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"content": "\u003cp>Californians will vote on 11 statewide initiatives when they go to the polls Tuesday. The state has one of the strongest direct democracies in the world — established more than a century ago in response to powerful railroad interests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in \u003ca href=\"http://www.ppic.org/content/pubs/atissue/AI_1013MBAI.pdf\">recent decades \u003c/a>the initiative process has come to be dominated by the very forces it was invented to avoid: special interests with lots of money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The realities of the initiative process today are that if you don't have money, you won't be able to get a statute or a constitutional amendment through,” said Mary-Beth Moylan, a professor at McGeorge School of Law in Sacramento. “It really is so expensive.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to Moylan, it typically costs about $2 million — and in recent years as much as $7 million — to get an initiative on the ballot. It starts with a $2,000 filing fee and costs for lawyers, but by far the hardest, most expensive part is getting the requisite signatures to qualify.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A simple initiative requires 5 percent of the votes cast in the last election. With California’s massive population, that equals almost 400,000 signatures in just six months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That's a lot of signatures for just a grassroots organization to collect out of just the goodwill of their base,” said Moylan.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">\"You can kind of lean in and kind of just place the board with the petition in front of them, take your pen and kind of lead it to that empty spot so that they can just reach for it and finish.\"\u003ccite>Scott Schultz, part-time professional signature gatherer\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>This year’s ballot features \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11696966/should-california-expand-tax-breaks-for-older-homeowners-proposition-5-1-and-2-explained\">proposition campaigns\u003c/a> bankrolled by the deep pockets of a powerful union, the Realtors Association, and Silicon Valley billionaires.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The money helps pay for guys like Scott Schultz, who works part-time as a professional signature gatherer, making up to $25 an hour during the peak season for circulating petitions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He deploys all kinds of strategies to get as many signatures he can, as quickly as he can: He carefully chooses the geographic location and the type of retail to stake out according to the political leaning of the petitions, and uses fast-talking people skills to engage passers-by.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You can kind of lean in and kind of just place the board with the petition in front of them, take your pen and kind of lead it to that empty spot so that they can just reach for it and finish,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He’s a quick study at sizing people up, then throwing out a key word to hook them in: “Governor Moonbeam” for a suspected conservative, or “ACLU” for the liberals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11702924\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 640px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/210703-full.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11702924\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/210703-full.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"640\" height=\"427\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/210703-full.jpg 640w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/210703-full-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/210703-full-240x160.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/210703-full-375x250.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/210703-full-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 640px) 100vw, 640px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A California signature gathering firm teamed up with a lottery supply company to pass a 1984 lottery initiative. \u003ccite>(Susanica Tam/KPCC)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>He’s part of a whole cottage industry that has grown up around the initiative process. And there may be no better example of how it functions than the \u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/reports/1984/proposition_37_the_california_state_lottery_initiative.pdf\">1984 lottery initiative\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That's one in which the initiative industry itself created a measure,” said Joe Mathews, a journalist who wrote the book “California Crackup.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He tells a story about a California signature gathering firm, Kimball Petition Management, that was looking to gin up some business for itself.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mathews wrote that after some polling, the firm determined a lottery initiative was likely to pass. So it pitched the idea to a company that makes lottery supplies. The idea was the company would hire Kimball’s firm to collect signatures and, if the initiative passed, it could sell lottery equipment to the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The plan was a success — Kimball got new signature-gathering business, the voters passed the initiative, and the state contracted with the company to run the lottery.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">\"It's a drag that it's a money game. But at the same time, I think that it's the best process that there is and I love being part of the political process.\"\u003ccite>Scott Schultz\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Proceeds from the lottery do benefit California schools, but they only make up about \u003ca href=\"https://www.calottery.com/giving-back/education/where-money-goes\">1.5 percent\u003c/a> of the public education budget. So who were the real beneficiaries of this experiment in direct democracy?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It doesn't look very direct, right?” said Mathews. “It's very much just buying and selling.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s a far cry from the \u003ca href=\"https://www.scpr.org/news/2018/10/31/86882/who-to-thank-or-blame-for-california-s-version-of/\">vision conceived more than a century ago\u003c/a> by leaders who started the initiative system to take back power from special interests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are ideas to reform the process: There have been legislative attempts to limit how signature gatherers get paid, but those have been vetoed by the governor. And Mathews suggests allowing more time to gather signatures would cut down on the cost.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All of those ideas would also cut down on Schultz’s income. “It's a drag that it's a money game,” he said. “But at the same time, I think that it's the best process that there is, and I love being part of the political process.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/series/californiadream/\">The California Dream series\u003c/a> is a statewide media collaboration of CALmatters, KPBS, KPCC, KQED and Capital Public Radio with support from the Corporation for Public Broadcasting, the James Irvine Foundation and the College Futures Foundation.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/CADreamBanner.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"alignnone size-medium wp-image-11702931\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/CADreamBanner-800x219.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"219\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/CADreamBanner-800x219.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/CADreamBanner-160x44.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/CADreamBanner-1020x280.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/CADreamBanner-1200x329.jpg 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/CADreamBanner-1180x324.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/CADreamBanner-960x263.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/CADreamBanner-240x66.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/CADreamBanner-375x103.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/CADreamBanner-520x143.jpg 520w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/CADreamBanner.jpg 1867w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "The story behind the California Lottery tells us a lot about the role of special interests in our direct democracy process.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Californians will vote on 11 statewide initiatives when they go to the polls Tuesday. The state has one of the strongest direct democracies in the world — established more than a century ago in response to powerful railroad interests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in \u003ca href=\"http://www.ppic.org/content/pubs/atissue/AI_1013MBAI.pdf\">recent decades \u003c/a>the initiative process has come to be dominated by the very forces it was invented to avoid: special interests with lots of money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The realities of the initiative process today are that if you don't have money, you won't be able to get a statute or a constitutional amendment through,” said Mary-Beth Moylan, a professor at McGeorge School of Law in Sacramento. “It really is so expensive.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to Moylan, it typically costs about $2 million — and in recent years as much as $7 million — to get an initiative on the ballot. It starts with a $2,000 filing fee and costs for lawyers, but by far the hardest, most expensive part is getting the requisite signatures to qualify.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A simple initiative requires 5 percent of the votes cast in the last election. With California’s massive population, that equals almost 400,000 signatures in just six months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That's a lot of signatures for just a grassroots organization to collect out of just the goodwill of their base,” said Moylan.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">\"You can kind of lean in and kind of just place the board with the petition in front of them, take your pen and kind of lead it to that empty spot so that they can just reach for it and finish.\"\u003ccite>Scott Schultz, part-time professional signature gatherer\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>This year’s ballot features \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11696966/should-california-expand-tax-breaks-for-older-homeowners-proposition-5-1-and-2-explained\">proposition campaigns\u003c/a> bankrolled by the deep pockets of a powerful union, the Realtors Association, and Silicon Valley billionaires.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The money helps pay for guys like Scott Schultz, who works part-time as a professional signature gatherer, making up to $25 an hour during the peak season for circulating petitions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He deploys all kinds of strategies to get as many signatures he can, as quickly as he can: He carefully chooses the geographic location and the type of retail to stake out according to the political leaning of the petitions, and uses fast-talking people skills to engage passers-by.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You can kind of lean in and kind of just place the board with the petition in front of them, take your pen and kind of lead it to that empty spot so that they can just reach for it and finish,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He’s a quick study at sizing people up, then throwing out a key word to hook them in: “Governor Moonbeam” for a suspected conservative, or “ACLU” for the liberals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11702924\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 640px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/210703-full.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11702924\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/210703-full.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"640\" height=\"427\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/210703-full.jpg 640w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/210703-full-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/210703-full-240x160.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/210703-full-375x250.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/210703-full-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 640px) 100vw, 640px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A California signature gathering firm teamed up with a lottery supply company to pass a 1984 lottery initiative. \u003ccite>(Susanica Tam/KPCC)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>He’s part of a whole cottage industry that has grown up around the initiative process. And there may be no better example of how it functions than the \u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/reports/1984/proposition_37_the_california_state_lottery_initiative.pdf\">1984 lottery initiative\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That's one in which the initiative industry itself created a measure,” said Joe Mathews, a journalist who wrote the book “California Crackup.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He tells a story about a California signature gathering firm, Kimball Petition Management, that was looking to gin up some business for itself.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mathews wrote that after some polling, the firm determined a lottery initiative was likely to pass. So it pitched the idea to a company that makes lottery supplies. The idea was the company would hire Kimball’s firm to collect signatures and, if the initiative passed, it could sell lottery equipment to the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The plan was a success — Kimball got new signature-gathering business, the voters passed the initiative, and the state contracted with the company to run the lottery.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">\"It's a drag that it's a money game. But at the same time, I think that it's the best process that there is and I love being part of the political process.\"\u003ccite>Scott Schultz\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Proceeds from the lottery do benefit California schools, but they only make up about \u003ca href=\"https://www.calottery.com/giving-back/education/where-money-goes\">1.5 percent\u003c/a> of the public education budget. So who were the real beneficiaries of this experiment in direct democracy?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It doesn't look very direct, right?” said Mathews. “It's very much just buying and selling.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s a far cry from the \u003ca href=\"https://www.scpr.org/news/2018/10/31/86882/who-to-thank-or-blame-for-california-s-version-of/\">vision conceived more than a century ago\u003c/a> by leaders who started the initiative system to take back power from special interests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are ideas to reform the process: There have been legislative attempts to limit how signature gatherers get paid, but those have been vetoed by the governor. And Mathews suggests allowing more time to gather signatures would cut down on the cost.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All of those ideas would also cut down on Schultz’s income. “It's a drag that it's a money game,” he said. “But at the same time, I think that it's the best process that there is, and I love being part of the political process.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/series/californiadream/\">The California Dream series\u003c/a> is a statewide media collaboration of CALmatters, KPBS, KPCC, KQED and Capital Public Radio with support from the Corporation for Public Broadcasting, the James Irvine Foundation and the College Futures Foundation.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/CADreamBanner.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"alignnone size-medium wp-image-11702931\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/CADreamBanner-800x219.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"219\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/CADreamBanner-800x219.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/CADreamBanner-160x44.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/CADreamBanner-1020x280.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/CADreamBanner-1200x329.jpg 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/CADreamBanner-1180x324.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/CADreamBanner-960x263.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/CADreamBanner-240x66.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/CADreamBanner-375x103.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/CADreamBanner-520x143.jpg 520w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/CADreamBanner.jpg 1867w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "California's 2014 Voter Turnout Was Even Worse Than You Thought",
"title": "California's 2014 Voter Turnout Was Even Worse Than You Thought",
"headTitle": "California Election Watch 2014 | FaultLines | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>For a state whose political leaders pride themselves on being focused on the future, California’s 2014 elections seem to have decidedly been driven by its past — as in, its older voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Or put another way: It was the Year of the Grandparents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Not only was the average voter older than the average Californian,\" says political data expert Paul Mitchell. \"The average voter was older than the average Californian's parents.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[soundcloud url=\"https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/190598779\" params=\"color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false\" width=\"100%\" height=\"166\" iframe=\"true\" /]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With the book now closed on 2014's election season, the unshakable reality of a historically bad year for participatory democracy is now becoming all the more clear.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mitchell, whose \u003ca href=\"http://politicaldata.com/\" target=\"_blank\">firm analyzes voter data and sells it to political campaigns\u003c/a>, says the long-term trend in California is getting worse when it comes to what other researchers have called the state's \"exclusive electorate.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"These voters that are actually participating in the elections are from a much higher income, older, whiter segment of the California electorate,\" he says. \"And they are voting on the elected officials and ballot measures that are going to be affecting \u003cem>all\u003c/em> Californians.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mitchell and others have been closely sifting through the results of the June and November elections, each of which registered historic new lows in overall voter turnout for primary and general elections in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Wanted: Young Voters\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And most glaring in the research, it seems, is the issue of age. Young voters were almost nowhere to be found: \u003cem>only 8.2 percent of Californians age 18-24 cast a ballot in November\u003c/em>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I think even folks that work with the data all the time were surprised by just how low that number was,\" says Mindy Romero, director of the \u003ca href=\"http://explore.regionalchange.ucdavis.edu/ourwork/projects/ucdavis-ccep\" target=\"_blank\">California Civic Engagement Project at UC Davis\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was Romero and her team who sifted through the recently completed reports from the secretary of state's office in search of a clear sense of the age of the electorate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10429513\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-10429513\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/Screen-Shot-2015-02-10-at-11.59.55-AM-800x462.png\" alt=\"Voter turnout by age groups in California's November election, as compiled by UC Davis researchers\" width=\"800\" height=\"462\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/Screen-Shot-2015-02-10-at-11.59.55-AM-800x462.png 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/Screen-Shot-2015-02-10-at-11.59.55-AM-400x231.png 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/Screen-Shot-2015-02-10-at-11.59.55-AM-1440x832.png 1440w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/Screen-Shot-2015-02-10-at-11.59.55-AM.png 1834w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Turnout among various age groups in California's November election, as compiled by UC Davis researchers \u003ccite>(UC Davis Center for Regional Change)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>What they found was that even Californians in their mid-30s and well into adulthood were virtually nonexistent in the 2014 political season.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But it was the youngest voters who really took a pass on participating. Consider the observation of data expert Mitchell, who counted up the raw numbers of ballots they cast.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"In California,\" he said, \"an 18- or 19-year-old was more likely to be arrested this year than actually vote in one of the statewide elections.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ouch.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Part of the problem, says UC Davis' Romero, is that young voters know the least about the system of voting -- from deadlines to register, to request a ballot by mail, and more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"People say that youth don't vote,\" says Romero. \"Well, they're not being outreached to, and they're not being pulled into the political process.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Wanted: Latino Voters\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other subsets of voters, while not missing to that extent, also were underrepresented in the almost 12 million ballots cast in 2014. Most notably, perhaps, may be Latino voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Right now, we're talking about Latinos being the largest ethnic group in the state,\" says voter data expert Mitchell. \"They're not yet the largest ethnic group in the registered voters. And they're far from the largest ethnic group in people that actually vote.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In some races, like \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2014/10/28/in-valley-congressional-race-a-big-test-of-latino-enthusiasm/\" target=\"_blank\">a closely watched congressional election in the Central Valley last fall\u003c/a>, Latino votes could have easily shifted the \u003ca href=\"http://collegian.csufresno.edu/2014/11/05/valadao-wins-21st-congressional-district/\" target=\"_blank\">eventual outcome\u003c/a> -- if they would had been cast.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10429632\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-10429632\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/Screen-Shot-2015-02-10-at-1.59.23-PM-800x313.png\" alt=\"Data from California's 2014 general election that shows voter participation by various subgroups.\" width=\"800\" height=\"313\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/Screen-Shot-2015-02-10-at-1.59.23-PM-800x313.png 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/Screen-Shot-2015-02-10-at-1.59.23-PM-400x156.png 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/Screen-Shot-2015-02-10-at-1.59.23-PM-1440x563.png 1440w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/Screen-Shot-2015-02-10-at-1.59.23-PM.png 1576w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Data from California's 2014 general election that show voter participation by various subgroups. \u003ccite>(Political Data, Inc.)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Mitchell's analysis found that only 28 percent of registered Latino voters showed up last November in California -- compared with 37 percent turnout of registered Asian-Americans, 32 percent of registered African-Americans and 49 percent of white voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Who Can Change The Downward Trend?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While much of the news coverage about California's abysmal voter turnout in 2014 f\u003ca href=\"http://www.sfgate.com/opinion/saunders/article/The-most-boring-California-election-ever-5840907.php\" target=\"_blank\">ocused on the fact that there wasn't much to get excited about\u003c/a>, it may also be a function of the way modern campaigns operate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Candidates and ballot measure strategists increasingly measure their chances of victory based on the pool of likely voters, those who have shown a tendency to show up for elections in years past.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But it's possible that such an outreach system becomes a self-fulfilling prophecy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Youth get very little contact, real contact, from candidates and campaigns,\" says Romero of UC Davis. \"And so it generates even less information, less awareness, less connection with the political process.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And those young Californians, as well as those from the state's diverse communities, will one day become the older adults. And without the experience of -- or sense of importance about -- voting, the long-term trend could be toward more, not fewer, tepid elections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Note: an earlier version of this story mistakenly said the low turnout among young Californians was a percentage of registered voters, when it was actually among all Californians of that age.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "One shocking finding: only 8.2 percent of Californians age 18-24 cast a ballot in November.",
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"title": "California's 2014 Voter Turnout Was Even Worse Than You Thought | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>For a state whose political leaders pride themselves on being focused on the future, California’s 2014 elections seem to have decidedly been driven by its past — as in, its older voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Or put another way: It was the Year of the Grandparents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Not only was the average voter older than the average Californian,\" says political data expert Paul Mitchell. \"The average voter was older than the average Californian's parents.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cdiv class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__shortcodes__shortcodeWrapper'>\n \u003ciframe width='100%' height='166'\n scrolling='no' frameborder='no'\n src='https://w.soundcloud.com/player/?url=https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/190598779&visual=true&color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false'\n title='https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/190598779'>\n \u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/div>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With the book now closed on 2014's election season, the unshakable reality of a historically bad year for participatory democracy is now becoming all the more clear.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mitchell, whose \u003ca href=\"http://politicaldata.com/\" target=\"_blank\">firm analyzes voter data and sells it to political campaigns\u003c/a>, says the long-term trend in California is getting worse when it comes to what other researchers have called the state's \"exclusive electorate.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"These voters that are actually participating in the elections are from a much higher income, older, whiter segment of the California electorate,\" he says. \"And they are voting on the elected officials and ballot measures that are going to be affecting \u003cem>all\u003c/em> Californians.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mitchell and others have been closely sifting through the results of the June and November elections, each of which registered historic new lows in overall voter turnout for primary and general elections in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Wanted: Young Voters\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And most glaring in the research, it seems, is the issue of age. Young voters were almost nowhere to be found: \u003cem>only 8.2 percent of Californians age 18-24 cast a ballot in November\u003c/em>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I think even folks that work with the data all the time were surprised by just how low that number was,\" says Mindy Romero, director of the \u003ca href=\"http://explore.regionalchange.ucdavis.edu/ourwork/projects/ucdavis-ccep\" target=\"_blank\">California Civic Engagement Project at UC Davis\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was Romero and her team who sifted through the recently completed reports from the secretary of state's office in search of a clear sense of the age of the electorate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10429513\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-10429513\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/Screen-Shot-2015-02-10-at-11.59.55-AM-800x462.png\" alt=\"Voter turnout by age groups in California's November election, as compiled by UC Davis researchers\" width=\"800\" height=\"462\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/Screen-Shot-2015-02-10-at-11.59.55-AM-800x462.png 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/Screen-Shot-2015-02-10-at-11.59.55-AM-400x231.png 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/Screen-Shot-2015-02-10-at-11.59.55-AM-1440x832.png 1440w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/Screen-Shot-2015-02-10-at-11.59.55-AM.png 1834w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Turnout among various age groups in California's November election, as compiled by UC Davis researchers \u003ccite>(UC Davis Center for Regional Change)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>What they found was that even Californians in their mid-30s and well into adulthood were virtually nonexistent in the 2014 political season.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But it was the youngest voters who really took a pass on participating. Consider the observation of data expert Mitchell, who counted up the raw numbers of ballots they cast.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"In California,\" he said, \"an 18- or 19-year-old was more likely to be arrested this year than actually vote in one of the statewide elections.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ouch.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Part of the problem, says UC Davis' Romero, is that young voters know the least about the system of voting -- from deadlines to register, to request a ballot by mail, and more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"People say that youth don't vote,\" says Romero. \"Well, they're not being outreached to, and they're not being pulled into the political process.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Wanted: Latino Voters\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other subsets of voters, while not missing to that extent, also were underrepresented in the almost 12 million ballots cast in 2014. Most notably, perhaps, may be Latino voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Right now, we're talking about Latinos being the largest ethnic group in the state,\" says voter data expert Mitchell. \"They're not yet the largest ethnic group in the registered voters. And they're far from the largest ethnic group in people that actually vote.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In some races, like \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2014/10/28/in-valley-congressional-race-a-big-test-of-latino-enthusiasm/\" target=\"_blank\">a closely watched congressional election in the Central Valley last fall\u003c/a>, Latino votes could have easily shifted the \u003ca href=\"http://collegian.csufresno.edu/2014/11/05/valadao-wins-21st-congressional-district/\" target=\"_blank\">eventual outcome\u003c/a> -- if they would had been cast.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10429632\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-10429632\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/Screen-Shot-2015-02-10-at-1.59.23-PM-800x313.png\" alt=\"Data from California's 2014 general election that shows voter participation by various subgroups.\" width=\"800\" height=\"313\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/Screen-Shot-2015-02-10-at-1.59.23-PM-800x313.png 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/Screen-Shot-2015-02-10-at-1.59.23-PM-400x156.png 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/Screen-Shot-2015-02-10-at-1.59.23-PM-1440x563.png 1440w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/Screen-Shot-2015-02-10-at-1.59.23-PM.png 1576w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Data from California's 2014 general election that show voter participation by various subgroups. \u003ccite>(Political Data, Inc.)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Mitchell's analysis found that only 28 percent of registered Latino voters showed up last November in California -- compared with 37 percent turnout of registered Asian-Americans, 32 percent of registered African-Americans and 49 percent of white voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Who Can Change The Downward Trend?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While much of the news coverage about California's abysmal voter turnout in 2014 f\u003ca href=\"http://www.sfgate.com/opinion/saunders/article/The-most-boring-California-election-ever-5840907.php\" target=\"_blank\">ocused on the fact that there wasn't much to get excited about\u003c/a>, it may also be a function of the way modern campaigns operate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Candidates and ballot measure strategists increasingly measure their chances of victory based on the pool of likely voters, those who have shown a tendency to show up for elections in years past.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But it's possible that such an outreach system becomes a self-fulfilling prophecy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Youth get very little contact, real contact, from candidates and campaigns,\" says Romero of UC Davis. \"And so it generates even less information, less awareness, less connection with the political process.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And those young Californians, as well as those from the state's diverse communities, will one day become the older adults. And without the experience of -- or sense of importance about -- voting, the long-term trend could be toward more, not fewer, tepid elections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Note: an earlier version of this story mistakenly said the low turnout among young Californians was a percentage of registered voters, when it was actually among all Californians of that age.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "The Retro Election? Fewest Votes for California Governor Since 1978",
"title": "The Retro Election? Fewest Votes for California Governor Since 1978",
"headTitle": "California Election Watch 2014 | FaultLines | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>It's sobering to consider how many things have changed since the last time so few votes were cast in the race for governor of California: The state's population was 40 percent smaller. Donna Summer had the No. 1 song on the charts. Jerry Brown handily won re-election as governor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Actually, that last one is pretty much the same as it was 36 years ago, which brings us back to the reality of what happened on Nov. 4.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The final tally from elections officials is that 7,317,581 votes were cast in the two-man race between Brown and GOP challenger Neel Kashkari. Brown won 60 percent of those votes, the most lopsided gubernatorial contest since 1986. It was also, it seems, the least inspiring in more than a generation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State elections data show last month's gubernatorial election saw fewer votes cast than in \u003cem>the previous eight quadrennial contests\u003c/em>. Only \u003ca href=\"http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/California_gubernatorial_election,_1978\" target=\"_blank\">1978's race between Brown and Republican Evelle Younger\u003c/a> saw fewer total votes cast (6,922,378) than did 2014.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10375578\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 400px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2014/12/RS12930_457957492-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-thumbnail wp-image-10375578\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2014/12/RS12930_457957492-qut-400x265.jpg\" alt=\"Gov. Jerry Brown speaks during a get-out-the-vote rally at the Alameda County Democratic Party headquarters on October 27, 2014 . (Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\" width=\"400\" height=\"265\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2014/12/RS12930_457957492-qut-400x265.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2014/12/RS12930_457957492-qut-800x531.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2014/12/RS12930_457957492-qut.jpg 1440w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 400px) 100vw, 400px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gov. Jerry Brown speaks during a get-out-the-vote rally at Alameda County Democratic Party headquarters on Oct. 27, 2014 . (Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>This year's race for governor, of course, was only part of a much larger gloomy headline: \u003ca href=\"http://www.sacbee.com/news/politics-government/election/article4237488.html\" target=\"_blank\">the lowest turnout for any California gubernatorial election in history\u003c/a> -- ballots cast by just 42.2 percent of the state's 17.8 million registered voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There's been some criticism in political circles over the past few weeks that the lackluster contest between Brown and Kashkari may hold some of the blame, but it's unlikely we'll ever have a definitive answer as to why so many voters took a pass this fall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the gubernatorial numbers alone are striking when compared with previous elections. In 2010, more than 10 million votes were cast in the race for governor; and even the previous record holder for the most ho-hum race, the 2002 re-election of Gov. Gray Davis, drew some 450,000 more votes than the 2014 gubernatorial matchup.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As we pointed out just after the election, \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2014/11/12-might-california-low-voter-turnout-spark-2016-initiative-frenzy/\" target=\"_blank\">the real legacy of the tepid turnout is the amazingly new low threshold for getting an initiative or referendum on the 2016 and 2018 ballot\u003c/a> -- a threshold that by law is set by the total number of votes cast for governor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We took a closer look at that phenomenon on Thursday morning's edition of \u003cem>The California Report\u003c/em>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[soundcloud url=\"https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/181042661\" params=\"color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false\" width=\"100%\" height=\"166\" iframe=\"true\" /]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Political consultants believe it will dramatically drive down the cost of using paid signature gatherers to qualify an initiative -- a new bargain of perhaps less than $1 million, and a possible impetus for a frenzy of initiatives over the next two election cycles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Perhaps the lasting question is whether those initiative thresholds, set in the state constitution by \u003ca href=\"http://ballotpedia.org/California_Proposition_7,_the_Initiative_%26_Referendum_Amendment_%28October_1911%29\" target=\"_blank\">the 1911 effort that created the state's direct democracy system\u003c/a>, need another look when it comes to the 21st century and beyond.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Just compare the relative impact of the 1978 and 2014 gubernatorial elections on California's initiative process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For the 1980 and 1982 election cycles, the threshold to qualify an initiative -- 346,119 voter signatures -- represented about 3.4 percent of the state's registered voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For the 2016 and 2018 election cycles, the threshold to qualify an initiative -- what we think will be 365,879 voter signatures -- will represent just 2 percent of registered voters. And if you look at the state's \u003cem>eligible\u003c/em> electorate, a group that's vastly larger than it was in 1978, it's clear that there's about to be a big boost of power for a relatively small number of Californians in forcing a statewide vote on a proposal of their choosing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yes, a lot has changed since 1978. But electorally speaking, the next four years may feel like a blast from the past.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>It's sobering to consider how many things have changed since the last time so few votes were cast in the race for governor of California: The state's population was 40 percent smaller. Donna Summer had the No. 1 song on the charts. Jerry Brown handily won re-election as governor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Actually, that last one is pretty much the same as it was 36 years ago, which brings us back to the reality of what happened on Nov. 4.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The final tally from elections officials is that 7,317,581 votes were cast in the two-man race between Brown and GOP challenger Neel Kashkari. Brown won 60 percent of those votes, the most lopsided gubernatorial contest since 1986. It was also, it seems, the least inspiring in more than a generation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State elections data show last month's gubernatorial election saw fewer votes cast than in \u003cem>the previous eight quadrennial contests\u003c/em>. Only \u003ca href=\"http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/California_gubernatorial_election,_1978\" target=\"_blank\">1978's race between Brown and Republican Evelle Younger\u003c/a> saw fewer total votes cast (6,922,378) than did 2014.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10375578\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 400px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2014/12/RS12930_457957492-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-thumbnail wp-image-10375578\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2014/12/RS12930_457957492-qut-400x265.jpg\" alt=\"Gov. Jerry Brown speaks during a get-out-the-vote rally at the Alameda County Democratic Party headquarters on October 27, 2014 . (Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\" width=\"400\" height=\"265\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2014/12/RS12930_457957492-qut-400x265.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2014/12/RS12930_457957492-qut-800x531.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2014/12/RS12930_457957492-qut.jpg 1440w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 400px) 100vw, 400px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gov. Jerry Brown speaks during a get-out-the-vote rally at Alameda County Democratic Party headquarters on Oct. 27, 2014 . (Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>This year's race for governor, of course, was only part of a much larger gloomy headline: \u003ca href=\"http://www.sacbee.com/news/politics-government/election/article4237488.html\" target=\"_blank\">the lowest turnout for any California gubernatorial election in history\u003c/a> -- ballots cast by just 42.2 percent of the state's 17.8 million registered voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There's been some criticism in political circles over the past few weeks that the lackluster contest between Brown and Kashkari may hold some of the blame, but it's unlikely we'll ever have a definitive answer as to why so many voters took a pass this fall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the gubernatorial numbers alone are striking when compared with previous elections. In 2010, more than 10 million votes were cast in the race for governor; and even the previous record holder for the most ho-hum race, the 2002 re-election of Gov. Gray Davis, drew some 450,000 more votes than the 2014 gubernatorial matchup.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As we pointed out just after the election, \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2014/11/12-might-california-low-voter-turnout-spark-2016-initiative-frenzy/\" target=\"_blank\">the real legacy of the tepid turnout is the amazingly new low threshold for getting an initiative or referendum on the 2016 and 2018 ballot\u003c/a> -- a threshold that by law is set by the total number of votes cast for governor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We took a closer look at that phenomenon on Thursday morning's edition of \u003cem>The California Report\u003c/em>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cdiv class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__shortcodes__shortcodeWrapper'>\n \u003ciframe width='100%' height='166'\n scrolling='no' frameborder='no'\n src='https://w.soundcloud.com/player/?url=https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/181042661&visual=true&color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false'\n title='https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/181042661'>\n \u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/div>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Political consultants believe it will dramatically drive down the cost of using paid signature gatherers to qualify an initiative -- a new bargain of perhaps less than $1 million, and a possible impetus for a frenzy of initiatives over the next two election cycles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Perhaps the lasting question is whether those initiative thresholds, set in the state constitution by \u003ca href=\"http://ballotpedia.org/California_Proposition_7,_the_Initiative_%26_Referendum_Amendment_%28October_1911%29\" target=\"_blank\">the 1911 effort that created the state's direct democracy system\u003c/a>, need another look when it comes to the 21st century and beyond.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Just compare the relative impact of the 1978 and 2014 gubernatorial elections on California's initiative process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For the 1980 and 1982 election cycles, the threshold to qualify an initiative -- 346,119 voter signatures -- represented about 3.4 percent of the state's registered voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For the 2016 and 2018 election cycles, the threshold to qualify an initiative -- what we think will be 365,879 voter signatures -- will represent just 2 percent of registered voters. And if you look at the state's \u003cem>eligible\u003c/em> electorate, a group that's vastly larger than it was in 1978, it's clear that there's about to be a big boost of power for a relatively small number of Californians in forcing a statewide vote on a proposal of their choosing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yes, a lot has changed since 1978. But electorally speaking, the next four years may feel like a blast from the past.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Across California, Many Politicians Picked By Few Voters",
"title": "Across California, Many Politicians Picked By Few Voters",
"headTitle": "California Election Watch 2014 | FaultLines | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>A nail-biter of an election is the \u003cem>pièce de résistance\u003c/em> in political reporting, a dramatic finish that can leave everyone on the edge of their seats. But 2014's close contests are also a bit of a distraction from the real news: the apparent nadir, in some California communities, of representative democracy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Case in point: \u003ca href=\"http://vote.sos.ca.gov/returns/state-assembly/district/39/\" target=\"_blank\">the surprise defeat of an incumbent Los Angeles assemblyman by 467 votes\u003c/a>, a stunning upset that now has the political world focused on musings about \u003ca href=\"http://www.sacbee.com/news/politics-government/capitol-alert/article4124459.html\" target=\"_blank\">the order of names on the ballot\u003c/a> or \u003ca href=\"http://www.dailynews.com/government-and-politics/20141112/election-2014-raul-bocanegra-campaign-accuses-patty-lopez-of-using-republican-operative/1\" target=\"_blank\">alleged chicanery on the part of Republicans\u003c/a> seeking to influence a Democrat versus Democrat contest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The real story, though, is not how the incumbent lost ... but how few of his constituents even bothered to vote. And even then, it's part of a larger story, about how several California lawmakers -- now packing their bags for Sacramento or Washington, D.C. -- were chosen by incredibly small slices of the electorate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The abysmal turnout of California voters in the Nov. 4 elections was widely predicted. The final numbers won't be available for a few more days, but the statewide vote appears to reflect \u003ca href=\"http://vote.sos.ca.gov/returns/status/\" target=\"_blank\">a turnout of about 42 percent\u003c/a>, a new record for lowest turnout in a California gubernatorial election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But a deeper dive into the numbers finds a much lower percentage of votes -- in some cases \u003cem>less than half of that statewide turnout \u003c/em>-- cast in several races for the California Legislature and the U.S. House of Representatives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Let's go back to that Los Angeles race for the state's 39th Assembly District, where freshman incumbent Assemblyman Raul Bocanegra (D-Pacoima) conceded defeat on Monday to fellow Democrat Patty Lopez, a local activist whose campaign was well under the political universe's radar until the votes started to be tallied on Election Night.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"While the vote tally is incredibly close,\" said \u003ca href=\"http://www.capitolmr.com/UserFiles/File/20141125/11-24-14%20Vote%20Statement.pdf\" target=\"_blank\">a statement from Bocanegra\u003c/a> on Monday evening, \"it is clear that my opponent will be victorious by the narrowest of margins.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Handful of Voters Decide Race\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The real killer, though, was overall turnout. The final tally by Los Angeles County elections officials shows only 45,033 votes were cast in the Bocanegra versus Lopez race. That's only 22 percent of all registered voters in the San Fernando Valley district.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even worse: Lopez will take the oath of office on Dec. 1 in Sacramento with the backing of just 22,750 voters -- \u003cem>that's slightly less than 5 percent of all the people who live in her Los Angeles County district\u003c/em> (using census data compiled during the 2011 redrawing of political districts).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I think we have to take a long, honest look at our voting process and better understand why so many people are choosing not to participate,\" said Kim Alexander, president of the nonpartisan California Voter Foundation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"This is not good for the health of our civil society. It's in everybody's interest to maximize voter participation and give all the people in our state a path to make themselves heard.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10356044\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-10356044\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2014/11/AssemblyDistsLA-800x605.jpg\" alt=\"In state Assembly districts around Los Angeles, turnout on Nov. 4 hovered around 20 percent. (Diagram: Citizen's Redistricting Commission)\" width=\"800\" height=\"605\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2014/11/AssemblyDistsLA-800x605.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2014/11/AssemblyDistsLA-400x302.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2014/11/AssemblyDistsLA.jpg 816w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">In state Assembly districts around Los Angeles, turnout on Nov. 4 hovered around 20 percent. (Diagram: Citizen's Redistricting Commission)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>A district-by-district analysis reveals a high concentration of low turnout races in and around Los Angeles. Eleven of the county's Assembly districts had races where fewer than 27 percent of the registered votes were cast on Election Day. Three races -- for the 53rd, 63rd and 64th Assembly districts -- all saw turnout around 21 percent, even lower than the Bocanegra-Lopez contest in the northern San Fernando Valley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A few congressional races in the L.A. area fared just as badly. Only 26 percent of registered voters cast a ballot in a race won by incumbent U.S. Rep. Grace Napolitano (D-Norwalk). Her 50,353 votes represent about 8 percent of the constituents in California's 32nd Congressional District. Even fewer voters elected her colleague, U.S. Rep. Lucille Roybal-Allard (D-Los Angeles), to an 11th term on Capitol Hill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Low Turnout Up North\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But lest you think the only dismal voting numbers were in L.A. legislative and congressional districts, let's move the map northward. In another Election Night shocker, veteran U.S. Rep. Jim Costa (D-Fresno) barely held onto his post representing California's 16th Congressional District. Votes cast: about 26 percent of the registered electorate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some will argue that the weak turnout reflects races that weren't competitive, or ones where the two candidates weren't well known. But that's not a complete explanation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Move up to some Northern California races where the candidates were well known, and ones where the competition was fierce this election season, and again ... the data show anemic turnout. In Sacramento, a Democrat versus Democrat race for the 7th Assembly District featured two well-known members of the City Council, Kevin McCarty and Steve Cohn. Only 38 percent of voters in the district cast a ballot in the race, won by McCarty.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And in one of 2014's nastiest, and most costly, state Senate races -- pitting two incumbent assemblymen against each other in the Sacramento region -- there was yet more voter apathy. Millions of dollars in outside spending helped boost the winning campaign of Richard Pan against fellow Democrat Roger Dickinson. Turnout in the hotly contested 6th state Senate district? Forty-one percent ... pretty much the statewide average.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There's at least some hint that the voter apathy was more profound in Democratic-leaning legislative and congressional districts, which lines up with the sense that Republicans cast a disproportionately larger number of votes on Nov. 4.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Our representative form of government depends on voter participation and engagement,\" said Dean Logan, registrar of voters in Los Angeles County. \"The low turnout in the November election is concerning.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Logan has been leading an effort to try and figure out the secret ingredient to \u003ca href=\"http://www.scpr.org/news/2014/10/23/47525/can-this-bureaucrat-get-young-citizens-to-vote/\" target=\"_blank\">getting more voters to cast ballots, especially young voters\u003c/a>. But it won't be easy. And legislative or congressional contests, so-called down-ticket races, are especially hard ones for inspiring turnout. Voters often skip these races, which is counted as an \"under vote,\" a ballot that leaves some races blank.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That may be easier to do in 2016, when a presidential contest will no doubt draw more voters to the polls. Four years ago, 56 percent of voters in the 39th Assembly District cast a ballot, more than double the number that showed up this time as 2012's winner, Raul Bocanegra, is now 2014's loser.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A nail-biter of an election is the \u003cem>pièce de résistance\u003c/em> in political reporting, a dramatic finish that can leave everyone on the edge of their seats. But 2014's close contests are also a bit of a distraction from the real news: the apparent nadir, in some California communities, of representative democracy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Case in point: \u003ca href=\"http://vote.sos.ca.gov/returns/state-assembly/district/39/\" target=\"_blank\">the surprise defeat of an incumbent Los Angeles assemblyman by 467 votes\u003c/a>, a stunning upset that now has the political world focused on musings about \u003ca href=\"http://www.sacbee.com/news/politics-government/capitol-alert/article4124459.html\" target=\"_blank\">the order of names on the ballot\u003c/a> or \u003ca href=\"http://www.dailynews.com/government-and-politics/20141112/election-2014-raul-bocanegra-campaign-accuses-patty-lopez-of-using-republican-operative/1\" target=\"_blank\">alleged chicanery on the part of Republicans\u003c/a> seeking to influence a Democrat versus Democrat contest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The real story, though, is not how the incumbent lost ... but how few of his constituents even bothered to vote. And even then, it's part of a larger story, about how several California lawmakers -- now packing their bags for Sacramento or Washington, D.C. -- were chosen by incredibly small slices of the electorate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The abysmal turnout of California voters in the Nov. 4 elections was widely predicted. The final numbers won't be available for a few more days, but the statewide vote appears to reflect \u003ca href=\"http://vote.sos.ca.gov/returns/status/\" target=\"_blank\">a turnout of about 42 percent\u003c/a>, a new record for lowest turnout in a California gubernatorial election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But a deeper dive into the numbers finds a much lower percentage of votes -- in some cases \u003cem>less than half of that statewide turnout \u003c/em>-- cast in several races for the California Legislature and the U.S. House of Representatives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Let's go back to that Los Angeles race for the state's 39th Assembly District, where freshman incumbent Assemblyman Raul Bocanegra (D-Pacoima) conceded defeat on Monday to fellow Democrat Patty Lopez, a local activist whose campaign was well under the political universe's radar until the votes started to be tallied on Election Night.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"While the vote tally is incredibly close,\" said \u003ca href=\"http://www.capitolmr.com/UserFiles/File/20141125/11-24-14%20Vote%20Statement.pdf\" target=\"_blank\">a statement from Bocanegra\u003c/a> on Monday evening, \"it is clear that my opponent will be victorious by the narrowest of margins.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Handful of Voters Decide Race\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The real killer, though, was overall turnout. The final tally by Los Angeles County elections officials shows only 45,033 votes were cast in the Bocanegra versus Lopez race. That's only 22 percent of all registered voters in the San Fernando Valley district.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even worse: Lopez will take the oath of office on Dec. 1 in Sacramento with the backing of just 22,750 voters -- \u003cem>that's slightly less than 5 percent of all the people who live in her Los Angeles County district\u003c/em> (using census data compiled during the 2011 redrawing of political districts).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I think we have to take a long, honest look at our voting process and better understand why so many people are choosing not to participate,\" said Kim Alexander, president of the nonpartisan California Voter Foundation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"This is not good for the health of our civil society. It's in everybody's interest to maximize voter participation and give all the people in our state a path to make themselves heard.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10356044\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-10356044\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2014/11/AssemblyDistsLA-800x605.jpg\" alt=\"In state Assembly districts around Los Angeles, turnout on Nov. 4 hovered around 20 percent. (Diagram: Citizen's Redistricting Commission)\" width=\"800\" height=\"605\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2014/11/AssemblyDistsLA-800x605.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2014/11/AssemblyDistsLA-400x302.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2014/11/AssemblyDistsLA.jpg 816w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">In state Assembly districts around Los Angeles, turnout on Nov. 4 hovered around 20 percent. (Diagram: Citizen's Redistricting Commission)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>A district-by-district analysis reveals a high concentration of low turnout races in and around Los Angeles. Eleven of the county's Assembly districts had races where fewer than 27 percent of the registered votes were cast on Election Day. Three races -- for the 53rd, 63rd and 64th Assembly districts -- all saw turnout around 21 percent, even lower than the Bocanegra-Lopez contest in the northern San Fernando Valley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A few congressional races in the L.A. area fared just as badly. Only 26 percent of registered voters cast a ballot in a race won by incumbent U.S. Rep. Grace Napolitano (D-Norwalk). Her 50,353 votes represent about 8 percent of the constituents in California's 32nd Congressional District. Even fewer voters elected her colleague, U.S. Rep. Lucille Roybal-Allard (D-Los Angeles), to an 11th term on Capitol Hill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Low Turnout Up North\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But lest you think the only dismal voting numbers were in L.A. legislative and congressional districts, let's move the map northward. In another Election Night shocker, veteran U.S. Rep. Jim Costa (D-Fresno) barely held onto his post representing California's 16th Congressional District. Votes cast: about 26 percent of the registered electorate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some will argue that the weak turnout reflects races that weren't competitive, or ones where the two candidates weren't well known. But that's not a complete explanation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Move up to some Northern California races where the candidates were well known, and ones where the competition was fierce this election season, and again ... the data show anemic turnout. In Sacramento, a Democrat versus Democrat race for the 7th Assembly District featured two well-known members of the City Council, Kevin McCarty and Steve Cohn. Only 38 percent of voters in the district cast a ballot in the race, won by McCarty.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And in one of 2014's nastiest, and most costly, state Senate races -- pitting two incumbent assemblymen against each other in the Sacramento region -- there was yet more voter apathy. Millions of dollars in outside spending helped boost the winning campaign of Richard Pan against fellow Democrat Roger Dickinson. Turnout in the hotly contested 6th state Senate district? Forty-one percent ... pretty much the statewide average.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There's at least some hint that the voter apathy was more profound in Democratic-leaning legislative and congressional districts, which lines up with the sense that Republicans cast a disproportionately larger number of votes on Nov. 4.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Our representative form of government depends on voter participation and engagement,\" said Dean Logan, registrar of voters in Los Angeles County. \"The low turnout in the November election is concerning.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Logan has been leading an effort to try and figure out the secret ingredient to \u003ca href=\"http://www.scpr.org/news/2014/10/23/47525/can-this-bureaucrat-get-young-citizens-to-vote/\" target=\"_blank\">getting more voters to cast ballots, especially young voters\u003c/a>. But it won't be easy. And legislative or congressional contests, so-called down-ticket races, are especially hard ones for inspiring turnout. Voters often skip these races, which is counted as an \"under vote,\" a ballot that leaves some races blank.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That may be easier to do in 2016, when a presidential contest will no doubt draw more voters to the polls. Four years ago, 56 percent of voters in the 39th Assembly District cast a ballot, more than double the number that showed up this time as 2012's winner, Raul Bocanegra, is now 2014's loser.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Might California's Low Voter Turnout Spark 2016 Initiative Frenzy?",
"title": "Might California's Low Voter Turnout Spark 2016 Initiative Frenzy?",
"headTitle": "California Election Watch 2014 | FaultLines | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>Here's one to ponder as we await the tallying of tens of thousands of uncounted ballots: Will this fall's voter malaise in California plant the seeds for a ballot initiative frenzy in two years?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What's the connection, you say? Simple. It's in the state constitution -- a little-talked-about provision that uses votes cast in a gubernatorial election as the measuring stick for future initiatives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://www.leginfo.ca.gov/.const/.article_2\" target=\"_blank\">Article II of the California Constitution\u003c/a> says that the number of valid voter signatures to qualify an initiative is based on the total votes cast in the most recent race for governor. For initiatives that seek to amend the state constitution, the signatures must equal at least 8 percent of the gubernatorial vote; for those that would create new statutes (state law), it's 5 percent of the gubernatorial vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For the 2012 and 2014 elections, that threshold was set in the 2010 contest between Gov. Jerry Brown and GOP challenger Meg Whitman. For 2016 and 2018, the threshold will be set by what happened on Nov. 4.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And as we're now seeing, that total vote was low. Historically low.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As of now, \u003ca href=\"http://vote.sos.ca.gov/returns/governor/\" target=\"_blank\">state elections officials have reported\u003c/a> that just shy of 6.5 million votes were cast in the duel between Brown and Republican Neel Kashkari.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That means that backers of any potential 2016 or 2018 ballot measures to write state law could qualify their initiative for the ballot with as few as 325,000 valid signatures. Compare that with the existing threshold for a statutory initiative, which is 504,760.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Big, big difference.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It's going to cost a lot less to qualify for the ballot,\" said Beth Miller, a GOP political strategist who was a top aide to former Secretary of State Bill Jones.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For initiatives that seek to rewrite the state constitution, California's governance blueprint, the threshold for qualification could drop to close to 521,000 signatures -- compared with its current level of 807,615.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And for a coming election cycle where everyone already expects a torrent of ballot initiatives, from \u003ca href=\"http://www.laweekly.com/informer/2014/09/29/full-legalization-of-marijuana-could-come-to-california-in-2016\" target=\"_blank\">legal pot\u003c/a> to \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2014/10/30/long-term-debate-over-Jerry-Brown-temporary-tax-Proposition-30/\" target=\"_blank\">tax hikes\u003c/a> and beyond, these super-low thresholds could make it a lot easier to get an issue in front of voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before anyone sounds the alarm over the potential boost in political power of well-heeled interest groups, consider that low initiative thresholds in 2016 and 2018 could also provide a boost to all kinds of grass-roots political efforts -- efforts, some would argue, that are exactly \u003ca href=\"http://www.economist.com/node/18548119\" target=\"_blank\">the kind of populist power envisioned when California created its direct democracy system in 1911\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The actual threshold for initiatives won't be known until a formal certification of the Nov. 4 vote, which comes next month. Still, most expect the dismally low turnout -- now at just a little above 37 percent of registered voters statewide -- to set a new record for low participation in a California gubernatorial election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, consider a couple of other changes the low Brown-Kashkari vote totals could make to the initiative process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>First, backers of initiative efforts often turn their energy and money to the ballot box when they fail to get action on their issue(s) at the state Capitol. Case in point: this fall's defeated \u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/blogs/health/2014/10/14/356050478/california-ballot-measure-pits-doctors-against-lawyers\" target=\"_blank\">Proposition 46\u003c/a>, which grew out of \u003ca href=\"http://www.news10.net/story/news/politics/john-myers/2014/01/22/4758601/\" target=\"_blank\">a Sacramento stalemate on the issue of loosening the state law that caps pain-and-suffering awards in medical malpractice lawsuits\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An easier path to the ballot may make activists on an issue less patient with the bickering and negotiating inside the Legislature.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I think that people who are frustrated with the legislative process will be looking to use the initiative process more quickly,\" said strategist Miller.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But then consider \u003ca href=\"http://www.latimes.com/local/political/la-me-pc-gov-brown-oks-bill-allowing-changes-and-more-transparency-for-initiatives-20140926-story.html\" target=\"_blank\">the law signed by Brown this fall to make small but important changes to the initiative process\u003c/a>. Those changes will allow initiative backers more time to gather signatures; a chance for the backers to amend their proposal even after filing it with state officials; and a window of time for legislators and the governor to enact a law rather than see the issue head to the ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Of course, even this tweak in election law would be impacted by the expected new, and low, threshold for initiatives: It mandates legislative hearings on a proposal after it has collected just 25 percent of the signatures needed for qualification. At current rates, that means that anyone who can get about 82,000 signatures will force the Legislature to engage on the issue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The threshold for getting an initiative on the ballot in California has waxed and waned in the past. But don't forget, the last record low turnout for a gubernatorial election was in 2002 ... which made it easier for critics of then-Gov. Gray Davis to qualify the recall measure that removed him from office in 2003.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new low bar for initiatives will last only for two election cycles. But even those election cycles will be different from earlier eras, under \u003ca href=\"http://blogs.kqed.org/capitalnotes/2011/09/09/good-government-or-political-power-play/\" target=\"_blank\">a still hotly debated change that was pushed through by Democrats in 2011\u003c/a>: moving all initiative and referendum propositions to November ballots and off June statewide ballots. Translation: The statewide ballot on Nov. 8, 2016 and Nov. 6, 2018 could be long -- very long.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And if so, it may all go back to the fact that millions of registered California voters decided to take this year off from casting a ballot.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "Little-known provision uses votes cast in gubernatorial election as measuring stick in future initiatives",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Here's one to ponder as we await the tallying of tens of thousands of uncounted ballots: Will this fall's voter malaise in California plant the seeds for a ballot initiative frenzy in two years?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What's the connection, you say? Simple. It's in the state constitution -- a little-talked-about provision that uses votes cast in a gubernatorial election as the measuring stick for future initiatives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://www.leginfo.ca.gov/.const/.article_2\" target=\"_blank\">Article II of the California Constitution\u003c/a> says that the number of valid voter signatures to qualify an initiative is based on the total votes cast in the most recent race for governor. For initiatives that seek to amend the state constitution, the signatures must equal at least 8 percent of the gubernatorial vote; for those that would create new statutes (state law), it's 5 percent of the gubernatorial vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For the 2012 and 2014 elections, that threshold was set in the 2010 contest between Gov. Jerry Brown and GOP challenger Meg Whitman. For 2016 and 2018, the threshold will be set by what happened on Nov. 4.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And as we're now seeing, that total vote was low. Historically low.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As of now, \u003ca href=\"http://vote.sos.ca.gov/returns/governor/\" target=\"_blank\">state elections officials have reported\u003c/a> that just shy of 6.5 million votes were cast in the duel between Brown and Republican Neel Kashkari.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That means that backers of any potential 2016 or 2018 ballot measures to write state law could qualify their initiative for the ballot with as few as 325,000 valid signatures. Compare that with the existing threshold for a statutory initiative, which is 504,760.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Big, big difference.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It's going to cost a lot less to qualify for the ballot,\" said Beth Miller, a GOP political strategist who was a top aide to former Secretary of State Bill Jones.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For initiatives that seek to rewrite the state constitution, California's governance blueprint, the threshold for qualification could drop to close to 521,000 signatures -- compared with its current level of 807,615.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And for a coming election cycle where everyone already expects a torrent of ballot initiatives, from \u003ca href=\"http://www.laweekly.com/informer/2014/09/29/full-legalization-of-marijuana-could-come-to-california-in-2016\" target=\"_blank\">legal pot\u003c/a> to \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2014/10/30/long-term-debate-over-Jerry-Brown-temporary-tax-Proposition-30/\" target=\"_blank\">tax hikes\u003c/a> and beyond, these super-low thresholds could make it a lot easier to get an issue in front of voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before anyone sounds the alarm over the potential boost in political power of well-heeled interest groups, consider that low initiative thresholds in 2016 and 2018 could also provide a boost to all kinds of grass-roots political efforts -- efforts, some would argue, that are exactly \u003ca href=\"http://www.economist.com/node/18548119\" target=\"_blank\">the kind of populist power envisioned when California created its direct democracy system in 1911\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The actual threshold for initiatives won't be known until a formal certification of the Nov. 4 vote, which comes next month. Still, most expect the dismally low turnout -- now at just a little above 37 percent of registered voters statewide -- to set a new record for low participation in a California gubernatorial election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, consider a couple of other changes the low Brown-Kashkari vote totals could make to the initiative process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>First, backers of initiative efforts often turn their energy and money to the ballot box when they fail to get action on their issue(s) at the state Capitol. Case in point: this fall's defeated \u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/blogs/health/2014/10/14/356050478/california-ballot-measure-pits-doctors-against-lawyers\" target=\"_blank\">Proposition 46\u003c/a>, which grew out of \u003ca href=\"http://www.news10.net/story/news/politics/john-myers/2014/01/22/4758601/\" target=\"_blank\">a Sacramento stalemate on the issue of loosening the state law that caps pain-and-suffering awards in medical malpractice lawsuits\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An easier path to the ballot may make activists on an issue less patient with the bickering and negotiating inside the Legislature.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I think that people who are frustrated with the legislative process will be looking to use the initiative process more quickly,\" said strategist Miller.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But then consider \u003ca href=\"http://www.latimes.com/local/political/la-me-pc-gov-brown-oks-bill-allowing-changes-and-more-transparency-for-initiatives-20140926-story.html\" target=\"_blank\">the law signed by Brown this fall to make small but important changes to the initiative process\u003c/a>. Those changes will allow initiative backers more time to gather signatures; a chance for the backers to amend their proposal even after filing it with state officials; and a window of time for legislators and the governor to enact a law rather than see the issue head to the ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Of course, even this tweak in election law would be impacted by the expected new, and low, threshold for initiatives: It mandates legislative hearings on a proposal after it has collected just 25 percent of the signatures needed for qualification. At current rates, that means that anyone who can get about 82,000 signatures will force the Legislature to engage on the issue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The threshold for getting an initiative on the ballot in California has waxed and waned in the past. But don't forget, the last record low turnout for a gubernatorial election was in 2002 ... which made it easier for critics of then-Gov. Gray Davis to qualify the recall measure that removed him from office in 2003.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new low bar for initiatives will last only for two election cycles. But even those election cycles will be different from earlier eras, under \u003ca href=\"http://blogs.kqed.org/capitalnotes/2011/09/09/good-government-or-political-power-play/\" target=\"_blank\">a still hotly debated change that was pushed through by Democrats in 2011\u003c/a>: moving all initiative and referendum propositions to November ballots and off June statewide ballots. Translation: The statewide ballot on Nov. 8, 2016 and Nov. 6, 2018 could be long -- very long.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And if so, it may all go back to the fact that millions of registered California voters decided to take this year off from casting a ballot.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Californians Will Soon Have More Time to Turn in Mail-In Ballots",
"title": "Californians Will Soon Have More Time to Turn in Mail-In Ballots",
"headTitle": "California Election Watch 2014 | The California Report | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>Late voters will have more opportunity to mail in their ballots, thanks to a \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201320140SB29\" target=\"_blank\">new law\u003c/a> that goes into effect on Jan. 1, 2015. The law stipulates that vote-by-mail ballots will need to be postmarked by Election Day and received up to three days later, rather than the current requirement that ballots must actually be in the hands of election officials by Election Day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Election officials hope the date change will help alleviate voters' concerns about mailing in their ballots. Kim Alexander of the California Voter Foundation, for example, says she’s seen trays of ballots go uncounted because they were mailed in too late.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Now we've given voters more opportunity to vote, and there's a trade-off that it takes longer to tally the results,\" she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Still Counting\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California voters finished casting their ballots last week, but many counties are still tallying the actual votes. That's partially because of the success of vote-by-mail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In theory, vote-by mail gives county registrars a jump.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"That's how we can give you results at 8:05 p.m.,\" said Tim Dupuis, registrar of voters for Alameda County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But most counties don't receive vote-by-mail ballots until Election Day.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">'We want people to vote. The timing of a vote should not matter, it's the point of participating.'\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>In Alameda County only about 5 percent of vote-by-mail ballots arrived before Election Day. About 82,500 vote-by-mail ballots were dropped off at the polls, and about 130,000 more were delivered on Election Day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By Monday afternoon, Dupuis said there were still about 14,000 ballots to tally countywide. With just 129 votes currently separating school board member Trish Spencer and incumbent Mayor Marie Gilmore in the Alameda mayoral election, it could still be awhile before a winner is declared.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About 100 people are still going through those ballots in Alameda County. First, workers need to match the signature on the envelope to the signature they have on file in the registration system. If it doesn't match, the vote is not counted. Next, the envelope is opened and the ballots sorted by precinct. This way, it's easy for the county to recount the ballots if needed, and for a mandatory manual tally of some votes. Finally, the ballots are scanned.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I'd like (people) to get their vote in early. It would certainly help us get the vote out quickly. But ultimately I would just like to see people get out and vote,\" Dupuis said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Almost 30 percent of San Francisco's vote-by-mail ballots were also turned in on Election Day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It's one of the most critical things we prepare for. It's basically like Election Day all over again,\" said John Arntz, director at the San Francisco Department of Elections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Arntz said the biggest problem is getting the four-page ballot through the machines.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignleft\">\n\u003ch3>Vote-by-Mail 101\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2014/11/07/check-online-whether-your-vote-by-mail-or-provisonal-ballot-has-been-counted-yet\">Track your vote-by-mail ballot\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2014/08/21/vote-by-mail-file-correctly/\">The most common vote-by-mail mistakes\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Statewide, there are still about 1,291,300 uncounted ballots.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"There's nothing wrong with that. The only people who dislike it are media, and some candidates. It's good for the media and candidates to remember that no one takes office the next day at 8 a.m.,\" said Nicole Winger, spokeswoman for the California secretary of state. \"We want people to vote. The timing of a vote should not matter. It's the point of participating.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Winger turned in her vote-by-mail ballot on Election Day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"There was a local measure I was on the fence about, and that brought me up to the last day before the election,\" she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Vote-by-Mail Ballots a Factor in Contested Races\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vote-by-mail ballots are more likely to go uncounted, though. About 1 percent of vote-by-mail ballots went uncounted during the 2012 general election, and 3 percent during the June primary, according to a \u003ca href=\"http://regionalchange.ucdavis.edu/ourwork/projects/examining-californias-vote-by-mail-ballots\" target=\"_blank\">study by the UC Davis California Civic Engagement Project\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The vote-by-mail ballot has become the hanging chad of 2014,\" Alexander said. \"It's the same as the 2012 election, where people think their vote is being counted and it's not.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10346858\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 400px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2014/11/Sorting-VBM.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-thumbnail wp-image-10346858\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2014/11/Sorting-VBM-400x300.jpg\" alt=\"It takes weeks to sort through the vote by mail ballots before election day. (Beth Willon/KQED)\" width=\"400\" height=\"300\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2014/11/Sorting-VBM-400x300.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2014/11/Sorting-VBM-800x600.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2014/11/Sorting-VBM.jpg 1280w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 400px) 100vw, 400px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">It takes weeks to sort through the vote-by-mail ballots before Election Day. (Beth Willon/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>One of the main reasons vote-by-mail ballots go uncounted is because they are lacking a signature on the envelope, or the signature does not match voter registration or DMV records. While some counties will try to contact voters, they're not required to.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And those uncounted votes can make a difference. The signatures on about 3,000 vote-by-mail ballots in Sacramento are being challenged. That could make a big difference between Democratic Rep. Ami Bera, who is \u003ca href=\"http://www.sacbee.com/news/politics-government/capitol-alert/article3727753.html\" target=\"_blank\">within 530 votes of Republican challenger Doug Ose\u003c/a> for the 7th Congressional District.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It's the most frustrating part of this whole issue. You can tell people to get it on time and to sign the envelope. But the third question is really hard. People don't know what their signature in the registration looks like,\" Alexander said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In \u003ca href=\"http://www.calvoter.org/issues/votereng/votebymail/study/findings.html#h4\" target=\"_blank\">a California Voter Foundation study\u003c/a> of vote-by-mail in Sacramento, Orange and Santa Cruz counties, about 38 percent of disqualified ballots had either no signature or one that did not match the voting records.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state is also not paying for extra vote-by-mail outreach to help educate Californians, or even for vote-by-mail programs themselves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California suspended funding for vote-by-mail programs in the 2011-2012 state budget, so counties have had to absorb the cost. Santa Cruz County spent $140,000 of its election budget on vote-by-mail in the November 2012 election. The Legislative Analyst’s Office \u003ca href=\"http://www.lao.ca.gov/Recommendations/Details/723\" target=\"_blank\">has recommended since 2013\u003c/a> that funding for election mandates be restored.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Late voters will have more opportunity to mail in their ballots, thanks to a \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201320140SB29\" target=\"_blank\">new law\u003c/a> that goes into effect on Jan. 1, 2015. The law stipulates that vote-by-mail ballots will need to be postmarked by Election Day and received up to three days later, rather than the current requirement that ballots must actually be in the hands of election officials by Election Day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Election officials hope the date change will help alleviate voters' concerns about mailing in their ballots. Kim Alexander of the California Voter Foundation, for example, says she’s seen trays of ballots go uncounted because they were mailed in too late.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Now we've given voters more opportunity to vote, and there's a trade-off that it takes longer to tally the results,\" she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Still Counting\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California voters finished casting their ballots last week, but many counties are still tallying the actual votes. That's partially because of the success of vote-by-mail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In theory, vote-by mail gives county registrars a jump.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"That's how we can give you results at 8:05 p.m.,\" said Tim Dupuis, registrar of voters for Alameda County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But most counties don't receive vote-by-mail ballots until Election Day.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">'We want people to vote. The timing of a vote should not matter, it's the point of participating.'\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>In Alameda County only about 5 percent of vote-by-mail ballots arrived before Election Day. About 82,500 vote-by-mail ballots were dropped off at the polls, and about 130,000 more were delivered on Election Day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By Monday afternoon, Dupuis said there were still about 14,000 ballots to tally countywide. With just 129 votes currently separating school board member Trish Spencer and incumbent Mayor Marie Gilmore in the Alameda mayoral election, it could still be awhile before a winner is declared.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About 100 people are still going through those ballots in Alameda County. First, workers need to match the signature on the envelope to the signature they have on file in the registration system. If it doesn't match, the vote is not counted. Next, the envelope is opened and the ballots sorted by precinct. This way, it's easy for the county to recount the ballots if needed, and for a mandatory manual tally of some votes. Finally, the ballots are scanned.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I'd like (people) to get their vote in early. It would certainly help us get the vote out quickly. But ultimately I would just like to see people get out and vote,\" Dupuis said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Almost 30 percent of San Francisco's vote-by-mail ballots were also turned in on Election Day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It's one of the most critical things we prepare for. It's basically like Election Day all over again,\" said John Arntz, director at the San Francisco Department of Elections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Arntz said the biggest problem is getting the four-page ballot through the machines.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignleft\">\n\u003ch3>Vote-by-Mail 101\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2014/11/07/check-online-whether-your-vote-by-mail-or-provisonal-ballot-has-been-counted-yet\">Track your vote-by-mail ballot\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2014/08/21/vote-by-mail-file-correctly/\">The most common vote-by-mail mistakes\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Statewide, there are still about 1,291,300 uncounted ballots.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"There's nothing wrong with that. The only people who dislike it are media, and some candidates. It's good for the media and candidates to remember that no one takes office the next day at 8 a.m.,\" said Nicole Winger, spokeswoman for the California secretary of state. \"We want people to vote. The timing of a vote should not matter. It's the point of participating.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Winger turned in her vote-by-mail ballot on Election Day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"There was a local measure I was on the fence about, and that brought me up to the last day before the election,\" she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Vote-by-Mail Ballots a Factor in Contested Races\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vote-by-mail ballots are more likely to go uncounted, though. About 1 percent of vote-by-mail ballots went uncounted during the 2012 general election, and 3 percent during the June primary, according to a \u003ca href=\"http://regionalchange.ucdavis.edu/ourwork/projects/examining-californias-vote-by-mail-ballots\" target=\"_blank\">study by the UC Davis California Civic Engagement Project\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The vote-by-mail ballot has become the hanging chad of 2014,\" Alexander said. \"It's the same as the 2012 election, where people think their vote is being counted and it's not.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10346858\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 400px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2014/11/Sorting-VBM.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-thumbnail wp-image-10346858\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2014/11/Sorting-VBM-400x300.jpg\" alt=\"It takes weeks to sort through the vote by mail ballots before election day. (Beth Willon/KQED)\" width=\"400\" height=\"300\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2014/11/Sorting-VBM-400x300.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2014/11/Sorting-VBM-800x600.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2014/11/Sorting-VBM.jpg 1280w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 400px) 100vw, 400px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">It takes weeks to sort through the vote-by-mail ballots before Election Day. (Beth Willon/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>One of the main reasons vote-by-mail ballots go uncounted is because they are lacking a signature on the envelope, or the signature does not match voter registration or DMV records. While some counties will try to contact voters, they're not required to.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And those uncounted votes can make a difference. The signatures on about 3,000 vote-by-mail ballots in Sacramento are being challenged. That could make a big difference between Democratic Rep. Ami Bera, who is \u003ca href=\"http://www.sacbee.com/news/politics-government/capitol-alert/article3727753.html\" target=\"_blank\">within 530 votes of Republican challenger Doug Ose\u003c/a> for the 7th Congressional District.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It's the most frustrating part of this whole issue. You can tell people to get it on time and to sign the envelope. But the third question is really hard. People don't know what their signature in the registration looks like,\" Alexander said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In \u003ca href=\"http://www.calvoter.org/issues/votereng/votebymail/study/findings.html#h4\" target=\"_blank\">a California Voter Foundation study\u003c/a> of vote-by-mail in Sacramento, Orange and Santa Cruz counties, about 38 percent of disqualified ballots had either no signature or one that did not match the voting records.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state is also not paying for extra vote-by-mail outreach to help educate Californians, or even for vote-by-mail programs themselves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California suspended funding for vote-by-mail programs in the 2011-2012 state budget, so counties have had to absorb the cost. Santa Cruz County spent $140,000 of its election budget on vote-by-mail in the November 2012 election. The Legislative Analyst’s Office \u003ca href=\"http://www.lao.ca.gov/Recommendations/Details/723\" target=\"_blank\">has recommended since 2013\u003c/a> that funding for election mandates be restored.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Mayor-Elect Tom Butt Describes Where He Plans to Take Richmond",
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"content": "\u003cp>Tom Butt looked tired. At 8 p.m. on Election Day he finally sat down, stein of beer in hand, to wait for the results. He had been on his feet all day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Twelve hours earlier, the mayoral candidate had arrived at the first polling place on an itinerary of five, to do last-minute outreach. That afternoon, he stood in the parking lot of Veterans Memorial Hall on 23rd Street, in glaring fall sun, handing out business cards and shaking hands. Then he stood in the parking lot of the Senior Center on MacDonald until the sun dipped behind Casper’s Hot Dogs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It wasn’t until the Baltic bar party that he finally sat with his family and ate some potato cakes. The light was low except for the bright glow of a projection screen set up to show the election results. People snacked on shrimp and sausages, and volunteers passed out raffle tickets to be exchanged for beer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By 10:30 p.m., the crowd was packed with supporters. The campaign coordinator, Alex Knox, said 80 people were invited -- but more probably flowed in and out throughout the night.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was a long wait.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although Butt jumped ahead from the very first tally, the members of the audience held their excitement and their breath until half-past midnight when the final results came in. The candidate took the election with a 15-point margin. Like that, hopefulness changed to elation, and Butt twirled his wife, Shirley, on the dance floor, backlit by the projection screen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Richmond Confidential reporter Elly Schmidt-Hopper\u003c/strong> spoke with the mayor-elect about the election and what he hopes to accomplish in the next four years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Q:\u003c/strong> You’re at the Baltic, friends and family all around you, and you’re waiting after a long day for the election results. What was going through your mind?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>A:\u003c/strong> I was thinking, “I wish it was over.” One way or another, I just wanted to go home or go to bed. But when it finally came in and it broke the right way, it was exciting!\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Q:\u003c/strong> You were very measured in your reaction to the initial numbers showing you had a solid 10-point lead. Why is that?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>A:\u003c/strong> All I had to go on was back in 2012, when something similar happened. The early numbers came in and I jumped right up into the lead. I was running against Nat Bates for City Council. I had been told by people who had seen some of the polling Chevron had done that I was in the lead. So when I saw the initial numbers, I thought it would be a good night. Before the evening was over, I was 1,700 votes behind Bates. … I thought it could be a repeat of 2012.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Q:\u003c/strong> What’s your first priority as mayor of Richmond?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A: I don’t see any huge changes coming to the City Council. Depending on how the final tallies go, either five or six of the City Council members will be the same as they were before. I don’t think the ingredients are there for a huge shift in policy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What we do have is lots of unfinished business, like a climate-action plan. That’s more than just environmental fluff, you have to have a climate-action plan to receive cap-and-trade grants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We are also getting past the last impediments to getting the Richmond ferry going. That needs to be bird-dogged every day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Q: What will happen to your empty City Council seat?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>A:\u003c/strong> The council will fill it. I don’t have a clue where it will go. I think that if by some chance Jim Rogers was to pull ahead of Ed Martinez, I think Martinez will be a natural candidate. If it goes the other way, it will take a lot more thought.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Q:\u003c/strong> Corky Boozé has claimed that African-Americans lost their representation in Richmond government this election. What do you think about that?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>A:\u003c/strong> I think Corky was asleep during math class. If you look at it, no matter what happens, we have seven council members, and three of those seven are African-Americans. That’s 42 percent. The African-American population in Richmond is about 28 percent. So the percentage of [African-American] council members is proportionally larger than that of the population of Richmond. It seems abundantly clear. I think the problem is that Corky sees himself and Nat as the only legitimate representatives of the black population in Richmond. Which is absolutely ridiculous.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Q:\u003c/strong> Richmond City Council meetings have been described as a circus. Do you expect this to change with the entire RPA coalition and Jael Myrick on the council?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>A:\u003c/strong> I think with Corky gone it’s going to be night and day. I’ve said all along that Corky was the root of 97 percent of all of this. It’s not going to be an issue any more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I have been on the council for 19 years, and for 16 of those years, the council operated as a normal deliberative body. It’s only been in the last three years that problems have occurred.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Q:\u003c/strong> Chevron notably didn’t attack your political campaign very much. How will this affect how you work with them in the future?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>A:\u003c/strong> Well, I’m going to work with them in the future in the same way I worked with them in the past. For example, the Modernization Project. I worked with them all the way through and tried to steer the project in a positive direction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I have always hoped that the Richmond and Chevron relationship would evolve into a partnership rather than an owner-occupant relationship, where they [Chevron] feel they own the city, while residents who live here are tenants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Q:\u003c/strong> Any tidbit on the Richmond city lawsuit against Chevron lawsuit and how you want it to move forward?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>A:\u003c/strong> I don’t think there’s going to be any change in that for a while. Litigation like this takes years to resolve. The process won’t start until next spring and then will drag on and on. Watching the evolution of the Chevron lawsuit will be about at exciting as hanging out in the parking lot of a polling place, waiting for the next voter to come by. At some point, Chevron will make a sincere effort to settle this lawsuit, and that part will be important.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Q:\u003c/strong> How does your wife feel about all this?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>A:\u003c/strong> I think she might be more excited than I am! I think she was reluctant to go down this path in the beginning, but now she is excited.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Q:\u003c/strong> It’s not “first lady”, so what is the wife of the mayor called?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>A:\u003c/strong> Shirley! [Laughs]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We’re happy. And for a person of my political persuasion, there wasn’t much else to be happy about on Tuesday night.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Tom Butt looked tired. At 8 p.m. on Election Day he finally sat down, stein of beer in hand, to wait for the results. He had been on his feet all day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Twelve hours earlier, the mayoral candidate had arrived at the first polling place on an itinerary of five, to do last-minute outreach. That afternoon, he stood in the parking lot of Veterans Memorial Hall on 23rd Street, in glaring fall sun, handing out business cards and shaking hands. Then he stood in the parking lot of the Senior Center on MacDonald until the sun dipped behind Casper’s Hot Dogs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It wasn’t until the Baltic bar party that he finally sat with his family and ate some potato cakes. The light was low except for the bright glow of a projection screen set up to show the election results. People snacked on shrimp and sausages, and volunteers passed out raffle tickets to be exchanged for beer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By 10:30 p.m., the crowd was packed with supporters. The campaign coordinator, Alex Knox, said 80 people were invited -- but more probably flowed in and out throughout the night.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was a long wait.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although Butt jumped ahead from the very first tally, the members of the audience held their excitement and their breath until half-past midnight when the final results came in. The candidate took the election with a 15-point margin. Like that, hopefulness changed to elation, and Butt twirled his wife, Shirley, on the dance floor, backlit by the projection screen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Richmond Confidential reporter Elly Schmidt-Hopper\u003c/strong> spoke with the mayor-elect about the election and what he hopes to accomplish in the next four years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Q:\u003c/strong> You’re at the Baltic, friends and family all around you, and you’re waiting after a long day for the election results. What was going through your mind?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>A:\u003c/strong> I was thinking, “I wish it was over.” One way or another, I just wanted to go home or go to bed. But when it finally came in and it broke the right way, it was exciting!\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Q:\u003c/strong> You were very measured in your reaction to the initial numbers showing you had a solid 10-point lead. Why is that?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>A:\u003c/strong> All I had to go on was back in 2012, when something similar happened. The early numbers came in and I jumped right up into the lead. I was running against Nat Bates for City Council. I had been told by people who had seen some of the polling Chevron had done that I was in the lead. So when I saw the initial numbers, I thought it would be a good night. Before the evening was over, I was 1,700 votes behind Bates. … I thought it could be a repeat of 2012.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Q:\u003c/strong> What’s your first priority as mayor of Richmond?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A: I don’t see any huge changes coming to the City Council. Depending on how the final tallies go, either five or six of the City Council members will be the same as they were before. I don’t think the ingredients are there for a huge shift in policy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What we do have is lots of unfinished business, like a climate-action plan. That’s more than just environmental fluff, you have to have a climate-action plan to receive cap-and-trade grants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We are also getting past the last impediments to getting the Richmond ferry going. That needs to be bird-dogged every day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Q: What will happen to your empty City Council seat?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>A:\u003c/strong> The council will fill it. I don’t have a clue where it will go. I think that if by some chance Jim Rogers was to pull ahead of Ed Martinez, I think Martinez will be a natural candidate. If it goes the other way, it will take a lot more thought.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Q:\u003c/strong> Corky Boozé has claimed that African-Americans lost their representation in Richmond government this election. What do you think about that?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>A:\u003c/strong> I think Corky was asleep during math class. If you look at it, no matter what happens, we have seven council members, and three of those seven are African-Americans. That’s 42 percent. The African-American population in Richmond is about 28 percent. So the percentage of [African-American] council members is proportionally larger than that of the population of Richmond. It seems abundantly clear. I think the problem is that Corky sees himself and Nat as the only legitimate representatives of the black population in Richmond. Which is absolutely ridiculous.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Q:\u003c/strong> Richmond City Council meetings have been described as a circus. Do you expect this to change with the entire RPA coalition and Jael Myrick on the council?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>A:\u003c/strong> I think with Corky gone it’s going to be night and day. I’ve said all along that Corky was the root of 97 percent of all of this. It’s not going to be an issue any more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I have been on the council for 19 years, and for 16 of those years, the council operated as a normal deliberative body. It’s only been in the last three years that problems have occurred.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Q:\u003c/strong> Chevron notably didn’t attack your political campaign very much. How will this affect how you work with them in the future?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>A:\u003c/strong> Well, I’m going to work with them in the future in the same way I worked with them in the past. For example, the Modernization Project. I worked with them all the way through and tried to steer the project in a positive direction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I have always hoped that the Richmond and Chevron relationship would evolve into a partnership rather than an owner-occupant relationship, where they [Chevron] feel they own the city, while residents who live here are tenants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Q:\u003c/strong> Any tidbit on the Richmond city lawsuit against Chevron lawsuit and how you want it to move forward?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>A:\u003c/strong> I don’t think there’s going to be any change in that for a while. Litigation like this takes years to resolve. The process won’t start until next spring and then will drag on and on. Watching the evolution of the Chevron lawsuit will be about at exciting as hanging out in the parking lot of a polling place, waiting for the next voter to come by. At some point, Chevron will make a sincere effort to settle this lawsuit, and that part will be important.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Q:\u003c/strong> How does your wife feel about all this?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>A:\u003c/strong> I think she might be more excited than I am! I think she was reluctant to go down this path in the beginning, but now she is excited.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Q:\u003c/strong> It’s not “first lady”, so what is the wife of the mayor called?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>A:\u003c/strong> Shirley! [Laughs]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We’re happy. And for a person of my political persuasion, there wasn’t much else to be happy about on Tuesday night.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Cortese Concedes; Liccardo Wins San Jose Mayoral Race",
"title": "Cortese Concedes; Liccardo Wins San Jose Mayoral Race",
"headTitle": "California Election Watch 2014 | News Fix | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Update, Monday 5 p.m.:\u003c/strong> Nearly one week after voters went to the polls Santa Clara County Supervisor Dave Cortese late this afternoon conceded the San Jose mayoral race to Councilman Sam Liccardo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Update, Monday 8:23 a.m.:\u003c/strong> All of the vote-by-mail ballot counting was completed by 8 p.m. Sunday night. Still uncounted: 14,000 provisional ballots. The tally now stands:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Liccardo: 87,950 51.06 %\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Cortese: 84,282 48.94 %\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Update, Thursday 4:15 p.m.:\u003c/strong> Liccardo has \u003ca href=\"http://www.mercurynews.com/elections/ci_26886684/san-jose-mayor-liccardos-lead-grows-thursday-cortese\" target=\"_blank\">widened his lead over Cortese\u003c/a> after the release of the latest vote totals. But at a press conference Thursday afternoon, Cortese said that he wanted to wait for all the votes to be counted before conceding the race.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Original Post:\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The San Jose mayor's race is still not decided this morning. It's too close to call.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Throughout the night, City Councilman Sam Liccardo held a consistent 2-point lead over county Supervisor Dave Cortese. Liccardo declared victory this morning at a press conference. However, Cortese has not conceded the race yet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cortese does not expect a winner to be declared for at least a week. He believes a handful of voters will decide who is San Jose’s next mayor. He’s calling this race \"San Jose’s Florida without the hanging chads.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Early this morning, Santa Clara County Registrar of Voters Shannon Bushey said ballots from all of San Jose's 495 polling precincts had been counted. But there are still tens of thousands of outstanding provisional and vote-by-mail ballots to tally. KQED expects an updated count on the South Bay's remaining ballots around the close of business Wednesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://results.enr.clarityelections.com/CA/Santa_Clara/54209/147908/Web01/en/summary.html\" target=\"_blank\">Santa Clara County election results trickled in\u003c/a> all night because of website and computer problems at the Santa Clara County Registrar of Voters office. The glitches seemed to suck the air out of the election parties for both candidates, with many supporters leaving before midnight.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Liccardo dominated the vote in West San Jose and Cortese got the majority of votes on the East Side.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10347149\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2014/11/IMG_4080.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-10347149\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2014/11/IMG_4080-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Sam Liccardo leading the race for mayor says goodnight to supporters at his Gordon Biersch Brewery election night headquarters.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2014/11/IMG_4080-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2014/11/IMG_4080-400x266.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2014/11/IMG_4080-1440x960.jpg 1440w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Sam Liccardo, leading the race for mayor, says goodnight to supporters at his Gordon Biersch Brewery election night headquarters. (Nicholas Ibarra/San Jose State) \u003ccite>(Nicholas Ibarra)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\"We knew it would be a tough battle and here we are at the finish line. I think we're at the end of the tunnel,\" said Liccardo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The San Jose councilman, who has a reservoir of support from former San Jose mayors and city leaders, said the unions ran a bruising, expensive campaign against him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We knew we were taking on the machine, and right now the machine is shivering in its boots,\" said Liccardo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cortese, who is backed by the unions and police, said it's possible the race will be decided by just a handful of votes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It's just a very competitive race and it's a very diverse city. This is what happens when you get a blend of votes on different issues from around the city,\" said Cortese.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10347150\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2014/11/IMG_4101.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-10347150\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2014/11/IMG_4101-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Dave Cortese says good night to his supporters at the Marriott in San Jose after a long night of waiting for election results. \" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2014/11/IMG_4101-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2014/11/IMG_4101-400x266.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2014/11/IMG_4101-1440x960.jpg 1440w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Dave Cortese says good night to his supporters at the Marriott in San Jose after a long night of waiting for election results. (Nicholas Ibarra/San Jose State)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The two men who want to be the next mayor of the largest city in Northern California have been sparring for months in an exhausting flurry of town hall meetings, debates and forums in every San Jose neighborhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The side that mobilizes voters the best wins the mayoral election because, in a low voter turnout year, it won't take that many votes to do it,\" said Larry Gerston, a political science professor at San Jose State University.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The overriding issues of the campaign were residential crime, putting more police on the streets and pension reform.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a city once called \"America's safest big city,\" many residents say they've lost their peace of mind. They are demanding that the city's next mayor have solutions to reduce the residential crime plaguing neighborhoods from Willow Glen to East San Jose.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Official San Jose Police Department statistics show the number of burglaries for every 100,000 San Jose resident has gone up by more than 40 percent since 2009. Auto theft is up 51 percent. The loss of about 380 San Jose police officers in the last five years is part of the problem.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"This is a contest between two men who are viewed very differently by voters,\" said Gerston. \"Cortese is viewed more as the common man and Liccardo is viewed more as the consummate professional. Each has their reservoirs of support. Cortese has the support of many former San Jose police chiefs, and Liccardo has the support of former San Jose mayors.\"\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Update, Monday 5 p.m.:\u003c/strong> Nearly one week after voters went to the polls Santa Clara County Supervisor Dave Cortese late this afternoon conceded the San Jose mayoral race to Councilman Sam Liccardo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Update, Monday 8:23 a.m.:\u003c/strong> All of the vote-by-mail ballot counting was completed by 8 p.m. Sunday night. Still uncounted: 14,000 provisional ballots. The tally now stands:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Liccardo: 87,950 51.06 %\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Cortese: 84,282 48.94 %\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Update, Thursday 4:15 p.m.:\u003c/strong> Liccardo has \u003ca href=\"http://www.mercurynews.com/elections/ci_26886684/san-jose-mayor-liccardos-lead-grows-thursday-cortese\" target=\"_blank\">widened his lead over Cortese\u003c/a> after the release of the latest vote totals. But at a press conference Thursday afternoon, Cortese said that he wanted to wait for all the votes to be counted before conceding the race.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Original Post:\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The San Jose mayor's race is still not decided this morning. It's too close to call.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Throughout the night, City Councilman Sam Liccardo held a consistent 2-point lead over county Supervisor Dave Cortese. Liccardo declared victory this morning at a press conference. However, Cortese has not conceded the race yet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cortese does not expect a winner to be declared for at least a week. He believes a handful of voters will decide who is San Jose’s next mayor. He’s calling this race \"San Jose’s Florida without the hanging chads.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Early this morning, Santa Clara County Registrar of Voters Shannon Bushey said ballots from all of San Jose's 495 polling precincts had been counted. But there are still tens of thousands of outstanding provisional and vote-by-mail ballots to tally. KQED expects an updated count on the South Bay's remaining ballots around the close of business Wednesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://results.enr.clarityelections.com/CA/Santa_Clara/54209/147908/Web01/en/summary.html\" target=\"_blank\">Santa Clara County election results trickled in\u003c/a> all night because of website and computer problems at the Santa Clara County Registrar of Voters office. The glitches seemed to suck the air out of the election parties for both candidates, with many supporters leaving before midnight.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Liccardo dominated the vote in West San Jose and Cortese got the majority of votes on the East Side.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10347149\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2014/11/IMG_4080.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-10347149\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2014/11/IMG_4080-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Sam Liccardo leading the race for mayor says goodnight to supporters at his Gordon Biersch Brewery election night headquarters.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2014/11/IMG_4080-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2014/11/IMG_4080-400x266.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2014/11/IMG_4080-1440x960.jpg 1440w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Sam Liccardo, leading the race for mayor, says goodnight to supporters at his Gordon Biersch Brewery election night headquarters. (Nicholas Ibarra/San Jose State) \u003ccite>(Nicholas Ibarra)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\"We knew it would be a tough battle and here we are at the finish line. I think we're at the end of the tunnel,\" said Liccardo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The San Jose councilman, who has a reservoir of support from former San Jose mayors and city leaders, said the unions ran a bruising, expensive campaign against him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We knew we were taking on the machine, and right now the machine is shivering in its boots,\" said Liccardo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cortese, who is backed by the unions and police, said it's possible the race will be decided by just a handful of votes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It's just a very competitive race and it's a very diverse city. This is what happens when you get a blend of votes on different issues from around the city,\" said Cortese.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10347150\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2014/11/IMG_4101.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-10347150\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2014/11/IMG_4101-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Dave Cortese says good night to his supporters at the Marriott in San Jose after a long night of waiting for election results. \" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2014/11/IMG_4101-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2014/11/IMG_4101-400x266.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2014/11/IMG_4101-1440x960.jpg 1440w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Dave Cortese says good night to his supporters at the Marriott in San Jose after a long night of waiting for election results. (Nicholas Ibarra/San Jose State)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The two men who want to be the next mayor of the largest city in Northern California have been sparring for months in an exhausting flurry of town hall meetings, debates and forums in every San Jose neighborhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The side that mobilizes voters the best wins the mayoral election because, in a low voter turnout year, it won't take that many votes to do it,\" said Larry Gerston, a political science professor at San Jose State University.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The overriding issues of the campaign were residential crime, putting more police on the streets and pension reform.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a city once called \"America's safest big city,\" many residents say they've lost their peace of mind. They are demanding that the city's next mayor have solutions to reduce the residential crime plaguing neighborhoods from Willow Glen to East San Jose.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Official San Jose Police Department statistics show the number of burglaries for every 100,000 San Jose resident has gone up by more than 40 percent since 2009. Auto theft is up 51 percent. The loss of about 380 San Jose police officers in the last five years is part of the problem.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"This is a contest between two men who are viewed very differently by voters,\" said Gerston. \"Cortese is viewed more as the common man and Liccardo is viewed more as the consummate professional. Each has their reservoirs of support. Cortese has the support of many former San Jose police chiefs, and Liccardo has the support of former San Jose mayors.\"\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Menlo Park Voters Welcome Growth Downtown With Measure M Defeat",
"title": "Menlo Park Voters Welcome Growth Downtown With Measure M Defeat",
"headTitle": "California Election Watch 2014 | News Fix | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>Voters in Menlo Park decidedly rejected a controversial initiative that would have cut in half the amount of future office space allowed in the city’s downtown and El Camino Real areas. Sixty-two percent of voters decided to keep current land-use guidelines and to continue the City Council’s negotiations with two developers proposing to build hundreds of apartments and up to 409,500 square feet of offices.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kirsten Keith, a City Council member who won re-election yesterday to a second four-year term, opposed Measure M, along with Mayor Ray Mueller and the rest of the council.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What we can learn from the vote yesterday is that people want to move forward with making Menlo Park a better place to be, and Measure M is not the answer to that,” said Keith, as she took her two dogs for a walk this morning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last month, the City Council asked Stanford University to modify its development project after an analysis showed it would significantly increase traffic congestion. (Peninsula Press is a project of the Stanford Journalism Program at Stanford University.) Keith said the council is waiting to see an environmental impact report of Greenheart Land Company, the other main developer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have already been negotiating public benefits with the developers,” said Keith, a former Menlo Park mayor. “We still have a long process to go.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Greenheart donated $200,000 to a Committee for a Vibrant Downtown to fight Measure M with mailers, ads and phone banking. Also against the initiative was Menlo Park Deserves Better, a citizen group not affiliated with Greenheart that received over $17,000 in small campaign contributions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pushing for Measure M was Save Menlo, supported by more than $75,000 in campaign donations. Patti Fry, who has lived in Menlo Park for 23 years, said the group was disappointed by the initiative’s defeat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“From the beginning we knew it was a long shot,” said Fry, a former planning commissioner. “But it was the only way to put the community and council focused on issues that really matter: traffic and the character of our town, foremost. I think that’s happened.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fry said before Save Menlo qualified Measure M to the citywide ballot, most residents knew nothing about the two development projects by Greenheart Land Co. and Stanford.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Save Menlo and other Measure M proponents argue that building large office complexes downtown would increase peak-hour traffic, which is already a nuisance for many residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Traffic was the No.1 issue, clearly they want the City Council to deal with that. And there are a lot of new activists who really care about the quality of life here and will hold the council accountable,” Fry said. “They view this as the beginning, not the end.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story originally appeared on KQED News Associate site \u003ca href=\"http://peninsulapress.com/2014/11/05/menlo-park-measure-d-defeated/\" target=\"_blank\">Peninsula Press\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Voters in Menlo Park decidedly rejected a controversial initiative that would have cut in half the amount of future office space allowed in the city’s downtown and El Camino Real areas. Sixty-two percent of voters decided to keep current land-use guidelines and to continue the City Council’s negotiations with two developers proposing to build hundreds of apartments and up to 409,500 square feet of offices.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kirsten Keith, a City Council member who won re-election yesterday to a second four-year term, opposed Measure M, along with Mayor Ray Mueller and the rest of the council.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What we can learn from the vote yesterday is that people want to move forward with making Menlo Park a better place to be, and Measure M is not the answer to that,” said Keith, as she took her two dogs for a walk this morning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last month, the City Council asked Stanford University to modify its development project after an analysis showed it would significantly increase traffic congestion. (Peninsula Press is a project of the Stanford Journalism Program at Stanford University.) Keith said the council is waiting to see an environmental impact report of Greenheart Land Company, the other main developer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have already been negotiating public benefits with the developers,” said Keith, a former Menlo Park mayor. “We still have a long process to go.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Greenheart donated $200,000 to a Committee for a Vibrant Downtown to fight Measure M with mailers, ads and phone banking. Also against the initiative was Menlo Park Deserves Better, a citizen group not affiliated with Greenheart that received over $17,000 in small campaign contributions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pushing for Measure M was Save Menlo, supported by more than $75,000 in campaign donations. Patti Fry, who has lived in Menlo Park for 23 years, said the group was disappointed by the initiative’s defeat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“From the beginning we knew it was a long shot,” said Fry, a former planning commissioner. “But it was the only way to put the community and council focused on issues that really matter: traffic and the character of our town, foremost. I think that’s happened.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fry said before Save Menlo qualified Measure M to the citywide ballot, most residents knew nothing about the two development projects by Greenheart Land Co. and Stanford.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Save Menlo and other Measure M proponents argue that building large office complexes downtown would increase peak-hour traffic, which is already a nuisance for many residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Traffic was the No.1 issue, clearly they want the City Council to deal with that. And there are a lot of new activists who really care about the quality of life here and will hold the council accountable,” Fry said. “They view this as the beginning, not the end.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story originally appeared on KQED News Associate site \u003ca href=\"http://peninsulapress.com/2014/11/05/menlo-park-measure-d-defeated/\" target=\"_blank\">Peninsula Press\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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