception of how children speak sits at the intersection of Blackness, that perception is nine times out of 10 negative,” Williams said. “Like, you’re from the hood, you’re not speaking correctly, you’re uneducated.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An awareness of Black English as a language is key, Williams said, “because then it allows that educator on the webinar to show up to work the next day and say, ‘There’s something here. … There’s a system behind the way that you speak as a Black child, and I want to learn more about how to support that and help you understand more standard English.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In webinars led by BlackECE, training begins with an explanation that Black English grew out of the English adopted by millions of people captured in Africa and forced into slavery in British colonial America, starting in 1619. Some linguists theorize that because enslaved people had to pick up the language of their captors quickly, they developed a more streamlined version of English. Over centuries of segregation, that speech evolved into a distinct language with its own rules of grammar, usage and pronunciation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some characteristics of Black English include double negation of verbs and the “habitual be,” to describe a repeated or ongoing action, as in “We be playin’ with Legos all the time.” Linguists say this use of “be” is systematic and more nuanced than standard English.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12088577\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12088577 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260619-BlackEnglish-JY-06-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260619-BlackEnglish-JY-06-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260619-BlackEnglish-JY-06-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260619-BlackEnglish-JY-06-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Ashley Williams holds her 2-year-old son as she and her family members fill their plates with food during a Juneteenth celebration at her home in Contra Costa County, California, on June 19, 2026. \u003ccite>(Juliana Yamada for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“When children learn that their language is valid and beautiful and follows rules, I can’t even describe the pride they feel with that identity,” said \u003ca href=\"https://sc.edu/study/colleges_schools/education/faculty-staff/boutte_gloria.php\">Gloria Swindler Boutte\u003c/a>, an early childhood education professor at the University of South Carolina.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It keeps children from thinking, ‘I have to speak this way at school and this way at home, so maybe there’s something wrong with the people at home and how they speak,’” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Educators don’t have to try to speak Black English to affirm the language, she said. They could provide books that feature Black English or identify Black English when they hear children speak it and “expand their repertoire” with alternative words or expressions in standard English.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Soto-Boykin suggests creating a vocabulary wall that includes words in Black English and standard English, so that children can make meaning with all the languages they know. For example, educators could help children understand that other words to describe something good could be “awesome, great, dope or fire.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Educators could also invite community members who speak Black English to visit the classroom and tell stories, she said.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Aisha White, founder of a program at the University of Pittsburgh focused on \u003ca href=\"https://www.racepride.pitt.edu/about-pride/\">helping young Black children develop a positive racial identity\u003c/a>, said Black parents could also benefit from some training around Black English. She said that when she showed segments of a documentary called \u003ca href=\"https://www.talkingblackinamerica.org/\">\u003cem>Talking Black in America\u003c/em>\u003c/a> and held discussions with Black parents, many told her they would stop correcting the way their children speak.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was one of the most impactful projects because there were parents who came into the sessions with negative attitudes toward AAVE, and then decided they will not correct their children’s language anymore,” she said. “That is remarkable that parents would be willing to change their parenting behaviors based on what they learned.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Williams said this kind of support doesn’t cost anything, but can strengthen educators’ relationships with Black children and their families. On the other hand, the tendency to correct the way they speak comes at a personal cost to the kids.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When she was in third grade, Williams won a scholarship to attend summer camp, where for the first time she was surrounded by mostly white kids. She remembers picking up on some of the ways her campmates talked and listening to Ace of Bass.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When she came home, she remembers her sister and cousin teasing her for “talking white.” In fourth grade, a teacher who was “adamant about proper English” punished the Black students in her class by making them repeatedly enunciate words like “what” and “why.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It made me feel so insecure, but at the same time that was the language that I needed to be considered in the gifted program in elementary school and be considered the student who always got to lead the Pledge of Allegiance,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Learning to code-switch and “talk white” in school helped her excel academically. Williams went on to study child development at San Francisco State University and earn a doctorate in education.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12088579\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12088579 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260619-BlackEnglish-JY-09-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260619-BlackEnglish-JY-09-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260619-BlackEnglish-JY-09-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260619-BlackEnglish-JY-09-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Ashley Williams records her wife Lauren Ford as they dance together during a family Juneteenth celebration at their home in Contra Costa County, California, on Friday, June 19, 2026. \u003ccite>(Juliana Yamada for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But having to code-switch to fit in could be tiresome and felt inauthentic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When I’m in spaces where I feel the need to code-switch, my imposter syndrome is through the roof. I’m already feeling like, ‘I don’t belong here, I shouldn’t belong here,’” she said. “It’s like my throat closes because I am overthinking so much about what I’m saying.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As she learned more about Black English, Williams began to feel freer to speak a mix of Black English and standard English wherever she goes. The blending of two languages is called \u003ca href=\"https://wida.wisc.edu/news/guide-translanguaging-classroom\">translanguaging\u003c/a>, a concept increasingly recognized in education as a valuable teaching tool.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Really at the heart of this, it’s about affirming our identity and our culture and our humanity and not having to perform as something you’re not just to be accepted in a room,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Beyond raising awareness, BlackECE wants to include Black English speakers in California policies mandating state-funded preschools and child care programs to identify dual language learners to better understand their needs and design curriculum to support them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We know that with being deemed multilingual learners, there’s resources, there’s supports, there’s teacher training,” Williams said. “And we’re saying, ‘Yes, and we belong in that conversation too.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>***\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>Correction: An earlier version of this story incorrectly identified Xigrid Soto-Boykin as the director of the Children’s Equity Project at Arizona State University. She is a researcher and the director of language justice and learning equity at the Children’s Equity Project.\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>***\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What Does Repair Look Like? Start Here\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>What does reparations actually mean? Who is pursuing it? What policies are moving forward, and which remain symbolic? As conversations about repair grow across the country, understanding the facts has never been more important.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Subscribe to \u003ca href=\"https://airtable.com/appYRab8nOv1F5DoN/pag8qdExQMOokhv5S/form\">A Declaration of Repair\u003c/a>, a weekly newsletter from KQED that follows the people, policies and ideas shaping the reparations movement. Through reporting, accountability tracking and analysis, we help readers understand how past harms continue to shape the present — and explore what efforts to repair them look like today.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://airtable.com/appYRab8nOv1F5DoN/pag8qdExQMOokhv5S/form\">SUBSCRIBE HERE\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>A California state judge has ruled that more than 14,000 Black workers who alleged racial harassment at \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/tesla\">Tesla\u003c/a>’s flagship assembly plant in Fremont cannot sue as a class, meaning the company is likely to face a flood of individual lawsuits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to Superior Court Judge Peter Borkon’s Friday\u003ca href=\"https://tmsnrt.rs/3XzzhNU\"> ruling,\u003c/a> the 2017 lawsuit cannot move forward as a class action because lawyers for the plaintiffs were unable to find 200 randomly sampled class members willing to forgo a few days of wages to testify ahead of a trial scheduled for 2026.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Borkon said he did not trust that the jury would be able to “reliably extrapolate from the experiences of the trial witnesses to the 14,000 members of the class as a whole.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“An infinitesimal number of the workers have testified,” Stanford Law School professor emeritus William Gould IV, a former National Labor Relations Board chairman, told KQED. Tesla “has superior resources, and plaintiffs need the class action to really get the defendant’s attention.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The named plaintiff, former assembly line worker Marcus Vaughn, alleged that Black workers at the Fremont facility were subjected to a range of racist conduct, including slurs, graffiti and nooses hung at their workstations. Vaughn said that line workers and supervisors alike referred to him using a slur on a regular basis and that Tesla did not investigate after he complained in writing to the human resources department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, Vaughn said, Tesla fired him for “not having a positive attitude” six months after he started the job.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11992305\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11992305\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/TeslaFremont.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1265\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/TeslaFremont.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/TeslaFremont-800x527.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/TeslaFremont-1020x672.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/TeslaFremont-160x105.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/TeslaFremont-1536x1012.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A row of new Tesla Superchargers seen outside of the Tesla Factory on Aug. 16, 2013, in Fremont, California. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The ruling is a meaningful legal victory for Tesla, but the company still faces multiple lawsuits alleging pervasive race discrimination and other forms of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101854776/foreign-workers-at-tesla-spotlight-a-visa-system-vulnerable-to-fraud\">worker mistreatment\u003c/a> at its \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11662641/tesla-says-its-factory-is-safer-but-it-left-injuries-off-the-books\">Fremont factory\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The U.S. Equal Employment Opportunity Commission, which enforces federal anti-discrimination laws, has also brought \u003ca href=\"https://www.reuters.com/legal/tesla-appears-unlikely-nix-us-suit-alleging-bias-against-black-workers-2024-03-28/\">race discrimination claims\u003c/a> against Tesla in federal court in California, and state regulators at the California Department of Fair Employment & Housing \u003ca href=\"https://omny.fm/shows/kqed-segmented-audio/tesla-sued-over-disturbing-reports-of-workplace-ra\">are suing\u003c/a> in Alameda County Superior Court. The company has\u003ca href=\"https://www.reuters.com/business/autos-transportation/tesla-settles-black-employees-lawsuit-alleging-pervasive-harassment-2025-04-17/\"> settled other race discrimination lawsuits\u003c/a> involving individual plaintiffs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the wake of the class-action denial, plaintiffs’ lawyers said they intend to press on with a host of individual lawsuits. They’ve already filed more than 500 and plan to eventually file more than 900.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Tesla has jumped out of the frying pan and into the fire with this decertification, because they are now facing hundreds of victims of race harassment seeking damages in their own suits,” wrote the plaintiffs’ co-lead counsel Bryan J. Schwartz.[aside postID=news_12063980 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/231005-TRUCK-GETTY-KQED-1020x680.jpg']Tesla and its attorneys did not respond to requests for comment on Monday, but the board has stated to investors that the company remains “committed to creating and maintaining a respectful and inclusive workplace, and the steps we have taken to prevent and address harassment and discrimination throughout our workforce, and will continue to challenge and defend ourselves against any allegations to the contrary.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tesla CEO Elon Musk’s performance at the electric vehicle maker has been both celebrated and dogged by persistent reports of erratic behavior. But at least as regards labor law, his largely \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101907450/lawsuits-against-national-labor-relations-board-could-cloud-future-of-organized-labor\">successful pushback\u003c/a> against the National Labor Relations Board’s attempts to rein in labor practices at his various companies is widely seen as indicating a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101911701/federal-workers-face-new-round-of-layoffs-as-labor-rights-under-attack\">troubled future for the NLRB\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have prominent people that are close to the White House saying that, really, employment discrimination laws should not have existed in the first place,” said Gould, the Stanford law professor emeritus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gould said many employees following news headlines may steer clear of lawsuits like Vaughn et al v. Tesla for fear of failure and retaliation from employers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Under these circumstances, the fact that workers will not come forward and testify does not necessarily mean that the plaintiffs’ case is weak. It may mean that people are more discouraged and less likely to stick their head up, in the fear that it will get chopped off,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“An infinitesimal number of the workers have testified,” Stanford Law School professor emeritus William Gould IV, a former National Labor Relations Board chairman, told KQED. Tesla “has superior resources, and plaintiffs need the class action to really get the defendant’s attention.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The named plaintiff, former assembly line worker Marcus Vaughn, alleged that Black workers at the Fremont facility were subjected to a range of racist conduct, including slurs, graffiti and nooses hung at their workstations. Vaughn said that line workers and supervisors alike referred to him using a slur on a regular basis and that Tesla did not investigate after he complained in writing to the human resources department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, Vaughn said, Tesla fired him for “not having a positive attitude” six months after he started the job.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11992305\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11992305\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/TeslaFremont.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1265\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/TeslaFremont.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/TeslaFremont-800x527.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/TeslaFremont-1020x672.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/TeslaFremont-160x105.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/TeslaFremont-1536x1012.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A row of new Tesla Superchargers seen outside of the Tesla Factory on Aug. 16, 2013, in Fremont, California. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The ruling is a meaningful legal victory for Tesla, but the company still faces multiple lawsuits alleging pervasive race discrimination and other forms of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101854776/foreign-workers-at-tesla-spotlight-a-visa-system-vulnerable-to-fraud\">worker mistreatment\u003c/a> at its \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11662641/tesla-says-its-factory-is-safer-but-it-left-injuries-off-the-books\">Fremont factory\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The U.S. Equal Employment Opportunity Commission, which enforces federal anti-discrimination laws, has also brought \u003ca href=\"https://www.reuters.com/legal/tesla-appears-unlikely-nix-us-suit-alleging-bias-against-black-workers-2024-03-28/\">race discrimination claims\u003c/a> against Tesla in federal court in California, and state regulators at the California Department of Fair Employment & Housing \u003ca href=\"https://omny.fm/shows/kqed-segmented-audio/tesla-sued-over-disturbing-reports-of-workplace-ra\">are suing\u003c/a> in Alameda County Superior Court. The company has\u003ca href=\"https://www.reuters.com/business/autos-transportation/tesla-settles-black-employees-lawsuit-alleging-pervasive-harassment-2025-04-17/\"> settled other race discrimination lawsuits\u003c/a> involving individual plaintiffs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the wake of the class-action denial, plaintiffs’ lawyers said they intend to press on with a host of individual lawsuits. They’ve already filed more than 500 and plan to eventually file more than 900.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Tesla has jumped out of the frying pan and into the fire with this decertification, because they are now facing hundreds of victims of race harassment seeking damages in their own suits,” wrote the plaintiffs’ co-lead counsel Bryan J. Schwartz.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Tesla and its attorneys did not respond to requests for comment on Monday, but the board has stated to investors that the company remains “committed to creating and maintaining a respectful and inclusive workplace, and the steps we have taken to prevent and address harassment and discrimination throughout our workforce, and will continue to challenge and defend ourselves against any allegations to the contrary.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tesla CEO Elon Musk’s performance at the electric vehicle maker has been both celebrated and dogged by persistent reports of erratic behavior. But at least as regards labor law, his largely \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101907450/lawsuits-against-national-labor-relations-board-could-cloud-future-of-organized-labor\">successful pushback\u003c/a> against the National Labor Relations Board’s attempts to rein in labor practices at his various companies is widely seen as indicating a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101911701/federal-workers-face-new-round-of-layoffs-as-labor-rights-under-attack\">troubled future for the NLRB\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have prominent people that are close to the White House saying that, really, employment discrimination laws should not have existed in the first place,” said Gould, the Stanford law professor emeritus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gould said many employees following news headlines may steer clear of lawsuits like Vaughn et al v. Tesla for fear of failure and retaliation from employers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Under these circumstances, the fact that workers will not come forward and testify does not necessarily mean that the plaintiffs’ case is weak. It may mean that people are more discouraged and less likely to stick their head up, in the fear that it will get chopped off,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "faith-family-and-fillmore-rev-amos-c-browns-legacy-in-san-francisco",
"title": "'A Pastor's Heart': How Rev. Amos C. Brown Shaped Faith in SF for Nearly 50 Years",
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"headTitle": "‘A Pastor’s Heart’: How Rev. Amos C. Brown Shaped Faith in SF for Nearly 50 Years | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>I slipped into the Third Baptist Church of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco\">San Francisco\u003c/a> on the first Sunday in June. The usher handed me a program, communion crackers and grape juice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Oh, thanks,” I said, tearing open the packet and popping the wafer into my mouth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He tapped my shoulder, stifling a laugh. “Not yet,” he whispered.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Oops,” I muttered, spitting the cracker into my palm and quickly pocketing it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I hadn’t been to church in a while. But watching Rev. Dr. Amos C. Brown beam proudly behind his successor, Rev. Devon Jerome Crawford, I realized I wasn’t a visitor. I was home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After delivering his final sermon as pastor of the historic San Francisco church last Sunday, Brown leaves behind more than a pulpit — he leaves a legacy. Over nearly five decades, he helped shape the spiritual, cultural and political life of Black San Francisco, mentoring generations, fighting injustice and anchoring a community amid constant change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His departure marks the end of an era — and the start of a new one.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12045573\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/REVAMOS_BROWN-78-MO-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12045573\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/REVAMOS_BROWN-78-MO-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/REVAMOS_BROWN-78-MO-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/REVAMOS_BROWN-78-MO-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/REVAMOS_BROWN-78-MO-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Family, politicians and congregants gather at the Third Baptist Church for a ceremony honoring the legacy of Rev. Amos C. Brown in San Francisco on June 22, 2025. \u003ccite>(Manuel Orbegozo for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>As a civil rights icon, spiritual leader and moral compass, his influence is now etched into the fabric of the city — from the pews of a Fillmore church to the chambers of City Hall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The news of Brown’s retirement hit me with an unexpected sadness, the kind that settles deep in your chest and makes you realize how much time you’ve let slip away. As a child growing up in San Francisco, I never had to ask who Brown was. Church was part of my social life. Beyond worshiping on Sunday, it was a cultural hub, a gathering place for political activism, a place to feel safe.[aside postID=news_12003610 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/022_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForce_04132022_qed-1020x679.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>My grandmother attended Third Baptist Church, sang in the choir and even prepared Sunday dinner for fellow congregants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I have memories woven into the walls of Third Baptist: attending services in my Easter dress as a child, performing with the Touch of Class Choir from Phillip and Sala Burton High School under musical director Gregory Cole as a teen, and showing up to support friends who had lost loved ones.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Third Baptist wasn’t just a church. It was the heartbeat of Black San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But as time passed, gentrification crept in, neighborhoods shifted, elders passed away — and so did the culture of the Black church. As an adult, I realized I hadn’t spent enough time with Brown, learning from him. In this era of generational change in Black leadership, I felt an urgency to support him, to absorb his wisdom while I still could.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The weight of our current moment — the cultural chaos, the relentless demands of being Black and resilient in a city that often feels indifferent to our struggles — had left me spiritually depleted. I needed the kind of restoration that only comes from being among your people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the service, I approached Brown to reintroduce myself.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Where are your grandparents from?” he asked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My grandpas are from Alabama, and my grandmas are from Houston and Galveston,” I said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He smiled, a quiet recognition in his eyes. “I know you,” he said. “I better see you at church.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12045564\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/REVAMOS_BROWN-25-MO-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12045564\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/REVAMOS_BROWN-25-MO-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/REVAMOS_BROWN-25-MO-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/REVAMOS_BROWN-25-MO-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/REVAMOS_BROWN-25-MO-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A new street sign honoring Rev. Amos C. Brown was unveiled outside of Third Baptist Church of San Francisco on June 21, 2025. Photo by Manuel Orbegozo for KQED. \u003ccite>(Manuel Orbegozo for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>Spread love the Dr. Amos C. Brown Way\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>When I learned Supervisor Bilal Mahmood had prepared legislation to rename a street in Brown’s honor, I went to City Hall on June 2 to witness the moment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown walked into City Hall that afternoon with the quiet confidence of someone who has outlasted empires. His brown suit was pressed crisp, his steps measured and his presence filled the hallway. At 84, he moved like a man who has carried the weight of a community for nearly half a century and was finally ready to set it down.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The San Francisco Board of Supervisors’ Land Use and Transportation Committee unanimously advanced legislation to rename the 800 and 900 blocks of Pierce Street as Dr. Amos C. Brown Way.[aside postID=news_11948198 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/Rep-Episode-2_Thumbnail_1-1020x574.png']Crawford, Brown’s torchbearer, spoke of walking beside his mentor through the community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve had the honor of walking with Dr. Brown through the streets of the Fillmore, standing beside him in the sanctuary of Third Baptist Church, getting haircuts and encouraging local youth at the Chicago Barbershop and sitting with grieving families as they prayed over loved ones during their most difficult hours,” he said. “And in every setting, he is the same: a man of integrity, a prophet with a pastor’s heart.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Crawford, who relocated to the Bay Area earlier this year, called the street naming morally essential. “We are honoring a movement of justice, compassion, peace and, ultimately, love that has shaped generations,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Board President Rafael Mandelman embraced Brown after the vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In a time when things are so divisive at the federal level, it feels right that we’re doing something decent and unifying here in San Francisco,” he told me.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown showed me the desk in the Board of Supervisors hearing room where he had carved “Rev. Amos Brown sat here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On his way out, he tipped his hat with a smile. “I’ll see you in church on Sunday,” said Brown, who served on the board for five years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12045562\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/REVAMOS_BROWN-9-MO-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12045562\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/REVAMOS_BROWN-9-MO-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/REVAMOS_BROWN-9-MO-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/REVAMOS_BROWN-9-MO-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/REVAMOS_BROWN-9-MO-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Rev. Amos C. Brown waves to the crowd during a street renaming ceremony outside of the Third Baptist Church in the Fillmore District on June 21, 2025. \u003ccite>(Manuel Orbegozo for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Supervisor Shamann Walton, who co-authored the street naming legislation, shared a personal detail that underscored his deep connection to Brown: “On his first Sunday as pastor, he christened me when I was one year old at Third Baptist, and we share February as our birthday month,” he said.[aside postID=news_12044638 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/12m-Reparations-1.jpg']Brown hasn’t just preached to San Francisco’s Black community; he has taught, inspired, baptized, eulogized and fought for them in boardrooms where they couldn’t get a seat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among those honored alongside Brown on June 3 was former \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/bill-scott\">Police Chief Bill Scott\u003c/a>, recognized for his decades of public service. When Scott took the podium, he became emotional and acknowledged Brown first, his voice breaking as he spoke about the person who has been “a straight-up champion, in San Francisco and beyond.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This community owes him a debt of gratitude. I owe him a debt of gratitude,” Scott said. “As an African American man, I’m so proud of that. When I listen to him, and I’ve heard him preach many times, it always brings everybody into the conversation. He wants what’s best for everybody.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Former Assistant Chief David Lazar recalled Brown’s hands-on approach. Twenty-six years ago, when Lazar was a vice officer dealing with prostitution problems in the Mission, Brown — then a member of the Board of Supervisors — insisted on seeing the situation for himself.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He got in the car with me. That was the first time I met him. We went around and looked at everything,” Lazar recalled. “That’s a perfect example of someone on the ground. Here he was, in city government, but he came out to the community to see what was happening.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12045563\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12045563\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/REVAMOS_BROWN-22-MO-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/REVAMOS_BROWN-22-MO-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/REVAMOS_BROWN-22-MO-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/REVAMOS_BROWN-22-MO-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Rev. Amos C. Brown stands outside Third Baptist Church in San Francisco on June 21, 2025, for the unveiling of a street sign and ceremony renaming a section of Pierce Street in his honor. \u003ccite>(Manuel Orbegozo for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>That personal approach defined Brown’s ministry. Former Mayor London Breed recalled how during the height of gun violence in the city, “time and again, young Black men were being killed. Families had no place to bury their sons.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown never hesitated. “Every single time a call was made to Rev. Brown, he said, ‘Yes.’ Every time,” Breed said. “He wasn’t seeking recognition. Most of the time, he didn’t even want people to know what he had done.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When San Francisco Mayor Daniel Lurie stood alongside Brown on the steps of City Hall on June 12, joined by other faith leaders and community groups, he reaffirmed the city’s commitment to remaining a sanctuary amid a wave of immigration raids and detentions that have \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12043596/protesters-swarm-sf-immigration-court-after-more-ice-arrests\">sparked protests across California\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Board of Supervisors unanimously passed the street renaming. Jonathan Butler, the current president of the San Francisco NAACP, said the street renaming is “a legacy carved in concrete.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s an opportunity to teach our students in San Francisco about civil rights and the people who fought for it right here in this city,” he added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the June 21 unveiling of the Dr. Amos C. Brown Way street sign, Breed spoke about the impact of Brown’s service.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are even more people who don’t even realize that because of him, they are who they are,” she said. “I’m one of those people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12045583\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GettyImages-569336329-scaled.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12045583\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GettyImages-569336329-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1693\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GettyImages-569336329-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GettyImages-569336329-2000x1323.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GettyImages-569336329-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GettyImages-569336329-1536x1016.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GettyImages-569336329-2048x1355.jpg 2048w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Former San Francisco Mayor Art Agnos and Rev. Amos C. Brown, then president of the San Francisco NAACP, on Jan. 1, 1990. \u003ccite>(Photo by Clarence Gatson Collection/Gado/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>A sanctuary in the city\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The doors of Third Baptist swing open for everyone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Faith is welcome but not required. Your skin color doesn’t matter. Your zip code is irrelevant. What matters is that you come with reverence — for the history held in these walls, the culture that pulses through this community and the movement still unfolding in a space where civil rights and spiritual purpose have always been one.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown was mentored by Medgar Evers, the NAACP’s field secretary for Mississippi, who was murdered at his home in 1963. Inspired by Evers, a World War II veteran and civil rights activist, Brown founded the NAACP’s first youth council in Jackson, Mississippi.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Rnw3ozE43qQ\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown, whose great-grandfather was born enslaved, is one of eight students to take the only college class ever taught by Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. at Morehouse College.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After taking over Third Baptist in June 1976, Brown transformed the church into a hub for activism, interfaith coalition-building and empowerment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12045549\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 930px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GettyImages-1321530122.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12045549\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GettyImages-1321530122.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"930\" height=\"1230\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GettyImages-1321530122.jpg 930w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GettyImages-1321530122-160x212.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 930px) 100vw, 930px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Rev. Amos C. Brown as a San Francisco supervisor. \u003ccite>(Photo By Liz Hafalia/The San Francisco Chronicle via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>He served on the San Francisco Board of Supervisors from 1996 to 2001, first appointed by former Mayor Willie Brown Jr., then elected to the role. As president of the San Francisco NAACP, he led campaigns against police misconduct and government discrimination, pushing for equity in education, housing, public safety and healthcare.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In my efforts to be concerned about the rights of Black people, I didn’t stop with just Black people,” he told me in a recent interview. “I’ve always been committed to equal protection under the law for LGBTQ+ people, for Asians, for Latinos and for immigrants, especially those from Africa and the Caribbean. Our activism must be rooted in justice for all.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Fillmore, a district once dubbed the Harlem of the West, is where his legacy is most deeply felt. He was one of the earliest and most vocal critics of the urban renewal programs that \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11961026/thousands-sf-homes-destroyed-decades-ago-rebuilt-under-new-bill\">displaced thousands of Black families\u003c/a> during the 1960s and ‘70s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“San Francisco has often looked at Black folks, but hasn’t truly seen us as worthy of having our watering hole, our gathering place, where we would be able to thrive and survive in this city,” Brown told me.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown, who served on the California Reparations Task Force, the first statewide body to study and recommend \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/reparations\">reparative measures for Black people\u003c/a> who suffered racial harm, continues advocating for spaces where the community can gather, celebrate culture and access resources denied by racist policies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As former Vice President Kamala Harris — whose ascension to the highest levels of government began in Oakland and San Francisco — launched her presidential campaign last July, conservative media personalities \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12003610/kamala-harris-embraced-reparations-5-years-ago-her-sf-pastor-says-criticism-is-unjust\">assailed her position on reparations\u003c/a> as extremist and zeroed in on her relationship with Brown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown, who led the closing prayer at the Democratic National Convention on the night Harris accepted the nomination, said those who used reparations to attack Harris were misguided.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They don’t know history,” Brown told KQED. “Anybody who just cancels out and says no, they don’t respect the humanity of Black people, and they have a deep, deep problem. For we are human, and we deserve the same thing that other human beings have received in terms of repair for harms done.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s what reparations is all about, repairing the harm that was done to an individual, to a people, to a situation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12045566\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/REVAMOS_BROWN-51-MO-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12045566\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/REVAMOS_BROWN-51-MO-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/REVAMOS_BROWN-51-MO-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/REVAMOS_BROWN-51-MO-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/REVAMOS_BROWN-51-MO-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Rev. Devon Crawford waves to the congregation at Third Baptist Church in San Francisco on June 22. He succeeds Rev. Amos C. Brown, who led the church for nearly 50 years. \u003ccite>(Manuel Orbegozo for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In retirement, Brown told me he’s working on a book chronicling his journey through faith, civil rights and public service.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Retirement doesn’t mean I’m going to sit in a rocking chair and twiddle my thumbs,” he said. “I’ve always been an activist. I’ll just be working from a different corner of God’s Earth, so to speak.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He’ll continue mentoring the next generation, including Crawford. “He’s got common sense, what we call motherwit. And he’s got empathy,” Brown said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As San Francisco etches his name into concrete and memory, something deeper is happening.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This isn’t just about honoring the past — it’s about inheritance, the kind rooted in Sunday morning wisdom and weekday action, and in the understanding that some paths are meant to be walked together.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A street now bears Brown’s name, but the true monument lies in the choice to keep walking, to keep showing up, to keep returning to the places that shaped us — and continue the work that defines us.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And yes, I’ve been going to church — arriving right on time, communion wafer intact.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://www.linkedin.com/in/meaghanmitchellsf/\">Meaghan Mitchell\u003c/a> is a San Francisco native and narrative journalist whose first-person reporting is deeply rooted in the communities she covers. She was an early team member at the San Francisco Standard and previously served as an editor at Hoodline. Her work has appeared in SFGATE, San Francisco Bay View and SFist, among other outlets. She covers arts, culture and community life in underrepresented neighborhoods — centering stories on engagement, cultural identity, and social equity, while highlighting the resilience of San Francisco’s Black and Brown communities.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>I slipped into the Third Baptist Church of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco\">San Francisco\u003c/a> on the first Sunday in June. The usher handed me a program, communion crackers and grape juice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Oh, thanks,” I said, tearing open the packet and popping the wafer into my mouth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He tapped my shoulder, stifling a laugh. “Not yet,” he whispered.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Oops,” I muttered, spitting the cracker into my palm and quickly pocketing it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I hadn’t been to church in a while. But watching Rev. Dr. Amos C. Brown beam proudly behind his successor, Rev. Devon Jerome Crawford, I realized I wasn’t a visitor. I was home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After delivering his final sermon as pastor of the historic San Francisco church last Sunday, Brown leaves behind more than a pulpit — he leaves a legacy. Over nearly five decades, he helped shape the spiritual, cultural and political life of Black San Francisco, mentoring generations, fighting injustice and anchoring a community amid constant change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His departure marks the end of an era — and the start of a new one.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12045573\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/REVAMOS_BROWN-78-MO-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12045573\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/REVAMOS_BROWN-78-MO-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/REVAMOS_BROWN-78-MO-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/REVAMOS_BROWN-78-MO-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/REVAMOS_BROWN-78-MO-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Family, politicians and congregants gather at the Third Baptist Church for a ceremony honoring the legacy of Rev. Amos C. Brown in San Francisco on June 22, 2025. \u003ccite>(Manuel Orbegozo for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>As a civil rights icon, spiritual leader and moral compass, his influence is now etched into the fabric of the city — from the pews of a Fillmore church to the chambers of City Hall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The news of Brown’s retirement hit me with an unexpected sadness, the kind that settles deep in your chest and makes you realize how much time you’ve let slip away. As a child growing up in San Francisco, I never had to ask who Brown was. Church was part of my social life. Beyond worshiping on Sunday, it was a cultural hub, a gathering place for political activism, a place to feel safe.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>My grandmother attended Third Baptist Church, sang in the choir and even prepared Sunday dinner for fellow congregants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I have memories woven into the walls of Third Baptist: attending services in my Easter dress as a child, performing with the Touch of Class Choir from Phillip and Sala Burton High School under musical director Gregory Cole as a teen, and showing up to support friends who had lost loved ones.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Third Baptist wasn’t just a church. It was the heartbeat of Black San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But as time passed, gentrification crept in, neighborhoods shifted, elders passed away — and so did the culture of the Black church. As an adult, I realized I hadn’t spent enough time with Brown, learning from him. In this era of generational change in Black leadership, I felt an urgency to support him, to absorb his wisdom while I still could.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The weight of our current moment — the cultural chaos, the relentless demands of being Black and resilient in a city that often feels indifferent to our struggles — had left me spiritually depleted. I needed the kind of restoration that only comes from being among your people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the service, I approached Brown to reintroduce myself.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Where are your grandparents from?” he asked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My grandpas are from Alabama, and my grandmas are from Houston and Galveston,” I said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He smiled, a quiet recognition in his eyes. “I know you,” he said. “I better see you at church.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12045564\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/REVAMOS_BROWN-25-MO-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12045564\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/REVAMOS_BROWN-25-MO-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/REVAMOS_BROWN-25-MO-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/REVAMOS_BROWN-25-MO-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/REVAMOS_BROWN-25-MO-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A new street sign honoring Rev. Amos C. Brown was unveiled outside of Third Baptist Church of San Francisco on June 21, 2025. Photo by Manuel Orbegozo for KQED. \u003ccite>(Manuel Orbegozo for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>Spread love the Dr. Amos C. Brown Way\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>When I learned Supervisor Bilal Mahmood had prepared legislation to rename a street in Brown’s honor, I went to City Hall on June 2 to witness the moment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown walked into City Hall that afternoon with the quiet confidence of someone who has outlasted empires. His brown suit was pressed crisp, his steps measured and his presence filled the hallway. At 84, he moved like a man who has carried the weight of a community for nearly half a century and was finally ready to set it down.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The San Francisco Board of Supervisors’ Land Use and Transportation Committee unanimously advanced legislation to rename the 800 and 900 blocks of Pierce Street as Dr. Amos C. Brown Way.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Crawford, Brown’s torchbearer, spoke of walking beside his mentor through the community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve had the honor of walking with Dr. Brown through the streets of the Fillmore, standing beside him in the sanctuary of Third Baptist Church, getting haircuts and encouraging local youth at the Chicago Barbershop and sitting with grieving families as they prayed over loved ones during their most difficult hours,” he said. “And in every setting, he is the same: a man of integrity, a prophet with a pastor’s heart.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Crawford, who relocated to the Bay Area earlier this year, called the street naming morally essential. “We are honoring a movement of justice, compassion, peace and, ultimately, love that has shaped generations,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Board President Rafael Mandelman embraced Brown after the vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In a time when things are so divisive at the federal level, it feels right that we’re doing something decent and unifying here in San Francisco,” he told me.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown showed me the desk in the Board of Supervisors hearing room where he had carved “Rev. Amos Brown sat here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On his way out, he tipped his hat with a smile. “I’ll see you in church on Sunday,” said Brown, who served on the board for five years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12045562\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/REVAMOS_BROWN-9-MO-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12045562\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/REVAMOS_BROWN-9-MO-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/REVAMOS_BROWN-9-MO-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/REVAMOS_BROWN-9-MO-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/REVAMOS_BROWN-9-MO-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Rev. Amos C. Brown waves to the crowd during a street renaming ceremony outside of the Third Baptist Church in the Fillmore District on June 21, 2025. \u003ccite>(Manuel Orbegozo for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Supervisor Shamann Walton, who co-authored the street naming legislation, shared a personal detail that underscored his deep connection to Brown: “On his first Sunday as pastor, he christened me when I was one year old at Third Baptist, and we share February as our birthday month,” he said.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Brown hasn’t just preached to San Francisco’s Black community; he has taught, inspired, baptized, eulogized and fought for them in boardrooms where they couldn’t get a seat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among those honored alongside Brown on June 3 was former \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/bill-scott\">Police Chief Bill Scott\u003c/a>, recognized for his decades of public service. When Scott took the podium, he became emotional and acknowledged Brown first, his voice breaking as he spoke about the person who has been “a straight-up champion, in San Francisco and beyond.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This community owes him a debt of gratitude. I owe him a debt of gratitude,” Scott said. “As an African American man, I’m so proud of that. When I listen to him, and I’ve heard him preach many times, it always brings everybody into the conversation. He wants what’s best for everybody.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Former Assistant Chief David Lazar recalled Brown’s hands-on approach. Twenty-six years ago, when Lazar was a vice officer dealing with prostitution problems in the Mission, Brown — then a member of the Board of Supervisors — insisted on seeing the situation for himself.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He got in the car with me. That was the first time I met him. We went around and looked at everything,” Lazar recalled. “That’s a perfect example of someone on the ground. Here he was, in city government, but he came out to the community to see what was happening.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12045563\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12045563\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/REVAMOS_BROWN-22-MO-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/REVAMOS_BROWN-22-MO-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/REVAMOS_BROWN-22-MO-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/REVAMOS_BROWN-22-MO-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Rev. Amos C. Brown stands outside Third Baptist Church in San Francisco on June 21, 2025, for the unveiling of a street sign and ceremony renaming a section of Pierce Street in his honor. \u003ccite>(Manuel Orbegozo for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>That personal approach defined Brown’s ministry. Former Mayor London Breed recalled how during the height of gun violence in the city, “time and again, young Black men were being killed. Families had no place to bury their sons.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown never hesitated. “Every single time a call was made to Rev. Brown, he said, ‘Yes.’ Every time,” Breed said. “He wasn’t seeking recognition. Most of the time, he didn’t even want people to know what he had done.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When San Francisco Mayor Daniel Lurie stood alongside Brown on the steps of City Hall on June 12, joined by other faith leaders and community groups, he reaffirmed the city’s commitment to remaining a sanctuary amid a wave of immigration raids and detentions that have \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12043596/protesters-swarm-sf-immigration-court-after-more-ice-arrests\">sparked protests across California\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Board of Supervisors unanimously passed the street renaming. Jonathan Butler, the current president of the San Francisco NAACP, said the street renaming is “a legacy carved in concrete.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s an opportunity to teach our students in San Francisco about civil rights and the people who fought for it right here in this city,” he added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the June 21 unveiling of the Dr. Amos C. Brown Way street sign, Breed spoke about the impact of Brown’s service.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are even more people who don’t even realize that because of him, they are who they are,” she said. “I’m one of those people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12045583\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GettyImages-569336329-scaled.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12045583\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GettyImages-569336329-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1693\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GettyImages-569336329-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GettyImages-569336329-2000x1323.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GettyImages-569336329-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GettyImages-569336329-1536x1016.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GettyImages-569336329-2048x1355.jpg 2048w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Former San Francisco Mayor Art Agnos and Rev. Amos C. Brown, then president of the San Francisco NAACP, on Jan. 1, 1990. \u003ccite>(Photo by Clarence Gatson Collection/Gado/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>A sanctuary in the city\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The doors of Third Baptist swing open for everyone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Faith is welcome but not required. Your skin color doesn’t matter. Your zip code is irrelevant. What matters is that you come with reverence — for the history held in these walls, the culture that pulses through this community and the movement still unfolding in a space where civil rights and spiritual purpose have always been one.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown was mentored by Medgar Evers, the NAACP’s field secretary for Mississippi, who was murdered at his home in 1963. Inspired by Evers, a World War II veteran and civil rights activist, Brown founded the NAACP’s first youth council in Jackson, Mississippi.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/Rnw3ozE43qQ'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/Rnw3ozE43qQ'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>Brown, whose great-grandfather was born enslaved, is one of eight students to take the only college class ever taught by Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. at Morehouse College.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After taking over Third Baptist in June 1976, Brown transformed the church into a hub for activism, interfaith coalition-building and empowerment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12045549\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 930px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GettyImages-1321530122.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12045549\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GettyImages-1321530122.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"930\" height=\"1230\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GettyImages-1321530122.jpg 930w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GettyImages-1321530122-160x212.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 930px) 100vw, 930px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Rev. Amos C. Brown as a San Francisco supervisor. \u003ccite>(Photo By Liz Hafalia/The San Francisco Chronicle via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>He served on the San Francisco Board of Supervisors from 1996 to 2001, first appointed by former Mayor Willie Brown Jr., then elected to the role. As president of the San Francisco NAACP, he led campaigns against police misconduct and government discrimination, pushing for equity in education, housing, public safety and healthcare.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In my efforts to be concerned about the rights of Black people, I didn’t stop with just Black people,” he told me in a recent interview. “I’ve always been committed to equal protection under the law for LGBTQ+ people, for Asians, for Latinos and for immigrants, especially those from Africa and the Caribbean. Our activism must be rooted in justice for all.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Fillmore, a district once dubbed the Harlem of the West, is where his legacy is most deeply felt. He was one of the earliest and most vocal critics of the urban renewal programs that \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11961026/thousands-sf-homes-destroyed-decades-ago-rebuilt-under-new-bill\">displaced thousands of Black families\u003c/a> during the 1960s and ‘70s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“San Francisco has often looked at Black folks, but hasn’t truly seen us as worthy of having our watering hole, our gathering place, where we would be able to thrive and survive in this city,” Brown told me.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown, who served on the California Reparations Task Force, the first statewide body to study and recommend \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/reparations\">reparative measures for Black people\u003c/a> who suffered racial harm, continues advocating for spaces where the community can gather, celebrate culture and access resources denied by racist policies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As former Vice President Kamala Harris — whose ascension to the highest levels of government began in Oakland and San Francisco — launched her presidential campaign last July, conservative media personalities \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12003610/kamala-harris-embraced-reparations-5-years-ago-her-sf-pastor-says-criticism-is-unjust\">assailed her position on reparations\u003c/a> as extremist and zeroed in on her relationship with Brown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown, who led the closing prayer at the Democratic National Convention on the night Harris accepted the nomination, said those who used reparations to attack Harris were misguided.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They don’t know history,” Brown told KQED. “Anybody who just cancels out and says no, they don’t respect the humanity of Black people, and they have a deep, deep problem. For we are human, and we deserve the same thing that other human beings have received in terms of repair for harms done.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s what reparations is all about, repairing the harm that was done to an individual, to a people, to a situation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12045566\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/REVAMOS_BROWN-51-MO-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12045566\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/REVAMOS_BROWN-51-MO-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/REVAMOS_BROWN-51-MO-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/REVAMOS_BROWN-51-MO-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/REVAMOS_BROWN-51-MO-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Rev. Devon Crawford waves to the congregation at Third Baptist Church in San Francisco on June 22. He succeeds Rev. Amos C. Brown, who led the church for nearly 50 years. \u003ccite>(Manuel Orbegozo for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In retirement, Brown told me he’s working on a book chronicling his journey through faith, civil rights and public service.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Retirement doesn’t mean I’m going to sit in a rocking chair and twiddle my thumbs,” he said. “I’ve always been an activist. I’ll just be working from a different corner of God’s Earth, so to speak.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He’ll continue mentoring the next generation, including Crawford. “He’s got common sense, what we call motherwit. And he’s got empathy,” Brown said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As San Francisco etches his name into concrete and memory, something deeper is happening.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This isn’t just about honoring the past — it’s about inheritance, the kind rooted in Sunday morning wisdom and weekday action, and in the understanding that some paths are meant to be walked together.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A street now bears Brown’s name, but the true monument lies in the choice to keep walking, to keep showing up, to keep returning to the places that shaped us — and continue the work that defines us.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And yes, I’ve been going to church — arriving right on time, communion wafer intact.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://www.linkedin.com/in/meaghanmitchellsf/\">Meaghan Mitchell\u003c/a> is a San Francisco native and narrative journalist whose first-person reporting is deeply rooted in the communities she covers. She was an early team member at the San Francisco Standard and previously served as an editor at Hoodline. Her work has appeared in SFGATE, San Francisco Bay View and SFist, among other outlets. She covers arts, culture and community life in underrepresented neighborhoods — centering stories on engagement, cultural identity, and social equity, while highlighting the resilience of San Francisco’s Black and Brown communities.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "Hella Juneteenth in Photos: Black Joy and Community in Oakland",
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"content": "\u003cp>About 3,000 people packed the Oakland Museum of California Thursday for the sold-out, second annual Hella Juneteenth festival — a celebration of Black joy, pride, community and freedom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Juneteenth, the day in 1865 when enslaved people in Galveston, Texas, learned they were free, became a federal holiday in 2021 — though communities have marked the occasion for generations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12045139\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12045139\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/20250619_HELLAJUNETEENTH_GC-9-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/20250619_HELLAJUNETEENTH_GC-9-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/20250619_HELLAJUNETEENTH_GC-9-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/20250619_HELLAJUNETEENTH_GC-9-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A group of friends dance at the Hella Juneteenth festival at the Oakland Museum of California on June 19, 2025. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The event, hosted by Hella Creatives, included a cookout, live music, Black-owned vendors, line dancing and other activities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Bay Area native Ashley Hughes, Juneteenth is a time to embrace and honor her roots. “It means being a Black woman feeling liberated, feeling happy,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Margaret Ellis, whose family is from Louisiana and descended from people kidnapped in the early 1800s and transported on the Caledonia, Juneteenth is a day of community and honoring her ancestors. Ellis’ family celebrates each year and has taught her children and grandchildren that they “come from more than slavery.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Aunti Afua, 81, of Oakland, has been celebrating Juneteenth her entire life. “I’m here because this is a celebration of what we have been through and where we are going,” she said. “We ain’t done yet.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12045148\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1333px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12045148\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/20250619_HELLAJUNETEENTH_GC-26-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1333\" height=\"2000\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/20250619_HELLAJUNETEENTH_GC-26-KQED.jpg 1333w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/20250619_HELLAJUNETEENTH_GC-26-KQED-160x240.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/20250619_HELLAJUNETEENTH_GC-26-KQED-1024x1536.jpg 1024w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1333px) 100vw, 1333px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Dean Rene and Lawren Wooten pose for a photo at the Hella Juneteenth festival at the Oakland Museum of California on June 19, 2025. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12045160\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1333px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12045160\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/20250619_HELLAJUNETEENTH_GC-48-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1333\" height=\"2000\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/20250619_HELLAJUNETEENTH_GC-48-KQED.jpg 1333w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/20250619_HELLAJUNETEENTH_GC-48-KQED-160x240.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/20250619_HELLAJUNETEENTH_GC-48-KQED-1024x1536.jpg 1024w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1333px) 100vw, 1333px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Siblings Elijah, 2, and Samara, 4, pose for a photo at the Hella Juneteenth festival at the Oakland Museum of California on June 19, 2025. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12045140\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12045140\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/20250619_HELLAJUNETEENTH_GC-11-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/20250619_HELLAJUNETEENTH_GC-11-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/20250619_HELLAJUNETEENTH_GC-11-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/20250619_HELLAJUNETEENTH_GC-11-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Jordyn Johnson, 9, gets the continent of Africa painted on her face at the Hella Juneteenth festival at the Oakland Museum of California on June 19, 2025. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12045144\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12045144\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/20250619_HELLAJUNETEENTH_GC-18-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1318\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/20250619_HELLAJUNETEENTH_GC-18-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/20250619_HELLAJUNETEENTH_GC-18-KQED-160x105.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/20250619_HELLAJUNETEENTH_GC-18-KQED-1536x1012.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">From top, Uilani Gray, Denise Hayes, Michelle Smith, Ebony Rice and Anitra Clark take a selfie at Hella Juneteenth. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12045158\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12045158\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/20250619_HELLAJUNETEENTH_GC-43-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/20250619_HELLAJUNETEENTH_GC-43-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/20250619_HELLAJUNETEENTH_GC-43-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/20250619_HELLAJUNETEENTH_GC-43-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">People celebrating at the second annual Hella Juneteenth. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12045152\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12045152\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/20250619_HELLAJUNETEENTH_GC-36-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/20250619_HELLAJUNETEENTH_GC-36-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/20250619_HELLAJUNETEENTH_GC-36-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/20250619_HELLAJUNETEENTH_GC-36-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Three attendees enjoying the sun at the Hella Juneteenth festival. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12045138\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12045138\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/20250619_HELLAJUNETEENTH_GC-8-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/20250619_HELLAJUNETEENTH_GC-8-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/20250619_HELLAJUNETEENTH_GC-8-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/20250619_HELLAJUNETEENTH_GC-8-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Lisha Bell wears “Black Lives Matter” earrings at the Hella Juneteenth festival. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12045150\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12045150\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/20250619_HELLAJUNETEENTH_GC-30-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/20250619_HELLAJUNETEENTH_GC-30-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/20250619_HELLAJUNETEENTH_GC-30-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/20250619_HELLAJUNETEENTH_GC-30-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Veronica Talton, left, and Aunti Afua, 81, dance during the Hella Juneteenth festival at the Oakland Museum of California on June 19, 2025. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>About 3,000 people packed the Oakland Museum of California Thursday for the sold-out, second annual Hella Juneteenth festival — a celebration of Black joy, pride, community and freedom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Juneteenth, the day in 1865 when enslaved people in Galveston, Texas, learned they were free, became a federal holiday in 2021 — though communities have marked the occasion for generations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12045139\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12045139\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/20250619_HELLAJUNETEENTH_GC-9-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/20250619_HELLAJUNETEENTH_GC-9-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/20250619_HELLAJUNETEENTH_GC-9-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/20250619_HELLAJUNETEENTH_GC-9-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A group of friends dance at the Hella Juneteenth festival at the Oakland Museum of California on June 19, 2025. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The event, hosted by Hella Creatives, included a cookout, live music, Black-owned vendors, line dancing and other activities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Bay Area native Ashley Hughes, Juneteenth is a time to embrace and honor her roots. “It means being a Black woman feeling liberated, feeling happy,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Margaret Ellis, whose family is from Louisiana and descended from people kidnapped in the early 1800s and transported on the Caledonia, Juneteenth is a day of community and honoring her ancestors. Ellis’ family celebrates each year and has taught her children and grandchildren that they “come from more than slavery.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Aunti Afua, 81, of Oakland, has been celebrating Juneteenth her entire life. “I’m here because this is a celebration of what we have been through and where we are going,” she said. “We ain’t done yet.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12045148\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1333px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12045148\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/20250619_HELLAJUNETEENTH_GC-26-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1333\" height=\"2000\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/20250619_HELLAJUNETEENTH_GC-26-KQED.jpg 1333w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/20250619_HELLAJUNETEENTH_GC-26-KQED-160x240.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/20250619_HELLAJUNETEENTH_GC-26-KQED-1024x1536.jpg 1024w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1333px) 100vw, 1333px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Dean Rene and Lawren Wooten pose for a photo at the Hella Juneteenth festival at the Oakland Museum of California on June 19, 2025. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12045160\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1333px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12045160\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/20250619_HELLAJUNETEENTH_GC-48-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1333\" height=\"2000\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/20250619_HELLAJUNETEENTH_GC-48-KQED.jpg 1333w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/20250619_HELLAJUNETEENTH_GC-48-KQED-160x240.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/20250619_HELLAJUNETEENTH_GC-48-KQED-1024x1536.jpg 1024w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1333px) 100vw, 1333px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Siblings Elijah, 2, and Samara, 4, pose for a photo at the Hella Juneteenth festival at the Oakland Museum of California on June 19, 2025. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12045140\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12045140\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/20250619_HELLAJUNETEENTH_GC-11-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/20250619_HELLAJUNETEENTH_GC-11-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/20250619_HELLAJUNETEENTH_GC-11-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/20250619_HELLAJUNETEENTH_GC-11-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Jordyn Johnson, 9, gets the continent of Africa painted on her face at the Hella Juneteenth festival at the Oakland Museum of California on June 19, 2025. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12045144\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12045144\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/20250619_HELLAJUNETEENTH_GC-18-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1318\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/20250619_HELLAJUNETEENTH_GC-18-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/20250619_HELLAJUNETEENTH_GC-18-KQED-160x105.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/20250619_HELLAJUNETEENTH_GC-18-KQED-1536x1012.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">From top, Uilani Gray, Denise Hayes, Michelle Smith, Ebony Rice and Anitra Clark take a selfie at Hella Juneteenth. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12045158\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12045158\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/20250619_HELLAJUNETEENTH_GC-43-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/20250619_HELLAJUNETEENTH_GC-43-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/20250619_HELLAJUNETEENTH_GC-43-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/20250619_HELLAJUNETEENTH_GC-43-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">People celebrating at the second annual Hella Juneteenth. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12045152\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12045152\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/20250619_HELLAJUNETEENTH_GC-36-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/20250619_HELLAJUNETEENTH_GC-36-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/20250619_HELLAJUNETEENTH_GC-36-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/20250619_HELLAJUNETEENTH_GC-36-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Three attendees enjoying the sun at the Hella Juneteenth festival. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12045138\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12045138\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/20250619_HELLAJUNETEENTH_GC-8-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/20250619_HELLAJUNETEENTH_GC-8-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/20250619_HELLAJUNETEENTH_GC-8-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/20250619_HELLAJUNETEENTH_GC-8-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Lisha Bell wears “Black Lives Matter” earrings at the Hella Juneteenth festival. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12045150\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12045150\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/20250619_HELLAJUNETEENTH_GC-30-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/20250619_HELLAJUNETEENTH_GC-30-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/20250619_HELLAJUNETEENTH_GC-30-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/20250619_HELLAJUNETEENTH_GC-30-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Veronica Talton, left, and Aunti Afua, 81, dance during the Hella Juneteenth festival at the Oakland Museum of California on June 19, 2025. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "juneteenth-outdoors-events-2025-hikes-events-bay-area",
"title": "‘You’re Going to Catch a Vibe’: Honoring Juneteenth 2025 in the Outdoors",
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"headTitle": "‘You’re Going to Catch a Vibe’: Honoring Juneteenth 2025 in the Outdoors | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>For the fourth year in a row, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/national-parks\">the National Park Service\u003c/a> is making \u003ca href=\"https://www.nps.gov/subjects/npscelebrates/juneteenth.htm\">entry to all national parks free on Juneteenth\u003c/a> after it was recognized as a federal holiday in 2021.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But to Nick Collins, who created the Black-led East Bay hiking group \u003ca href=\"https://the510hikers.org/\">510 Hikers\u003c/a>, the real connection between Black liberation and the outdoors sits deeper than a one-day outing in a park.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s about reclaiming our spaces, it’s about the connection with nature, it’s about the healing,” Collins said. “It’s about providing a platform to allow people to be welcome and invited and feel like they’re a part of a space that they can live healthy in.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a Black kid growing up in the East Bay with outdoorsy parents, Collins said he often found himself one of the only people of color in these spaces.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As a 10-year-old, you don’t really think much about it,” he said. “You’re more interested in the insects and finding snakes and little reptiles than you are in counting the number of Black people that are there.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But as he got older, Collins said he began to see the lack of people of color in the outdoor spaces he frequented for the issue that it was. “\u003ca href=\"https://www.ebparks.org/parks?field_park_activities=All&city=450\">The local parks that are in Oakland \u003c/a>are minutes away from areas in the city that are highly populated with people of color,” he said. “And I wanted to start finding out the reasons behind the barriers keeping people of color from getting to these hiking places.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=arts_13976970 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/2/2025/06/20240619_JuneteenthCookout_GC-5_qed-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So, in 2014, Collins founded \u003ca href=\"https://the510hikers.org/\">510 Hikers\u003c/a>, whose mission is to get more Black people out onto trails and in wild places — and critically, to build “community and connection,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Once Collins started organizing hikes every Saturday all across the Bay Area, what he found wasn’t a financial barrier, but a comfort one, he said. And one key element was allowing folks “to feel like they didn’t have to leave their neighborhood to go on a hike,” he said — because “the neighborhood sometimes \u003cem>isn’t \u003c/em>the physical space.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Sometimes the neighborhood is the people that are around you,” Collins said. “So I said, ‘Hey, let’s bring the neighborhood to the outdoors. Let’s bring the ‘hood to the woods.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>‘We’re out here’\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>After over a decade, 510 Hikers is still going strong today, with outings nearly every single weekend. (“We’ve hiked every trail in the Bay Area,” Collins said.) The group doesn’t just hike, either — they’ve organized community 5K runs, American River floats and trips all across the Bay Area and far beyond, including \u003ca href=\"https://www.instagram.com/p/DKvB3zVBvhE/?hl=en\">a recent trek up Half Dome in Yosemite National Park. \u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While\u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/events/4200716470185145\"> their next Saturday event, on June 21 at 8:15 a.m.\u003c/a> at \u003ca href=\"https://www.ebparks.org/parks/sibley-volcanic\">Sibley Volcanic Regional Preserve\u003c/a> in the Oakland Hills, wasn’t originally marked as a Juneteenth hike, it doesn’t have to be, Collins said — because “we’re out here every week.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even so, Collins said he plans to take a moment and say a few words to kick off the hike, inviting hikers to reflect on the weight of the last 200 years of history to today that led to them sharing a morning outdoors together.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Freedom isn’t free,” he said. “And we owe it to our ancestors to love each other and be a community and hike in and enjoy nature.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Just a couple of generations ago, we wouldn’t have even been allowed to gather the way we’re gathering now,” he said. “We have to let that sink in.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Jump straight to: \u003ca href=\"#A\">More Juneteenth events hosted by local BIPOC groups in the Bay Area.\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Collins frequently begins each hike with a get-to-know-you activity — as it’s so often the people, not the place, that gives these hikes their purpose. If you leave a hike without several new friends and connections, “you missed out,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He’s well aware of the ripple effect his group has had among hikers of all ages, who tell him they’ve found motivation to lead a more active life and be more in tune with the world and the community around them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For a lot of us, this is more than just gathering up and hiking together,” he said. “We understand the impact we’ve had in the Bay Area. We understand the impact we’ve had with each other.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It goes beyond safety — there’s a pridefulness,” Collins said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He’s also committed to promoting the physical and mental health benefits of hiking and being outside, saying that “hiking is kind of like putting vegetables in spaghetti.” He often starts hikes by encouraging participants to close their eyes, put one hand over their heart, and focus on their breath and the sounds of nature around them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12044209\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1024px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12044209\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/487173291_1076835787803420_8123029877164460457_n.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1024\" height=\"768\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/487173291_1076835787803420_8123029877164460457_n.jpg 1024w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/487173291_1076835787803420_8123029877164460457_n-160x120.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1024px) 100vw, 1024px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">510 Hikers, whose mission is to get more Black people out onto trails and in wild places. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of 510 Hikers/Facebook)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“What nature does so often is it starts to thaw out that frozen sense of ours,” he said. “You want to be a place where a butterfly wants to land and … use nature to tune into the nature within yourself.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you’re tempted to join \u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/events/4200716470185145\">Saturday’s Sibley hike\u003c/a>, bring water, shoes with traction and a snack — but rest assured that Collins brings extras of everything, just in case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And just know: “You’re going to catch a vibe and want to come back,” he said. “That’s who we are.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>\u003ca id=\"A\">\u003c/a>More outdoor groups and events to join to mark Juneteenth with\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.instagram.com/majortaylorbayarea/\">\u003cstrong>Major Taylor Bay Area Cycling Club\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Named for one of the early Black sports icons, \u003ca href=\"https://www.majortaylorassociation.org/who.shtml\">world-famous cyclist Major Taylor\u003c/a>, this East Bay-based cycling club is hosting a \u003ca href=\"https://www.eventbrite.com/e/juneteenth-celebration-ride-with-major-taylor-and-sports-basement-tickets-1395507262789\">10 a.m. Juneteenth ride on June 19, leaving from Berkeley Sports Basement\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now in its fourth year, the event is an all-ages “daytime ride in celebration of Black joy, freedom, and community,” organizers said. “No Lycra necessary — just roll up in something that feels expressive and free.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.instagram.com/blackrock_collective/?hl=en\">\u003cstrong>Black Rock Collective\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Saturday June 14 at \u003ca href=\"https://portal.touchstoneclimbing.com/pacificpipe/programs/juneteenth-brc?course=Q291cnNlOjlhZmFkNzYxMjI1NmE3MGQ5MzRhYzAwNjYyZWU4ZmZk&date=2025-06-14\">Pacific Pipe Climbing Gym in Oakland,\u003c/a> climbing club Black Rock Collective is teaming up with Touchstone Climbing from 3 p.m. to 7 p.m. “for an evening of community, creativity and connection.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The event will not only welcome new and experienced climbers and raise money for the club, but will also feature an \u003ca href=\"https://docs.google.com/forms/d/e/1FAIpQLSeV1UodiuoH8erYZ0R3ssoM-tJtI7gqymc0pxqemvUUWfs8SQ/viewform\">artists market and a raffle,\u003c/a> featuring Black-owned small businesses, food and drink vendors and artists.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.blacksurfsantacruz.org/\">\u003cstrong>Black Surf Santa Cruz\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now in its fifth year, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.blacksurfsantacruz.org/lpo2025\">Liberation Paddle Out\u003c/a> at Cowells Beach on Sunday, June 15, hosted by Black Surf Santa Cruz, promises “a joyous day on the beach” to center Black and BIPOC community members and “experience the transformative power of the ocean together, many for their first time.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The organization also\u003ca href=\"https://www.blacksurfsantacruz.org/programs\"> hosts events and pop-up programs\u003c/a> centering surf education and recreation all year round.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.ebparks.org/we-celebrate/juneteenth\">\u003cstrong>East Bay Regional Parks\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition to \u003ca href=\"https://www.nps.gov/subjects/npscelebrates/juneteenth.htm\">free entry at national parks\u003c/a>, the East Bay Regional Park District is opening its \u003ca href=\"https://www.ebparks.org/we-celebrate/juneteenth\">parks for free all day as well\u003c/a> on Juneteenth itself, June 19.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A number of parks are having their own celebrations, including a \u003ca href=\"https://anc.apm.activecommunities.com/ebparks/activity/search/detail/55521?onlineSiteId=0&from_original_cui=true\">naturalist-led hike at Coyote Hills Regional Park\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://anc.apm.activecommunities.com/ebparks/activity/search/detail/55383?onlineSiteId=0&from_original_cui=true\">a celebration walk at Thurgood Marshall Regional Park\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://docs.google.com/forms/d/e/1FAIpQLSeCeDp_MY_h4G6VWj_-VPl-BJlQ3Uya2H0vxRZZd_47BpXwVA/viewform?embedded=true\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "How Black-led outdoors group 510 Hikers is working to make the outdoors more inclusive — plus, Bay Area things to do outside to mark Juneteenth.",
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"title": "‘You’re Going to Catch a Vibe’: Honoring Juneteenth 2025 in the Outdoors | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>For the fourth year in a row, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/national-parks\">the National Park Service\u003c/a> is making \u003ca href=\"https://www.nps.gov/subjects/npscelebrates/juneteenth.htm\">entry to all national parks free on Juneteenth\u003c/a> after it was recognized as a federal holiday in 2021.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But to Nick Collins, who created the Black-led East Bay hiking group \u003ca href=\"https://the510hikers.org/\">510 Hikers\u003c/a>, the real connection between Black liberation and the outdoors sits deeper than a one-day outing in a park.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s about reclaiming our spaces, it’s about the connection with nature, it’s about the healing,” Collins said. “It’s about providing a platform to allow people to be welcome and invited and feel like they’re a part of a space that they can live healthy in.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a Black kid growing up in the East Bay with outdoorsy parents, Collins said he often found himself one of the only people of color in these spaces.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As a 10-year-old, you don’t really think much about it,” he said. “You’re more interested in the insects and finding snakes and little reptiles than you are in counting the number of Black people that are there.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But as he got older, Collins said he began to see the lack of people of color in the outdoor spaces he frequented for the issue that it was. “\u003ca href=\"https://www.ebparks.org/parks?field_park_activities=All&city=450\">The local parks that are in Oakland \u003c/a>are minutes away from areas in the city that are highly populated with people of color,” he said. “And I wanted to start finding out the reasons behind the barriers keeping people of color from getting to these hiking places.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So, in 2014, Collins founded \u003ca href=\"https://the510hikers.org/\">510 Hikers\u003c/a>, whose mission is to get more Black people out onto trails and in wild places — and critically, to build “community and connection,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Once Collins started organizing hikes every Saturday all across the Bay Area, what he found wasn’t a financial barrier, but a comfort one, he said. And one key element was allowing folks “to feel like they didn’t have to leave their neighborhood to go on a hike,” he said — because “the neighborhood sometimes \u003cem>isn’t \u003c/em>the physical space.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Sometimes the neighborhood is the people that are around you,” Collins said. “So I said, ‘Hey, let’s bring the neighborhood to the outdoors. Let’s bring the ‘hood to the woods.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>‘We’re out here’\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>After over a decade, 510 Hikers is still going strong today, with outings nearly every single weekend. (“We’ve hiked every trail in the Bay Area,” Collins said.) The group doesn’t just hike, either — they’ve organized community 5K runs, American River floats and trips all across the Bay Area and far beyond, including \u003ca href=\"https://www.instagram.com/p/DKvB3zVBvhE/?hl=en\">a recent trek up Half Dome in Yosemite National Park. \u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While\u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/events/4200716470185145\"> their next Saturday event, on June 21 at 8:15 a.m.\u003c/a> at \u003ca href=\"https://www.ebparks.org/parks/sibley-volcanic\">Sibley Volcanic Regional Preserve\u003c/a> in the Oakland Hills, wasn’t originally marked as a Juneteenth hike, it doesn’t have to be, Collins said — because “we’re out here every week.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even so, Collins said he plans to take a moment and say a few words to kick off the hike, inviting hikers to reflect on the weight of the last 200 years of history to today that led to them sharing a morning outdoors together.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Freedom isn’t free,” he said. “And we owe it to our ancestors to love each other and be a community and hike in and enjoy nature.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Just a couple of generations ago, we wouldn’t have even been allowed to gather the way we’re gathering now,” he said. “We have to let that sink in.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Jump straight to: \u003ca href=\"#A\">More Juneteenth events hosted by local BIPOC groups in the Bay Area.\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Collins frequently begins each hike with a get-to-know-you activity — as it’s so often the people, not the place, that gives these hikes their purpose. If you leave a hike without several new friends and connections, “you missed out,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He’s well aware of the ripple effect his group has had among hikers of all ages, who tell him they’ve found motivation to lead a more active life and be more in tune with the world and the community around them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For a lot of us, this is more than just gathering up and hiking together,” he said. “We understand the impact we’ve had in the Bay Area. We understand the impact we’ve had with each other.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It goes beyond safety — there’s a pridefulness,” Collins said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He’s also committed to promoting the physical and mental health benefits of hiking and being outside, saying that “hiking is kind of like putting vegetables in spaghetti.” He often starts hikes by encouraging participants to close their eyes, put one hand over their heart, and focus on their breath and the sounds of nature around them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12044209\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1024px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12044209\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/487173291_1076835787803420_8123029877164460457_n.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1024\" height=\"768\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/487173291_1076835787803420_8123029877164460457_n.jpg 1024w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/487173291_1076835787803420_8123029877164460457_n-160x120.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1024px) 100vw, 1024px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">510 Hikers, whose mission is to get more Black people out onto trails and in wild places. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of 510 Hikers/Facebook)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“What nature does so often is it starts to thaw out that frozen sense of ours,” he said. “You want to be a place where a butterfly wants to land and … use nature to tune into the nature within yourself.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you’re tempted to join \u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/events/4200716470185145\">Saturday’s Sibley hike\u003c/a>, bring water, shoes with traction and a snack — but rest assured that Collins brings extras of everything, just in case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And just know: “You’re going to catch a vibe and want to come back,” he said. “That’s who we are.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>\u003ca id=\"A\">\u003c/a>More outdoor groups and events to join to mark Juneteenth with\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.instagram.com/majortaylorbayarea/\">\u003cstrong>Major Taylor Bay Area Cycling Club\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Named for one of the early Black sports icons, \u003ca href=\"https://www.majortaylorassociation.org/who.shtml\">world-famous cyclist Major Taylor\u003c/a>, this East Bay-based cycling club is hosting a \u003ca href=\"https://www.eventbrite.com/e/juneteenth-celebration-ride-with-major-taylor-and-sports-basement-tickets-1395507262789\">10 a.m. Juneteenth ride on June 19, leaving from Berkeley Sports Basement\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now in its fourth year, the event is an all-ages “daytime ride in celebration of Black joy, freedom, and community,” organizers said. “No Lycra necessary — just roll up in something that feels expressive and free.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.instagram.com/blackrock_collective/?hl=en\">\u003cstrong>Black Rock Collective\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Saturday June 14 at \u003ca href=\"https://portal.touchstoneclimbing.com/pacificpipe/programs/juneteenth-brc?course=Q291cnNlOjlhZmFkNzYxMjI1NmE3MGQ5MzRhYzAwNjYyZWU4ZmZk&date=2025-06-14\">Pacific Pipe Climbing Gym in Oakland,\u003c/a> climbing club Black Rock Collective is teaming up with Touchstone Climbing from 3 p.m. to 7 p.m. “for an evening of community, creativity and connection.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The event will not only welcome new and experienced climbers and raise money for the club, but will also feature an \u003ca href=\"https://docs.google.com/forms/d/e/1FAIpQLSeV1UodiuoH8erYZ0R3ssoM-tJtI7gqymc0pxqemvUUWfs8SQ/viewform\">artists market and a raffle,\u003c/a> featuring Black-owned small businesses, food and drink vendors and artists.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.blacksurfsantacruz.org/\">\u003cstrong>Black Surf Santa Cruz\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now in its fifth year, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.blacksurfsantacruz.org/lpo2025\">Liberation Paddle Out\u003c/a> at Cowells Beach on Sunday, June 15, hosted by Black Surf Santa Cruz, promises “a joyous day on the beach” to center Black and BIPOC community members and “experience the transformative power of the ocean together, many for their first time.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The organization also\u003ca href=\"https://www.blacksurfsantacruz.org/programs\"> hosts events and pop-up programs\u003c/a> centering surf education and recreation all year round.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.ebparks.org/we-celebrate/juneteenth\">\u003cstrong>East Bay Regional Parks\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition to \u003ca href=\"https://www.nps.gov/subjects/npscelebrates/juneteenth.htm\">free entry at national parks\u003c/a>, the East Bay Regional Park District is opening its \u003ca href=\"https://www.ebparks.org/we-celebrate/juneteenth\">parks for free all day as well\u003c/a> on Juneteenth itself, June 19.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A number of parks are having their own celebrations, including a \u003ca href=\"https://anc.apm.activecommunities.com/ebparks/activity/search/detail/55521?onlineSiteId=0&from_original_cui=true\">naturalist-led hike at Coyote Hills Regional Park\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://anc.apm.activecommunities.com/ebparks/activity/search/detail/55383?onlineSiteId=0&from_original_cui=true\">a celebration walk at Thurgood Marshall Regional Park\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cdiv class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__shortcodes__shortcodeWrapper'>\n \u003ciframe\n src='https://docs.google.com/forms/d/e/1FAIpQLSeCeDp_MY_h4G6VWj_-VPl-BJlQ3Uya2H0vxRZZd_47BpXwVA/viewform?embedded=true?embedded=true'\n title='https://docs.google.com/forms/d/e/1FAIpQLSeCeDp_MY_h4G6VWj_-VPl-BJlQ3Uya2H0vxRZZd_47BpXwVA/viewform?embedded=true'\n width='760' 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"slug": "oaklands-army-base-redevelopment-was-a-win-for-locals-can-the-coliseum-be-the-same",
"title": "Oakland’s Army Base Redevelopment Was a Win for Locals. Can the Coliseum Be the Same?",
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"headTitle": "Oakland’s Army Base Redevelopment Was a Win for Locals. Can the Coliseum Be the Same? | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>For three years before Sadakao Whittington’s release from \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/arts/13956038/in-the-50-incarcerated-men-become-mentors\">Solano State Prison\u003c/a>, the phone book-sized pamphlet taped under his bunk represented hope for his life on the outside.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Every day, he said, he would study the pages of the Sprinkler Fitters’ union handout for information on fire sprinklers, explore the apprenticeship courses he could take through the union, and calculate how much money he could make with a full-time job in the industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I would look at it every day for the next three years and dream how my life would be different,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Whittington was released on parole in 2014, he went to the West Oakland Job Resource Center to apply to the Sprinkler Fitters, only to find that they weren’t hiring. But the center, which helped contractors who were redeveloping the waterfront \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12022479/why-are-there-so-many-abandoned-military-bases-in-the-bay-area\">Oakland Army Base\u003c/a> to meet mandatory local hire minimums, connected him with a job at the Oakland Laborers’ Union.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Whittington remembers working three-week stints at the Army base, cobbling together just enough money to pay rent for the bare apartment where he spent his nights in a sleeping bag, and then heading up to the Laborers’ training facility in San Ramon for a week at a time to take skills and certification classes like welding or heat fusion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12022110\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/OaklandColiseumEmptyGetty1.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12022110\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/OaklandColiseumEmptyGetty1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/OaklandColiseumEmptyGetty1.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/OaklandColiseumEmptyGetty1-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/OaklandColiseumEmptyGetty1-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/OaklandColiseumEmptyGetty1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/OaklandColiseumEmptyGetty1-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/OaklandColiseumEmptyGetty1-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Oakland Coliseum sits empty before the Oakland Athletics game against the Texas Rangers on Sept. 26, 2024, in Oakland, California. \u003ccite>(Ezra Shaw/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>At the time, Oakland was just a few years into an employment deal with the developers redesigning the city’s share of the former Army base that required hiring local workers, including historically marginalized or formerly incarcerated people. A few years later, a similar deal was struck between a coalition of public health, environmental justice and racial equity advocates, and the developers of the Port of Oakland’s share of the 400-plus acre property.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, a \u003ca href=\"https://laborcenter.berkeley.edu/when-labor-and-community-come-together/\">new report from the UC Berkeley Labor Center\u003c/a> shows that 25 years after the Army base’s decommissioning, those deals have been largely successful — potentially offering a model for how the planned redevelopment of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/oakland-coliseum\">Oakland Coliseum\u003c/a> can be a boon for the community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The construction phase of the Army base redevelopment generated tens of millions of dollars in wages for Oakland workers, union jobs offered career advancement opportunities for city dwellers, and new hiring and investment practices “have begun to address the racial injustice and economic loss experienced by West Oakland residents,” according to the report.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Whittington, the man who was incarcerated in Solano State Prison, is now over a decade out from his release. He is a service foreman in the Oakland Sprinkler Fitters and teaches those apprenticeship classes he had once hoped to take.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I had no experience, I didn’t even really know how to use a measuring tape,” he remembers. “Being able to go to the job resource center, me being able to get into the Laborers’ Local, they actually gave me the foundation to which I built everything else.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>An opportunity in East Oakland\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The successes and lessons of the Army base redevelopment deals offer insight into how a long-anticipated community benefit agreement tied to the Coliseum sale could yield similar results, said Kate O’Hara, the executive director of the East Bay Alliance for a Sustainable Economy (EBASE).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“One of the biggest opportunities we have in Oakland and Alameda County to expand on what we’ve done at the Army base is the Coliseum project,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both the city of Oakland and the Oakland A’s, the Coliseum’s joint owners, reached deals last year to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12036060/oakland-pushes-coliseum-sale-next-year-delaying-funds-again\">sell to the African American Sports and Entertainment Group\u003c/a>, a local and Black-owned development group that hopes to revitalize the hole left in East Oakland by the departures of all three of the city’s major sports teams — the Warriors, Raiders and now the A’s — since 2019.[aside postID=news_12021914 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241010-RiseEastDeepDown-33-BL-1536x1024.jpg']The pro sports exodus has cut local jobs and hurt business at nearby commercial stores, compounding \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12021914/rise-east-unlocks-100-million-to-reimagine-east-oakland\">decades of disinvestment in the neighborhood\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Included in AASEG’s sale agreement with Oakland is a provision that it create a community benefit agreement with local stakeholders, many of whom helped secure the Army base deals, including EBASE and other community groups. AASEG leaders have repeatedly said that community input and investment are their top priorities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>”We are looking for the developers and the city and the county to work closely with community organizations to really formulate a community benefits agreement that delivers on good jobs, just like in this project, but also affordable housing, environmental protections and real long-term community oversight and partnership,” O’Hara told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AASEG has already vowed to create affordable housing on the site and expressed its desire to realize the city’s 2015 Coliseum Area Specific Plan, which it called “the guiding framework for reinventing the City of Oakland’s Coliseum area as a major center for sports, entertainment, residential mixed use, and economic growth.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other specifics of the community benefit agreement will be hammered out once the group’s deals with the city of Oakland and the A’s are finalized — timelines that have been stalled thanks to ongoing negotiations with Alameda County, which has to sign off on the A’s sale.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12041779\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250527-OAKARMYBASE-05-BL-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12041779\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250527-OAKARMYBASE-05-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250527-OAKARMYBASE-05-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250527-OAKARMYBASE-05-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250527-OAKARMYBASE-05-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250527-OAKARMYBASE-05-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250527-OAKARMYBASE-05-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250527-OAKARMYBASE-05-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Sadakao Whittington poses for a portrait at the East Bay Alliance for a Sustainable Economy offices in Oakland on May 27, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>When it comes to successes that the Coliseum deal could aim to replicate, one of the biggest wins of the Army base was job creation, according to O’Hara.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agreement called for half of the construction and long-term operations work to be done by local employees, and a quarter of the operations workers and apprentices to qualify as disadvantaged. For the formerly city-owned property, that meant workers who lived in low-income parts of Oakland, and for the port-owned half, it included single parents, long-term unemployed people, recently incarcerated or emancipated people, and those on welfare.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The report found that on the city’s side of construction, Oakland residents accounted for 45% of infrastructure construction work done, including nearly 20% by apprentices.[aside postID=news_12033094 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/20250327_As-Vendor-Fund_DMB_00007-1020x680.jpg'] The port’s side was even more dominated by local workers: Nearly 66% of work hours were performed by Oaklanders, and more than 23% by apprentices.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both jurisdictions exceeded their targets for hiring local apprentices from marginalized communities, and in total, individual contractors who didn’t meet the local hiring targets paid more than a quarter-million dollars in damages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The best benefit is that it provided a lot of really good jobs for the community of Oakland,” said Andrew Jaeger, the UC Berkeley Labor Center study’s author. “It brought in hundreds of new local apprentices who probably would not have become apprentices under other conditions, if it wasn’t for this agreement.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those job openings are what led Whittington to complete his parole in Oakland rather than San Francisco or Contra Costa County, where he grew up. He said other jurisdictions also didn’t have resources like those he could access at the West Oakland Job Resource Center, which was created by the Army base deal. That included skill-building classes and growth opportunities in addition to stable work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All of these things gave me a step to get to where I am today,” Whittington said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Bringing the community to the table\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The uses for the Coliseum land are more flexible, O’Hara said, and negotiations could secure benefits beyond jobs — like community spaces and neighborhood services that East Oaklanders need.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AASEG managing partner Ray Bobbitt and fellow member Shonda Scott told KQED in September that the entertainment group had over the last few years sought input from over 50 community organizations as well as relatives, residents and young people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Oftentimes those young people’s voices aren’t part of the discussion,” Scott said at the time. “And that’s really what this project is for. It’s not for us to sit under the shade of the tree. This is for us to put these trees up and then have shade for the next generation. This is a legacy project.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AASEG has said that 25% of any housing it builds will be affordable. It is also eyeing commercial attractions that have slowly faded from East Oakland — a resounding desire of Castlemont High School’s urban design students, who have completed \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12003025/east-oakland-students-share-bold-vision-for-coliseum-revamp-with-new-owners\">proposals for the space’s use\u003c/a> as part of their class during the last few school years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Like movie theaters, [an] arcade, things that are fun, because East Oakland does not have a lot of that,” Lilly Jacobson, the school’s 11th-grade urban design teacher, told KQED last fall about what her students wrote in their proposals. “There’s been so much disinvestment that all of the fun stuff has left. Students have to go to San Leandro or Hayward to go to the movies or the mall.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite the construction-related employment successes of the Oakland Army Base deal, Jaeger said permanent jobs haven’t materialized on the scale that the community coalition had hoped for.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12032884\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/240920-COLISEUM-WORKERS-MD-06_qed.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12032884\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/240920-COLISEUM-WORKERS-MD-06_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/240920-COLISEUM-WORKERS-MD-06_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/240920-COLISEUM-WORKERS-MD-06_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/240920-COLISEUM-WORKERS-MD-06_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/240920-COLISEUM-WORKERS-MD-06_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/240920-COLISEUM-WORKERS-MD-06_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/240920-COLISEUM-WORKERS-MD-06_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Teams prepare the field at the Oakland Coliseum in Oakland on Sept. 20, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“One of the reasons why [that is is] completely out of the hands of the coalition,” Jaeger told KQED. “The port has not been doing as much business as was projected, and so there’s actually just not as much permanent employment happening there.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Such a consideration could be especially important for the community groups bargaining in the Coliseum deal, as the city tries to rebound from long-term disinvestment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Perhaps there should be institutions put into place that allow for … say, a warehouse, if it’s idle for years on end, maybe it could be used for something else for the community benefit,” Jaeger said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ultimately, he said, the biggest key to success for development that benefits the community is their presence at the bargaining table — something Bobbitt has told KQED will be key to the AASEG development deal, if and when the sale is complete.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Everyone knows that businesses work individually, or through lobbying firms, to help write laws and policies. Then from their perspective, [the policies] work quite well for them,” Jaeger said. “Community groups and workers, they can do this too, and they should, and I think this is a case where they did it quite successfully.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "A new UC Berkeley report shows that 25 years after the base’s decommissioning, community benefit deals have been largely successful. Similar deals are in the works for the Coliseum site.",
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"title": "Oakland’s Army Base Redevelopment Was a Win for Locals. Can the Coliseum Be the Same? | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>For three years before Sadakao Whittington’s release from \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/arts/13956038/in-the-50-incarcerated-men-become-mentors\">Solano State Prison\u003c/a>, the phone book-sized pamphlet taped under his bunk represented hope for his life on the outside.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Every day, he said, he would study the pages of the Sprinkler Fitters’ union handout for information on fire sprinklers, explore the apprenticeship courses he could take through the union, and calculate how much money he could make with a full-time job in the industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I would look at it every day for the next three years and dream how my life would be different,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Whittington was released on parole in 2014, he went to the West Oakland Job Resource Center to apply to the Sprinkler Fitters, only to find that they weren’t hiring. But the center, which helped contractors who were redeveloping the waterfront \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12022479/why-are-there-so-many-abandoned-military-bases-in-the-bay-area\">Oakland Army Base\u003c/a> to meet mandatory local hire minimums, connected him with a job at the Oakland Laborers’ Union.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Whittington remembers working three-week stints at the Army base, cobbling together just enough money to pay rent for the bare apartment where he spent his nights in a sleeping bag, and then heading up to the Laborers’ training facility in San Ramon for a week at a time to take skills and certification classes like welding or heat fusion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12022110\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/OaklandColiseumEmptyGetty1.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12022110\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/OaklandColiseumEmptyGetty1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/OaklandColiseumEmptyGetty1.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/OaklandColiseumEmptyGetty1-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/OaklandColiseumEmptyGetty1-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/OaklandColiseumEmptyGetty1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/OaklandColiseumEmptyGetty1-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/OaklandColiseumEmptyGetty1-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Oakland Coliseum sits empty before the Oakland Athletics game against the Texas Rangers on Sept. 26, 2024, in Oakland, California. \u003ccite>(Ezra Shaw/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>At the time, Oakland was just a few years into an employment deal with the developers redesigning the city’s share of the former Army base that required hiring local workers, including historically marginalized or formerly incarcerated people. A few years later, a similar deal was struck between a coalition of public health, environmental justice and racial equity advocates, and the developers of the Port of Oakland’s share of the 400-plus acre property.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, a \u003ca href=\"https://laborcenter.berkeley.edu/when-labor-and-community-come-together/\">new report from the UC Berkeley Labor Center\u003c/a> shows that 25 years after the Army base’s decommissioning, those deals have been largely successful — potentially offering a model for how the planned redevelopment of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/oakland-coliseum\">Oakland Coliseum\u003c/a> can be a boon for the community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The construction phase of the Army base redevelopment generated tens of millions of dollars in wages for Oakland workers, union jobs offered career advancement opportunities for city dwellers, and new hiring and investment practices “have begun to address the racial injustice and economic loss experienced by West Oakland residents,” according to the report.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Whittington, the man who was incarcerated in Solano State Prison, is now over a decade out from his release. He is a service foreman in the Oakland Sprinkler Fitters and teaches those apprenticeship classes he had once hoped to take.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I had no experience, I didn’t even really know how to use a measuring tape,” he remembers. “Being able to go to the job resource center, me being able to get into the Laborers’ Local, they actually gave me the foundation to which I built everything else.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>An opportunity in East Oakland\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The successes and lessons of the Army base redevelopment deals offer insight into how a long-anticipated community benefit agreement tied to the Coliseum sale could yield similar results, said Kate O’Hara, the executive director of the East Bay Alliance for a Sustainable Economy (EBASE).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“One of the biggest opportunities we have in Oakland and Alameda County to expand on what we’ve done at the Army base is the Coliseum project,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both the city of Oakland and the Oakland A’s, the Coliseum’s joint owners, reached deals last year to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12036060/oakland-pushes-coliseum-sale-next-year-delaying-funds-again\">sell to the African American Sports and Entertainment Group\u003c/a>, a local and Black-owned development group that hopes to revitalize the hole left in East Oakland by the departures of all three of the city’s major sports teams — the Warriors, Raiders and now the A’s — since 2019.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The pro sports exodus has cut local jobs and hurt business at nearby commercial stores, compounding \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12021914/rise-east-unlocks-100-million-to-reimagine-east-oakland\">decades of disinvestment in the neighborhood\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Included in AASEG’s sale agreement with Oakland is a provision that it create a community benefit agreement with local stakeholders, many of whom helped secure the Army base deals, including EBASE and other community groups. AASEG leaders have repeatedly said that community input and investment are their top priorities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>”We are looking for the developers and the city and the county to work closely with community organizations to really formulate a community benefits agreement that delivers on good jobs, just like in this project, but also affordable housing, environmental protections and real long-term community oversight and partnership,” O’Hara told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AASEG has already vowed to create affordable housing on the site and expressed its desire to realize the city’s 2015 Coliseum Area Specific Plan, which it called “the guiding framework for reinventing the City of Oakland’s Coliseum area as a major center for sports, entertainment, residential mixed use, and economic growth.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other specifics of the community benefit agreement will be hammered out once the group’s deals with the city of Oakland and the A’s are finalized — timelines that have been stalled thanks to ongoing negotiations with Alameda County, which has to sign off on the A’s sale.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12041779\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250527-OAKARMYBASE-05-BL-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12041779\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250527-OAKARMYBASE-05-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250527-OAKARMYBASE-05-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250527-OAKARMYBASE-05-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250527-OAKARMYBASE-05-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250527-OAKARMYBASE-05-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250527-OAKARMYBASE-05-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250527-OAKARMYBASE-05-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Sadakao Whittington poses for a portrait at the East Bay Alliance for a Sustainable Economy offices in Oakland on May 27, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>When it comes to successes that the Coliseum deal could aim to replicate, one of the biggest wins of the Army base was job creation, according to O’Hara.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agreement called for half of the construction and long-term operations work to be done by local employees, and a quarter of the operations workers and apprentices to qualify as disadvantaged. For the formerly city-owned property, that meant workers who lived in low-income parts of Oakland, and for the port-owned half, it included single parents, long-term unemployed people, recently incarcerated or emancipated people, and those on welfare.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The report found that on the city’s side of construction, Oakland residents accounted for 45% of infrastructure construction work done, including nearly 20% by apprentices.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp> The port’s side was even more dominated by local workers: Nearly 66% of work hours were performed by Oaklanders, and more than 23% by apprentices.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both jurisdictions exceeded their targets for hiring local apprentices from marginalized communities, and in total, individual contractors who didn’t meet the local hiring targets paid more than a quarter-million dollars in damages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The best benefit is that it provided a lot of really good jobs for the community of Oakland,” said Andrew Jaeger, the UC Berkeley Labor Center study’s author. “It brought in hundreds of new local apprentices who probably would not have become apprentices under other conditions, if it wasn’t for this agreement.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those job openings are what led Whittington to complete his parole in Oakland rather than San Francisco or Contra Costa County, where he grew up. He said other jurisdictions also didn’t have resources like those he could access at the West Oakland Job Resource Center, which was created by the Army base deal. That included skill-building classes and growth opportunities in addition to stable work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All of these things gave me a step to get to where I am today,” Whittington said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Bringing the community to the table\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The uses for the Coliseum land are more flexible, O’Hara said, and negotiations could secure benefits beyond jobs — like community spaces and neighborhood services that East Oaklanders need.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AASEG managing partner Ray Bobbitt and fellow member Shonda Scott told KQED in September that the entertainment group had over the last few years sought input from over 50 community organizations as well as relatives, residents and young people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Oftentimes those young people’s voices aren’t part of the discussion,” Scott said at the time. “And that’s really what this project is for. It’s not for us to sit under the shade of the tree. This is for us to put these trees up and then have shade for the next generation. This is a legacy project.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AASEG has said that 25% of any housing it builds will be affordable. It is also eyeing commercial attractions that have slowly faded from East Oakland — a resounding desire of Castlemont High School’s urban design students, who have completed \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12003025/east-oakland-students-share-bold-vision-for-coliseum-revamp-with-new-owners\">proposals for the space’s use\u003c/a> as part of their class during the last few school years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Like movie theaters, [an] arcade, things that are fun, because East Oakland does not have a lot of that,” Lilly Jacobson, the school’s 11th-grade urban design teacher, told KQED last fall about what her students wrote in their proposals. “There’s been so much disinvestment that all of the fun stuff has left. Students have to go to San Leandro or Hayward to go to the movies or the mall.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite the construction-related employment successes of the Oakland Army Base deal, Jaeger said permanent jobs haven’t materialized on the scale that the community coalition had hoped for.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12032884\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/240920-COLISEUM-WORKERS-MD-06_qed.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12032884\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/240920-COLISEUM-WORKERS-MD-06_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/240920-COLISEUM-WORKERS-MD-06_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/240920-COLISEUM-WORKERS-MD-06_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/240920-COLISEUM-WORKERS-MD-06_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/240920-COLISEUM-WORKERS-MD-06_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/240920-COLISEUM-WORKERS-MD-06_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/240920-COLISEUM-WORKERS-MD-06_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Teams prepare the field at the Oakland Coliseum in Oakland on Sept. 20, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“One of the reasons why [that is is] completely out of the hands of the coalition,” Jaeger told KQED. “The port has not been doing as much business as was projected, and so there’s actually just not as much permanent employment happening there.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Such a consideration could be especially important for the community groups bargaining in the Coliseum deal, as the city tries to rebound from long-term disinvestment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Perhaps there should be institutions put into place that allow for … say, a warehouse, if it’s idle for years on end, maybe it could be used for something else for the community benefit,” Jaeger said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ultimately, he said, the biggest key to success for development that benefits the community is their presence at the bargaining table — something Bobbitt has told KQED will be key to the AASEG development deal, if and when the sale is complete.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Everyone knows that businesses work individually, or through lobbying firms, to help write laws and policies. Then from their perspective, [the policies] work quite well for them,” Jaeger said. “Community groups and workers, they can do this too, and they should, and I think this is a case where they did it quite successfully.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Rise East\u003c/strong> did \u003cem>it\u003c/em>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2023, Rise East — anchored by a collective of nonprofits known as the 40×40 Council — received a $50 million grant from \u003cstrong>Blue Meridian Partners\u003c/strong>, a national philanthropic organization. But there was a catch: The money could only be unlocked if Rise East raised $50 million from local donors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101909974/live-from-east-oakland-can-100-million-revitalize-oaklands-black-community\">Thursday episode of \u003cstrong>\u003cem>Forum\u003c/em>\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>, Rise East formally announced it had surpassed the goal. The work of investing $100 million in East Oakland to drive systemic change — with a focus on education, public safety and housing — has already begun.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What we’re talking about is a 40-square-block area — roughly from Interstate 580 to the San Francisco Bay and from Seminary Avenue to the San Leandro border — that has the densest concentration of Black people in Oakland. It’s where our shared history of disinvestment in Black communities can’t hide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rise East has a \u003ca href=\"https://www.riseeast.org/\">10-year plan\u003c/a> to address decades of harm. And it’s East Oakland natives who are leading the effort with hopes of keeping Black families in the neighborhood while encouraging the return of those displaced by economic barriers and systemic disinvestment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Carolyn Johnson\u003c/strong>, CEO of the \u003cstrong>Black Cultural Zone,\u003c/strong> which, among other things, addresses the displacement of Black People and Black businesses in Oakland, emphasizes the need for affordable housing and job creation. For a community to exist and thrive, there has to be a place reserved for the community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There hasn’t been an effort like this that actually has the voices of folks who are born and raised in the area to be a part of the conversation,” Johnson told my colleague \u003cstrong>Brian Watt\u003c/strong> in November. “My vision is to see commercial corridors that are thriving, that are vibrant, that are filled with cultural artisans, makers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=lfO3NRN8jig\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Liberation Park project, a formerly abandoned lot that has been converted into a cultural hub, and the 8321 International Welcome Center are key Rise East initiatives. Johnson, who grew up in East Oakland, said Rise East is focused on healing and strengthening the Black community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If we don’t hold ‘place,’ we won’t be here,” she said. “So real estate is an important part, and really giving people opportunities to build economic wealth is critical.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The $100 million is an investment in the health, safety and prosperity of East Oakland. It’s not enough to cure systemic inequities, but it can change the fortunes of a neighborhood and city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The $100 million experiment offers a glimpse of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/reparations\">what reparations could look like\u003c/a> — not as a payout, but as an investment in public safety, a response to the decades of mass incarceration that undermined a generation of Black and brown families and destabilized their communities. Ballooning police budgets won’t solve what that kind of harm has done.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12020008\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12020008\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241010-RiseEastDeepDown-33-BL.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241010-RiseEastDeepDown-33-BL.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241010-RiseEastDeepDown-33-BL-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241010-RiseEastDeepDown-33-BL-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241010-RiseEastDeepDown-33-BL-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241010-RiseEastDeepDown-33-BL-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241010-RiseEastDeepDown-33-BL-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Carolyn Johnson (center right), CEO of Black Culture Zone, leads a fundraising walking tour for the Rise East collective along International Boulevard in Oakland on Oct. 10, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Oakland residents deserve \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12040935/barbara-lee-sworn-in-as-oaklands-mayor-says-today-marks-a-new-era\">hope that doesn’t hinge on an election\u003c/a>. Oakland is the birthplace and home of much of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/bayareahiphop\">Bay Area’s culture\u003c/a>. Just ask the people rooted there; the people determined to build the future they want to see. For KQED, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/author/olivia-cruz-mayeda/\">\u003cstrong>Olivia Cruz Mayeda\u003c/strong>\u003c/a> chronicled how the $100 million investment could bring its long-time residents relief in \u003cstrong>\u003cem>Deep Down\u003c/em>\u003c/strong>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.instagram.com/kqedarts/reel/DABtsbHyy2l/\">a five-part Instagram video series\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Deep Down\u003c/em> captured the beauty and realness of East Oakland, as well as the artists, business owners, community leaders and residents who dream of a better future. The series centered East Oakland’s cultural intersections — \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/eastbay/article/east-oakland-neighborhood-diversity-20279937.php\">Black, Japanese, Filipino, Indigenous and Latino families\u003c/a> living next to each other — that cracked under the weight of history.[aside postID=news_12008909 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/Deep-Down-1020x680.jpg']For a November 2023 \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/newsletters/political-breakdown\">\u003cstrong>\u003cem>Political Breakdown\u003c/em>\u003c/strong>\u003c/a> newsletter, I wrote about the disinvestment in East Oakland that began when the General Motors assembly plant closed and moved to Fremont in 1963. The closure started an exodus of resources, and white residents fled the city for the suburbs, attracted by low-interest housing loans and newly-built highways that made it easier to commute to work in downtown Oakland, San Francisco or the South Bay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11943263/americas-highway-system-is-a-monument-to-environmental-racism-and-a-history-of-inequity\">Black neighborhoods in Oakland were bulldozed to make room for the highways\u003c/a>. Urban renewal, redlining and police violence contributed to East Oakland’s decline. Predatory check-cashing stores replaced banks. The one-two punch of the foreclosure crisis and the Great Recession crushed Black homeowners. Between 2007 and 2011, more than 10,500 Oakland homes were foreclosed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rise East plans to focus on investments in education, community safety, health care, affordable housing and boosting the local economy — you know, the areas that simply can’t be addressed through a tough-on-crime approach. The decade-long, community-led effort will be driven by local nonprofits and leaders rooted in East Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12020003\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12020003\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241010-RiseEastDeepDown-56-BL.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241010-RiseEastDeepDown-56-BL.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241010-RiseEastDeepDown-56-BL-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241010-RiseEastDeepDown-56-BL-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241010-RiseEastDeepDown-56-BL-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241010-RiseEastDeepDown-56-BL-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241010-RiseEastDeepDown-56-BL-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The East Oakland Youth Development Center in Oakland on Oct. 10, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>When I talked to \u003cstrong>Selena Wilson\u003c/strong>, CEO of the \u003ca href=\"https://eoydc.org/\">East Oakland Youth Development Center\u003c/a>, for the \u003cem>Political Breakdown\u003c/em> newsletter, she told me Rise East would succeed in raising $50 million. When we talked earlier this week, we reflected on how much Oakland — and the country — has changed in less than two years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oakland is in a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12038739/oakland-budget-keeps-fire-stations-closed-police-cuts-in-place-despite-new-sales-tax\">budget crisis\u003c/a> — and it could get worse. Same with the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12040189/ousd-after-school-programs-could-be-cut-by-at-least-50\">school district\u003c/a>. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12041026/new-trump-administration-rules-could-cut-off-crucial-federal-homelessness-funding\">Federal dollars are drying up\u003c/a>, and the cuts are coming fast. Philanthropy, once eager in the wake of George Floyd’s murder five years ago, is stepping back — cautious now, quiet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12034699/racial-justice-advocates-stay-course-dei-faces-mounting-attacks\">DEI has become a dirty word\u003c/a> in some circles, an easy target for people who’ve stopped pretending to care about systemic inequality. And \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12033818/lgbtq-activists-rally-at-newsoms-home-demand-stronger-trans-rights-commitment\">queer and trans people are being demonized\u003c/a> — their existence politicized, their rights rolled back, their humanity debated like policy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The marginalized communities that we’re centering in this work are literally under attack in a different way, and so in that way the need has become even greater,” Wilson, an East Oakland native, said. “It’s kind of one of those two steps forward, three steps back, but we shall persist.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We’re witnessing the renaissance of East Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are undeterred. We are not discouraged. We are lionized, if anything, to triple down,” Wilson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Rise East\u003c/strong> did \u003cem>it\u003c/em>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2023, Rise East — anchored by a collective of nonprofits known as the 40×40 Council — received a $50 million grant from \u003cstrong>Blue Meridian Partners\u003c/strong>, a national philanthropic organization. But there was a catch: The money could only be unlocked if Rise East raised $50 million from local donors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101909974/live-from-east-oakland-can-100-million-revitalize-oaklands-black-community\">Thursday episode of \u003cstrong>\u003cem>Forum\u003c/em>\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>, Rise East formally announced it had surpassed the goal. The work of investing $100 million in East Oakland to drive systemic change — with a focus on education, public safety and housing — has already begun.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What we’re talking about is a 40-square-block area — roughly from Interstate 580 to the San Francisco Bay and from Seminary Avenue to the San Leandro border — that has the densest concentration of Black people in Oakland. It’s where our shared history of disinvestment in Black communities can’t hide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rise East has a \u003ca href=\"https://www.riseeast.org/\">10-year plan\u003c/a> to address decades of harm. And it’s East Oakland natives who are leading the effort with hopes of keeping Black families in the neighborhood while encouraging the return of those displaced by economic barriers and systemic disinvestment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Carolyn Johnson\u003c/strong>, CEO of the \u003cstrong>Black Cultural Zone,\u003c/strong> which, among other things, addresses the displacement of Black People and Black businesses in Oakland, emphasizes the need for affordable housing and job creation. For a community to exist and thrive, there has to be a place reserved for the community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There hasn’t been an effort like this that actually has the voices of folks who are born and raised in the area to be a part of the conversation,” Johnson told my colleague \u003cstrong>Brian Watt\u003c/strong> in November. “My vision is to see commercial corridors that are thriving, that are vibrant, that are filled with cultural artisans, makers.”\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/lfO3NRN8jig'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/lfO3NRN8jig'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>The Liberation Park project, a formerly abandoned lot that has been converted into a cultural hub, and the 8321 International Welcome Center are key Rise East initiatives. Johnson, who grew up in East Oakland, said Rise East is focused on healing and strengthening the Black community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If we don’t hold ‘place,’ we won’t be here,” she said. “So real estate is an important part, and really giving people opportunities to build economic wealth is critical.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The $100 million is an investment in the health, safety and prosperity of East Oakland. It’s not enough to cure systemic inequities, but it can change the fortunes of a neighborhood and city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The $100 million experiment offers a glimpse of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/reparations\">what reparations could look like\u003c/a> — not as a payout, but as an investment in public safety, a response to the decades of mass incarceration that undermined a generation of Black and brown families and destabilized their communities. Ballooning police budgets won’t solve what that kind of harm has done.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12020008\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12020008\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241010-RiseEastDeepDown-33-BL.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241010-RiseEastDeepDown-33-BL.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241010-RiseEastDeepDown-33-BL-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241010-RiseEastDeepDown-33-BL-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241010-RiseEastDeepDown-33-BL-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241010-RiseEastDeepDown-33-BL-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241010-RiseEastDeepDown-33-BL-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Carolyn Johnson (center right), CEO of Black Culture Zone, leads a fundraising walking tour for the Rise East collective along International Boulevard in Oakland on Oct. 10, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Oakland residents deserve \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12040935/barbara-lee-sworn-in-as-oaklands-mayor-says-today-marks-a-new-era\">hope that doesn’t hinge on an election\u003c/a>. Oakland is the birthplace and home of much of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/bayareahiphop\">Bay Area’s culture\u003c/a>. Just ask the people rooted there; the people determined to build the future they want to see. For KQED, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/author/olivia-cruz-mayeda/\">\u003cstrong>Olivia Cruz Mayeda\u003c/strong>\u003c/a> chronicled how the $100 million investment could bring its long-time residents relief in \u003cstrong>\u003cem>Deep Down\u003c/em>\u003c/strong>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.instagram.com/kqedarts/reel/DABtsbHyy2l/\">a five-part Instagram video series\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Deep Down\u003c/em> captured the beauty and realness of East Oakland, as well as the artists, business owners, community leaders and residents who dream of a better future. The series centered East Oakland’s cultural intersections — \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/eastbay/article/east-oakland-neighborhood-diversity-20279937.php\">Black, Japanese, Filipino, Indigenous and Latino families\u003c/a> living next to each other — that cracked under the weight of history.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>For a November 2023 \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/newsletters/political-breakdown\">\u003cstrong>\u003cem>Political Breakdown\u003c/em>\u003c/strong>\u003c/a> newsletter, I wrote about the disinvestment in East Oakland that began when the General Motors assembly plant closed and moved to Fremont in 1963. The closure started an exodus of resources, and white residents fled the city for the suburbs, attracted by low-interest housing loans and newly-built highways that made it easier to commute to work in downtown Oakland, San Francisco or the South Bay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11943263/americas-highway-system-is-a-monument-to-environmental-racism-and-a-history-of-inequity\">Black neighborhoods in Oakland were bulldozed to make room for the highways\u003c/a>. Urban renewal, redlining and police violence contributed to East Oakland’s decline. Predatory check-cashing stores replaced banks. The one-two punch of the foreclosure crisis and the Great Recession crushed Black homeowners. Between 2007 and 2011, more than 10,500 Oakland homes were foreclosed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rise East plans to focus on investments in education, community safety, health care, affordable housing and boosting the local economy — you know, the areas that simply can’t be addressed through a tough-on-crime approach. The decade-long, community-led effort will be driven by local nonprofits and leaders rooted in East Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12020003\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12020003\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241010-RiseEastDeepDown-56-BL.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241010-RiseEastDeepDown-56-BL.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241010-RiseEastDeepDown-56-BL-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241010-RiseEastDeepDown-56-BL-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241010-RiseEastDeepDown-56-BL-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241010-RiseEastDeepDown-56-BL-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241010-RiseEastDeepDown-56-BL-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The East Oakland Youth Development Center in Oakland on Oct. 10, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>When I talked to \u003cstrong>Selena Wilson\u003c/strong>, CEO of the \u003ca href=\"https://eoydc.org/\">East Oakland Youth Development Center\u003c/a>, for the \u003cem>Political Breakdown\u003c/em> newsletter, she told me Rise East would succeed in raising $50 million. When we talked earlier this week, we reflected on how much Oakland — and the country — has changed in less than two years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oakland is in a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12038739/oakland-budget-keeps-fire-stations-closed-police-cuts-in-place-despite-new-sales-tax\">budget crisis\u003c/a> — and it could get worse. Same with the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12040189/ousd-after-school-programs-could-be-cut-by-at-least-50\">school district\u003c/a>. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12041026/new-trump-administration-rules-could-cut-off-crucial-federal-homelessness-funding\">Federal dollars are drying up\u003c/a>, and the cuts are coming fast. Philanthropy, once eager in the wake of George Floyd’s murder five years ago, is stepping back — cautious now, quiet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12034699/racial-justice-advocates-stay-course-dei-faces-mounting-attacks\">DEI has become a dirty word\u003c/a> in some circles, an easy target for people who’ve stopped pretending to care about systemic inequality. And \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12033818/lgbtq-activists-rally-at-newsoms-home-demand-stronger-trans-rights-commitment\">queer and trans people are being demonized\u003c/a> — their existence politicized, their rights rolled back, their humanity debated like policy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The marginalized communities that we’re centering in this work are literally under attack in a different way, and so in that way the need has become even greater,” Wilson, an East Oakland native, said. “It’s kind of one of those two steps forward, three steps back, but we shall persist.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We’re witnessing the renaissance of East Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are undeterred. We are not discouraged. We are lionized, if anything, to triple down,” Wilson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "wall-war-vet-fight-land-one-familys-50-year-battle-livermore",
"title": "A Wall, a War Vet and a Fight for Land: One Family’s 50-Year Battle in Livermore",
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"headTitle": "A Wall, a War Vet and a Fight for Land: One Family’s 50-Year Battle in Livermore | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>Tashenia Pearson’s street in Livermore looks like a postcard for the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/california\">California\u003c/a> suburban dream — wide driveways, manicured lawns, flags fluttering in the breeze. Evergreen trees lean over fences and neighborhood kids splash in backyard pools year-round.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But for Pearson, the tranquility is a facade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I feel like I’m in the 1920s in Mississippi,” she said one warm afternoon in March as she sat on her front patio under the shade of a wooden pergola. “Not California in 2025.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She pointed to a 6-foot wall of cement blocks that runs along the side of her property, dividing her home from the neighbors next door. The gray wall leans to the side. Behind it sits more than 700 square feet of land she owns but has never been allowed to use.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pearson pays property taxes on the land she’s been fighting to reclaim for the past five years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The wall on Pearson’s lot is part of a bigger story — and a long history — of exclusion, belonging and repair. In the Bay Area and America, owning land is a foundation for wealth and mobility.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the first state to establish both a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/reparations\">reparations task force\u003c/a> and a \u003ca href=\"https://tribalaffairs.ca.gov/cthc/\">truth and healing council\u003c/a> for Indigenous residents, California is grappling with its legacy of racist land seizures — a reckoning reflected in settlements like \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12014575/palm-springs-oks-5-9-million-in-reparations-for-black-and-latino-families-whose-homes-the-city-burned\">Section 14 in Palm Springs\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11956963/how-black-californians-had-their-land-stolen\">Bruce’s Beach in Manhattan Beach\u003c/a>, and recent land returns to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11956856/how-a-coast-miwok-group-are-buying-back-a-piece-of-their-ancestral-land-in-marin\">tribes like the Coast Miwok in Marin\u003c/a>. In Livermore, a wealthy city built on unceded Ohlone land that once excluded Black families, the history of land dispossession is playing out in a suburban backyard dispute.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12035415\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12035415 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250409-Livermore-Black-Land-MD-DIPTYCH-1-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"804\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250409-Livermore-Black-Land-MD-DIPTYCH-1-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250409-Livermore-Black-Land-MD-DIPTYCH-1-KQED-800x322.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250409-Livermore-Black-Land-MD-DIPTYCH-1-KQED-1020x410.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250409-Livermore-Black-Land-MD-DIPTYCH-1-KQED-160x64.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250409-Livermore-Black-Land-MD-DIPTYCH-1-KQED-1536x617.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250409-Livermore-Black-Land-MD-DIPTYCH-1-KQED-1920x772.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Left: Tashenia Pearson’s home in Livermore photographed in the 1980’s. Right: Tashenia Pearson and her brother Robert play on swings in their backyard in 1975 in front of the wall that was illegally built on their property. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Tashenia Pearson)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>This story begins in 1971, when Lacerial and Opaline Pearson bought the four-bedroom, mid-century ranch-style home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lacerial, an Alabama native, served two decades in the U.S. Army and fought in the Korean War. After an honorable discharge, he and Opaline moved to Stockton in the late 1960s. Lacerial took a job driving a mail truck for the United States Postal Service in Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was a boom time in Livermore, with neighborhoods sprouting across former farmland and construction reshaping the once-sleepy suburb. The expansion of Interstate 580 turned the rural town into a destination for families. Developers such as H.C. Elliott advertised full-sized lots in desirable neighborhoods.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lacerial wanted a shorter commute and Opaline, who was raised in Oklahoma, desired fruit trees and a pool. Using a Department of Veterans Affairs loan, they became the first Black family in the subdivision.[aside postID=news_11956963 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/LandTakenthumb_1-1020x574.png']But when the Pearsons moved in, they discovered a wall had been built just a few feet from their house, cutting off nearly a third of their side yard — land they owned — and giving it to the house next door. Their neighbors claimed to have a “recreational easement” over the land.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Easements are typically tools for shared use, according to Eli Moore, a property law and racial exclusion expert at UC Berkeley’s Othering and Belonging Institute.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Usually, an easement is about allowing limited access — like using someone’s driveway to reach your house or a conservation easement restricting development,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Unfortunately, people are very creative with how they perpetuate racism,” said Moore, adding that after the Fair Housing Act passed in 1968, developers and realtors devised covert ways to exclude Black families, like raising prices or steering them to certain neighborhoods.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An easement can allow owners to share their property for recreational use. It generally does not include the right to build on the land or to block the property owner from using it. Pearson unraveled the story of how her family’s land was appropriated through meticulous research and documents she found in her parents’ safe.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12035412\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12035412\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250409-LIVERMORE-BLACK-LAND-MD-06-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1363\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250409-LIVERMORE-BLACK-LAND-MD-06-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250409-LIVERMORE-BLACK-LAND-MD-06-KQED-800x545.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250409-LIVERMORE-BLACK-LAND-MD-06-KQED-1020x695.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250409-LIVERMORE-BLACK-LAND-MD-06-KQED-160x109.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250409-LIVERMORE-BLACK-LAND-MD-06-KQED-1536x1047.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250409-LIVERMORE-BLACK-LAND-MD-06-KQED-1920x1308.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Lacerial Pearson (center left), Tashenia Pearson’s father, in Wonju, Korea, in 1951. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Months before the Pearsons arrived in March 1971, the neighboring property — also built by H.C. Elliott — was sold. The sale explicitly included an easement extending 7 feet into what would become the Pearsons’ property.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yet five months later, when the Pearsons bought their home from H.C. Elliott, their deed made no mention of the easement. In a letter to the \u003cem>Oakland Tribune\u003c/em>, Opaline pleaded for help. “We find we are paying taxes on the seven feet which we cannot use,” she wrote. “We were not informed about this easement before we purchased the home.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She wrote to the VA, saying the wall was not in their deed or in the plans they had reviewed. The VA agreed — it should be removed. H.C. Elliott, the builder, promised it would be.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It wasn’t. H.C. Elliott, now Elliott Homes, Inc., did not respond for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After two years of trying to get the wall removed, Lacerial and Opaline Pearson signed paperwork formalizing the easement and wall agreement with their neighbors — effectively cementing a loss they were forced to accept. The document cites “valuable consideration,” but it’s unclear what, if anything, they received in return — or why they agreed to sign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12035411\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12035411 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250409-LIVERMORE-BLACK-LAND-MD-04-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250409-LIVERMORE-BLACK-LAND-MD-04-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250409-LIVERMORE-BLACK-LAND-MD-04-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250409-LIVERMORE-BLACK-LAND-MD-04-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250409-LIVERMORE-BLACK-LAND-MD-04-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250409-LIVERMORE-BLACK-LAND-MD-04-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250409-LIVERMORE-BLACK-LAND-MD-04-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The boundary between Tashenia Pearson’s property (left) and her neighbors’ (right). Pearson says the lamp post represents the true property line and that her neighbors’ wall and fencing were built 7 feet into her property. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Pearson, a toddler at the time, now believes they did it out of resignation, not genuine consent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They were from the Jim Crow South,” Pearson, who turns 55 on Tuesday, said of her parents. “They weren’t just going to give away their land. They must’ve felt they had no choice.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Livermore has a history of racism. In 1968, three years before the Pearsons moved in, residents packed a Livermore City Council meeting to talk about race. According to archived meeting minutes viewed by KQED, Black residents described being told, “We do not rent to Negroes” or “I personally have nothing against Negroes, but the other tenants would not like it.” One speaker said it was widely known in the community that some builders refused to sell to Black families.[aside postID=news_11991098 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/PALM-SPRINGS-4-ZS-KQED-1-1020x680.jpg']Pearson recalled frequently being called the N-word as a child by a boy on her street. She said their Christmas decorations were smashed, bikes were stolen and their house was egged. Opaline, who helped found the first Black church in Livermore, talked constantly about getting their land back — of lazy afternoons with family, lounging in a pool. But the surveyor she hired in the 1980s was denied access.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I remember the look on my mom’s face — disappointment,” Pearson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The wall stood for the rest of her parents’ lives, just three feet from their side window, tilting a little more with each passing decade. Her mother never built the pool.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Opaline passed away in 2003, Lacerial in 2012. Pearson returned from Houston, where she was raising her son, to care for her parents in their final years. Pearson and her brother inherited the property, and in 2019, her brother signed over his share, making her the sole owner. She began remodeling, with thoughts of potentially selling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During renovations, she looked into removing the wall. By then, the neighbors had installed an outdoor shower against the wall, causing water to flood onto Pearson’s side. The city told her she’d need a surveyor to confirm the property lines. But when she shared her plan to survey the property — and possibly rebuild the wall — her new neighbors, Jenelle and Ryan Watson, refused to let the surveyor onto their property.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12035410\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12035410 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250409-LIVERMORE-BLACK-LAND-MD-03-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250409-LIVERMORE-BLACK-LAND-MD-03-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250409-LIVERMORE-BLACK-LAND-MD-03-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250409-LIVERMORE-BLACK-LAND-MD-03-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250409-LIVERMORE-BLACK-LAND-MD-03-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250409-LIVERMORE-BLACK-LAND-MD-03-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250409-LIVERMORE-BLACK-LAND-MD-03-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The side of Tashenia Pearson’s home in Livermore. Because of the wall separating Pearson’s property from the neighbors’, there isn’t enough room to install a side gate. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In 2021, Pearson filed a civil suit in Alameda County to assert her rights to conduct a survey. Using aerial and underground imaging, the survey ultimately confirmed the property boundaries. Pearson discovered she was paying property taxes and insurance on land that extended far beyond the wall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A structural evaluation commissioned as part of the civil suit found the wall to be dangerously unstable in 2022. In 2023, an arbitrator in the civil case ruled that the 1973 easement agreement was binding and ordered Pearson and the Watsons to share responsibility for maintaining the wall. The arbitration, however, left unresolved Pearson’s key concerns about the wall’s safety and potential code violations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, tensions between the neighbors escalated. The Watsons expanded their use of the easement, adding fences, sprinklers and landscaping — actions Pearson contested as unauthorized. Pearson said the Watsons installed floodlights that shone onto her property. The couple accused her of harassment and filed for a restraining order. She filed a counterclaim. A judge granted the Watsons’ in part and denied Pearson’s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jenelle Watson, in an email, said she and her husband have used their land in accordance with the exclusive recreational easement that was part of their deed when they purchased the home in 2015.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This dispute has been about property rights and easement use,” Watson told KQED. “I’ve addressed everything through legal channels. I do not believe race has played any role in this matter.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Watson said she simply wants to protect her property rights and has followed the legal process, noting that similar easement agreements and exclusive-use provisions exist in other properties within their tract.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12035413\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12035413 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250409-LIVERMORE-BLACK-LAND-MD-09-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250409-LIVERMORE-BLACK-LAND-MD-09-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250409-LIVERMORE-BLACK-LAND-MD-09-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250409-LIVERMORE-BLACK-LAND-MD-09-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250409-LIVERMORE-BLACK-LAND-MD-09-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250409-LIVERMORE-BLACK-LAND-MD-09-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250409-LIVERMORE-BLACK-LAND-MD-09-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Tashenia Pearson and her brother Robert play in the snow in their front yard in Livermore in 1976. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Pearson has repeatedly appealed to Livermore officials for inspections and enforcement. In 2022, the city ordered the Watsons to remove a lattice topper they had installed on the wall, as it exceeded height regulations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an email, the city of Livermore stated that, while it does not typically inspect private property, city inspectors examined the wall in 2021 and 2022 and found no structural or safety risks. The city stated that, since the California Building Code exempts walls that do not exceed 6 feet, it does not believe it is responsible for requiring a permit or repairing the wall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As for the original issue of why Lacerial and Opaline’s 1971 deed contained no mention of an easement, the city said grant deeds and easements are out of its purview. “The easement should have been disclosed,” the city said. “We do not know why this did not occur.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pearson feels stuck. If she rents her home, she’s worried about liability — what if the wall falls onto her electrical line? If she sells, she can’t imagine a buyer paying full price. She’s racked up debt paying attorney fees throughout the lengthy dispute.[aside postID=news_12005251 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/Black-Art-Week-Hannah-Waiters-1020x765.jpg']“It’s hurtful to not be treated equally,” she said. “I’m 50-something years old and I’m still dealing with this. It’s embarrassing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Recently, a new law firm, Sethi Orchid Minor LLP, took Pearson’s case. Rahul Sethi, who specializes in property law, said it’s one of the most complex easement disputes he’s seen. The reason he wanted to get involved is the history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s a whole connection to the past,” he said. “I see it as this open sore that just hasn’t been dealt with in 50 years.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oshea Orchid, another attorney at the firm, put it more bluntly: “In our view, this is how systemic discrimination just continues on,” she said. What seemed like a small issue in 1971 changed the Pearsons’ lives dramatically, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Builders, the city — they thought they could get away with this because it’s easier to push around minorities who can’t easily fight back,” she added. “This is how generational wealth is denied.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12035409\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12035409\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250409-LIVERMORE-BLACK-LAND-MD-01-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250409-LIVERMORE-BLACK-LAND-MD-01-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250409-LIVERMORE-BLACK-LAND-MD-01-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250409-LIVERMORE-BLACK-LAND-MD-01-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250409-LIVERMORE-BLACK-LAND-MD-01-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250409-LIVERMORE-BLACK-LAND-MD-01-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250409-LIVERMORE-BLACK-LAND-MD-01-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The wall separating Tashenia Pearson’s property from her neighbors’. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Pearson carries on with quiet determination, guided by her parents’ memory and a steadfast belief that justice, however delayed, will come. Inside the home she shares with her 27-year-old son, the walls are lined with her father’s medals from the Korean War. There’s a painted portrait of her mother, commissioned by a local artist, and a photo of Pearson and her brother playing in the backyard as children, next to her son’s framed abstract artwork.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Outside, the wall stands as a symbol of decades of unresolved racial injustice in a city where Black residents have never made up more than 2% of the population. The Pearson family’s story is about more than property lines. It’s about who is heard when they say something was taken from them, and who is told to move on.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My parents paid for something they never stepped foot on,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://www.anyaviolet.com\">\u003cem>Anya Schultz\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> is an investigative reporter and audio producer based in the Bay Area. She was awarded the Pulitzer Prize in 2023 for her work on the investigative series \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://peabodyawards.com/award-profile/stolen-surviving-st-michaels/\">\u003cem>Stolen: Surviving St. Michael’s\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem>. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"title": "A Wall, a War Vet and a Fight for Land: One Family’s 50-Year Battle in Livermore | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Tashenia Pearson’s street in Livermore looks like a postcard for the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/california\">California\u003c/a> suburban dream — wide driveways, manicured lawns, flags fluttering in the breeze. Evergreen trees lean over fences and neighborhood kids splash in backyard pools year-round.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But for Pearson, the tranquility is a facade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I feel like I’m in the 1920s in Mississippi,” she said one warm afternoon in March as she sat on her front patio under the shade of a wooden pergola. “Not California in 2025.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She pointed to a 6-foot wall of cement blocks that runs along the side of her property, dividing her home from the neighbors next door. The gray wall leans to the side. Behind it sits more than 700 square feet of land she owns but has never been allowed to use.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pearson pays property taxes on the land she’s been fighting to reclaim for the past five years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The wall on Pearson’s lot is part of a bigger story — and a long history — of exclusion, belonging and repair. In the Bay Area and America, owning land is a foundation for wealth and mobility.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the first state to establish both a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/reparations\">reparations task force\u003c/a> and a \u003ca href=\"https://tribalaffairs.ca.gov/cthc/\">truth and healing council\u003c/a> for Indigenous residents, California is grappling with its legacy of racist land seizures — a reckoning reflected in settlements like \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12014575/palm-springs-oks-5-9-million-in-reparations-for-black-and-latino-families-whose-homes-the-city-burned\">Section 14 in Palm Springs\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11956963/how-black-californians-had-their-land-stolen\">Bruce’s Beach in Manhattan Beach\u003c/a>, and recent land returns to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11956856/how-a-coast-miwok-group-are-buying-back-a-piece-of-their-ancestral-land-in-marin\">tribes like the Coast Miwok in Marin\u003c/a>. In Livermore, a wealthy city built on unceded Ohlone land that once excluded Black families, the history of land dispossession is playing out in a suburban backyard dispute.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12035415\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12035415 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250409-Livermore-Black-Land-MD-DIPTYCH-1-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"804\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250409-Livermore-Black-Land-MD-DIPTYCH-1-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250409-Livermore-Black-Land-MD-DIPTYCH-1-KQED-800x322.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250409-Livermore-Black-Land-MD-DIPTYCH-1-KQED-1020x410.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250409-Livermore-Black-Land-MD-DIPTYCH-1-KQED-160x64.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250409-Livermore-Black-Land-MD-DIPTYCH-1-KQED-1536x617.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250409-Livermore-Black-Land-MD-DIPTYCH-1-KQED-1920x772.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Left: Tashenia Pearson’s home in Livermore photographed in the 1980’s. Right: Tashenia Pearson and her brother Robert play on swings in their backyard in 1975 in front of the wall that was illegally built on their property. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Tashenia Pearson)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>This story begins in 1971, when Lacerial and Opaline Pearson bought the four-bedroom, mid-century ranch-style home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lacerial, an Alabama native, served two decades in the U.S. Army and fought in the Korean War. After an honorable discharge, he and Opaline moved to Stockton in the late 1960s. Lacerial took a job driving a mail truck for the United States Postal Service in Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was a boom time in Livermore, with neighborhoods sprouting across former farmland and construction reshaping the once-sleepy suburb. The expansion of Interstate 580 turned the rural town into a destination for families. Developers such as H.C. Elliott advertised full-sized lots in desirable neighborhoods.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lacerial wanted a shorter commute and Opaline, who was raised in Oklahoma, desired fruit trees and a pool. Using a Department of Veterans Affairs loan, they became the first Black family in the subdivision.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>But when the Pearsons moved in, they discovered a wall had been built just a few feet from their house, cutting off nearly a third of their side yard — land they owned — and giving it to the house next door. Their neighbors claimed to have a “recreational easement” over the land.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Easements are typically tools for shared use, according to Eli Moore, a property law and racial exclusion expert at UC Berkeley’s Othering and Belonging Institute.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Usually, an easement is about allowing limited access — like using someone’s driveway to reach your house or a conservation easement restricting development,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Unfortunately, people are very creative with how they perpetuate racism,” said Moore, adding that after the Fair Housing Act passed in 1968, developers and realtors devised covert ways to exclude Black families, like raising prices or steering them to certain neighborhoods.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An easement can allow owners to share their property for recreational use. It generally does not include the right to build on the land or to block the property owner from using it. Pearson unraveled the story of how her family’s land was appropriated through meticulous research and documents she found in her parents’ safe.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12035412\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12035412\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250409-LIVERMORE-BLACK-LAND-MD-06-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1363\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250409-LIVERMORE-BLACK-LAND-MD-06-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250409-LIVERMORE-BLACK-LAND-MD-06-KQED-800x545.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250409-LIVERMORE-BLACK-LAND-MD-06-KQED-1020x695.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250409-LIVERMORE-BLACK-LAND-MD-06-KQED-160x109.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250409-LIVERMORE-BLACK-LAND-MD-06-KQED-1536x1047.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250409-LIVERMORE-BLACK-LAND-MD-06-KQED-1920x1308.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Lacerial Pearson (center left), Tashenia Pearson’s father, in Wonju, Korea, in 1951. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Months before the Pearsons arrived in March 1971, the neighboring property — also built by H.C. Elliott — was sold. The sale explicitly included an easement extending 7 feet into what would become the Pearsons’ property.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yet five months later, when the Pearsons bought their home from H.C. Elliott, their deed made no mention of the easement. In a letter to the \u003cem>Oakland Tribune\u003c/em>, Opaline pleaded for help. “We find we are paying taxes on the seven feet which we cannot use,” she wrote. “We were not informed about this easement before we purchased the home.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She wrote to the VA, saying the wall was not in their deed or in the plans they had reviewed. The VA agreed — it should be removed. H.C. Elliott, the builder, promised it would be.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It wasn’t. H.C. Elliott, now Elliott Homes, Inc., did not respond for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After two years of trying to get the wall removed, Lacerial and Opaline Pearson signed paperwork formalizing the easement and wall agreement with their neighbors — effectively cementing a loss they were forced to accept. The document cites “valuable consideration,” but it’s unclear what, if anything, they received in return — or why they agreed to sign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12035411\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12035411 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250409-LIVERMORE-BLACK-LAND-MD-04-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250409-LIVERMORE-BLACK-LAND-MD-04-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250409-LIVERMORE-BLACK-LAND-MD-04-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250409-LIVERMORE-BLACK-LAND-MD-04-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250409-LIVERMORE-BLACK-LAND-MD-04-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250409-LIVERMORE-BLACK-LAND-MD-04-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250409-LIVERMORE-BLACK-LAND-MD-04-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The boundary between Tashenia Pearson’s property (left) and her neighbors’ (right). Pearson says the lamp post represents the true property line and that her neighbors’ wall and fencing were built 7 feet into her property. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Pearson, a toddler at the time, now believes they did it out of resignation, not genuine consent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They were from the Jim Crow South,” Pearson, who turns 55 on Tuesday, said of her parents. “They weren’t just going to give away their land. They must’ve felt they had no choice.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Livermore has a history of racism. In 1968, three years before the Pearsons moved in, residents packed a Livermore City Council meeting to talk about race. According to archived meeting minutes viewed by KQED, Black residents described being told, “We do not rent to Negroes” or “I personally have nothing against Negroes, but the other tenants would not like it.” One speaker said it was widely known in the community that some builders refused to sell to Black families.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Pearson recalled frequently being called the N-word as a child by a boy on her street. She said their Christmas decorations were smashed, bikes were stolen and their house was egged. Opaline, who helped found the first Black church in Livermore, talked constantly about getting their land back — of lazy afternoons with family, lounging in a pool. But the surveyor she hired in the 1980s was denied access.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I remember the look on my mom’s face — disappointment,” Pearson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The wall stood for the rest of her parents’ lives, just three feet from their side window, tilting a little more with each passing decade. Her mother never built the pool.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Opaline passed away in 2003, Lacerial in 2012. Pearson returned from Houston, where she was raising her son, to care for her parents in their final years. Pearson and her brother inherited the property, and in 2019, her brother signed over his share, making her the sole owner. She began remodeling, with thoughts of potentially selling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During renovations, she looked into removing the wall. By then, the neighbors had installed an outdoor shower against the wall, causing water to flood onto Pearson’s side. The city told her she’d need a surveyor to confirm the property lines. But when she shared her plan to survey the property — and possibly rebuild the wall — her new neighbors, Jenelle and Ryan Watson, refused to let the surveyor onto their property.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12035410\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12035410 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250409-LIVERMORE-BLACK-LAND-MD-03-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250409-LIVERMORE-BLACK-LAND-MD-03-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250409-LIVERMORE-BLACK-LAND-MD-03-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250409-LIVERMORE-BLACK-LAND-MD-03-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250409-LIVERMORE-BLACK-LAND-MD-03-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250409-LIVERMORE-BLACK-LAND-MD-03-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250409-LIVERMORE-BLACK-LAND-MD-03-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The side of Tashenia Pearson’s home in Livermore. Because of the wall separating Pearson’s property from the neighbors’, there isn’t enough room to install a side gate. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In 2021, Pearson filed a civil suit in Alameda County to assert her rights to conduct a survey. Using aerial and underground imaging, the survey ultimately confirmed the property boundaries. Pearson discovered she was paying property taxes and insurance on land that extended far beyond the wall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A structural evaluation commissioned as part of the civil suit found the wall to be dangerously unstable in 2022. In 2023, an arbitrator in the civil case ruled that the 1973 easement agreement was binding and ordered Pearson and the Watsons to share responsibility for maintaining the wall. The arbitration, however, left unresolved Pearson’s key concerns about the wall’s safety and potential code violations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, tensions between the neighbors escalated. The Watsons expanded their use of the easement, adding fences, sprinklers and landscaping — actions Pearson contested as unauthorized. Pearson said the Watsons installed floodlights that shone onto her property. The couple accused her of harassment and filed for a restraining order. She filed a counterclaim. A judge granted the Watsons’ in part and denied Pearson’s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jenelle Watson, in an email, said she and her husband have used their land in accordance with the exclusive recreational easement that was part of their deed when they purchased the home in 2015.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This dispute has been about property rights and easement use,” Watson told KQED. “I’ve addressed everything through legal channels. I do not believe race has played any role in this matter.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Watson said she simply wants to protect her property rights and has followed the legal process, noting that similar easement agreements and exclusive-use provisions exist in other properties within their tract.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12035413\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12035413 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250409-LIVERMORE-BLACK-LAND-MD-09-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250409-LIVERMORE-BLACK-LAND-MD-09-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250409-LIVERMORE-BLACK-LAND-MD-09-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250409-LIVERMORE-BLACK-LAND-MD-09-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250409-LIVERMORE-BLACK-LAND-MD-09-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250409-LIVERMORE-BLACK-LAND-MD-09-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250409-LIVERMORE-BLACK-LAND-MD-09-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Tashenia Pearson and her brother Robert play in the snow in their front yard in Livermore in 1976. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Pearson has repeatedly appealed to Livermore officials for inspections and enforcement. In 2022, the city ordered the Watsons to remove a lattice topper they had installed on the wall, as it exceeded height regulations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an email, the city of Livermore stated that, while it does not typically inspect private property, city inspectors examined the wall in 2021 and 2022 and found no structural or safety risks. The city stated that, since the California Building Code exempts walls that do not exceed 6 feet, it does not believe it is responsible for requiring a permit or repairing the wall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As for the original issue of why Lacerial and Opaline’s 1971 deed contained no mention of an easement, the city said grant deeds and easements are out of its purview. “The easement should have been disclosed,” the city said. “We do not know why this did not occur.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pearson feels stuck. If she rents her home, she’s worried about liability — what if the wall falls onto her electrical line? If she sells, she can’t imagine a buyer paying full price. She’s racked up debt paying attorney fees throughout the lengthy dispute.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“It’s hurtful to not be treated equally,” she said. “I’m 50-something years old and I’m still dealing with this. It’s embarrassing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Recently, a new law firm, Sethi Orchid Minor LLP, took Pearson’s case. Rahul Sethi, who specializes in property law, said it’s one of the most complex easement disputes he’s seen. The reason he wanted to get involved is the history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s a whole connection to the past,” he said. “I see it as this open sore that just hasn’t been dealt with in 50 years.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oshea Orchid, another attorney at the firm, put it more bluntly: “In our view, this is how systemic discrimination just continues on,” she said. What seemed like a small issue in 1971 changed the Pearsons’ lives dramatically, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Builders, the city — they thought they could get away with this because it’s easier to push around minorities who can’t easily fight back,” she added. “This is how generational wealth is denied.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12035409\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12035409\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250409-LIVERMORE-BLACK-LAND-MD-01-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250409-LIVERMORE-BLACK-LAND-MD-01-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250409-LIVERMORE-BLACK-LAND-MD-01-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250409-LIVERMORE-BLACK-LAND-MD-01-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250409-LIVERMORE-BLACK-LAND-MD-01-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250409-LIVERMORE-BLACK-LAND-MD-01-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250409-LIVERMORE-BLACK-LAND-MD-01-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The wall separating Tashenia Pearson’s property from her neighbors’. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Pearson carries on with quiet determination, guided by her parents’ memory and a steadfast belief that justice, however delayed, will come. Inside the home she shares with her 27-year-old son, the walls are lined with her father’s medals from the Korean War. There’s a painted portrait of her mother, commissioned by a local artist, and a photo of Pearson and her brother playing in the backyard as children, next to her son’s framed abstract artwork.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Outside, the wall stands as a symbol of decades of unresolved racial injustice in a city where Black residents have never made up more than 2% of the population. The Pearson family’s story is about more than property lines. It’s about who is heard when they say something was taken from them, and who is told to move on.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My parents paid for something they never stepped foot on,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://www.anyaviolet.com\">\u003cem>Anya Schultz\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> is an investigative reporter and audio producer based in the Bay Area. She was awarded the Pulitzer Prize in 2023 for her work on the investigative series \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://peabodyawards.com/award-profile/stolen-surviving-st-michaels/\">\u003cem>Stolen: Surviving St. Michael’s\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem>. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>A group of Black lawmakers in the state Legislature is pushing ahead with proposals to prioritize the descendants of enslaved people for college admissions and homebuyer assistance, despite attacks from the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/donald-trump\">Trump administration\u003c/a> on equity programs and tepid support for reparations legislation at the state Capitol.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A suite of proposals unveiled Thursday stems from a 2022 report detailing harms inflicted on Black Californians by the state government dating back to the 19th century, including laws passed by the state Legislature to aid enslavers. The Legislature and Gov. Gavin Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12006819/california-to-issue-apology-for-slavery-as-newsom-signs-reparations-bills\">approved an official apology\u003c/a> for the state’s role in advancing enslavement last year, but the governor and voters rejected other reparations bills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Even outside of the current [Trump] administration, these things are always a challenging conversation, especially with the fact that many people say, ‘Well, there was no slavery in California. I didn’t participate, I didn’t own slaves,’” said Sen. Akilah Weber Pierson (D–San Diego), the chair of the California Legislative Black Caucus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think having this current administration makes it a little bit more challenging, but this bill package and the entire conversation about repairing harm is not about assigning anyone personal blame for the past,” Weber added. “It’s about righting the wrongs that still hinder the Black community today.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The CLBC bill package also includes Assembly Bill 62, a proposal to help \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11999415/california-reparations-bill-for-racist-land-seizures-advances-to-newsoms-desk\">victims of racially motivated eminent domain\u003c/a> receive compensation and Senate Bill 437, legislation tasking the California State University system with developing a methodology to verify descendants of enslaved people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another bill, Assembly Constitutional Amendment 6, would place a question on the 2026 ballot asking voters to remove language from the state constitution allowing involuntary servitude as punishment for a crime, an idea \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12013392/californians-voted-against-outlawing-slavery-why-is-prop-6-failing\">voters rejected in November\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lawmakers did not include proposals for direct monetary reparations in their bill package. The idea of cash payments for Black Californians or descendants of the enslaved would be controversial, but even more \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11999415/california-reparations-bill-for-racist-land-seizures-advances-to-newsoms-desk\">modest reparations proposals failed to gain traction\u003c/a> last year. Proposals to create a reparations-focused state agency and prioritize African Americans for occupational licenses failed to clear the Legislature.[aside postID=news_11999415 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63355_048_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForceSac_03032023-qut.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new round of reparations-related bills will be considered as the Trump administration aims to crack down on public programs that promote racial preferences. A memo issued last week by the Department of Education gives schools across the country two weeks to end any practice that \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/02/19/nx-s1-5300992/the-department-of-education-has-given-schools-a-deadline-to-eliminate-dei-programs\">advantages students because of their race\u003c/a> before they risk losing federal funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California law currently bars the consideration of race, sex or ethnicity in public education, contracting and employment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The attacks coming from the federal government are not new for Black folks,” said Assemblymember Isaac Bryan (D–Los Angeles), the CLBC’s vice chair. “We have lived through enslavement, emancipation, the Black Codes, Jim Crow, civil rights and the rolling back of civil rights — this has been our struggle in this country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What the current administration is doing, though, is making that struggle very clear for other folks who thought we had passed those days.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A group of Black lawmakers in the state Legislature is pushing ahead with proposals to prioritize the descendants of enslaved people for college admissions and homebuyer assistance, despite attacks from the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/donald-trump\">Trump administration\u003c/a> on equity programs and tepid support for reparations legislation at the state Capitol.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A suite of proposals unveiled Thursday stems from a 2022 report detailing harms inflicted on Black Californians by the state government dating back to the 19th century, including laws passed by the state Legislature to aid enslavers. The Legislature and Gov. Gavin Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12006819/california-to-issue-apology-for-slavery-as-newsom-signs-reparations-bills\">approved an official apology\u003c/a> for the state’s role in advancing enslavement last year, but the governor and voters rejected other reparations bills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Even outside of the current [Trump] administration, these things are always a challenging conversation, especially with the fact that many people say, ‘Well, there was no slavery in California. I didn’t participate, I didn’t own slaves,’” said Sen. Akilah Weber Pierson (D–San Diego), the chair of the California Legislative Black Caucus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think having this current administration makes it a little bit more challenging, but this bill package and the entire conversation about repairing harm is not about assigning anyone personal blame for the past,” Weber added. “It’s about righting the wrongs that still hinder the Black community today.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The CLBC bill package also includes Assembly Bill 62, a proposal to help \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11999415/california-reparations-bill-for-racist-land-seizures-advances-to-newsoms-desk\">victims of racially motivated eminent domain\u003c/a> receive compensation and Senate Bill 437, legislation tasking the California State University system with developing a methodology to verify descendants of enslaved people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another bill, Assembly Constitutional Amendment 6, would place a question on the 2026 ballot asking voters to remove language from the state constitution allowing involuntary servitude as punishment for a crime, an idea \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12013392/californians-voted-against-outlawing-slavery-why-is-prop-6-failing\">voters rejected in November\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lawmakers did not include proposals for direct monetary reparations in their bill package. The idea of cash payments for Black Californians or descendants of the enslaved would be controversial, but even more \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11999415/california-reparations-bill-for-racist-land-seizures-advances-to-newsoms-desk\">modest reparations proposals failed to gain traction\u003c/a> last year. Proposals to create a reparations-focused state agency and prioritize African Americans for occupational licenses failed to clear the Legislature.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new round of reparations-related bills will be considered as the Trump administration aims to crack down on public programs that promote racial preferences. A memo issued last week by the Department of Education gives schools across the country two weeks to end any practice that \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/02/19/nx-s1-5300992/the-department-of-education-has-given-schools-a-deadline-to-eliminate-dei-programs\">advantages students because of their race\u003c/a> before they risk losing federal funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California law currently bars the consideration of race, sex or ethnicity in public education, contracting and employment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The attacks coming from the federal government are not new for Black folks,” said Assemblymember Isaac Bryan (D–Los Angeles), the CLBC’s vice chair. “We have lived through enslavement, emancipation, the Black Codes, Jim Crow, civil rights and the rolling back of civil rights — this has been our struggle in this country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What the current administration is doing, though, is making that struggle very clear for other folks who thought we had passed those days.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "SF’s Black Social Equity Program, Mired in Scandal, Is Being Revived and Rebranded",
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"content": "\u003cp>A book chronicling the lives of seniors in the Tenderloin. Job training in the cannabis industry with a focus on social equity. Backpacks for kids. Down payment assistance for families on the brink of being pushed out of San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These were success stories of the Dream Keeper Initiative, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11862094/sf-mayor-breed-unveils-plan-for-reinvesting-120-million-from-police-into-black-communities\">a commitment made by San Francisco officials in 2021\u003c/a> to invest $120 million into the city’s Black community. But this dream was soon deferred — and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12004947/sf-mayor-breed-pushes-back-against-corruption-criticism-from-opponents\">overshadowed by allegations of corruption\u003c/a> and millions of misspent dollars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Months after former Mayor London Breed froze the program’s funding amid that upheaval, incumbent \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/daniel-lurie\">Daniel Lurie\u003c/a> announced last week at the city’s Black History Month celebration that the program would resume under a different name and with vastly more oversight.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Investing in the Black community is a critical component of my administration,” Lurie \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101908873/san-francisco-mayor-daniel-lurie-takes-your-questions\">told KQED \u003cem>Forum’s\u003c/em> Alexis Madrigal\u003c/a> on Wednesday, adding that this work would continue with “accountability at its core.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re going to look at every group that has been part of the former Dream Keeper Initiative,” Lurie said. “And if there was malfeasance, they will not be getting funding.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12027266\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12027266\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250214-DREAMKEEPERRETURNS-03-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250214-DREAMKEEPERRETURNS-03-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250214-DREAMKEEPERRETURNS-03-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250214-DREAMKEEPERRETURNS-03-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250214-DREAMKEEPERRETURNS-03-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250214-DREAMKEEPERRETURNS-03-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250214-DREAMKEEPERRETURNS-03-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Coordinator Tina Sataraka-Faitala (left) speaks with program coordinator Jessica Ponce in the All My Usos offices in San Francisco on Feb. 14, 2025. All My Usos supports marginalized communities, especially Pacific Islander families in the Bay Area, through programs that build relationships and foster leadership. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>On Thursday night, the agency that manages the Dream Keeper Initiative — the city’s Human Rights Commission — took its first steps toward restoring some of those funds for former recipients.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I know that many organizations and community members have been negatively affected by the pause of contracts, and I want to say again that it is the mayor’s office who determines the release of funds and how those funds are spent,” acting executive director Mawuli Tugbenyoh said during the community meeting at City Hall. “We’ve been and continue to advocate for funding to be released.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>City officials and many prominent voices in San Francisco’s Black community have \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12009818/sf-dream-keeper-scandal-supervisors-urgency-releasing-funds\">expressed widespread support for the program\u003c/a> and applauded the mayor’s decision to resume funding for nonprofits. Fred Blackwell, CEO of the San Francisco Foundation, a philanthropy that serves the Bay Area, noted the timing of the mayor’s decision amidst an ongoing backlash against DEI and affirmative action policies nationwide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Contrary to the narrative that is being put out right now, one community’s gain does not mean another community’s setback,” Blackwell said. “The way that we get to the kind of society and community that I think we aspire to sometimes means that we have to invest in the communities that have been left behind — and then sometimes kept behind — because we don’t win until we all win.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12027267\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12027267\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250214-DREAMKEEPERRETURNS-04-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250214-DREAMKEEPERRETURNS-04-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250214-DREAMKEEPERRETURNS-04-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250214-DREAMKEEPERRETURNS-04-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250214-DREAMKEEPERRETURNS-04-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250214-DREAMKEEPERRETURNS-04-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250214-DREAMKEEPERRETURNS-04-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Photos of community events hang in the offices of the organization All My Usos in San Francisco on Feb. 14, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But with more than a month before the city reopens requests for proposals, Dream Keeper’s former beneficiaries are tired of waiting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Where is our money?” asked Jessica Ponce, a program coordinator of All My Usos, an organization that serves Pacific Islanders across the city. At Thursday’s community meeting, Ponce described an annual event at Gilman Park that served more than 1,600 meals and provided access to critical resources last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All of our work is at risk because of the lack of receiving our promised funds,” Ponce told the Human Rights Commission. “Our organization has not seen reimbursements for the last seven months. How do you expect us to continue providing care and support to our community when you limit our ability to help?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12027158 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241010-SFUSDClosures-11-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Others, especially those who were involved with the early community conversations with Breed around the program, were frustrated to learn about Lurie’s plans to “rebrand” the program without grassroots input.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What does rebranding look like? It was a community-led process from the gates,” Diane Gray of Youth Community Developers, whose 100% College Prep program received funding from Dream Keeper, told KQED. “We just want to make sure that that continues and that happens and that we have a voice in that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Inspired by the protests over the Minneapolis police killing of George Floyd, Breed and Supervisor Shamann Walton \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11862094/sf-mayor-breed-unveils-plan-for-reinvesting-120-million-from-police-into-black-communities\">introduced the initiative in 2021\u003c/a>. Guided by public surveys and conversations with Black residents, Dream Keeper aimed to direct funding away from law enforcement and toward investment in the Black community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the time, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/bayarea/article/San-Francisco-plans-to-redirect-120-million-from-15447811.php\">\u003cem>San Francisco\u003c/em> \u003cem>Chronicle\u003c/em> reported\u003c/a> that the reallocation of funds was intended to be “a gesture of reparations for decades of city policymaking that have created or exacerbated deep inequities for San Francisco’s African American residents.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Black San Franciscans, who now make up just 3% of the city’s population, continue to face disproportionate challenges, including having the lowest household income and lowest rate of homeownership among all racial groups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12027265\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12027265\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250214-DREAMKEEPERRETURNS-01-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250214-DREAMKEEPERRETURNS-01-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250214-DREAMKEEPERRETURNS-01-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250214-DREAMKEEPERRETURNS-01-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250214-DREAMKEEPERRETURNS-01-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250214-DREAMKEEPERRETURNS-01-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250214-DREAMKEEPERRETURNS-01-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Program coordinator Jessica Ponce sits in the office of All My Usos in San Francisco on Feb. 14, 2025. Ponce keeps stuffed animals in her office to help create a welcoming space, especially for the children in the community. All My Usos supports marginalized communities, especially Pacific Islander families in the Bay Area, through programs that build relationships and foster leadership. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We are in a state of emergency for the Black community in San Francisco,” said Dr. Jonathan Butler, president of San Francisco’s NAACP chapter, citing negative health outcomes for the Black residents and outmigration due to the city’s limited housing supply as primary reasons why programs such as Dream Keeper are necessary.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Between fiscal years 2022–25, the program disbursed $124 million, according to data provided by the HRC. Housing was a critical component of the Dream Keeper’s vision, including \u003ca href=\"https://static1.squarespace.com/static/60de9be61948f62b49a57ef5/t/6501fa3700873e1b5fd6daed/1694628408891/DKI+Progress+and+Impact+in+the+First+Two+Years+2023+%282%29.pdf\">down payment assistance\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The program suffered a series of setbacks after problematic spending by the Human Rights Commission’s head, Sheryl Davis and several grant recipients were exposed in a series of investigations last summer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Davis \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12004687/mayor-breed-taps-new-sf-human-rights-director-as-misspending-scrutiny-intensifies\">resigned\u003c/a> amid reports that she misspent Dream Keeper funds, including up to $1.5 million in contracts for Collective Impact, a local nonprofit she ran until 2016, which is currently run by a man with whom she has a close relationship. Davis and James Spingola acknowledged their relationship to the \u003ca href=\"https://sfstandard.com/2024/09/12/san-francisco-dream-keeper-initiative-sheryl-davis-james-spingola-nonprofit/\">\u003cem>San Francisco Standard\u003c/em>\u003c/a>, but she did not formally disclose it to the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12026935\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-12026935\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250213-DREAM-KEEPER-08-KQED-1-800x1066.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"1066\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250213-DREAM-KEEPER-08-KQED-1-800x1066.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250213-DREAM-KEEPER-08-KQED-1-160x213.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250213-DREAM-KEEPER-08-KQED-1.jpg 869w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A portrait of Robert, a resident of the Curry Senior Center. The resident’s story appears in the book “My Life, My Stories: The Life Stories of Curry Senior Center Clients,” produced with Dream Keeper Initiative funding. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of The Curry Senior Center)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Spingola appeared at the Thursday meeting to criticize the city’s decision to cancel various contracts with Collective Impact over what HRC officials described as “significant conflicts of interest” in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They found me guilty — judge, jury and executioner — before they even had a conversation with me,” Spingola told KQED, adding that his organization is committed to its mission of serving hundreds of low-income and at-risk youth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When asked about the nature of his relationship with Davis and whether it posed a conflict of interest, Spingola said, “At the end of the day, every contract we had went through the city attorney and the controller’s office. Sheryl Davis came from Collective Impact. Why didn’t the city attorney flag it then?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The question remains about how Lurie’s iteration of Dream Keeper will look — and how the equity initiatives can avoid those same pitfalls. In an email, Tugbenyoh said the HRC will use a new procurement process, including a new scoring system for applicant organizations, and reorganize its departments to create more separation and compliance in finance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are implementing stronger oversight measures to ensure funding reaches the communities it was intended to serve — especially those that have historically been kept out of access to critical resources,” he wrote. “This includes a sharper focus on funding impact and addressing gaps in services to ensure our investments create meaningful, lasting change.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Liz Jackson-Simpson, the CEO of Success Centers, said that while cash flow and resources for the city’s legacy organizations are desperately needed, the city needs to take a closer look at how it builds out public-private partnerships.[aside postID=news_12026575 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250211_SFPOLICETRIAGE_GC-26-KQED-1020x680.jpg']“I truly believe in the ideals of the initiative, but there was very little investment in building out the infrastructure both internally (City) or externally (Organizations) to ensure the foundation was stable,” Jackson-Simpson said in an email.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most of the $1.7 million Success Centers received, Jackson-Simpson said, was funneled to emerging organizations. The problem was that new organizations and their leaders lacked the knowledge required to comply with complex nonprofit regulations, Jackson-Simpson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We anticipated that compliance would be a major challenge,” she said. “It was astonishing that the city did not recognize this need and ensure that these capacities were in place both internally and externally before launching this initiative.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One challenge was that Dream Keeper funding was scattered across various city agencies, including the Department of Public Health, the Arts Commission and the Mayor’s Office of Housing and Community Development, among others. The HRC itself does not have the mechanism to manage procurement, contracts and negotiations, despite Breed consolidating much of the initiative’s funding under the department during her last budget cycle in office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some agencies routinely failed to pay the full costs of contracted services on time and did not honor their legal obligations of the contracts they signed, Jackson-Simpson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Minimally, in any given year, [community-based organizations] are expected to float the city for three or four months before invoices are paid,” Jackson-Simpson said. “We don’t get reimbursed for bank fees if we are forced to take out loans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A book chronicling the lives of seniors in the Tenderloin. Job training in the cannabis industry with a focus on social equity. Backpacks for kids. Down payment assistance for families on the brink of being pushed out of San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These were success stories of the Dream Keeper Initiative, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11862094/sf-mayor-breed-unveils-plan-for-reinvesting-120-million-from-police-into-black-communities\">a commitment made by San Francisco officials in 2021\u003c/a> to invest $120 million into the city’s Black community. But this dream was soon deferred — and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12004947/sf-mayor-breed-pushes-back-against-corruption-criticism-from-opponents\">overshadowed by allegations of corruption\u003c/a> and millions of misspent dollars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Months after former Mayor London Breed froze the program’s funding amid that upheaval, incumbent \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/daniel-lurie\">Daniel Lurie\u003c/a> announced last week at the city’s Black History Month celebration that the program would resume under a different name and with vastly more oversight.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Investing in the Black community is a critical component of my administration,” Lurie \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101908873/san-francisco-mayor-daniel-lurie-takes-your-questions\">told KQED \u003cem>Forum’s\u003c/em> Alexis Madrigal\u003c/a> on Wednesday, adding that this work would continue with “accountability at its core.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re going to look at every group that has been part of the former Dream Keeper Initiative,” Lurie said. “And if there was malfeasance, they will not be getting funding.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12027266\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12027266\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250214-DREAMKEEPERRETURNS-03-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250214-DREAMKEEPERRETURNS-03-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250214-DREAMKEEPERRETURNS-03-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250214-DREAMKEEPERRETURNS-03-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250214-DREAMKEEPERRETURNS-03-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250214-DREAMKEEPERRETURNS-03-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250214-DREAMKEEPERRETURNS-03-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Coordinator Tina Sataraka-Faitala (left) speaks with program coordinator Jessica Ponce in the All My Usos offices in San Francisco on Feb. 14, 2025. All My Usos supports marginalized communities, especially Pacific Islander families in the Bay Area, through programs that build relationships and foster leadership. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>On Thursday night, the agency that manages the Dream Keeper Initiative — the city’s Human Rights Commission — took its first steps toward restoring some of those funds for former recipients.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I know that many organizations and community members have been negatively affected by the pause of contracts, and I want to say again that it is the mayor’s office who determines the release of funds and how those funds are spent,” acting executive director Mawuli Tugbenyoh said during the community meeting at City Hall. “We’ve been and continue to advocate for funding to be released.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>City officials and many prominent voices in San Francisco’s Black community have \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12009818/sf-dream-keeper-scandal-supervisors-urgency-releasing-funds\">expressed widespread support for the program\u003c/a> and applauded the mayor’s decision to resume funding for nonprofits. Fred Blackwell, CEO of the San Francisco Foundation, a philanthropy that serves the Bay Area, noted the timing of the mayor’s decision amidst an ongoing backlash against DEI and affirmative action policies nationwide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Contrary to the narrative that is being put out right now, one community’s gain does not mean another community’s setback,” Blackwell said. “The way that we get to the kind of society and community that I think we aspire to sometimes means that we have to invest in the communities that have been left behind — and then sometimes kept behind — because we don’t win until we all win.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12027267\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12027267\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250214-DREAMKEEPERRETURNS-04-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250214-DREAMKEEPERRETURNS-04-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250214-DREAMKEEPERRETURNS-04-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250214-DREAMKEEPERRETURNS-04-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250214-DREAMKEEPERRETURNS-04-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250214-DREAMKEEPERRETURNS-04-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250214-DREAMKEEPERRETURNS-04-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Photos of community events hang in the offices of the organization All My Usos in San Francisco on Feb. 14, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But with more than a month before the city reopens requests for proposals, Dream Keeper’s former beneficiaries are tired of waiting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Where is our money?” asked Jessica Ponce, a program coordinator of All My Usos, an organization that serves Pacific Islanders across the city. At Thursday’s community meeting, Ponce described an annual event at Gilman Park that served more than 1,600 meals and provided access to critical resources last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All of our work is at risk because of the lack of receiving our promised funds,” Ponce told the Human Rights Commission. “Our organization has not seen reimbursements for the last seven months. How do you expect us to continue providing care and support to our community when you limit our ability to help?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Others, especially those who were involved with the early community conversations with Breed around the program, were frustrated to learn about Lurie’s plans to “rebrand” the program without grassroots input.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What does rebranding look like? It was a community-led process from the gates,” Diane Gray of Youth Community Developers, whose 100% College Prep program received funding from Dream Keeper, told KQED. “We just want to make sure that that continues and that happens and that we have a voice in that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Inspired by the protests over the Minneapolis police killing of George Floyd, Breed and Supervisor Shamann Walton \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11862094/sf-mayor-breed-unveils-plan-for-reinvesting-120-million-from-police-into-black-communities\">introduced the initiative in 2021\u003c/a>. Guided by public surveys and conversations with Black residents, Dream Keeper aimed to direct funding away from law enforcement and toward investment in the Black community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the time, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/bayarea/article/San-Francisco-plans-to-redirect-120-million-from-15447811.php\">\u003cem>San Francisco\u003c/em> \u003cem>Chronicle\u003c/em> reported\u003c/a> that the reallocation of funds was intended to be “a gesture of reparations for decades of city policymaking that have created or exacerbated deep inequities for San Francisco’s African American residents.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Black San Franciscans, who now make up just 3% of the city’s population, continue to face disproportionate challenges, including having the lowest household income and lowest rate of homeownership among all racial groups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12027265\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12027265\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250214-DREAMKEEPERRETURNS-01-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250214-DREAMKEEPERRETURNS-01-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250214-DREAMKEEPERRETURNS-01-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250214-DREAMKEEPERRETURNS-01-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250214-DREAMKEEPERRETURNS-01-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250214-DREAMKEEPERRETURNS-01-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250214-DREAMKEEPERRETURNS-01-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Program coordinator Jessica Ponce sits in the office of All My Usos in San Francisco on Feb. 14, 2025. Ponce keeps stuffed animals in her office to help create a welcoming space, especially for the children in the community. All My Usos supports marginalized communities, especially Pacific Islander families in the Bay Area, through programs that build relationships and foster leadership. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We are in a state of emergency for the Black community in San Francisco,” said Dr. Jonathan Butler, president of San Francisco’s NAACP chapter, citing negative health outcomes for the Black residents and outmigration due to the city’s limited housing supply as primary reasons why programs such as Dream Keeper are necessary.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Between fiscal years 2022–25, the program disbursed $124 million, according to data provided by the HRC. Housing was a critical component of the Dream Keeper’s vision, including \u003ca href=\"https://static1.squarespace.com/static/60de9be61948f62b49a57ef5/t/6501fa3700873e1b5fd6daed/1694628408891/DKI+Progress+and+Impact+in+the+First+Two+Years+2023+%282%29.pdf\">down payment assistance\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The program suffered a series of setbacks after problematic spending by the Human Rights Commission’s head, Sheryl Davis and several grant recipients were exposed in a series of investigations last summer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Davis \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12004687/mayor-breed-taps-new-sf-human-rights-director-as-misspending-scrutiny-intensifies\">resigned\u003c/a> amid reports that she misspent Dream Keeper funds, including up to $1.5 million in contracts for Collective Impact, a local nonprofit she ran until 2016, which is currently run by a man with whom she has a close relationship. Davis and James Spingola acknowledged their relationship to the \u003ca href=\"https://sfstandard.com/2024/09/12/san-francisco-dream-keeper-initiative-sheryl-davis-james-spingola-nonprofit/\">\u003cem>San Francisco Standard\u003c/em>\u003c/a>, but she did not formally disclose it to the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12026935\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-12026935\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250213-DREAM-KEEPER-08-KQED-1-800x1066.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"1066\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250213-DREAM-KEEPER-08-KQED-1-800x1066.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250213-DREAM-KEEPER-08-KQED-1-160x213.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250213-DREAM-KEEPER-08-KQED-1.jpg 869w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A portrait of Robert, a resident of the Curry Senior Center. The resident’s story appears in the book “My Life, My Stories: The Life Stories of Curry Senior Center Clients,” produced with Dream Keeper Initiative funding. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of The Curry Senior Center)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Spingola appeared at the Thursday meeting to criticize the city’s decision to cancel various contracts with Collective Impact over what HRC officials described as “significant conflicts of interest” in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They found me guilty — judge, jury and executioner — before they even had a conversation with me,” Spingola told KQED, adding that his organization is committed to its mission of serving hundreds of low-income and at-risk youth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When asked about the nature of his relationship with Davis and whether it posed a conflict of interest, Spingola said, “At the end of the day, every contract we had went through the city attorney and the controller’s office. Sheryl Davis came from Collective Impact. Why didn’t the city attorney flag it then?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The question remains about how Lurie’s iteration of Dream Keeper will look — and how the equity initiatives can avoid those same pitfalls. In an email, Tugbenyoh said the HRC will use a new procurement process, including a new scoring system for applicant organizations, and reorganize its departments to create more separation and compliance in finance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are implementing stronger oversight measures to ensure funding reaches the communities it was intended to serve — especially those that have historically been kept out of access to critical resources,” he wrote. “This includes a sharper focus on funding impact and addressing gaps in services to ensure our investments create meaningful, lasting change.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Liz Jackson-Simpson, the CEO of Success Centers, said that while cash flow and resources for the city’s legacy organizations are desperately needed, the city needs to take a closer look at how it builds out public-private partnerships.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“I truly believe in the ideals of the initiative, but there was very little investment in building out the infrastructure both internally (City) or externally (Organizations) to ensure the foundation was stable,” Jackson-Simpson said in an email.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most of the $1.7 million Success Centers received, Jackson-Simpson said, was funneled to emerging organizations. The problem was that new organizations and their leaders lacked the knowledge required to comply with complex nonprofit regulations, Jackson-Simpson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We anticipated that compliance would be a major challenge,” she said. “It was astonishing that the city did not recognize this need and ensure that these capacities were in place both internally and externally before launching this initiative.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One challenge was that Dream Keeper funding was scattered across various city agencies, including the Department of Public Health, the Arts Commission and the Mayor’s Office of Housing and Community Development, among others. The HRC itself does not have the mechanism to manage procurement, contracts and negotiations, despite Breed consolidating much of the initiative’s funding under the department during her last budget cycle in office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some agencies routinely failed to pay the full costs of contracted services on time and did not honor their legal obligations of the contracts they signed, Jackson-Simpson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Minimally, in any given year, [community-based organizations] are expected to float the city for three or four months before invoices are paid,” Jackson-Simpson said. “We don’t get reimbursed for bank fees if we are forced to take out loans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"closealltabs": {
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"order": 1
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"info": "\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em>, which listeners will hear in the first part of the hour, has fearless and much-needed conversations about race. Hosted by journalists of color, the show tackles the subject of race head-on, exploring how it impacts every part of society — from politics and pop culture to history, sports and more.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em>, which will be in the second part of the hour, guides you through spaces and feelings no one prepares you for — from finances to mental health, from workplace microaggressions to imposter syndrome, from relationships to parenting. The show features experts with real world experience and shares their knowledge. Because everyone needs a little help being human.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/podcasts/510312/codeswitch\">\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/lifekit\">\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />",
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"id": "commonwealth-club",
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"info": "The Commonwealth Club of California is the nation's oldest and largest public affairs forum. As a non-partisan forum, The Club brings to the public airwaves diverse viewpoints on important topics. The Club's weekly radio broadcast - the oldest in the U.S., dating back to 1924 - is carried across the nation on public radio stations and is now podcasting. Our website archive features audio of our recent programs, as well as selected speeches from our long and distinguished history. This podcast feed is usually updated twice a week and is always un-edited.",
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"order": 9
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"airtime": "SUN 7:30pm-8pm",
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"hyphenacion": {
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"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
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"order": 15
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"info": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown brings listeners the wisdom of the former Governor, Mayor, and presidential candidate. Scott Shafer interviewed Brown for more than 40 hours, covering the former governor's life and half-century in the political game – and Brown has some lessons he'd like to share. ",
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"order": 18
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},
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"title": "Latino USA",
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"info": "Latino USA, the radio journal of news and culture, is the only national, English-language radio program produced from a Latino perspective.",
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"link": "/radio/program/latino-usa",
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},
"marketplace": {
"id": "marketplace",
"title": "Marketplace",
"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 4pm-4:30pm, MON-WED 6:30pm-7pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Marketplace-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.marketplace.org/",
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"source": "American Public Media"
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"masters-of-scale": {
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"info": "Masters of Scale is an original podcast in which LinkedIn co-founder and Greylock Partner Reid Hoffman sets out to describe and prove theories that explain how great entrepreneurs take their companies from zero to a gazillion in ingenious fashion.",
"airtime": "Every other Wednesday June 12 through October 16 at 8pm (repeats Thursdays at 2am)",
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"rss": "https://rss.art19.com/masters-of-scale"
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},
"mindshift": {
"id": "mindshift",
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"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
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"meta": {
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"order": 12
},
"link": "/podcasts/mindshift",
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM1NzY0NjAwNDI5",
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"morning-edition": {
"id": "morning-edition",
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"info": "\u003cem>Morning Edition\u003c/em> takes listeners around the country and the world with multi-faceted stories and commentaries every weekday. Hosts Steve Inskeep, David Greene and Rachel Martin bring you the latest breaking news and features to prepare you for the day.",
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"onourwatch": {
"id": "onourwatch",
"title": "On Our Watch",
"tagline": "Deeply-reported investigative journalism",
"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/On-Our-Watch-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/onourwatch",
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"order": 11
},
"link": "/podcasts/onourwatch",
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5ucHIub3JnLzUxMDM2MC9wb2RjYXN0LnhtbD9zYz1nb29nbGVwb2RjYXN0cw",
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"on-the-media": {
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"title": "On The Media",
"info": "Our weekly podcast explores how the media 'sausage' is made, casts an incisive eye on fluctuations in the marketplace of ideas, and examines threats to the freedom of information and expression in America and abroad. For one hour a week, the show tries to lift the veil from the process of \"making media,\" especially news media, because it's through that lens that we see the world and the world sees us",
"airtime": "SUN 2pm-3pm, MON 12am-1am",
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},
"link": "/radio/program/on-the-media",
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"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/radio/On-the-Media-p69/",
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},
"pbs-newshour": {
"id": "pbs-newshour",
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"info": "Analysis, background reports and updates from the PBS NewsHour putting today's news in context.",
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},
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"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/radio/PBS-NewsHour---Full-Show-p425698/",
"rss": "https://www.pbs.org/newshour/feeds/rss/podcasts/show"
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},
"perspectives": {
"id": "perspectives",
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"tagline": "KQED's series of daily listener commentaries since 1991",
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"order": 14
},
"link": "/perspectives",
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"planet-money": {
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"title": "Planet Money",
"info": "The economy explained. Imagine you could call up a friend and say, Meet me at the bar and tell me what's going on with the economy. Now imagine that's actually a fun evening.",
"airtime": "SUN 3pm-4pm",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/planetmoney.jpg",
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},
"link": "/radio/program/planet-money",
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