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"title": "Democrat Eric Jones Advances to Runoff Battle Against Longtime Napa Valley Congressman",
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"content": "\u003cp>Democratic former venture capitalist Eric Jones is advancing to the November general election against incumbent Rep. Mike Thompson \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/elections/results/california/congress-4th-district\">in Congressional District 4\u003c/a>, setting up an intraparty battle for the seat representing Napa Valley, the Sacramento suburbs and the rural North State.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After trailing Republican Ray Riehle for more than a week, Jones surged past him in Friday’s vote count update, and at 5:14 p.m., the Associated Press declared Jones the second-place finisher in the top-two primary.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are finishing in a very strong position,” Jones told KQED after the update.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said the results show that voters want change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Americans are suffering, we’ve never seen so much inequality in our country,” he said. “And our government, whether it’s in Sacramento or Washington, D.C., just ain’t focused on the problems that are plaguing everyday Americans.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His campaign remained optimistic the whole time, banking on later ballots skewing more progressive. Republicans \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12084978/california-democrats-anxious-about-wasted-votes-are-clinging-to-their-ballots\">voted by mail earlier\u003c/a> than Democrats, boosting Riehle in early vote counts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All those late absentee votes typically are younger, much more Democratic and working-class people of color who fit our base much more,” said Brian Parvizshahi, Jones’ campaign manager.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jones was part of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12086710/how-did-the-generational-change-movement-do-in-californias-election\">a wave of younger Democrats\u003c/a> taking on some of the party’s longest-serving members of Congress. For the most part, incumbents held their own.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12086015\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12086015\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260602_PRIMARY2026CD4_163-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260602_PRIMARY2026CD4_163-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260602_PRIMARY2026CD4_163-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260602_PRIMARY2026CD4_163-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Abby Delanoy wears an Eric Jones shirt at the Democratic candidate’s watch party at Three Mile Brewing in Davis on June 2, 2026. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Democratic challengers to 81-year-old Rep. John Garamendi in Solano and Contra Costa counties, as well as 71-year-old Rep. Brad Sherman and 87-year-old Rep. Maxine Waters, both in the Los Angeles area, did not make it into the general election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sacramento City Councilmember Mai Vang was the only generational change candidate to outperform the incumbent, Rep. Doris Matsui, in the primary.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jones put up the most serious challenge that Thompson has faced in years, but he remains 19 percentage points behind the incumbent, \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">with 98% of ballots counted.\u003c/span> Still, his campaign sees a path to victory in November.[aside label=\"Live 2026 Election Results\" link1='https://www.kqed.org/elections/results/napa,Napa County: Stay informed with the latest results for elected leaders and measures passed' hero=https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/80/2026/05/Aside-Results-2026-Local-Elections-Napa-County-1200x1200@2x.png]“The general electorate is a completely different electorate. It’s much more diverse, it’s much younger, and it’s voters who live with the day-to-day realities of this country … and the hardships that are facing everyone,” Jones said. “That’s dramatically different from the primary voter base. So we feel very good about our message resonating with the general electorate.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like Thompson, Jones focused his campaign messaging on affordability, but he ran on a progressive platform, calling for universal childcare, a $10,000 working-class tax refund, Medicare for All and expanded coverage for in-home nursing, dental, vision and hearing care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our entire campaign from day one has been about change,” Jones said. “It’s been about fighting for a new order in politics in our country and getting money out of politics and fighting for something better.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He has also pledged not to accept any corporate PAC money and wants to ban members of Congress from trading stocks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The core of my platform is forcing corporations to actually follow the tax code we have on the books, closing corporate loopholes, and using that money to fund a tax cut for the working class in this country,” said Jones, who has the endorsement of Our Revolution, a progressive organization founded by Sen. Bernie Sanders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thompson \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12085544/in-redrawn-napa-valley-house-seat-voters-appear-to-stick-with-incumbent-they-know\">easily cinched the first-place spot\u003c/a> on election night. A Vietnam War veteran, Thompson is a moderate Democrat who has served 14 terms in Congress with broad establishment support, including endorsements from Rep. Nancy Pelosi, Gov. Gavin Newsom, Sen. Adam Schiff and the state Democratic Party.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thompson has countered the generational argument of his opponent, noting his endorsements from youth voter groups such as Sacramento County Young Democrats and UC Davis College Democrats.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11705041\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11705041\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/ThompsonPelosi.jpg\" alt=\"Rep. Mike Thompson and Nancy Pelosi, pictured in Dec., 2017.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1259\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/ThompsonPelosi.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/ThompsonPelosi-160x105.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/ThompsonPelosi-800x525.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/ThompsonPelosi-1020x669.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/ThompsonPelosi-1200x787.jpg 1200w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Rep. Mike Thompson and Nancy Pelosi, pictured in Dec. 2017. \u003ccite>(Zach Gibson/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“I think every generation has something to offer, and there are younger people coming into Congress, but you can’t have an entire Congress of brand new people,” Thompson said. “It’s important to have people who can provide advice and share knowledge with the younger members who are coming in.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of Thompson’s signature issues is gun reform, and he chairs the House Gun Violence Prevention Task Force. He’s also championed the wine industry as a vineyard owner and co-chair of the Congressional Wine Caucus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jones’ campaign manager Parvizshahi previously ran Rep. Ro Khanna’s 2014 and 2016 campaigns against Rep. Mike Honda. In 2014, Khanna gained 17 points between the primary and general election. He lost, but returned to defeat Honda in 2016.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Parvizshahi believes Jones could follow a similar trajectory, arguing that in addition to an expanded general electorate, the longer runway to November also offers time to build name recognition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thompson usually wins close to two-thirds of the vote in the general election, but in this month’s primary he has received only 41% of votes so far.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s never good for an incumbent to be under 50%,” Parvizshahi said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Christian Grose, a political science professor at the University of Southern California, agreed the results may be a sign of voter dissatisfaction with the incumbent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12086017\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12086017\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260602_PRIMARY2026CD4_GC-34-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260602_PRIMARY2026CD4_GC-34-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260602_PRIMARY2026CD4_GC-34-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260602_PRIMARY2026CD4_GC-34-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Eric Jones, Democratic candidate for California’s 4th Congressional District, center, speaks to a supporter at his watch party at Three Mile Brewing in Davis on June 2, 2026. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Thompson’s not doing that great, right? If that many people have decided to vote against the incumbent. So that’s a weakness potentially,” Grose said. “But also you can’t assume Republicans will vote for the other Democrat if it’s a D versus D race. They might just sit it out.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Redistricting could work in Jones’ favor. After voters approved Proposition 50 last year, redrawing the state’s congressional maps, 47% of District 4 is new territory — weakening the powerful role of incumbency name recognition for Thompson.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, the new District 4 map brought in more conservative, rural regions of the state, including all of Colusa, Yuba and Sutter counties and parts of Placer and Sacramento counties, while dropping much of its more Democratic territory in Sonoma and Lake counties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Whether those voters back a progressive like Jones over a moderate Democrat like Thompson is an open question.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Democratic former venture capitalist Eric Jones is advancing to the November general election against incumbent Rep. Mike Thompson \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/elections/results/california/congress-4th-district\">in Congressional District 4\u003c/a>, setting up an intraparty battle for the seat representing Napa Valley, the Sacramento suburbs and the rural North State.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After trailing Republican Ray Riehle for more than a week, Jones surged past him in Friday’s vote count update, and at 5:14 p.m., the Associated Press declared Jones the second-place finisher in the top-two primary.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are finishing in a very strong position,” Jones told KQED after the update.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said the results show that voters want change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Americans are suffering, we’ve never seen so much inequality in our country,” he said. “And our government, whether it’s in Sacramento or Washington, D.C., just ain’t focused on the problems that are plaguing everyday Americans.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His campaign remained optimistic the whole time, banking on later ballots skewing more progressive. Republicans \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12084978/california-democrats-anxious-about-wasted-votes-are-clinging-to-their-ballots\">voted by mail earlier\u003c/a> than Democrats, boosting Riehle in early vote counts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All those late absentee votes typically are younger, much more Democratic and working-class people of color who fit our base much more,” said Brian Parvizshahi, Jones’ campaign manager.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jones was part of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12086710/how-did-the-generational-change-movement-do-in-californias-election\">a wave of younger Democrats\u003c/a> taking on some of the party’s longest-serving members of Congress. For the most part, incumbents held their own.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12086015\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12086015\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260602_PRIMARY2026CD4_163-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260602_PRIMARY2026CD4_163-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260602_PRIMARY2026CD4_163-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260602_PRIMARY2026CD4_163-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Abby Delanoy wears an Eric Jones shirt at the Democratic candidate’s watch party at Three Mile Brewing in Davis on June 2, 2026. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Democratic challengers to 81-year-old Rep. John Garamendi in Solano and Contra Costa counties, as well as 71-year-old Rep. Brad Sherman and 87-year-old Rep. Maxine Waters, both in the Los Angeles area, did not make it into the general election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sacramento City Councilmember Mai Vang was the only generational change candidate to outperform the incumbent, Rep. Doris Matsui, in the primary.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jones put up the most serious challenge that Thompson has faced in years, but he remains 19 percentage points behind the incumbent, \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">with 98% of ballots counted.\u003c/span> Still, his campaign sees a path to victory in November.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“The general electorate is a completely different electorate. It’s much more diverse, it’s much younger, and it’s voters who live with the day-to-day realities of this country … and the hardships that are facing everyone,” Jones said. “That’s dramatically different from the primary voter base. So we feel very good about our message resonating with the general electorate.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like Thompson, Jones focused his campaign messaging on affordability, but he ran on a progressive platform, calling for universal childcare, a $10,000 working-class tax refund, Medicare for All and expanded coverage for in-home nursing, dental, vision and hearing care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our entire campaign from day one has been about change,” Jones said. “It’s been about fighting for a new order in politics in our country and getting money out of politics and fighting for something better.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He has also pledged not to accept any corporate PAC money and wants to ban members of Congress from trading stocks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The core of my platform is forcing corporations to actually follow the tax code we have on the books, closing corporate loopholes, and using that money to fund a tax cut for the working class in this country,” said Jones, who has the endorsement of Our Revolution, a progressive organization founded by Sen. Bernie Sanders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thompson \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12085544/in-redrawn-napa-valley-house-seat-voters-appear-to-stick-with-incumbent-they-know\">easily cinched the first-place spot\u003c/a> on election night. A Vietnam War veteran, Thompson is a moderate Democrat who has served 14 terms in Congress with broad establishment support, including endorsements from Rep. Nancy Pelosi, Gov. Gavin Newsom, Sen. Adam Schiff and the state Democratic Party.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thompson has countered the generational argument of his opponent, noting his endorsements from youth voter groups such as Sacramento County Young Democrats and UC Davis College Democrats.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11705041\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11705041\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/ThompsonPelosi.jpg\" alt=\"Rep. Mike Thompson and Nancy Pelosi, pictured in Dec., 2017.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1259\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/ThompsonPelosi.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/ThompsonPelosi-160x105.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/ThompsonPelosi-800x525.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/ThompsonPelosi-1020x669.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/ThompsonPelosi-1200x787.jpg 1200w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Rep. Mike Thompson and Nancy Pelosi, pictured in Dec. 2017. \u003ccite>(Zach Gibson/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“I think every generation has something to offer, and there are younger people coming into Congress, but you can’t have an entire Congress of brand new people,” Thompson said. “It’s important to have people who can provide advice and share knowledge with the younger members who are coming in.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of Thompson’s signature issues is gun reform, and he chairs the House Gun Violence Prevention Task Force. He’s also championed the wine industry as a vineyard owner and co-chair of the Congressional Wine Caucus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jones’ campaign manager Parvizshahi previously ran Rep. Ro Khanna’s 2014 and 2016 campaigns against Rep. Mike Honda. In 2014, Khanna gained 17 points between the primary and general election. He lost, but returned to defeat Honda in 2016.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Parvizshahi believes Jones could follow a similar trajectory, arguing that in addition to an expanded general electorate, the longer runway to November also offers time to build name recognition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thompson usually wins close to two-thirds of the vote in the general election, but in this month’s primary he has received only 41% of votes so far.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s never good for an incumbent to be under 50%,” Parvizshahi said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Christian Grose, a political science professor at the University of Southern California, agreed the results may be a sign of voter dissatisfaction with the incumbent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12086017\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12086017\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260602_PRIMARY2026CD4_GC-34-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260602_PRIMARY2026CD4_GC-34-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260602_PRIMARY2026CD4_GC-34-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260602_PRIMARY2026CD4_GC-34-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Eric Jones, Democratic candidate for California’s 4th Congressional District, center, speaks to a supporter at his watch party at Three Mile Brewing in Davis on June 2, 2026. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Thompson’s not doing that great, right? If that many people have decided to vote against the incumbent. So that’s a weakness potentially,” Grose said. “But also you can’t assume Republicans will vote for the other Democrat if it’s a D versus D race. They might just sit it out.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Redistricting could work in Jones’ favor. After voters approved Proposition 50 last year, redrawing the state’s congressional maps, 47% of District 4 is new territory — weakening the powerful role of incumbency name recognition for Thompson.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, the new District 4 map brought in more conservative, rural regions of the state, including all of Colusa, Yuba and Sutter counties and parts of Placer and Sacramento counties, while dropping much of its more Democratic territory in Sonoma and Lake counties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Whether those voters back a progressive like Jones over a moderate Democrat like Thompson is an open question.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Ballot counting in California is nearly complete and November matchups are coming into focus. Democrat Xavier Becerra and Republican Steve Hilton will face off for governor. In Los Angeles, incumbent Mayor Karen Bass will meet progressive City Councilmember Nithya Raman in the general election. Scott, Marisa and Guy dig into new endorsements, unpublished poll results and candidates’ paths to victory.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Track the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/elections/results\">latest election results here\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Check out \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/newsletters/political-breakdown\">Political Breakdown’s weekly newsletter\u003c/a>, delivered straight to your inbox.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Ballot counting in California is nearly complete and November matchups are coming into focus. Democrat Xavier Becerra and Republican Steve Hilton will face off for governor. In Los Angeles, incumbent Mayor Karen Bass will meet progressive City Councilmember Nithya Raman in the general election. Scott, Marisa and Guy dig into new endorsements, unpublished poll results and candidates’ paths to victory.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Track the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/elections/results\">latest election results here\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Check out \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/newsletters/political-breakdown\">Political Breakdown’s weekly newsletter\u003c/a>, delivered straight to your inbox.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>The U.S. Department of Transportation will no longer enforce a bedrock civil rights regulation that prevents federally funded \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/transportation\">transportation\u003c/a> projects from having unintentional disparate impacts on protected classes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a rule change \u003ca href=\"https://www.federalregister.gov/public-inspection/2026-11790/rescinding-portions-of-title-vi-regulations-to-conform-more-closely-with-the-statutory-text-and-to\">announced \u003c/a>Wednesday — and \u003ca href=\"https://www.federalregister.gov/documents/2026/06/11/2026-11790/rescinding-portions-of-department-of-transportations-title-vi-regulations-to-conform-more-closely\">published Thursday\u003c/a> without public comment — U.S. Secretary of Transportation Sean Duffy approved eliminating disparate impact liability, a key tenet of Title VI of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, from the U.S. DOT’s regulations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The executive summary states the rule did not serve the public interest. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are serious statutory and constitutional concerns with the legality of the department’s Title VI regulations, which go beyond intentional discrimination by prohibiting conduct that has an unintentional disparate impact,” the federal register entry reads.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Title VI prohibits discrimination on the basis of race, color, or national origin in any program or activity that receives federal funding. The law also requires that policy decisions don’t disproportionately impact people who are protected by the nation’s civil rights laws, regardless of whether the policy explicitly intends that harm.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Civil rights advocates have successfully used Title VI to file civil rights complaints in the Bay Area, including against BART, when the agency built an extension in neighborhoods where a majority of residents were people of color.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another \u003ca href=\"https://mavensnotebook.com/2023/08/09/this-just-in-epa-accepts-civil-rights-complaint-against-california-state-water-board/\">complaint\u003c/a>, brought by Native American tribes and environmental advocates, accused the State Water Resources Board of mismanaging water quality along the San Francisco Bay and Sacramento-San Joaquin Delta Estuary. The law has also had a preventative effect, making disparate impact analyses part of \u003ca href=\"https://www.actransit.org/DI-DB\">policy \u003c/a>\u003cu>planning \u003c/u>at agencies like AC Transit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12087116\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1980px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12087116\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/GettyImages-1408502597.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1980\" height=\"1251\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/GettyImages-1408502597.jpg 1980w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/GettyImages-1408502597-160x101.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/GettyImages-1408502597-1536x970.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1980px) 100vw, 1980px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Passengers board an airport-bound train from the Coliseum BART station on the Oakland Airport Connector line in Oakland, California on Friday, March 18, 2016. \u003ccite>(Paul Chinn/The San Francisco Chronicle via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“ This a major rollback of civil rights protections,” said Laurel Paget-Seekins, senior policy advocate at Public Advocates, a San Francisco-based nonprofit law firm.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The rule change means the DOT will no longer require transit agencies to weigh equity when considering changes to policies regarding \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12067737/clipper-2-0-leaves-ac-transit-cash-riders-behind\">fares\u003c/a>, service frequency and location, or language access, along with the impacts of highway construction and other projects, as long as the action is not explicitly discriminatory.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California has its own Title VI protections that prohibit recipients of state funds from discriminating against protected groups, which remain in place. But Paget-Seekins said that unlike the federal Title VI protections, the state doesn’t require agencies that receive funding to collect data and do preventative analyses. “Whether Bay Area transit agencies will continue to do this analysis voluntarily — and whether California will require them to — is now an important question that deserves public scrutiny,” Paget-Seekins said.[aside postID=news_12084077 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/05112629-BUS_GH_003-KQED.jpg']Public Advocates used Title VI to successfully file a civil rights \u003ca href=\"https://publicadvocates.org/campaigns/bart-oakland-airport-connector/\">complaint\u003c/a> against BART in 2009, after the agency failed to complete an analysis of how its planned Oakland Airport Connector would impact nearby communities. In response, the Federal Transit Administration withdrew $70 million in funds for the project, which was dispersed to other regional transit agencies and projects, and compelled BART to complete a service equity analysis for the \u003ca href=\"https://transweb.sjsu.edu/sites/default/files/pdfs/research/2503-cs3-oak-airport-connector.pdf\">project\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. Rep. Lateefah Simon has called on the DOT to maintain disparate impact protections in transportation projects since March. Simon, a former BART Board Director, is legally blind.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As a transit-dependent person, I know how important it is for agencies receiving federal funds to consider disparate impact on the communities they serve,” Simon said in a March press release. “Here, the Trump administration has failed on two fronts — rolling back civil rights protections and preventing the public from providing feedback or sharing concerns. It’s disgraceful.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Trump administration issued an \u003ca href=\"https://www.federalregister.gov/documents/2025/04/28/2025-07378/restoring-equality-of-opportunity-and-meritocracy\">executive order\u003c/a> in April 2025 announcing its intention to eliminate disparate impact protections across the government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In December, the U.S. Department of Justice \u003ca href=\"https://www.federalregister.gov/documents/2025/12/10/2025-22448/rescinding-portions-of-department-of-justice-title-vi-regulations-to-conform-more-closely-with-the\">rescinded \u003c/a>disparate impact protections in its regulations using a similar rule change mechanism and language. This week, the DOJ issued an \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/opa/pr/justice-department-concludes-eeoc-disparate-impact-guidelines-violate-constitution\">opinion \u003c/a>stating that the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission’s guidelines on disparate impact protections were unconstitutional.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003cstrong>Correction:\u003c/strong> An earlier version of this story incorrectly attributed language from a Federal Register ruling to U.S. Transportation Secretary Sean Duffy. Duffy signed the ruling but was not the source of the quoted language.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The U.S. Department of Transportation will no longer enforce a bedrock civil rights regulation that prevents federally funded \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/transportation\">transportation\u003c/a> projects from having unintentional disparate impacts on protected classes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a rule change \u003ca href=\"https://www.federalregister.gov/public-inspection/2026-11790/rescinding-portions-of-title-vi-regulations-to-conform-more-closely-with-the-statutory-text-and-to\">announced \u003c/a>Wednesday — and \u003ca href=\"https://www.federalregister.gov/documents/2026/06/11/2026-11790/rescinding-portions-of-department-of-transportations-title-vi-regulations-to-conform-more-closely\">published Thursday\u003c/a> without public comment — U.S. Secretary of Transportation Sean Duffy approved eliminating disparate impact liability, a key tenet of Title VI of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, from the U.S. DOT’s regulations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The executive summary states the rule did not serve the public interest. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are serious statutory and constitutional concerns with the legality of the department’s Title VI regulations, which go beyond intentional discrimination by prohibiting conduct that has an unintentional disparate impact,” the federal register entry reads.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Title VI prohibits discrimination on the basis of race, color, or national origin in any program or activity that receives federal funding. The law also requires that policy decisions don’t disproportionately impact people who are protected by the nation’s civil rights laws, regardless of whether the policy explicitly intends that harm.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Civil rights advocates have successfully used Title VI to file civil rights complaints in the Bay Area, including against BART, when the agency built an extension in neighborhoods where a majority of residents were people of color.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another \u003ca href=\"https://mavensnotebook.com/2023/08/09/this-just-in-epa-accepts-civil-rights-complaint-against-california-state-water-board/\">complaint\u003c/a>, brought by Native American tribes and environmental advocates, accused the State Water Resources Board of mismanaging water quality along the San Francisco Bay and Sacramento-San Joaquin Delta Estuary. The law has also had a preventative effect, making disparate impact analyses part of \u003ca href=\"https://www.actransit.org/DI-DB\">policy \u003c/a>\u003cu>planning \u003c/u>at agencies like AC Transit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12087116\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1980px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12087116\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/GettyImages-1408502597.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1980\" height=\"1251\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/GettyImages-1408502597.jpg 1980w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/GettyImages-1408502597-160x101.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/GettyImages-1408502597-1536x970.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1980px) 100vw, 1980px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Passengers board an airport-bound train from the Coliseum BART station on the Oakland Airport Connector line in Oakland, California on Friday, March 18, 2016. \u003ccite>(Paul Chinn/The San Francisco Chronicle via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“ This a major rollback of civil rights protections,” said Laurel Paget-Seekins, senior policy advocate at Public Advocates, a San Francisco-based nonprofit law firm.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The rule change means the DOT will no longer require transit agencies to weigh equity when considering changes to policies regarding \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12067737/clipper-2-0-leaves-ac-transit-cash-riders-behind\">fares\u003c/a>, service frequency and location, or language access, along with the impacts of highway construction and other projects, as long as the action is not explicitly discriminatory.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California has its own Title VI protections that prohibit recipients of state funds from discriminating against protected groups, which remain in place. But Paget-Seekins said that unlike the federal Title VI protections, the state doesn’t require agencies that receive funding to collect data and do preventative analyses. “Whether Bay Area transit agencies will continue to do this analysis voluntarily — and whether California will require them to — is now an important question that deserves public scrutiny,” Paget-Seekins said.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Public Advocates used Title VI to successfully file a civil rights \u003ca href=\"https://publicadvocates.org/campaigns/bart-oakland-airport-connector/\">complaint\u003c/a> against BART in 2009, after the agency failed to complete an analysis of how its planned Oakland Airport Connector would impact nearby communities. In response, the Federal Transit Administration withdrew $70 million in funds for the project, which was dispersed to other regional transit agencies and projects, and compelled BART to complete a service equity analysis for the \u003ca href=\"https://transweb.sjsu.edu/sites/default/files/pdfs/research/2503-cs3-oak-airport-connector.pdf\">project\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. Rep. Lateefah Simon has called on the DOT to maintain disparate impact protections in transportation projects since March. Simon, a former BART Board Director, is legally blind.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As a transit-dependent person, I know how important it is for agencies receiving federal funds to consider disparate impact on the communities they serve,” Simon said in a March press release. “Here, the Trump administration has failed on two fronts — rolling back civil rights protections and preventing the public from providing feedback or sharing concerns. It’s disgraceful.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Trump administration issued an \u003ca href=\"https://www.federalregister.gov/documents/2025/04/28/2025-07378/restoring-equality-of-opportunity-and-meritocracy\">executive order\u003c/a> in April 2025 announcing its intention to eliminate disparate impact protections across the government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In December, the U.S. Department of Justice \u003ca href=\"https://www.federalregister.gov/documents/2025/12/10/2025-22448/rescinding-portions-of-department-of-justice-title-vi-regulations-to-conform-more-closely-with-the\">rescinded \u003c/a>disparate impact protections in its regulations using a similar rule change mechanism and language. This week, the DOJ issued an \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/opa/pr/justice-department-concludes-eeoc-disparate-impact-guidelines-violate-constitution\">opinion \u003c/a>stating that the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission’s guidelines on disparate impact protections were unconstitutional.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003cstrong>Correction:\u003c/strong> An earlier version of this story incorrectly attributed language from a Federal Register ruling to U.S. Transportation Secretary Sean Duffy. Duffy signed the ruling but was not the source of the quoted language.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Eight days after its primary election, California officials \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12086054/ballots-are-all-in-but-california-election-results-could-take-weeks-to-settle-why\">are still counting ballots\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That in itself isn’t a big deal — \u003ca href=\"https://www.ncsl.org/elections-and-campaigns/election-certification-deadlines\">many states\u003c/a> give election officials more than a week to tally votes, and California’s sheer size makes a fast turnaround especially unlikely.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the lag in calling some of the state’s most high-profile races has captured national attention. Social media has exploded with misleading or false posts claiming Democrats are cheating — that’s despite the primary success of a Republican at the top of the ballot, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12086501/california-governor-election-steve-hilton-advances\">gubernatorial candidate Steve Hilton\u003c/a>. President Donald Trump and other national Republicans have also made unfounded allegations of fraud.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lies — combined with Trump’s sustained attacks on election security and a number of moves or threats his administration has made to interfere with local election processes — have raised alarms about what could happen in November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To set the record straight, KQED’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12086764/is-californias-election-system-crooked-an-election-integrity-expert-weighs-in\">Political Breakdown podcast sat down with election security expert David Becker\u003c/a> to discuss California’s voting process, the federal government’s role in elections and the likelihood that the Trump administration could interfere in the midterms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12085478\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12085478\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/ap26090784092005-scaled-e1781134932262.jpeg\" alt=\"President Trump holds his signed executive order that calls for restricting voting by mail in the White House’s Oval Office in March.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">President Trump holds his signed executive order that calls for restricting voting by mail in the White House’s Oval Office in March. \u003ccite>(Alex Brandon/AP Photo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Becker is executive director and founder of the nonpartisan, nonprofit Center for Election Innovation & Research, which works with election officials of both parties to ensure voting is secure, including providing pro bono legal assistance to election officials who are threatened with frivolous criminal prosecution, harassment, or physical violence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He was previously a senior trial attorney at the Department of Justice’s Civil Rights Division, overseeing voting rights enforcement in several states, including California and Georgia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Jump straight to: \u003ca href=\"#Howcommonaproblemiselectionfraudanddopeoplegetawaywithit\">How common a problem is election fraud, and do people get away with it?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003ch2>Why does it take so long to count ballots in California?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In short: Because California’s a giant state with 23 million registered voters that has enacted a slew of policies aimed at making voting as easy and accessible as possible. Most notably, the state automatically sends every registered voter a mail-in ballot — and allows those ballots to arrive up to seven days after Election Day, as long as they are postmarked by Election Day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As Becker said, when people mail in their ballots, it takes longer for county election officials to verify that legitimate voters cast those ballots and ensure that they aren’t fraudulent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And we want that to happen. We want every single one of those ballots to be assessed to make sure the person hasn’t voted in another way,” he said, “and to confirm that the right person is returning it. When you vote in person, that’s done at the polling place, before you ever get a ballot. When you do it by mail, it’s done afterwards, when the election officials get it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12085720\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12085720 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/voter.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/voter.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/voter-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/voter-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Monica Holguin places her ballot at City Hall in San Francisco on May 15, 2026. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Becker said that by the end of election night, some 5.1 million ballots were counted around the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s more than most states see in a presidential general election,” he said, noting that many counties have been counting at a fast clip since. “Los Angeles County, for instance, is counting about 200,000 mail ballots every single day. That’s huge.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>(Los Angeles County has 9.6 million residents — more than the population of 40 U.S. states.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition to verifying mail-in ballots, election officials in California are working to review provisional ballots — those cast when a voter’s eligibility can’t be immediately confirmed — and ballots from members of the military deployed overseas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Becker said that this year, amid a competitive governor’s race, many Democrats \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12084978/california-democrats-anxious-about-wasted-votes-are-clinging-to-their-ballots\">held onto their ballots\u003c/a> until the last minute, delaying the count even further.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Are California’s election laws out of step with American tradition?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>No, Becker said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve had mail voting since at least the Civil War, probably before that. We have extensive federal laws that actually accommodate late-arriving ballots for people like military and overseas voters, which is really important,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>When we talk about a slow count, are we actually talking about counting ballots or calling races?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Calling races. Becker said that the public doesn’t really care when every single ballot is tallied — they care about knowing the outcome of important races.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The slow count only matters, he said, when there are close races that are difficult to call.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12085889\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12085889\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260602_PRIMARY2026CD4_GC-20-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260602_PRIMARY2026CD4_GC-20-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260602_PRIMARY2026CD4_GC-20-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260602_PRIMARY2026CD4_GC-20-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Voters cast their ballots at UC Davis in Davis on June 2, 2026. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“On election night in 2024, at 8:01 p.m. Pacific time, they called the presidential race. Is that because they finished counting the presidential ballots? Not even close. But the margins were so big, there was no question who won the presidential race. But in those congressional races that were really close, that were decided by a few-thousand-vote margin, they needed a lot more detail,” he said, adding that “every single state that ran a June 2 primary, not just California, is still counting some ballots.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Speaking with KQED on June 9, Becker said that a week after the election, “most of the major races are pretty clear and have been called by the media” in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What could California do to speed up its vote counts?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Becker said individual voters could speed things along by turning in mail-in ballots earlier, or voting prior to Election Day at early vote centers. In other words: don’t wait until the last minute.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Counties and the state could also give \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12086735/why-california-takes-forever-to-count-ballots\">election offices more resources \u003c/a>to speed up the count, according to election officials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s not clear whether barring ballots from arriving after Election Day — the subject of \u003ca href=\"https://bipartisanpolicy.org/article/what-could-the-supreme-courts-decision-in-watson-v-rnc-mean-for-mail-voting/\">a case\u003c/a> now before the U.S. Supreme Court — \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/politics/story/2026-06-09/californias-slow-vote-count-faces-changes-as-supreme-court-decision-on-late-ballots-looms\">would actually speed things up\u003c/a>, since many of the mail-in ballots counted later are the ones turned in on or just before Election Day.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Trump has talked about nationalizing elections — why \u003cem>doesn’t \u003c/em>the federal government control elections?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>“If you go back to the founders, they had just fought a war against a monarch,” Becker said. “And if you read the original Constitution, even before the Bill of Rights, there is one thread that is woven throughout the Constitution. And that is the limitations on executive power. They were really careful about this. They wanted power to be retained by the states.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said that the elections clause — giving states the power to decide the time, place and manner of elections — “is literally the fourth paragraph in the Constitution.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12085822\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12085822\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260602-PRIMARYVOTERVOX-20-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260602-PRIMARYVOTERVOX-20-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260602-PRIMARYVOTERVOX-20-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260602-PRIMARYVOTERVOX-20-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A polling place at SOMArts Cultural Center in San Francisco on June 2, 2026. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>That dispersal of power is a “security feature,” Becker said, that makes it more difficult for anyone to carry out election fraud on a large scale.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We don’t run a national election. We run 10,000 little elections all over the country. We run 58 little elections here in California,” he said, one for each of the state’s 58 counties. “If there were a bad actor, that bad actor could not overturn the will of the people nationally or in a state.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Could President Trump put military troops or immigration agents at polling places?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>No. That’s prohibited by \u003ca href=\"https://www.brennancenter.org/our-work/research-reports/federal-and-state-election-laws-ban-federal-forces-polling-places\">law\u003c/a>, Becker said. But even the threat of it is troubling, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think that there are individuals in the government and in the United States that would like American voters to be scared,” he said. “They would like them to think that voting might be dangerous. Because that actually could depress turnout, but it’s a lot easier to get them to worry about that than it is to actually do it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"Howcommonaproblemiselectionfraudanddopeoplegetawaywithit\">\u003c/a>How common a problem is election fraud, and do people get away with it?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>“It’s extraordinarily rare,” Becker said. But he said that it does occur — among both \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2026-04-22/california-woman-registered-dog-to-vote-cast-ballots-for-pooch\">Republicans\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/usao-edpa/pr/former-us-congressman-and-philadelphia-political-operative-pleads-guilty-election-fraud\">Democrats\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And Becker said offenders are almost always caught.[aside postID=news_12086288 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/GettyImages-2277856381.jpg']“It is one of the dumbest crimes someone can commit,” Becker said. He knows from experience: he investigated voter fraud cases as a DOJ attorney.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is one of the easiest crimes to detect. … If you want to spend some time in lodging courtesy of your state or federal government, you should try to commit voter fraud, because you will be caught and you will go to prison. And if you’re a noncitizen, before you get sent to prison, you will be deported. And this is why we know it’s so rare. The incentive structure just isn’t there to cast one ballot in an election, which 150 million are gonna be cast.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Becker also said that despite Trump’s obsession with voter fraud, “this administration has had nearly 18 months [and] the full power of the federal government and the Justice Department. And they’ve been spending a ton of resources looking for fraud. And what have they shown us so far? Nothing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Are the president’s attacks on elections working?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Becker doesn’t think so. He said that despite the drumbeat of fraud allegations, turnout in the last two presidential elections was the highest in modern American history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said it’s easier and more secure than it has ever been to vote — and that Americans largely report being happy with their voting experience and with how local officials are running elections. That’s how it should be, Becker said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have to remember how much elections are a celebration of our democracy, a celebration of our nation, of our citizenry and the joy of voting. We should recapture that,” he said, predicting that this fall will set a record for midterm election turnout nationally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Eight days after its primary election, California officials \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12086054/ballots-are-all-in-but-california-election-results-could-take-weeks-to-settle-why\">are still counting ballots\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That in itself isn’t a big deal — \u003ca href=\"https://www.ncsl.org/elections-and-campaigns/election-certification-deadlines\">many states\u003c/a> give election officials more than a week to tally votes, and California’s sheer size makes a fast turnaround especially unlikely.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the lag in calling some of the state’s most high-profile races has captured national attention. Social media has exploded with misleading or false posts claiming Democrats are cheating — that’s despite the primary success of a Republican at the top of the ballot, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12086501/california-governor-election-steve-hilton-advances\">gubernatorial candidate Steve Hilton\u003c/a>. President Donald Trump and other national Republicans have also made unfounded allegations of fraud.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lies — combined with Trump’s sustained attacks on election security and a number of moves or threats his administration has made to interfere with local election processes — have raised alarms about what could happen in November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To set the record straight, KQED’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12086764/is-californias-election-system-crooked-an-election-integrity-expert-weighs-in\">Political Breakdown podcast sat down with election security expert David Becker\u003c/a> to discuss California’s voting process, the federal government’s role in elections and the likelihood that the Trump administration could interfere in the midterms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12085478\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12085478\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/ap26090784092005-scaled-e1781134932262.jpeg\" alt=\"President Trump holds his signed executive order that calls for restricting voting by mail in the White House’s Oval Office in March.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">President Trump holds his signed executive order that calls for restricting voting by mail in the White House’s Oval Office in March. \u003ccite>(Alex Brandon/AP Photo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Becker is executive director and founder of the nonpartisan, nonprofit Center for Election Innovation & Research, which works with election officials of both parties to ensure voting is secure, including providing pro bono legal assistance to election officials who are threatened with frivolous criminal prosecution, harassment, or physical violence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He was previously a senior trial attorney at the Department of Justice’s Civil Rights Division, overseeing voting rights enforcement in several states, including California and Georgia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Jump straight to: \u003ca href=\"#Howcommonaproblemiselectionfraudanddopeoplegetawaywithit\">How common a problem is election fraud, and do people get away with it?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003ch2>Why does it take so long to count ballots in California?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In short: Because California’s a giant state with 23 million registered voters that has enacted a slew of policies aimed at making voting as easy and accessible as possible. Most notably, the state automatically sends every registered voter a mail-in ballot — and allows those ballots to arrive up to seven days after Election Day, as long as they are postmarked by Election Day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As Becker said, when people mail in their ballots, it takes longer for county election officials to verify that legitimate voters cast those ballots and ensure that they aren’t fraudulent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And we want that to happen. We want every single one of those ballots to be assessed to make sure the person hasn’t voted in another way,” he said, “and to confirm that the right person is returning it. When you vote in person, that’s done at the polling place, before you ever get a ballot. When you do it by mail, it’s done afterwards, when the election officials get it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12085720\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12085720 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/voter.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/voter.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/voter-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/voter-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Monica Holguin places her ballot at City Hall in San Francisco on May 15, 2026. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Becker said that by the end of election night, some 5.1 million ballots were counted around the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s more than most states see in a presidential general election,” he said, noting that many counties have been counting at a fast clip since. “Los Angeles County, for instance, is counting about 200,000 mail ballots every single day. That’s huge.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>(Los Angeles County has 9.6 million residents — more than the population of 40 U.S. states.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition to verifying mail-in ballots, election officials in California are working to review provisional ballots — those cast when a voter’s eligibility can’t be immediately confirmed — and ballots from members of the military deployed overseas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Becker said that this year, amid a competitive governor’s race, many Democrats \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12084978/california-democrats-anxious-about-wasted-votes-are-clinging-to-their-ballots\">held onto their ballots\u003c/a> until the last minute, delaying the count even further.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Are California’s election laws out of step with American tradition?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>No, Becker said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve had mail voting since at least the Civil War, probably before that. We have extensive federal laws that actually accommodate late-arriving ballots for people like military and overseas voters, which is really important,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>When we talk about a slow count, are we actually talking about counting ballots or calling races?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Calling races. Becker said that the public doesn’t really care when every single ballot is tallied — they care about knowing the outcome of important races.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The slow count only matters, he said, when there are close races that are difficult to call.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12085889\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12085889\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260602_PRIMARY2026CD4_GC-20-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260602_PRIMARY2026CD4_GC-20-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260602_PRIMARY2026CD4_GC-20-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260602_PRIMARY2026CD4_GC-20-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Voters cast their ballots at UC Davis in Davis on June 2, 2026. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“On election night in 2024, at 8:01 p.m. Pacific time, they called the presidential race. Is that because they finished counting the presidential ballots? Not even close. But the margins were so big, there was no question who won the presidential race. But in those congressional races that were really close, that were decided by a few-thousand-vote margin, they needed a lot more detail,” he said, adding that “every single state that ran a June 2 primary, not just California, is still counting some ballots.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Speaking with KQED on June 9, Becker said that a week after the election, “most of the major races are pretty clear and have been called by the media” in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What could California do to speed up its vote counts?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Becker said individual voters could speed things along by turning in mail-in ballots earlier, or voting prior to Election Day at early vote centers. In other words: don’t wait until the last minute.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Counties and the state could also give \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12086735/why-california-takes-forever-to-count-ballots\">election offices more resources \u003c/a>to speed up the count, according to election officials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s not clear whether barring ballots from arriving after Election Day — the subject of \u003ca href=\"https://bipartisanpolicy.org/article/what-could-the-supreme-courts-decision-in-watson-v-rnc-mean-for-mail-voting/\">a case\u003c/a> now before the U.S. Supreme Court — \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/politics/story/2026-06-09/californias-slow-vote-count-faces-changes-as-supreme-court-decision-on-late-ballots-looms\">would actually speed things up\u003c/a>, since many of the mail-in ballots counted later are the ones turned in on or just before Election Day.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Trump has talked about nationalizing elections — why \u003cem>doesn’t \u003c/em>the federal government control elections?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>“If you go back to the founders, they had just fought a war against a monarch,” Becker said. “And if you read the original Constitution, even before the Bill of Rights, there is one thread that is woven throughout the Constitution. And that is the limitations on executive power. They were really careful about this. They wanted power to be retained by the states.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said that the elections clause — giving states the power to decide the time, place and manner of elections — “is literally the fourth paragraph in the Constitution.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12085822\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12085822\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260602-PRIMARYVOTERVOX-20-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260602-PRIMARYVOTERVOX-20-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260602-PRIMARYVOTERVOX-20-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260602-PRIMARYVOTERVOX-20-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A polling place at SOMArts Cultural Center in San Francisco on June 2, 2026. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>That dispersal of power is a “security feature,” Becker said, that makes it more difficult for anyone to carry out election fraud on a large scale.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We don’t run a national election. We run 10,000 little elections all over the country. We run 58 little elections here in California,” he said, one for each of the state’s 58 counties. “If there were a bad actor, that bad actor could not overturn the will of the people nationally or in a state.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Could President Trump put military troops or immigration agents at polling places?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>No. That’s prohibited by \u003ca href=\"https://www.brennancenter.org/our-work/research-reports/federal-and-state-election-laws-ban-federal-forces-polling-places\">law\u003c/a>, Becker said. But even the threat of it is troubling, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think that there are individuals in the government and in the United States that would like American voters to be scared,” he said. “They would like them to think that voting might be dangerous. Because that actually could depress turnout, but it’s a lot easier to get them to worry about that than it is to actually do it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"Howcommonaproblemiselectionfraudanddopeoplegetawaywithit\">\u003c/a>How common a problem is election fraud, and do people get away with it?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>“It’s extraordinarily rare,” Becker said. But he said that it does occur — among both \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2026-04-22/california-woman-registered-dog-to-vote-cast-ballots-for-pooch\">Republicans\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/usao-edpa/pr/former-us-congressman-and-philadelphia-political-operative-pleads-guilty-election-fraud\">Democrats\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And Becker said offenders are almost always caught.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“It is one of the dumbest crimes someone can commit,” Becker said. He knows from experience: he investigated voter fraud cases as a DOJ attorney.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is one of the easiest crimes to detect. … If you want to spend some time in lodging courtesy of your state or federal government, you should try to commit voter fraud, because you will be caught and you will go to prison. And if you’re a noncitizen, before you get sent to prison, you will be deported. And this is why we know it’s so rare. The incentive structure just isn’t there to cast one ballot in an election, which 150 million are gonna be cast.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Becker also said that despite Trump’s obsession with voter fraud, “this administration has had nearly 18 months [and] the full power of the federal government and the Justice Department. And they’ve been spending a ton of resources looking for fraud. And what have they shown us so far? Nothing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Are the president’s attacks on elections working?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Becker doesn’t think so. He said that despite the drumbeat of fraud allegations, turnout in the last two presidential elections was the highest in modern American history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said it’s easier and more secure than it has ever been to vote — and that Americans largely report being happy with their voting experience and with how local officials are running elections. That’s how it should be, Becker said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have to remember how much elections are a celebration of our democracy, a celebration of our nation, of our citizenry and the joy of voting. We should recapture that,” he said, predicting that this fall will set a record for midterm election turnout nationally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "sfusd-chief-maria-su-defends-trans-student-policies-ethnic-studies-at-heated-house-hearing",
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"headTitle": "SFUSD Chief Maria Su Defends Trans Student Policies, Ethnic Studies at Heated House Hearing | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>San Francisco’s public schools chief faced pointed questioning from House Republicans about \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/arts/13984850/drag-story-hour-celebrates-10-years-at-san-francisco-public-library\">drag story hour\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12046122/sfusd-was-a-pioneer-in-ethnic-studies-now-the-program-could-be-put-on-pause\">ethnic studies\u003c/a> and policies affecting LGBTQ+ students during a heated Congressional hearing on Wednesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Superintendent Maria Su maintained that the San Francisco Unified School District follows state and federal law, largely dodging questions about culture war issues, including transgender student protections, parent communication policies and specific course content.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The first question posed to Su, seated behind the witness table alongside heads of Chicago and Loudoun County, Virginia schools, Macquline King and Aaron Spence, was from the Committee on Education and the Workforce Committee Chairman Rep. Tim Walberg, R-Michigan, who asked: “At what age do you think students should be exposed to drag queen story hour?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Su did not provide a specific age and said parents can choose to opt out of activities for religious reasons.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a short opening testimony, she said the district was “proud of its history,” and that San Francisco is known as a “pioneer” in LGBTQ+ rights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have a long tradition of embracing diversity and welcoming everyone, including those who feel marginalized or overlooked,” Su told the committee. “We are focused on positive student outcomes. Students must learn to read clearly, write effectively and graduate prepared for college, career and life.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12033890\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12033890\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/250331-Trans-Newsom-Rally-AC-10-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/250331-Trans-Newsom-Rally-AC-10-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/250331-Trans-Newsom-Rally-AC-10-KQED-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/250331-Trans-Newsom-Rally-AC-10-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/250331-Trans-Newsom-Rally-AC-10-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/250331-Trans-Newsom-Rally-AC-10-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/250331-Trans-Newsom-Rally-AC-10-KQED-1920x1281.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A demonstrator waves an LGBTQ+ flag during a march for trans youth in Kentfield on March 31, 2025. \u003ccite>(Aryk Copley for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>During the three-hourlong hearing, Su and the other superintendents were asked a range of questions loosely related to their districts’ policies protecting LGBTQ+ students and diversity, equity and inclusion, including whether biological men should be allowed in locker rooms with biological women, and if declining to use a student’s preferred pronouns is “morally equivalent to assault.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Su, who told the committee she was suffering from laryngitis, mostly avoided the morning’s sharpest questioning, in part due to her short tenure at the helm of San Francisco’s schools.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Multiple committee members appeared frustrated by Su’s refusal to provide yes or no responses to questions, as she instead calmly and repeatedly harkened back to the district’s focus on “welcom[ing] all 49,000 students as they are.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democratic lawmakers on the committee said the hearing was designed to generate controversy and scare schools into compliance with the Trump administration’s views on hot-button topics. Several argued the hearing ignored real issues school districts face, from funding shortages to youth mental health struggles, racial or sexual discrimination and gun violence.[aside postID=news_12086522 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250421-SFUSDCentralCuts-09-BL_qed.jpg']“This is part and parcel of the Trump administration and Congressional Republicans’ track record of putting political games before proper governance and using divisive, hateful rhetoric to distract from their attacks on public education,” Rep. Bobby Scott of Virginia, the ranking Democrat on the committee, said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They likened Republican members’ questions and assertions about the school leaders to “harassment” — including from Rep. Burgess Owens, R-Utah, who told the three school heads, all of whom hold doctorates: “This is not your thing. You need to find something else to do because you are not helping out kids. You’re failing our kids.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Spence faced repeated questioning over an \u003ca href=\"https://www.ed.gov/about/news/press-release/us-department-of-education-probes-loudoun-county-public-schools-over-alleged-bathroom-filming-incidents\">incident at one high school\u003c/a>, where a transgender student was accused of filming other boys in a bathroom, and King was asked a particularly graphic question from Rep. Joe Wilson, R-South Carolina, about whether she preferred abortion via suction or removing body parts individually.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m very disturbed by that question,” King said, adding that Chicago schools’ sexual education curriculum is in compliance with state law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SFUSD received a positive nod from Walberg during closing statements, after Rep. Kevin Kiley, who recently changed his party affiliation from Republican to independent after \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12085346/californias-3rd-congressional-district-race-pits-longtime-politician-against-progressive-newcomer\">California redrew lines\u003c/a> around his district in favor of Democrats last year, praised changes SFUSD has made.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve seen big improvements in recent years, so I think that’s something to celebrate,” Kiley said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12086920\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12086920\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/MariaSuAP2.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/MariaSuAP2.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/MariaSuAP2-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/MariaSuAP2-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Francisco Unified School District Superintendent Dr. Maria Su testifies during a House Education and Workforce Committee hearing on parental rights and school content policies, on Wednesday, June 10, 2026, in Washington, D.C. \u003ccite>(Kevin Wolf/AP Photo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>He contrasted the state of the district today with 2022, when three board of education members were recalled over COVID-19-related school closures and a movement to rename some campuses. He noted the district’s restoration of algebra for eighth graders, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12081794/sfusd-new-ethnic-studies-curriculum-adopted-over-controversy-and-some-parents-complaints\">ethnic studies curriculum reform\u003c/a> and improved budget conditions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I listened to parents, listened to families and our educators and moved quickly to remove the previous ethnic studies curriculum,” Su said, in response to Kiley’s comments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But SFUSD still faces a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12086522/congress-to-grill-san-francisco-schools-chief-maria-su-about-gender-ethnic-studies\">probe by the Department of Justice\u003c/a> into its instruction on gender ideology and sexual orientation, and policies that allow students to use bathrooms, locker rooms and participate on athletic teams that align with their gender identity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Trump administration has also threatened to withhold federal funding from schools that have protections for transgender students or programs promoting DEI, and recent Supreme Court decisions in favor of parents’ rights could require policy changes with regard to parents’ rights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>San Francisco’s public schools chief faced pointed questioning from House Republicans about \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/arts/13984850/drag-story-hour-celebrates-10-years-at-san-francisco-public-library\">drag story hour\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12046122/sfusd-was-a-pioneer-in-ethnic-studies-now-the-program-could-be-put-on-pause\">ethnic studies\u003c/a> and policies affecting LGBTQ+ students during a heated Congressional hearing on Wednesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Superintendent Maria Su maintained that the San Francisco Unified School District follows state and federal law, largely dodging questions about culture war issues, including transgender student protections, parent communication policies and specific course content.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The first question posed to Su, seated behind the witness table alongside heads of Chicago and Loudoun County, Virginia schools, Macquline King and Aaron Spence, was from the Committee on Education and the Workforce Committee Chairman Rep. Tim Walberg, R-Michigan, who asked: “At what age do you think students should be exposed to drag queen story hour?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Su did not provide a specific age and said parents can choose to opt out of activities for religious reasons.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a short opening testimony, she said the district was “proud of its history,” and that San Francisco is known as a “pioneer” in LGBTQ+ rights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have a long tradition of embracing diversity and welcoming everyone, including those who feel marginalized or overlooked,” Su told the committee. “We are focused on positive student outcomes. Students must learn to read clearly, write effectively and graduate prepared for college, career and life.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12033890\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12033890\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/250331-Trans-Newsom-Rally-AC-10-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/250331-Trans-Newsom-Rally-AC-10-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/250331-Trans-Newsom-Rally-AC-10-KQED-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/250331-Trans-Newsom-Rally-AC-10-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/250331-Trans-Newsom-Rally-AC-10-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/250331-Trans-Newsom-Rally-AC-10-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/250331-Trans-Newsom-Rally-AC-10-KQED-1920x1281.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A demonstrator waves an LGBTQ+ flag during a march for trans youth in Kentfield on March 31, 2025. \u003ccite>(Aryk Copley for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>During the three-hourlong hearing, Su and the other superintendents were asked a range of questions loosely related to their districts’ policies protecting LGBTQ+ students and diversity, equity and inclusion, including whether biological men should be allowed in locker rooms with biological women, and if declining to use a student’s preferred pronouns is “morally equivalent to assault.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Su, who told the committee she was suffering from laryngitis, mostly avoided the morning’s sharpest questioning, in part due to her short tenure at the helm of San Francisco’s schools.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Multiple committee members appeared frustrated by Su’s refusal to provide yes or no responses to questions, as she instead calmly and repeatedly harkened back to the district’s focus on “welcom[ing] all 49,000 students as they are.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democratic lawmakers on the committee said the hearing was designed to generate controversy and scare schools into compliance with the Trump administration’s views on hot-button topics. Several argued the hearing ignored real issues school districts face, from funding shortages to youth mental health struggles, racial or sexual discrimination and gun violence.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“This is part and parcel of the Trump administration and Congressional Republicans’ track record of putting political games before proper governance and using divisive, hateful rhetoric to distract from their attacks on public education,” Rep. Bobby Scott of Virginia, the ranking Democrat on the committee, said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They likened Republican members’ questions and assertions about the school leaders to “harassment” — including from Rep. Burgess Owens, R-Utah, who told the three school heads, all of whom hold doctorates: “This is not your thing. You need to find something else to do because you are not helping out kids. You’re failing our kids.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Spence faced repeated questioning over an \u003ca href=\"https://www.ed.gov/about/news/press-release/us-department-of-education-probes-loudoun-county-public-schools-over-alleged-bathroom-filming-incidents\">incident at one high school\u003c/a>, where a transgender student was accused of filming other boys in a bathroom, and King was asked a particularly graphic question from Rep. Joe Wilson, R-South Carolina, about whether she preferred abortion via suction or removing body parts individually.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m very disturbed by that question,” King said, adding that Chicago schools’ sexual education curriculum is in compliance with state law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SFUSD received a positive nod from Walberg during closing statements, after Rep. Kevin Kiley, who recently changed his party affiliation from Republican to independent after \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12085346/californias-3rd-congressional-district-race-pits-longtime-politician-against-progressive-newcomer\">California redrew lines\u003c/a> around his district in favor of Democrats last year, praised changes SFUSD has made.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve seen big improvements in recent years, so I think that’s something to celebrate,” Kiley said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12086920\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12086920\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/MariaSuAP2.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/MariaSuAP2.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/MariaSuAP2-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/MariaSuAP2-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Francisco Unified School District Superintendent Dr. Maria Su testifies during a House Education and Workforce Committee hearing on parental rights and school content policies, on Wednesday, June 10, 2026, in Washington, D.C. \u003ccite>(Kevin Wolf/AP Photo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>He contrasted the state of the district today with 2022, when three board of education members were recalled over COVID-19-related school closures and a movement to rename some campuses. He noted the district’s restoration of algebra for eighth graders, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12081794/sfusd-new-ethnic-studies-curriculum-adopted-over-controversy-and-some-parents-complaints\">ethnic studies curriculum reform\u003c/a> and improved budget conditions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I listened to parents, listened to families and our educators and moved quickly to remove the previous ethnic studies curriculum,” Su said, in response to Kiley’s comments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But SFUSD still faces a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12086522/congress-to-grill-san-francisco-schools-chief-maria-su-about-gender-ethnic-studies\">probe by the Department of Justice\u003c/a> into its instruction on gender ideology and sexual orientation, and policies that allow students to use bathrooms, locker rooms and participate on athletic teams that align with their gender identity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Trump administration has also threatened to withhold federal funding from schools that have protections for transgender students or programs promoting DEI, and recent Supreme Court decisions in favor of parents’ rights could require policy changes with regard to parents’ rights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>One of the defining storylines of California’s congressional primaries this year was \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12085139/young-progressive-candidates-look-for-change-of-guard-in-ca-congressional-races\">a generational battle\u003c/a> within the Democratic Party driven by a wave of young, often progressive, challengers who took on their own party’s aging incumbents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This rebuke of the so-called gerontocracy targeted Congress members across the state: 75-year-old \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12085544/in-redrawn-napa-valley-house-seat-voters-appear-to-stick-with-incumbent-they-know\">North Bay Rep. Mike Thompson\u003c/a>, 81-year-old Solano and Sacramento Valley Rep. John Garamendi, 81-year-old Sacramento Rep. Doris Matsui, 87-year-old South Los Angeles Rep. Maxine Waters and 71-year-old San Fernando Valley Rep. Brad Sherman.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>How did they do?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Challengers to Sherman, Waters and Garamendi fell short of the second-place finish needed to advance under California’s top-two primary system. Each incumbent represents a safe blue district, setting them up for a smooth path to reelection in November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sacramento City Councilmember Mai Vang, 41, had the greatest success of any challenger, running a close race against Matsui. As of Tuesday afternoon, with 95% of votes counted, Vang is nearly 2 percentage points ahead of Matsui. In the North Bay, former venture capitalist Eric Jones, 35, is still sweating out the final results, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/elections/results/california/congress-4th-district\">sitting less than 2 percentage points\u003c/a> behind Republican business owner Ray Riehle in a contest for second to face Thompson in the runoff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The results hint at what it takes to mount a successful generational challenge. Age alone, it turns out, is not enough. Candidates and analysts point to name recognition, money and redistricting as key factors shaping the outcomes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You have to have a reason other than ‘the person is old,’” said Christian Grose, a political science professor at the University of Southern California. “You have to have a case to make for why you would be better.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12086912\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12086912\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/MaiVang.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/MaiVang.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/MaiVang-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/MaiVang-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Sacramento City Councilmember Mai Vang is running against incumbent Doris Matsui for the congressional District 7. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of the Mai Vang Campaign)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Challengers were generally more successful when they could articulate ideological differences, Grose said. For instance, Vang has criticized Matsui for accepting funding from the American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC), not calling the war in Gaza a genocide and previously voting to fund Immigration and Customs Enforcement, though her position has changed in recent years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Progressivism, I think, helps in a primary,” Grose said. “A left progressive can get people’s attention, especially with the crowd of [the] governor’s election too.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vang also attributes her strong showing to a clear progressive platform, running for something instead of against someone.[aside postID=news_12082765 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/GettyImages-2274165052-scaled-e1778866234143.jpg']“Are you for working families? Are you for making their lives better?” Vang said. “It can’t just be that you’re anti-Trump. You’ve got to be for these bold issues for our working families.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Addisu Demissie, a veteran Democratic political consultant and former campaign manager for Gov. Gavin Newsom’s 2018 bid, \u003ca href=\"https://omny.fm/shows/kqed-segmented-audio/establishment-democrats-largely-prevail-in-primary-races\">told KQED\u003c/a> last week that results prove name recognition remains among the biggest obstacles for newcomers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t think it’s necessarily an indictment of those candidates or even that much of a celebration of incumbents and incumbency as much as voters tend to go with the name,” Demissie said. “And the name frankly has probably provided for you, in some way, constituent services or representation over the course of several years.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Matsui was first elected in a 2005 special election to fill her husband’s seat after he died of pneumonia; the Matsui name has represented the Sacramento area for a combined 47 years. Waters is also a nationally recognized figure who first took her seat in 1991, and Sherman has served in Congress since 1997.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even if voters want generational change broadly, they tend to be less likely to vote against their own representative, Grose said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you ask somebody, ‘Do you want younger people in Congress? Do you want to say goodbye to 80-year-olds?’ People say yes,” Grose said. “But when you ask them about their own Congress member, they really like their own member.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12086915\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12086915\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/Jake-Levine.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1500\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/Jake-Levine.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/Jake-Levine-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/Jake-Levine-1536x1152.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Former Obama and Biden White House climate aide Jake Levine ran against incumbent Brad Sherman for the congressional District 32. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of the Jake Levin Campaign)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Jake Levine, a 42-year-old former White House climate aide under Presidents Obama and Biden, said his loss to Sherman should not be interpreted as a rejection of the generational message.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think that that is less a reflection of whether people want a new generation and more a reflection of some of the structural aspects of this race,” Levine said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Levine believes \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12064834/how-prop-50-just-rewrote-californias-2026-congressional-map\">California’s redistricting under Proposition 50\u003c/a>, whose new maps debuted in this month’s election, worked against him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I really supported Prop. 50, but at the same time, for my district, that made our district significantly more Republican in terms of its complexion,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In other cases, Grose said redistricting could work against incumbents like Matsui and Thompson by bringing in a swath of new voters who may be unfamiliar with them, weakening their name recognition advantage. Nearly half of Thompson’s District 4 is now new territory.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12086017\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12086017\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260602_PRIMARY2026CD4_GC-34-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260602_PRIMARY2026CD4_GC-34-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260602_PRIMARY2026CD4_GC-34-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260602_PRIMARY2026CD4_GC-34-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Eric Jones, Democratic candidate for California’s 4th Congressional District, center, speaks to a supporter at his watch party at Three Mile Brewing in Davis on June 2, 2026. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Levine also argues the state Democratic Party “intentionally make[s] it very difficult for challengers,” noting that he was not allowed to speak at the California Democratic Party convention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jones, who challenged Thompson in the North Bay, agreed on this point.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Democratic Party is a party built to protect incumbency,” Jones said. “You see that the way the party chooses to endorse, where the California Democratic Party has never once in its history endorsed against a congressional incumbent. And I think that is the biggest uphill battle.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It is rare for the state party to back a challenger, but not unprecedented. In 2018, the party endorsed former state Sen. Kevin de León for U.S. Senate over then-Sen. Dianne Feinstein.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With California’s count still ongoing, Jones’ campaign manager Brian Parvizshahi said he remains confident Jones will advance to the general election, where he expects to make up ground.[aside postID=news_12086288 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/GettyImages-2277856381.jpg']“When you expand the electorate [from the primary to the general election] … they typically become much more young and much more working class and more people of color. And that’s who makes up Eric Jones’ base,” Parvizshahi said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Parvizshahi previously ran Rep. Ro Khanna’s 2014 and 2016 campaigns against Rep. Mike Honda. In 2014, Khanna gained 17 points between the primary and general election. He lost, but returned to defeat Honda in 2016.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Parvizshahi believes Jones could follow a similar trajectory, arguing that the longer runway to November offers time to build name recognition and that a younger, more diverse general election electorate could help him close the current 16-point gap.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s never good for an incumbent to be under 50%,” Parvizshahi said. Thompson is currently sitting at 38% of the vote. “That’s pretty damning. That’s 62% of the electorate saying, ‘I do not want you as my congressman.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democratic strategist Orrin Evans said if Jones does squeak through to the general election, it would indicate voters have an appetite for the generational change message.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If two out of five made it through, I would say that’s a pretty good night for the kids,” Evans said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Money proved to be the biggest hurdle for Sacramento City Councilmember Vang. She raised roughly $800,000, significantly less than Matsui’s $1.5 million. Matsui also loaned her campaign an additional $1.4 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We always knew we were going to be outspent,” Vang said. “The only way to beat money is to have organized people. And that’s what we did. We knocked on thousands of doors and spoke to thousands of voters. We did it because this region is ready for change.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12086029\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12086029\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/060226CHAKRABARTI_GH_009-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/060226CHAKRABARTI_GH_009-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/060226CHAKRABARTI_GH_009-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/060226CHAKRABARTI_GH_009-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Congressional candidate Saikat Chakrabarti converses with his supporters during an election night event at The Chapel on June 3, 2026, in San Francisco. \u003ccite>(Gustavo Hernandez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Money didn’t guarantee challengers would sail through to the general election. Compared to Thompson’s $3.4 million, Jones raised $3 million and poured in an additional $5.2 million of his own money and still found himself fighting for second place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Francisco, Saikat Chakrabarti announced his intent to run for Rep. Nancy Pelosi’s seat before the 86-year-old said she would not run for reelection. Chakrabarti’s incredible $8.8 million in loans to his campaign also did not get him into the runoff, which has been called for state Sen. Scott Wiener and San Francisco Supervisor Connie Chan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite the many hurdles these young challengers face, Grose said this cycle gave them their best shot at a congressional seat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They would do really bad in a crowded field of 40-somethings in an open seat,” he said. “Trying to run against an old person who’s an incumbent is the better strategy for them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>One of the defining storylines of California’s congressional primaries this year was \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12085139/young-progressive-candidates-look-for-change-of-guard-in-ca-congressional-races\">a generational battle\u003c/a> within the Democratic Party driven by a wave of young, often progressive, challengers who took on their own party’s aging incumbents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This rebuke of the so-called gerontocracy targeted Congress members across the state: 75-year-old \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12085544/in-redrawn-napa-valley-house-seat-voters-appear-to-stick-with-incumbent-they-know\">North Bay Rep. Mike Thompson\u003c/a>, 81-year-old Solano and Sacramento Valley Rep. John Garamendi, 81-year-old Sacramento Rep. Doris Matsui, 87-year-old South Los Angeles Rep. Maxine Waters and 71-year-old San Fernando Valley Rep. Brad Sherman.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>How did they do?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Challengers to Sherman, Waters and Garamendi fell short of the second-place finish needed to advance under California’s top-two primary system. Each incumbent represents a safe blue district, setting them up for a smooth path to reelection in November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sacramento City Councilmember Mai Vang, 41, had the greatest success of any challenger, running a close race against Matsui. As of Tuesday afternoon, with 95% of votes counted, Vang is nearly 2 percentage points ahead of Matsui. In the North Bay, former venture capitalist Eric Jones, 35, is still sweating out the final results, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/elections/results/california/congress-4th-district\">sitting less than 2 percentage points\u003c/a> behind Republican business owner Ray Riehle in a contest for second to face Thompson in the runoff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The results hint at what it takes to mount a successful generational challenge. Age alone, it turns out, is not enough. Candidates and analysts point to name recognition, money and redistricting as key factors shaping the outcomes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You have to have a reason other than ‘the person is old,’” said Christian Grose, a political science professor at the University of Southern California. “You have to have a case to make for why you would be better.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12086912\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12086912\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/MaiVang.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/MaiVang.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/MaiVang-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/MaiVang-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Sacramento City Councilmember Mai Vang is running against incumbent Doris Matsui for the congressional District 7. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of the Mai Vang Campaign)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Challengers were generally more successful when they could articulate ideological differences, Grose said. For instance, Vang has criticized Matsui for accepting funding from the American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC), not calling the war in Gaza a genocide and previously voting to fund Immigration and Customs Enforcement, though her position has changed in recent years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Progressivism, I think, helps in a primary,” Grose said. “A left progressive can get people’s attention, especially with the crowd of [the] governor’s election too.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vang also attributes her strong showing to a clear progressive platform, running for something instead of against someone.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“Are you for working families? Are you for making their lives better?” Vang said. “It can’t just be that you’re anti-Trump. You’ve got to be for these bold issues for our working families.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Addisu Demissie, a veteran Democratic political consultant and former campaign manager for Gov. Gavin Newsom’s 2018 bid, \u003ca href=\"https://omny.fm/shows/kqed-segmented-audio/establishment-democrats-largely-prevail-in-primary-races\">told KQED\u003c/a> last week that results prove name recognition remains among the biggest obstacles for newcomers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t think it’s necessarily an indictment of those candidates or even that much of a celebration of incumbents and incumbency as much as voters tend to go with the name,” Demissie said. “And the name frankly has probably provided for you, in some way, constituent services or representation over the course of several years.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Matsui was first elected in a 2005 special election to fill her husband’s seat after he died of pneumonia; the Matsui name has represented the Sacramento area for a combined 47 years. Waters is also a nationally recognized figure who first took her seat in 1991, and Sherman has served in Congress since 1997.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even if voters want generational change broadly, they tend to be less likely to vote against their own representative, Grose said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you ask somebody, ‘Do you want younger people in Congress? Do you want to say goodbye to 80-year-olds?’ People say yes,” Grose said. “But when you ask them about their own Congress member, they really like their own member.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12086915\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12086915\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/Jake-Levine.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1500\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/Jake-Levine.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/Jake-Levine-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/Jake-Levine-1536x1152.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Former Obama and Biden White House climate aide Jake Levine ran against incumbent Brad Sherman for the congressional District 32. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of the Jake Levin Campaign)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Jake Levine, a 42-year-old former White House climate aide under Presidents Obama and Biden, said his loss to Sherman should not be interpreted as a rejection of the generational message.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think that that is less a reflection of whether people want a new generation and more a reflection of some of the structural aspects of this race,” Levine said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Levine believes \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12064834/how-prop-50-just-rewrote-californias-2026-congressional-map\">California’s redistricting under Proposition 50\u003c/a>, whose new maps debuted in this month’s election, worked against him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I really supported Prop. 50, but at the same time, for my district, that made our district significantly more Republican in terms of its complexion,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In other cases, Grose said redistricting could work against incumbents like Matsui and Thompson by bringing in a swath of new voters who may be unfamiliar with them, weakening their name recognition advantage. Nearly half of Thompson’s District 4 is now new territory.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12086017\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12086017\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260602_PRIMARY2026CD4_GC-34-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260602_PRIMARY2026CD4_GC-34-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260602_PRIMARY2026CD4_GC-34-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260602_PRIMARY2026CD4_GC-34-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Eric Jones, Democratic candidate for California’s 4th Congressional District, center, speaks to a supporter at his watch party at Three Mile Brewing in Davis on June 2, 2026. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Levine also argues the state Democratic Party “intentionally make[s] it very difficult for challengers,” noting that he was not allowed to speak at the California Democratic Party convention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jones, who challenged Thompson in the North Bay, agreed on this point.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Democratic Party is a party built to protect incumbency,” Jones said. “You see that the way the party chooses to endorse, where the California Democratic Party has never once in its history endorsed against a congressional incumbent. And I think that is the biggest uphill battle.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It is rare for the state party to back a challenger, but not unprecedented. In 2018, the party endorsed former state Sen. Kevin de León for U.S. Senate over then-Sen. Dianne Feinstein.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With California’s count still ongoing, Jones’ campaign manager Brian Parvizshahi said he remains confident Jones will advance to the general election, where he expects to make up ground.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“When you expand the electorate [from the primary to the general election] … they typically become much more young and much more working class and more people of color. And that’s who makes up Eric Jones’ base,” Parvizshahi said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Parvizshahi previously ran Rep. Ro Khanna’s 2014 and 2016 campaigns against Rep. Mike Honda. In 2014, Khanna gained 17 points between the primary and general election. He lost, but returned to defeat Honda in 2016.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Parvizshahi believes Jones could follow a similar trajectory, arguing that the longer runway to November offers time to build name recognition and that a younger, more diverse general election electorate could help him close the current 16-point gap.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s never good for an incumbent to be under 50%,” Parvizshahi said. Thompson is currently sitting at 38% of the vote. “That’s pretty damning. That’s 62% of the electorate saying, ‘I do not want you as my congressman.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democratic strategist Orrin Evans said if Jones does squeak through to the general election, it would indicate voters have an appetite for the generational change message.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If two out of five made it through, I would say that’s a pretty good night for the kids,” Evans said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Money proved to be the biggest hurdle for Sacramento City Councilmember Vang. She raised roughly $800,000, significantly less than Matsui’s $1.5 million. Matsui also loaned her campaign an additional $1.4 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We always knew we were going to be outspent,” Vang said. “The only way to beat money is to have organized people. And that’s what we did. We knocked on thousands of doors and spoke to thousands of voters. We did it because this region is ready for change.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12086029\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12086029\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/060226CHAKRABARTI_GH_009-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/060226CHAKRABARTI_GH_009-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/060226CHAKRABARTI_GH_009-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/060226CHAKRABARTI_GH_009-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Congressional candidate Saikat Chakrabarti converses with his supporters during an election night event at The Chapel on June 3, 2026, in San Francisco. \u003ccite>(Gustavo Hernandez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Money didn’t guarantee challengers would sail through to the general election. Compared to Thompson’s $3.4 million, Jones raised $3 million and poured in an additional $5.2 million of his own money and still found himself fighting for second place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Francisco, Saikat Chakrabarti announced his intent to run for Rep. Nancy Pelosi’s seat before the 86-year-old said she would not run for reelection. Chakrabarti’s incredible $8.8 million in loans to his campaign also did not get him into the runoff, which has been called for state Sen. Scott Wiener and San Francisco Supervisor Connie Chan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite the many hurdles these young challengers face, Grose said this cycle gave them their best shot at a congressional seat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They would do really bad in a crowded field of 40-somethings in an open seat,” he said. “Trying to run against an old person who’s an incumbent is the better strategy for them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>California still has lots of ballots left to count, more than one week after the primary. Republicans, including President Donald Trump, have seized on the slow count to spread conspiracy theories of election fraud.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But what’s actually behind the holdup? KQED’s Marisa Lagos explains why California counts ballots so slowly, and what could help speed up the count.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" frameborder=\"0\" height=\"200\" scrolling=\"no\" src=\"https://playlist.megaphone.fm?e=KQINC3430716356&light=true\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Links:\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12086054/ballots-are-all-in-but-california-election-results-could-take-weeks-to-settle-why\">Ballots Are All In, but California Election Results Could Take Weeks to Settle. Why?\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003ch3>Episode transcript\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This is a computer-generated transcript. While our team has reviewed it, there may be errors.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:00:00] I’m Ericka Cruz Guevarra and welcome to The Bay, local news to keep you rooted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:00:08] So it’s been more than a week since election day. And while many primary races have already been called, California’s still counting votes, and will be for a while. California is notoriously slow at counting ballots, making us an easy target for Republicans spreading conspiracies of election fraud.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Donald Trump \u003c/strong>[00:00:33] This tremendous evidence is nothing but evidence. The election was rigged. It was a dirty election. And it’s happening again right now in California. It’s happening right now.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:00:48] But there’s actually a pretty clear explanation for the wait, including the fact that California has one of the most accessible election systems in the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos \u003c/strong>[00:01:00] We have a number of policies that have been enacted that are really aimed at giving everybody every opportunity to vote that we can.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:01:11] Today, what’s behind California’s slow vote count and what it would take to speed it up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:01:25] Well, Marisa, am I trippin’ or are ballots taking a long time to count?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos \u003c/strong>[00:01:30] You’re not trippin’, but they always kinda take a long time to count in California these days.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:01:37] Marisa Lagos is a politics and government correspondent for KQED. She’s also co-host of the Political Breakdown podcast.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos \u003c/strong>[00:01:46] We are sitting here on Tuesday, a week out. So 7.7 million ballots have been processed so far, and there’s 1.7 billion left. So it’s not an insignificant number, but it’s the bulk of the ballots. And it’s, I think, out of line with what we’ve seen maybe in previous elections. What feels more urgent this year is we did have this messy governor’s race. And so there’s a lot of attention on it. And we were one of the only primaries last week. So I think there’s been a sort of outsized amount of attention and frustration at the slow count.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:02:25] And I guess, like, what effects are you seeing so far of this long count? I mean, like it’s this affecting confidence, for example, in our election process here in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos \u003c/strong>[00:02:37] I’d say the long count does affect folks’ opinions of the election and their beliefs in the integrity of it, but I think the bigger factor is the president and other Republicans using it as a way to undercut confidence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Donald Trump \u003c/strong>[00:02:53] Four days, and they aren’t even close to coming up with it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Kristen Welker \u003c/strong>[00:02:56] That’s how they count the votes in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Donald Trump \u003c/strong>[00:02:57] You know why they’re doing that? Because they’re cheating on the election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Kristen Welker \u003c/strong>[00:02:59] Do you have evidence to support that?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Donald Trump \u003c/strong>[00:03:01] All I have to do is look.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos \u003c/strong>[00:03:03] President Trump has been attacking California’s election almost since the polls closed last Tuesday. He also had a pretty explosive interview with Kristen Welker on Meet the Press this weekend.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Donald Trump \u003c/strong>[00:03:14] Do you think it’s appropriate that they have an election and five days later, they’re nowhere close to picking a winner?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Kristen Welker \u003c/strong>[00:03:20] State and local officials acknowledge they are slow. They’re urging —\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Donald Trump \u003c/strong>[00:03:23] No, they are crooked. They’re crooked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Kristen Welker \u003c/strong>[00:03:25] — urging the votes to be counted quickly. That’s how they vote in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Donald Trump \u003c/strong>[00:03:27] They are crooked, just like you’re crooked, your press is crooked, and meet the press is crooked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos \u003c/strong>[00:03:32] I think if you didn’t have these attacks from folks up to and including President Trump, there probably wouldn’t be quite so much kind of consternation and concern.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:03:41] That’s one of the reasons why I think we wanted to talk to you about this, because I do think it is maybe worth just sort of unpacking for people, like how this count even happens. So why does California take so long to count its votes?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos \u003c/strong>[00:03:57] I think there’s almost like three buckets of things here when we talk about delays. One is the policies that exist in California that send every voter a mail-in ballot that allow ballots to arrive within a week after election day, as long as they’re postmarked by then. And then there’s the resources, right? Just like, do county registrars have the money, the staff, the actual physical space? To do this counting quickly. And then there’s voter behavior. And I think that this election year, we’ve really seen that that has a big effect. What we did see this year based on tracking data analysis by some very smart people, smarter than me, is that Democrats were holding onto their ballots. It did seem like just the upheaval in the governor’s race, the sort of crowded nature of it, the exit of Eric Swalwell in April, the sudden rise of Xavier Becerra, all of that kind of contributed to this phenomenon of Democrats, progressives, I think in particular, waiting until the last minute. And so in a state where Democrats outnumber Republicans two to one, that’s going to really slow down the process. And it’s also going to create what’s called a red mirage, where you had the sort of initial results look stronger for Republicans and conservative candidates than what the ultimate vote count is going to look like. And I think that combination of the large number of ballots coming in late, and so that kind of slowing down the count, plus that red mirages has given an opening to folks like President Trump to kind of call things into question.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:05:41] You mentioned a bunch of these policies that we have in California that are really about expanding voter access. So what exactly is the process of counting ballots in California given these policies?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos \u003c/strong>[00:05:56] We, during the pandemic especially, really expanded mail-in voting. So essentially every voter gets a mail- in ballot now. In recent elections, we’ve seen up to 80% of people vote by mail, so that in itself can cause delays because when ballots are being processed, essentially, if you go in and vote in person, all the checks of security to make sure you’re the person you’re saying you are and your signature matches and your address is correct happens before they hand you the ballot. When you mail in the ballot, that happens on the back end. And so what you have is election officials with stacks and stacks and boxes and boxes where they have to go through one by one and essentially verify that each individual ballot is valid, then they have run it through the system. And in some cases, you also have situations where say a signature doesn’t match. And so in some counties, they might reach out to you and say, Hey, did you file this ballot? The fact that you the ballots can arrive to a week after election day, obviously. Do even more, you know, to extend that. Provisional ballots, people can go in and say, oh, you know, I missed the registration deadline or I missed my address changed, and they’re allowed to cast a ballot in person. But that ballot then on the back end also has to be verified. So, I mean, the irony of a lot of the attacks on our slow process is that it exists to ensure integrity. It exists to insure that people are who they say they are, that they’re voting only once, that they are voting properly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Shirley Weber \u003c/strong>[00:07:37] It’s unfortunate that people don’t believe we count fast. We do.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos \u003c/strong>[00:07:38] You know, one of the biggest defenders of our election system has been the Secretary of State, Shirley Weber, who oversees this entire system. And she’s pretty bullish that what’s happening is working and it’s slow because election officials are being careful.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Shirley Weber \u003c/strong>[00:07:53] You want to be fast or you want to be accurate? I prefer, I choose accurate. We’ll be accurate and fast at the same time, but, and we’re always looking at new ways that we can improve our system, but I’m not going to toss out accurate in order to be fast.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:08:13] We’ll have more with KQED’s Marisa Lagos right after this break. By the way, if you like the deep dives into local news that we bring you here on the Bay, consider becoming a KQED member. We can’t do this work without you. Just go to donate.kqed.org/podcasts. We’ll be right back.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:08:45] It sounds like we should all feel pretty confident then that we are getting the most accurate count possible, even though it’s slow. But I know your colleague, Guy Marzorati, talked with an election official in Yolo County about what it might take to speed up this process. What does he say about that?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos \u003c/strong>[00:09:06] Jesse Salinas is the registrar of voters in Yolo County. He’s also head of the state association representing county election officials around the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Jesse Salinas \u003c/strong>[00:09:15] There’s multiple layers of review to make sure that anybody whose vote is being counted has been vetted properly and verified.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos \u003c/strong>[00:09:25] And Yolo County is obviously not the biggest county around, but Jesse Salinas says that essentially resources would really help.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Jesse Salinas \u003c/strong>[00:09:33] If I had more space, if I have more staff, and I had more equipment to scan, I could pick up some of the speed. So yes, that would happen, right? So there’s a capacity issue and a resource issue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos \u003c/strong>[00:09:51] If the state or federal governments were willing to put more money into these county election offices, they could hire more staff. Maybe they could count ballots around the clock in the days after the election, not take a break, right? Because you can’t have people working like 24 hours a day. So, Jesse Salinas really feels like a lot of the pressure being put on county officials is not fair because we’ve essentially done everything we can to assure that more people can vote. But we haven’t actually given the government officials responsible for counting those votes enough resources to do so in a timely manner.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Jesse Salinas \u003c/strong>[00:10:26] People don’t understand why is it taking so long? Well, there’s a reason why. We’re not twiddling our thumbs. We are working hard every day for months and going into the election and, of course, on election night and then afterwards.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:10:45] On the one hand, Marisa, I feel like an, I mean, obviously I think everyone agrees that an accurate count and also increased voter access is a good thing. But on the other hand, this feels maybe not so good for voter confidence in our elections, especially at a time when the legitimacy of our elections are being questioned by Republicans. So how do I sort of make sense of that?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos \u003c/strong>[00:11:11] I mean, I think what’s wild about all of this is that prior to 2020, when President Trump started promoting these baseless election conspiracies, the people most likely to vote by mail were Republicans. California historically saw rural counties, places where people had to drive a long way to get to a voting center. They saw elderly or older, especially white voters. Be the most likely to vote absentee. And so, to me, I think that speaks to the sort of ridiculous nature of this. I also just, on a personal level, wanna underscore the counterfactuals here. I mean, going back to 2020, how is it that the president believes that there was a vast Democratic conspiracy to throw the election to Joe Biden, but to give Congress to Republicans, right? Click. I mean, I can go on, but we’ve seen this over and over where it’s very much cherry-picking not just individual elections, but individual races.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:12:15] And I guess looking ahead to November, if I may, I know the House majority is on the line. These are races that could control Congress. And I have to imagine we’re probably going to hear more of the same, if not more, of these sort of baseless claims of voter fraud over our count.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos \u003c/strong>[00:12:33] I am incredibly concerned for what the president could try to do. You know, you see in Los Angeles, the U.S. Acting attorney there, Bill Essayli, a former Republican member of the state assembly saying that they’re, you know, investigating voting in L.A. And getting into a fight over what information the county will provide. We’ve seen the Department of Justice under President Trump go to blue states and try to demand voter rolls and other information. We all still remember the president’s threats that he could deploy National Guard troops or ICE agents. You know, look, there’s not the resources for them to have ICE agents at every polling place. But I think even the sort of whisper of those types of threats could deter people from participating, and that’s a threat. Every time this type of rhetoric is out there, it does undermine people’s beliefs and it sort of stratifies us further. So we can both reject these baseless theories and stand by our very hardworking election officials who are, by the way, from both parties. And we also can demand more from our largely Democratic leaders in this state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>Some members of the KQED podcast team are represented by The Screen Actors Guild, American Federation of Television and Radio Artists, San Francisco-Northern California Local.\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>California still has lots of ballots left to count, more than one week after the primary. Republicans, including President Donald Trump, have seized on the slow count to spread conspiracy theories of election fraud.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But what’s actually behind the holdup? KQED’s Marisa Lagos explains why California counts ballots so slowly, and what could help speed up the count.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" frameborder=\"0\" height=\"200\" scrolling=\"no\" src=\"https://playlist.megaphone.fm?e=KQINC3430716356&light=true\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Links:\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12086054/ballots-are-all-in-but-california-election-results-could-take-weeks-to-settle-why\">Ballots Are All In, but California Election Results Could Take Weeks to Settle. Why?\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003ch3>Episode transcript\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This is a computer-generated transcript. While our team has reviewed it, there may be errors.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:00:00] I’m Ericka Cruz Guevarra and welcome to The Bay, local news to keep you rooted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:00:08] So it’s been more than a week since election day. And while many primary races have already been called, California’s still counting votes, and will be for a while. California is notoriously slow at counting ballots, making us an easy target for Republicans spreading conspiracies of election fraud.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Donald Trump \u003c/strong>[00:00:33] This tremendous evidence is nothing but evidence. The election was rigged. It was a dirty election. And it’s happening again right now in California. It’s happening right now.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:00:48] But there’s actually a pretty clear explanation for the wait, including the fact that California has one of the most accessible election systems in the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos \u003c/strong>[00:01:00] We have a number of policies that have been enacted that are really aimed at giving everybody every opportunity to vote that we can.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:01:11] Today, what’s behind California’s slow vote count and what it would take to speed it up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:01:25] Well, Marisa, am I trippin’ or are ballots taking a long time to count?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos \u003c/strong>[00:01:30] You’re not trippin’, but they always kinda take a long time to count in California these days.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:01:37] Marisa Lagos is a politics and government correspondent for KQED. She’s also co-host of the Political Breakdown podcast.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos \u003c/strong>[00:01:46] We are sitting here on Tuesday, a week out. So 7.7 million ballots have been processed so far, and there’s 1.7 billion left. So it’s not an insignificant number, but it’s the bulk of the ballots. And it’s, I think, out of line with what we’ve seen maybe in previous elections. What feels more urgent this year is we did have this messy governor’s race. And so there’s a lot of attention on it. And we were one of the only primaries last week. So I think there’s been a sort of outsized amount of attention and frustration at the slow count.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:02:25] And I guess, like, what effects are you seeing so far of this long count? I mean, like it’s this affecting confidence, for example, in our election process here in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos \u003c/strong>[00:02:37] I’d say the long count does affect folks’ opinions of the election and their beliefs in the integrity of it, but I think the bigger factor is the president and other Republicans using it as a way to undercut confidence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Donald Trump \u003c/strong>[00:02:53] Four days, and they aren’t even close to coming up with it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Kristen Welker \u003c/strong>[00:02:56] That’s how they count the votes in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Donald Trump \u003c/strong>[00:02:57] You know why they’re doing that? Because they’re cheating on the election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Kristen Welker \u003c/strong>[00:02:59] Do you have evidence to support that?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Donald Trump \u003c/strong>[00:03:01] All I have to do is look.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos \u003c/strong>[00:03:03] President Trump has been attacking California’s election almost since the polls closed last Tuesday. He also had a pretty explosive interview with Kristen Welker on Meet the Press this weekend.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Donald Trump \u003c/strong>[00:03:14] Do you think it’s appropriate that they have an election and five days later, they’re nowhere close to picking a winner?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Kristen Welker \u003c/strong>[00:03:20] State and local officials acknowledge they are slow. They’re urging —\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Donald Trump \u003c/strong>[00:03:23] No, they are crooked. They’re crooked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Kristen Welker \u003c/strong>[00:03:25] — urging the votes to be counted quickly. That’s how they vote in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Donald Trump \u003c/strong>[00:03:27] They are crooked, just like you’re crooked, your press is crooked, and meet the press is crooked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos \u003c/strong>[00:03:32] I think if you didn’t have these attacks from folks up to and including President Trump, there probably wouldn’t be quite so much kind of consternation and concern.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:03:41] That’s one of the reasons why I think we wanted to talk to you about this, because I do think it is maybe worth just sort of unpacking for people, like how this count even happens. So why does California take so long to count its votes?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos \u003c/strong>[00:03:57] I think there’s almost like three buckets of things here when we talk about delays. One is the policies that exist in California that send every voter a mail-in ballot that allow ballots to arrive within a week after election day, as long as they’re postmarked by then. And then there’s the resources, right? Just like, do county registrars have the money, the staff, the actual physical space? To do this counting quickly. And then there’s voter behavior. And I think that this election year, we’ve really seen that that has a big effect. What we did see this year based on tracking data analysis by some very smart people, smarter than me, is that Democrats were holding onto their ballots. It did seem like just the upheaval in the governor’s race, the sort of crowded nature of it, the exit of Eric Swalwell in April, the sudden rise of Xavier Becerra, all of that kind of contributed to this phenomenon of Democrats, progressives, I think in particular, waiting until the last minute. And so in a state where Democrats outnumber Republicans two to one, that’s going to really slow down the process. And it’s also going to create what’s called a red mirage, where you had the sort of initial results look stronger for Republicans and conservative candidates than what the ultimate vote count is going to look like. And I think that combination of the large number of ballots coming in late, and so that kind of slowing down the count, plus that red mirages has given an opening to folks like President Trump to kind of call things into question.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:05:41] You mentioned a bunch of these policies that we have in California that are really about expanding voter access. So what exactly is the process of counting ballots in California given these policies?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos \u003c/strong>[00:05:56] We, during the pandemic especially, really expanded mail-in voting. So essentially every voter gets a mail- in ballot now. In recent elections, we’ve seen up to 80% of people vote by mail, so that in itself can cause delays because when ballots are being processed, essentially, if you go in and vote in person, all the checks of security to make sure you’re the person you’re saying you are and your signature matches and your address is correct happens before they hand you the ballot. When you mail in the ballot, that happens on the back end. And so what you have is election officials with stacks and stacks and boxes and boxes where they have to go through one by one and essentially verify that each individual ballot is valid, then they have run it through the system. And in some cases, you also have situations where say a signature doesn’t match. And so in some counties, they might reach out to you and say, Hey, did you file this ballot? The fact that you the ballots can arrive to a week after election day, obviously. Do even more, you know, to extend that. Provisional ballots, people can go in and say, oh, you know, I missed the registration deadline or I missed my address changed, and they’re allowed to cast a ballot in person. But that ballot then on the back end also has to be verified. So, I mean, the irony of a lot of the attacks on our slow process is that it exists to ensure integrity. It exists to insure that people are who they say they are, that they’re voting only once, that they are voting properly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Shirley Weber \u003c/strong>[00:07:37] It’s unfortunate that people don’t believe we count fast. We do.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos \u003c/strong>[00:07:38] You know, one of the biggest defenders of our election system has been the Secretary of State, Shirley Weber, who oversees this entire system. And she’s pretty bullish that what’s happening is working and it’s slow because election officials are being careful.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Shirley Weber \u003c/strong>[00:07:53] You want to be fast or you want to be accurate? I prefer, I choose accurate. We’ll be accurate and fast at the same time, but, and we’re always looking at new ways that we can improve our system, but I’m not going to toss out accurate in order to be fast.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:08:13] We’ll have more with KQED’s Marisa Lagos right after this break. By the way, if you like the deep dives into local news that we bring you here on the Bay, consider becoming a KQED member. We can’t do this work without you. Just go to donate.kqed.org/podcasts. We’ll be right back.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:08:45] It sounds like we should all feel pretty confident then that we are getting the most accurate count possible, even though it’s slow. But I know your colleague, Guy Marzorati, talked with an election official in Yolo County about what it might take to speed up this process. What does he say about that?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos \u003c/strong>[00:09:06] Jesse Salinas is the registrar of voters in Yolo County. He’s also head of the state association representing county election officials around the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Jesse Salinas \u003c/strong>[00:09:15] There’s multiple layers of review to make sure that anybody whose vote is being counted has been vetted properly and verified.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos \u003c/strong>[00:09:25] And Yolo County is obviously not the biggest county around, but Jesse Salinas says that essentially resources would really help.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Jesse Salinas \u003c/strong>[00:09:33] If I had more space, if I have more staff, and I had more equipment to scan, I could pick up some of the speed. So yes, that would happen, right? So there’s a capacity issue and a resource issue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos \u003c/strong>[00:09:51] If the state or federal governments were willing to put more money into these county election offices, they could hire more staff. Maybe they could count ballots around the clock in the days after the election, not take a break, right? Because you can’t have people working like 24 hours a day. So, Jesse Salinas really feels like a lot of the pressure being put on county officials is not fair because we’ve essentially done everything we can to assure that more people can vote. But we haven’t actually given the government officials responsible for counting those votes enough resources to do so in a timely manner.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Jesse Salinas \u003c/strong>[00:10:26] People don’t understand why is it taking so long? Well, there’s a reason why. We’re not twiddling our thumbs. We are working hard every day for months and going into the election and, of course, on election night and then afterwards.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:10:45] On the one hand, Marisa, I feel like an, I mean, obviously I think everyone agrees that an accurate count and also increased voter access is a good thing. But on the other hand, this feels maybe not so good for voter confidence in our elections, especially at a time when the legitimacy of our elections are being questioned by Republicans. So how do I sort of make sense of that?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos \u003c/strong>[00:11:11] I mean, I think what’s wild about all of this is that prior to 2020, when President Trump started promoting these baseless election conspiracies, the people most likely to vote by mail were Republicans. California historically saw rural counties, places where people had to drive a long way to get to a voting center. They saw elderly or older, especially white voters. Be the most likely to vote absentee. And so, to me, I think that speaks to the sort of ridiculous nature of this. I also just, on a personal level, wanna underscore the counterfactuals here. I mean, going back to 2020, how is it that the president believes that there was a vast Democratic conspiracy to throw the election to Joe Biden, but to give Congress to Republicans, right? Click. I mean, I can go on, but we’ve seen this over and over where it’s very much cherry-picking not just individual elections, but individual races.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:12:15] And I guess looking ahead to November, if I may, I know the House majority is on the line. These are races that could control Congress. And I have to imagine we’re probably going to hear more of the same, if not more, of these sort of baseless claims of voter fraud over our count.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos \u003c/strong>[00:12:33] I am incredibly concerned for what the president could try to do. You know, you see in Los Angeles, the U.S. Acting attorney there, Bill Essayli, a former Republican member of the state assembly saying that they’re, you know, investigating voting in L.A. And getting into a fight over what information the county will provide. We’ve seen the Department of Justice under President Trump go to blue states and try to demand voter rolls and other information. We all still remember the president’s threats that he could deploy National Guard troops or ICE agents. You know, look, there’s not the resources for them to have ICE agents at every polling place. But I think even the sort of whisper of those types of threats could deter people from participating, and that’s a threat. Every time this type of rhetoric is out there, it does undermine people’s beliefs and it sort of stratifies us further. So we can both reject these baseless theories and stand by our very hardworking election officials who are, by the way, from both parties. And we also can demand more from our largely Democratic leaders in this state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>San José’s City Council unanimously approved a spending plan to fill a $50.3 million \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12075812/mahan-calls-for-belt-tightening-in-san-jose-budget-plan\">shortfall\u003c/a> on Tuesday afternoon, largely through a mix of cuts and tapping budget reserves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The $1.7 billion general fund budget shrinks funding for parts of Mayor Matt Mahan’s ambitious program to reduce unsheltered homelessness but comes with new money to help immigrant residents dealing with the increased threat of deportation from the Trump administration. The blow to the budget was softened by voters’ approval this month of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/elections/results/santaclara/measure-a\">Measure A\u003c/a>, which increased the city’s hotel tax from 10% to 12%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a fiscally responsible, service-sustaining and focus-driven budget,” Mahan said. “Even in a difficult budget climate, we have much to be proud of.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Overall, the budget for the 2026-27 fiscal year cuts a net 19 positions throughout the city workforce, while 66 positions funded through one-time dollars will not be extended.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since Mahan took office in 2023, the city has \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12072666/san-jose-mayor-matt-mahan-wants-to-be-governor-heres-a-look-into-his-signature-homelessness-program\">built out\u003c/a> a system of tiny homes with more than 2,000 beds for people experiencing homelessness, helping to bring unsheltered homelessness down 10% from 2023 to 2025. But the amount of money needed to operate the shelter system has \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12072999/tiny-homes-big-ambitions-matt-mahans-run-for-governor-spotlights-his-shelter-strategy\">outstripped\u003c/a> dedicated homeless funding and requires an ongoing infusion of general fund dollars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The budget approved by the council will close a 56-tent sanctioned encampment on Taylor Street, saving $1.2 million in the upcoming fiscal year. It will also reduce funding for BeautifySJ, the city’s blight reduction program, by $4.2 million. The program will require less funding after city workers cleared two large encampments, one along Coyote Creek and another in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12052645/san-jose-begins-clearing-columbus-park-the-citys-biggest-homeless-encampment\">Columbus Park\u003c/a>, over the last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>City leaders remain optimistic that ongoing negotiations with Santa Clara County will result in the county picking up some of the cost of the city’s shelter system, easing the future hit on the general fund.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12009247\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12009247\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240409-SJEncampmentBan-064-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240409-SJEncampmentBan-064-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240409-SJEncampmentBan-064-BL_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240409-SJEncampmentBan-064-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240409-SJEncampmentBan-064-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240409-SJEncampmentBan-064-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240409-SJEncampmentBan-064-BL_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Tents sit along Coyote Creek in Roosevelt Park in San José on April 9, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Despite the gloomy fiscal outlook, the council agreed to put $1 million toward nonprofits that provide immigrant defense and legal services for residents facing deportation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When we talk about immigration services, we’re talking about keeping families together, helping people navigate complex legal systems and making sure our neighbors can live with dignity and without fear,” Councilmember Peter Ortiz said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a Monday public comment session on the budget plan, advocates pointed to increased fears in response to a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12083600/santa-clara-county-leaders-say-theyll-fight-planned-ice-facility-in-gilroy\">planned\u003c/a> U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement detention center in Gilroy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Families are already living in fear and uncertainty, workers are already facing risks, children are already worried about the possibility of being separated from their loved ones,” said Joanna Becerra, with the nonprofit Amigos de Guadalupe.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The best way to respond to an emergency is to ensure our community is ready before it happens,” she added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Much of the budget shortfall is closed through the use of the city’s Budget Stabilization Reserve, drawing the rainy day fund down from $87.5 million to just $25 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A stagnant local economy and sluggish real estate sales, along with higher-than-expected retirement costs, have left San José with an ongoing shortfall projected at $26.8 million for 2027-28 and $11.8 million in 2028-29. City budget analysts warned that those deficits could grow if new \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2026/06/rob-bonta-blackjack-regulations-gambling/\">state regulations\u003c/a> on cardrooms result in lower tax revenue from Bay 101 Casino and Casino Matrix.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, the city is expected to bring in $6.8 million in the upcoming fiscal year from Measure A, which is winning approval from roughly two-thirds of San José voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A contingency budget plan released by the city manager that did not include that additional revenue called for cuts to Sunday library hours and a downtown police foot patrol.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We would be having a very, very different discussion in trying to do a greater cut on many of our services today” if Measure A had failed, Councilmember Rosemary Kamei said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12085548 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/GettyImages-77152290-e1560402492305.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A handful of progressive supervisors had advocated for city staffers to explore changing San José’s business tax to bring in more revenue, but the idea was not included in the final budget plan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The tax is currently assessed based on employee headcount. A potential shift to a gross receipts tax could raise revenue without penalizing employment — but also create new challenges for collection and administration, a city report found.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Now is not the time to explore an increase to the business tax,” Vice Mayor Pam Foley said. “I am concerned about the impacts on San José’s small businesses as well as our ability to attract large businesses to relocate to San José.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Council members acknowledged that difficult budget conversations would likely carry into next year. But they agreed to tap reserves and shift existing funds in order to avoid deeper cuts initially proposed by the city manager — such as \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12083535/san-jose-budget-cuts-could-doom-library-history-and-culture-space\">limiting public access to the California Room\u003c/a>, a wing of the Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. Library dedicated to local history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ralph Pearce, a part-time clerk in the California Room, said the collection provides value to both advanced researchers and visiting schoolchildren.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re not just about looking back,” he said during Monday’s public comment. “We’re about helping the city of San José move forward.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>San José’s City Council unanimously approved a spending plan to fill a $50.3 million \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12075812/mahan-calls-for-belt-tightening-in-san-jose-budget-plan\">shortfall\u003c/a> on Tuesday afternoon, largely through a mix of cuts and tapping budget reserves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The $1.7 billion general fund budget shrinks funding for parts of Mayor Matt Mahan’s ambitious program to reduce unsheltered homelessness but comes with new money to help immigrant residents dealing with the increased threat of deportation from the Trump administration. The blow to the budget was softened by voters’ approval this month of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/elections/results/santaclara/measure-a\">Measure A\u003c/a>, which increased the city’s hotel tax from 10% to 12%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a fiscally responsible, service-sustaining and focus-driven budget,” Mahan said. “Even in a difficult budget climate, we have much to be proud of.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Overall, the budget for the 2026-27 fiscal year cuts a net 19 positions throughout the city workforce, while 66 positions funded through one-time dollars will not be extended.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since Mahan took office in 2023, the city has \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12072666/san-jose-mayor-matt-mahan-wants-to-be-governor-heres-a-look-into-his-signature-homelessness-program\">built out\u003c/a> a system of tiny homes with more than 2,000 beds for people experiencing homelessness, helping to bring unsheltered homelessness down 10% from 2023 to 2025. But the amount of money needed to operate the shelter system has \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12072999/tiny-homes-big-ambitions-matt-mahans-run-for-governor-spotlights-his-shelter-strategy\">outstripped\u003c/a> dedicated homeless funding and requires an ongoing infusion of general fund dollars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The budget approved by the council will close a 56-tent sanctioned encampment on Taylor Street, saving $1.2 million in the upcoming fiscal year. It will also reduce funding for BeautifySJ, the city’s blight reduction program, by $4.2 million. The program will require less funding after city workers cleared two large encampments, one along Coyote Creek and another in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12052645/san-jose-begins-clearing-columbus-park-the-citys-biggest-homeless-encampment\">Columbus Park\u003c/a>, over the last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>City leaders remain optimistic that ongoing negotiations with Santa Clara County will result in the county picking up some of the cost of the city’s shelter system, easing the future hit on the general fund.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12009247\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12009247\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240409-SJEncampmentBan-064-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240409-SJEncampmentBan-064-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240409-SJEncampmentBan-064-BL_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240409-SJEncampmentBan-064-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240409-SJEncampmentBan-064-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240409-SJEncampmentBan-064-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240409-SJEncampmentBan-064-BL_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Tents sit along Coyote Creek in Roosevelt Park in San José on April 9, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Despite the gloomy fiscal outlook, the council agreed to put $1 million toward nonprofits that provide immigrant defense and legal services for residents facing deportation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When we talk about immigration services, we’re talking about keeping families together, helping people navigate complex legal systems and making sure our neighbors can live with dignity and without fear,” Councilmember Peter Ortiz said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a Monday public comment session on the budget plan, advocates pointed to increased fears in response to a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12083600/santa-clara-county-leaders-say-theyll-fight-planned-ice-facility-in-gilroy\">planned\u003c/a> U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement detention center in Gilroy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Families are already living in fear and uncertainty, workers are already facing risks, children are already worried about the possibility of being separated from their loved ones,” said Joanna Becerra, with the nonprofit Amigos de Guadalupe.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The best way to respond to an emergency is to ensure our community is ready before it happens,” she added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Much of the budget shortfall is closed through the use of the city’s Budget Stabilization Reserve, drawing the rainy day fund down from $87.5 million to just $25 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A stagnant local economy and sluggish real estate sales, along with higher-than-expected retirement costs, have left San José with an ongoing shortfall projected at $26.8 million for 2027-28 and $11.8 million in 2028-29. City budget analysts warned that those deficits could grow if new \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2026/06/rob-bonta-blackjack-regulations-gambling/\">state regulations\u003c/a> on cardrooms result in lower tax revenue from Bay 101 Casino and Casino Matrix.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, the city is expected to bring in $6.8 million in the upcoming fiscal year from Measure A, which is winning approval from roughly two-thirds of San José voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A contingency budget plan released by the city manager that did not include that additional revenue called for cuts to Sunday library hours and a downtown police foot patrol.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We would be having a very, very different discussion in trying to do a greater cut on many of our services today” if Measure A had failed, Councilmember Rosemary Kamei said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A handful of progressive supervisors had advocated for city staffers to explore changing San José’s business tax to bring in more revenue, but the idea was not included in the final budget plan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The tax is currently assessed based on employee headcount. A potential shift to a gross receipts tax could raise revenue without penalizing employment — but also create new challenges for collection and administration, a city report found.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Now is not the time to explore an increase to the business tax,” Vice Mayor Pam Foley said. “I am concerned about the impacts on San José’s small businesses as well as our ability to attract large businesses to relocate to San José.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Council members acknowledged that difficult budget conversations would likely carry into next year. But they agreed to tap reserves and shift existing funds in order to avoid deeper cuts initially proposed by the city manager — such as \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12083535/san-jose-budget-cuts-could-doom-library-history-and-culture-space\">limiting public access to the California Room\u003c/a>, a wing of the Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. Library dedicated to local history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ralph Pearce, a part-time clerk in the California Room, said the collection provides value to both advanced researchers and visiting schoolchildren.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re not just about looking back,” he said during Monday’s public comment. “We’re about helping the city of San José move forward.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>California county election workers are still \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12086054/ballots-are-all-in-but-california-election-results-could-take-weeks-to-settle-why\">counting votes\u003c/a> from last week’s primary, and President Donald Trump is once again alleging, without evidence, that the state’s election system is rigged. Scott and Marisa talk to David Becker, executive director and founder of the nonpartisan, non-profit Center for Election Innovation & Research.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Track the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/elections/results\">latest election results here\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Check out \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/newsletters/political-breakdown\">Political Breakdown’s weekly newsletter\u003c/a>, delivered straight to your inbox.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"soldout": {
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