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"bio": "\u003ca href=\"http://www.MarkFiore.com\">MarkFiore.com\u003c/a> | \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/markfiore\">Follow on Twitter\u003c/a> | \u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/pages/Mark-Fiore-Animated-Political-Cartoons/94451707396?ref=bookmarks\">Facebook\u003c/a> | \u003ca href=\"mailto:mark@markfiore.com\">email\u003c/a>\r\n\r\nPulitzer Prize-winner, Mark Fiore, who the Wall Street Journal has called “the undisputed guru of the form,” creates animated political cartoons in San Francisco, where his work has been featured regularly on the San Francisco Chronicle’s web site, SFGate.com. His work has appeared on Newsweek.com, Slate.com, CBSNews.com, MotherJones.com, DailyKos.com and NPR’s web site. Fiore’s political animation has appeared on CNN, Frontline, Bill Moyers Journal, Salon.com and cable and broadcast outlets across the globe.\r\n\r\nBeginning his professional life by drawing traditional political cartoons for newspapers, Fiore’s work appeared in publications ranging from the Washington Post to the Los Angeles Times. In the late 1990s, he began to experiment with animating political cartoons and, after a short stint at the San Jose Mercury News as their staff cartoonist, Fiore devoted all his energies to animation.\r\nGrowing up in California, Fiore also spent a good portion of his life in the backwoods of Idaho. It was this combination that shaped him politically. Mark majored in political science at Colorado College, where, in a perfect send-off for a cartoonist, he received his diploma in 1991 as commencement speaker Dick Cheney smiled approvingly.\r\nMark Fiore was awarded the Pulitzer Prize for political cartooning in 2010, a Robert F. Kennedy Journalism Award in 2004 and has twice received an Online Journalism Award for commentary from the Online News Association (2002, 2008). Fiore has received two awards for his work in new media from the National Cartoonists Society (2001, 2002), and in 2006 received The James Madison Freedom of Information Award from The Society of Professional Journalists.",
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"content": "\u003cp>Overcoming opposition by some of the Democratic Party’s most liberal constituencies, California’s senior U.S. senator, Dianne Feinstein, defeated state Sen. Kevin de León, a fellow Democrat from Los Angeles who sought to portray her as too moderate and insufficiently opposed to President Trump’s agenda.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[election2018result race=8619]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With millions of votes likely to still be counted, Feinstein was leading de León by eight points, 54 to 46 percent, closer than pre-election polls suggested it would be given her advantages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unlike June, when Feinstein had every single California county in her column, de León, who was badly outspent, waged a surprisingly strong challenge to her, leading in all of the state’s interior counties plus San Luis Obispo and the northern third of the state up to the Oregon border.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite a longing by some Democrats for a fresh face, Feinstein, 85, was able to convince enough voters that her experience, seniority and role on powerful Senate committees were all worth keeping at a time when Democrats are on the defensive in Washington.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The former San Francisco mayor was first elected to the Senate in 1992. Feinstein is already the longest-serving woman there and is now poised to add to that seniority.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before Feinstein formally announced a year ago that she would seek another term, speculation was rampant that she might retire. She is the oldest member of the U.S. Senate, and polls indicated some voters were hesitant to re-elect someone who would be 91 at the end of another six-year term.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Bill Carrick, Feinstein’s longtime political consultant, said whatever doubt Feinstein might have harbored about running for another term ended with the 2016 election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My gut feeling was that when Trump got elected, she went from thinking about whether to run to feeling like she should stay because it was important for California,” Carrick said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ironically, it was conciliatory comments made about Trump in August of last year that infuriated some rank-and-file Democrats, giving de León the impetus to challenge her. But Carrick doesn’t buy that rationale, saying Feinstein’s comments were “blown out of proportion” by the media and de León.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11700063\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11700063 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/KdL-onSet-800x547.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"547\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">California candidate for U.S. Senate Kevin de León visits KQED studios on Oct. 15, 2018. \u003ccite>(Anne Wernikoff/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Kevin was looking for a narrative that would justify getting into the race or getting into \u003cem>some\u003c/em> race,” Carrick said, noting that before jumping into the U.S. Senate race the Los Angeles Democrat had explored running for lieutenant governor and state treasurer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He was looking for some kind of exit strategy” from the Legislature, Carrick said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>De León got a boost in July when the California Democratic Party overwhelmingly endorsed him over Feinstein, underscoring the party’s long-standing dissatisfaction with the San Francisco Democrat’s relatively moderate politics. But the endorsement landed with a thud: De León was never able to convert it into campaign cash or any kind of momentum.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We were not naive to the challenge we were facing,” said de León’s campaign communications director, Jonathan Underland. “It was very obvious. She’s got 26 years under her belt. She’s the incumbent. Anytime you try to challenge someone like that you have to go into it clear-eyed — and (de León) did.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dynamics in the race could have changed in September when Feinstein, the ranking member of the Senate Judiciary Committee, found herself in the middle of a political firestorm after holding onto a letter accusing Supreme Court nominee Brett Kavanaugh of sexual assault when he was a teenager.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Feinstein said she withheld the letter written by California psychologist Dr. Christine Blasey Ford to honor her request for anonymity. Republicans accused her of trying to blow up the confirmation hearings at the last minute, while some Democrats wondered why she hadn’t alerted the FBI sooner.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the end, it didn’t seem to matter much to voters, who awarded Feinstein with a fifth full term.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As she heads back to Washington for another six-year term, speculation is rampant that Feinstein will not serve the entire term, choosing instead to eventually step down and allow Gov. Gavin Newsom to appoint her successor. But in a recent interview with KQED, Feinstein seemed to brush that aside.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My health is good. I can go the distance. I enjoy it and a good part of my life is wrapped around helping people,” Feinstein said. “It makes my life worthwhile.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Overcoming opposition by some of the Democratic Party’s most liberal constituencies, California’s senior U.S. senator, Dianne Feinstein, defeated state Sen. Kevin de León, a fellow Democrat from Los Angeles who sought to portray her as too moderate and insufficiently opposed to President Trump’s agenda.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With millions of votes likely to still be counted, Feinstein was leading de León by eight points, 54 to 46 percent, closer than pre-election polls suggested it would be given her advantages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unlike June, when Feinstein had every single California county in her column, de León, who was badly outspent, waged a surprisingly strong challenge to her, leading in all of the state’s interior counties plus San Luis Obispo and the northern third of the state up to the Oregon border.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite a longing by some Democrats for a fresh face, Feinstein, 85, was able to convince enough voters that her experience, seniority and role on powerful Senate committees were all worth keeping at a time when Democrats are on the defensive in Washington.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The former San Francisco mayor was first elected to the Senate in 1992. Feinstein is already the longest-serving woman there and is now poised to add to that seniority.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before Feinstein formally announced a year ago that she would seek another term, speculation was rampant that she might retire. She is the oldest member of the U.S. Senate, and polls indicated some voters were hesitant to re-elect someone who would be 91 at the end of another six-year term.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Bill Carrick, Feinstein’s longtime political consultant, said whatever doubt Feinstein might have harbored about running for another term ended with the 2016 election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My gut feeling was that when Trump got elected, she went from thinking about whether to run to feeling like she should stay because it was important for California,” Carrick said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ironically, it was conciliatory comments made about Trump in August of last year that infuriated some rank-and-file Democrats, giving de León the impetus to challenge her. But Carrick doesn’t buy that rationale, saying Feinstein’s comments were “blown out of proportion” by the media and de León.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11700063\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11700063 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/KdL-onSet-800x547.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"547\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">California candidate for U.S. Senate Kevin de León visits KQED studios on Oct. 15, 2018. \u003ccite>(Anne Wernikoff/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Kevin was looking for a narrative that would justify getting into the race or getting into \u003cem>some\u003c/em> race,” Carrick said, noting that before jumping into the U.S. Senate race the Los Angeles Democrat had explored running for lieutenant governor and state treasurer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He was looking for some kind of exit strategy” from the Legislature, Carrick said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>De León got a boost in July when the California Democratic Party overwhelmingly endorsed him over Feinstein, underscoring the party’s long-standing dissatisfaction with the San Francisco Democrat’s relatively moderate politics. But the endorsement landed with a thud: De León was never able to convert it into campaign cash or any kind of momentum.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We were not naive to the challenge we were facing,” said de León’s campaign communications director, Jonathan Underland. “It was very obvious. She’s got 26 years under her belt. She’s the incumbent. Anytime you try to challenge someone like that you have to go into it clear-eyed — and (de León) did.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dynamics in the race could have changed in September when Feinstein, the ranking member of the Senate Judiciary Committee, found herself in the middle of a political firestorm after holding onto a letter accusing Supreme Court nominee Brett Kavanaugh of sexual assault when he was a teenager.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Feinstein said she withheld the letter written by California psychologist Dr. Christine Blasey Ford to honor her request for anonymity. Republicans accused her of trying to blow up the confirmation hearings at the last minute, while some Democrats wondered why she hadn’t alerted the FBI sooner.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the end, it didn’t seem to matter much to voters, who awarded Feinstein with a fifth full term.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As she heads back to Washington for another six-year term, speculation is rampant that Feinstein will not serve the entire term, choosing instead to eventually step down and allow Gov. Gavin Newsom to appoint her successor. But in a recent interview with KQED, Feinstein seemed to brush that aside.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My health is good. I can go the distance. I enjoy it and a good part of my life is wrapped around helping people,” Feinstein said. “It makes my life worthwhile.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Election Results Give Split Decision: Democrats Win House and GOP Keeps Senate Majority",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Updated at 3:44 a.m. ET Wednesday\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republicans and Democrats will split control of Congress next year. House Democrats are projected to pick up enough GOP-held seats to take the majority in the House, according to The Associated Press. Senate Republicans are projected to maintain and perhaps expand their majority. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The results create a divided Capitol Hill next year and mean President Trump’s plans for new tax cuts, tougher immigration legislation and changes to the Affordable Care Act will be blocked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>House Minority Leader Nancy Pelosi declared victory late Tuesday night and Trump called her to congratulate her on the win.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have all had enough of division. The American people want peace; they want results; they want us to work for positive results for their lives,” Pelosi said at an election night celebration with top House Democratic leaders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And after Trump’s concentrated focus on rallying in the final weeks of the campaign, Senate Democrats in several red states suffered projected losses. The GOP is poised to enlarge its majority by at least two seats.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republicans will maintain control of the Senate for at least two more years, after Democratic losses in Indiana, Tennessee, Texas, North Dakota — states that Trump won by double digits in 2016. The president campaigned aggressively in those states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Senate GOP leaders capitalized on a battleground map that left Democrats defending 26 seats, including 10 in states Trump won in 2016. Now they must defend Trump’s hard-line rhetoric and policy on issues like immigration and trade, despite tensions within the party over those same issues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump was not on the ballot this year, but the midterm election was viewed as a nationwide referendum on his leadership. Now, leaders from both parties will pursue vastly different agendas on Capitol Hill. Democrats in the House vow to launch wide-ranging investigations into Trump, his business dealings and the transparency of his administration. Republicans in the Senate will continue to install more Trump nominees to the federal judiciary and defend the president and his policies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pelosi’s spokesman, Drew Hammill, \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/Drew_Hammill/status/1060031723096948736\">tweeted late Tuesday\u003c/a> about the phone call between the president and the House minority leader: “President Trump called Leader Pelosi at 11:45 p.m. this evening to extend his congratulations on winning a Democratic House Majority. He acknowledged the Leader’s call for bipartisanship in her victory remarks.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A divided Congress is likely to extend the heated battles of the 2018 campaign into the presidential election in 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2018/11/06/650521908/election-night-2018-live?post=early-vote-signals-highest-turnout-in-a-74\">Early vote data released early Tuesday\u003c/a> indicated that the electorate was younger and more diverse than in the last midterm election. Turnout levels were significantly higher across several demographic groups, and up in states with competitive Senate contests — Arizona, Texas and Nevada.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The president’s impact played out differently in the roughly 80 competitive House races and more than a dozen close Senate contests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>House battlefield hinged on contests in suburban and exurban districts\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democrats pinned their hopes for retaking the House on boosting turnout among women and minorities and wooing moderate suburban voters who were turned off by Trump.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They focused on recruiting diverse candidates that might have once seemed outside the box for the party. That included gun owners and military veterans — and a lot of female candidates. The strategy was well-tailored to turn out voters for House seats, and a record number of women will be sworn in early next year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the election also likely means Democrats will have to bridge the demands of a party that has grown to embrace progressives, like Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, who won in a safely Democratic district in New York, while electing moderates like Conor Lamb in Pennsylvania, who won a special election earlier this year and won Tuesday in a reconfigured district.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Such a Democratic caucus will test the power and influence of leaders like Pelosi, who plans to seek another term as speaker of the House.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pelosi has been criticized by a vocal group inside the caucus as being out of touch with her changing party and unwilling to provide opportunities to newer members. She was the subject of millions of dollars in Republican attack ads this cycle, forcing more than a dozen candidates to publicly vow not to support her for speaker.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That divide could make it difficult for House Democrats to unify around an agenda. There will be pressure from her most progressive flank to vote on proposals like a “Medicare-for-all” health care plan. But Pelosi has promised to focus first on government and campaign finance reform measures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When we win, on the opening day, our Democratic Congress will be open and transparent,” Pelosi said at an event Tuesday morning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republicans will have to battle an opposite trend. Many moderate members chose to retire rather than face tough re-election campaigns. With the bulk of the competitive races focused in suburban districts, GOP candidates and leadership aides worried the president’s tough rhetoric about immigration may have turned off women and independents in those areas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>House Speaker Paul Ryan appealed to the president the weekend before the election to focus on the strong economy and benefits from the 2017 tax cut. While Trump did boast about these accomplishments, he continued to emphasize his push to crack down on the “caravan” — the group of Central American migrants heading toward the Mexican border with the United States. He also declared he would \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2018/10/30/662043904/trump-says-he-will-void-birthright-citizenship-law-through-executive-order\">end birthright citizenship with an executive order\u003c/a> — a proposal Ryan said would be unconstitutional.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>House GOP leaders are expecting to oversee a more conservative conference next year, with many of their losses coming in seats held by centrists. That tilt to the right is likely to mean even more pressure by top leaders for members to stick together to vote on legislation that is closely aligned to Trump and his agenda.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Senate races in mostly red states benefited from Trump focus\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11704502\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/gettyimages-1050428988_custom-436c66f321dfc6de94984c8efb5ae95af30018d7-s1600-c85-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Republican Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell of Kentucky talks to reporters after the Senate voted to confirm Supreme Court nominee Judge Brett Kavanaugh on Oct. 6.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11704502\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/gettyimages-1050428988_custom-436c66f321dfc6de94984c8efb5ae95af30018d7-s1600-c85-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/gettyimages-1050428988_custom-436c66f321dfc6de94984c8efb5ae95af30018d7-s1600-c85-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/gettyimages-1050428988_custom-436c66f321dfc6de94984c8efb5ae95af30018d7-s1600-c85-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/gettyimages-1050428988_custom-436c66f321dfc6de94984c8efb5ae95af30018d7-s1600-c85-1200x799.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/gettyimages-1050428988_custom-436c66f321dfc6de94984c8efb5ae95af30018d7-s1600-c85.jpg 1600w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Republican Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell of Kentucky talks to reporters after the Senate voted to confirm Supreme Court nominee Judge Brett Kavanaugh on Oct. 6. \u003ccite>(Chip Somodevilla/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Senate Democrats had faced a steep challenge as they fought to keep seats in states Trump won by double-digit margins in the worst battlefield for any party in modern history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Just six Republicans were up for re-election; all but one of them ran in safely Republican states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democrats landed on a plan to allow each vulnerable Democrat to run an independent campaign without a unified platform. For example, Heidi Heitkamp in North Dakota could stump on protecting farmers while Joe Manchin in West Virginia promised new health protections for coal miners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Republicans had the advantage of simply reminding their base of all of the times Democrats voted against Trump. Heitkamp reached out to Trump White House officials and attempted to craft a bipartisan posture, but she voted against Brett Kavanaugh’s nomination to the Supreme Court. And other red state Senate Democrats running for re-election — Claire McCaskill in Missouri and Joe Donnelly in Indiana — did the same.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump personally played a significant role in tight Senate contests in the closing weeks of the election cycle. He traveled to Indiana, Florida, Montana, Nevada, Missouri and Mississippi — and in some cases landed in dramatic fashion aboard Air Force One to crowds of supporters enthusiastically cheering his red-meat speeches focused mostly on immigration and warnings about what Democratic control meant for his agenda.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His visits included overt reminders to his base supporters that they weren’t just voting for any Republican on the ballot — they were voting for senators promising to back his priorities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They want to raise your taxes, the Democrats do, restore crippling regulations, shut down your new steel mills, take away your health care, and put illegal aliens before American citizens,” Trump said in a closing rally in Indiana on Monday. “If you want more caravans, if you want more crime, vote Democrat tomorrow.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>A year of big money and big controversy\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democrats benefited from a flood of donations to official party organizations and outside groups working on their side. Democratic candidates and their outside supporters are expected to spend more than $2.5 billion on this year’s election, according to the Center for Responsive Politics. Republican candidates and their backers are on track to spend $2.2 billion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fundraising in 2018 far outpaced what is normal for a miderm election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both parties saw dramatic surges in donations that were closely correlated with national political events like the hearings on sexual assault allegations during the confirmation of Kavanaugh. Donors responded to heated political battles, like funding a wall on the border with Mexico and Republicans’ failed attempts to repeal the Affordable Care Act, by flooding candidates with cash. \u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2018 NPR. To see more, visit http://www.npr.org/.\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=Election+Results+Give+Split+Decision%3A+Democrats+Win+House+%26+GOP+Keeps+Senate+Majority&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "Democrats had a big victory — retaking the majority of the House for the first time since 2011. Senate Republicans expanded their Senate majority, with President Trump helping in key red states.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Updated at 3:44 a.m. ET Wednesday\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republicans and Democrats will split control of Congress next year. House Democrats are projected to pick up enough GOP-held seats to take the majority in the House, according to The Associated Press. Senate Republicans are projected to maintain and perhaps expand their majority. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The results create a divided Capitol Hill next year and mean President Trump’s plans for new tax cuts, tougher immigration legislation and changes to the Affordable Care Act will be blocked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>House Minority Leader Nancy Pelosi declared victory late Tuesday night and Trump called her to congratulate her on the win.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have all had enough of division. The American people want peace; they want results; they want us to work for positive results for their lives,” Pelosi said at an election night celebration with top House Democratic leaders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And after Trump’s concentrated focus on rallying in the final weeks of the campaign, Senate Democrats in several red states suffered projected losses. The GOP is poised to enlarge its majority by at least two seats.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republicans will maintain control of the Senate for at least two more years, after Democratic losses in Indiana, Tennessee, Texas, North Dakota — states that Trump won by double digits in 2016. The president campaigned aggressively in those states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Senate GOP leaders capitalized on a battleground map that left Democrats defending 26 seats, including 10 in states Trump won in 2016. Now they must defend Trump’s hard-line rhetoric and policy on issues like immigration and trade, despite tensions within the party over those same issues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump was not on the ballot this year, but the midterm election was viewed as a nationwide referendum on his leadership. Now, leaders from both parties will pursue vastly different agendas on Capitol Hill. Democrats in the House vow to launch wide-ranging investigations into Trump, his business dealings and the transparency of his administration. Republicans in the Senate will continue to install more Trump nominees to the federal judiciary and defend the president and his policies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pelosi’s spokesman, Drew Hammill, \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/Drew_Hammill/status/1060031723096948736\">tweeted late Tuesday\u003c/a> about the phone call between the president and the House minority leader: “President Trump called Leader Pelosi at 11:45 p.m. this evening to extend his congratulations on winning a Democratic House Majority. He acknowledged the Leader’s call for bipartisanship in her victory remarks.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A divided Congress is likely to extend the heated battles of the 2018 campaign into the presidential election in 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2018/11/06/650521908/election-night-2018-live?post=early-vote-signals-highest-turnout-in-a-74\">Early vote data released early Tuesday\u003c/a> indicated that the electorate was younger and more diverse than in the last midterm election. Turnout levels were significantly higher across several demographic groups, and up in states with competitive Senate contests — Arizona, Texas and Nevada.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The president’s impact played out differently in the roughly 80 competitive House races and more than a dozen close Senate contests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>House battlefield hinged on contests in suburban and exurban districts\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democrats pinned their hopes for retaking the House on boosting turnout among women and minorities and wooing moderate suburban voters who were turned off by Trump.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They focused on recruiting diverse candidates that might have once seemed outside the box for the party. That included gun owners and military veterans — and a lot of female candidates. The strategy was well-tailored to turn out voters for House seats, and a record number of women will be sworn in early next year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the election also likely means Democrats will have to bridge the demands of a party that has grown to embrace progressives, like Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, who won in a safely Democratic district in New York, while electing moderates like Conor Lamb in Pennsylvania, who won a special election earlier this year and won Tuesday in a reconfigured district.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Such a Democratic caucus will test the power and influence of leaders like Pelosi, who plans to seek another term as speaker of the House.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pelosi has been criticized by a vocal group inside the caucus as being out of touch with her changing party and unwilling to provide opportunities to newer members. She was the subject of millions of dollars in Republican attack ads this cycle, forcing more than a dozen candidates to publicly vow not to support her for speaker.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That divide could make it difficult for House Democrats to unify around an agenda. There will be pressure from her most progressive flank to vote on proposals like a “Medicare-for-all” health care plan. But Pelosi has promised to focus first on government and campaign finance reform measures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When we win, on the opening day, our Democratic Congress will be open and transparent,” Pelosi said at an event Tuesday morning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republicans will have to battle an opposite trend. Many moderate members chose to retire rather than face tough re-election campaigns. With the bulk of the competitive races focused in suburban districts, GOP candidates and leadership aides worried the president’s tough rhetoric about immigration may have turned off women and independents in those areas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>House Speaker Paul Ryan appealed to the president the weekend before the election to focus on the strong economy and benefits from the 2017 tax cut. While Trump did boast about these accomplishments, he continued to emphasize his push to crack down on the “caravan” — the group of Central American migrants heading toward the Mexican border with the United States. He also declared he would \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2018/10/30/662043904/trump-says-he-will-void-birthright-citizenship-law-through-executive-order\">end birthright citizenship with an executive order\u003c/a> — a proposal Ryan said would be unconstitutional.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>House GOP leaders are expecting to oversee a more conservative conference next year, with many of their losses coming in seats held by centrists. That tilt to the right is likely to mean even more pressure by top leaders for members to stick together to vote on legislation that is closely aligned to Trump and his agenda.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Senate races in mostly red states benefited from Trump focus\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11704502\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/gettyimages-1050428988_custom-436c66f321dfc6de94984c8efb5ae95af30018d7-s1600-c85-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Republican Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell of Kentucky talks to reporters after the Senate voted to confirm Supreme Court nominee Judge Brett Kavanaugh on Oct. 6.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11704502\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/gettyimages-1050428988_custom-436c66f321dfc6de94984c8efb5ae95af30018d7-s1600-c85-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/gettyimages-1050428988_custom-436c66f321dfc6de94984c8efb5ae95af30018d7-s1600-c85-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/gettyimages-1050428988_custom-436c66f321dfc6de94984c8efb5ae95af30018d7-s1600-c85-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/gettyimages-1050428988_custom-436c66f321dfc6de94984c8efb5ae95af30018d7-s1600-c85-1200x799.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/gettyimages-1050428988_custom-436c66f321dfc6de94984c8efb5ae95af30018d7-s1600-c85.jpg 1600w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Republican Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell of Kentucky talks to reporters after the Senate voted to confirm Supreme Court nominee Judge Brett Kavanaugh on Oct. 6. \u003ccite>(Chip Somodevilla/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Senate Democrats had faced a steep challenge as they fought to keep seats in states Trump won by double-digit margins in the worst battlefield for any party in modern history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Just six Republicans were up for re-election; all but one of them ran in safely Republican states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democrats landed on a plan to allow each vulnerable Democrat to run an independent campaign without a unified platform. For example, Heidi Heitkamp in North Dakota could stump on protecting farmers while Joe Manchin in West Virginia promised new health protections for coal miners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Republicans had the advantage of simply reminding their base of all of the times Democrats voted against Trump. Heitkamp reached out to Trump White House officials and attempted to craft a bipartisan posture, but she voted against Brett Kavanaugh’s nomination to the Supreme Court. And other red state Senate Democrats running for re-election — Claire McCaskill in Missouri and Joe Donnelly in Indiana — did the same.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump personally played a significant role in tight Senate contests in the closing weeks of the election cycle. He traveled to Indiana, Florida, Montana, Nevada, Missouri and Mississippi — and in some cases landed in dramatic fashion aboard Air Force One to crowds of supporters enthusiastically cheering his red-meat speeches focused mostly on immigration and warnings about what Democratic control meant for his agenda.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His visits included overt reminders to his base supporters that they weren’t just voting for any Republican on the ballot — they were voting for senators promising to back his priorities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They want to raise your taxes, the Democrats do, restore crippling regulations, shut down your new steel mills, take away your health care, and put illegal aliens before American citizens,” Trump said in a closing rally in Indiana on Monday. “If you want more caravans, if you want more crime, vote Democrat tomorrow.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>A year of big money and big controversy\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democrats benefited from a flood of donations to official party organizations and outside groups working on their side. Democratic candidates and their outside supporters are expected to spend more than $2.5 billion on this year’s election, according to the Center for Responsive Politics. Republican candidates and their backers are on track to spend $2.2 billion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fundraising in 2018 far outpaced what is normal for a miderm election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both parties saw dramatic surges in donations that were closely correlated with national political events like the hearings on sexual assault allegations during the confirmation of Kavanaugh. Donors responded to heated political battles, like funding a wall on the border with Mexico and Republicans’ failed attempts to repeal the Affordable Care Act, by flooding candidates with cash. \u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2018 NPR. To see more, visit http://www.npr.org/.\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=Election+Results+Give+Split+Decision%3A+Democrats+Win+House+%26+GOP+Keeps+Senate+Majority&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cb>Sen. Dianne Feinstein\u003c/b>\u003cbr>\n\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Sen. Dianne Feinstein visits KQED for a one-on-one interview with KQED Senior Politics and Government Editor Scott Shafer. She talks about her high-profile role in the Kavanaugh hearings, including what she would have done differently. She also discusses the Saudi crisis, and comes out in favor of San Francisco’s Proposition C that aims to address the city’s homeless issue by taxing big businesses. Currently the longest-serving woman senator, Feinstein doesn’t shy away from addressing her age and why she believes she’s still fit to serve for a fifth term.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Week in Politics\u003c/b>\u003cbr>\n\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The pipe bomb scare reached Northern California today, as two suspicious packages addressed to Sen. Kamala Harris and billionaire Democratic activist Tom Steyer were found in Burlingame and Sacramento. The still-developing story has sent ripples across Capitol Hill and the country in the runup to midterm elections. Meanwhile, President Trump considers closing the U.S. border as the caravan of Central American migrants continues trekking north. Plus, we look at the latest in a closely watched midterm election contest in the Central Valley’s 10th Congressional District between incumbent Republican Jeff Denham and Democratic challenger Josh Harder.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Guests:\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Lanhee Chen, Hoover Institution fellow\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Joe Garofoli, San Francisco Chronicle senior political writer\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Sean Walsh, Republican political consultant\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Anand Giridharadas’ “Winners Take All”\u003c/b>\u003cbr>\n\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">We sit down with journalist and author Anand Giridharadas, who says many contemporary do-gooders fight for social change only if it doesn’t hurt their private wealth and powerful positions. In his new book, “Winners Take All: The Elite Charade of Changing the World,” Giridharadas argues that despite Silicon Valley’s idealistic language, tech companies and philanthropists are too invested in the status quo, from cozy relationships with Saudi investors to corporations that resist taxes to fund homeless services in San Francisco.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"headline": "Sen. Dianne Feinstein, Anand Giridharadas, Week in Politics",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cb>Sen. Dianne Feinstein\u003c/b>\u003cbr>\n\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Sen. Dianne Feinstein visits KQED for a one-on-one interview with KQED Senior Politics and Government Editor Scott Shafer. She talks about her high-profile role in the Kavanaugh hearings, including what she would have done differently. She also discusses the Saudi crisis, and comes out in favor of San Francisco’s Proposition C that aims to address the city’s homeless issue by taxing big businesses. Currently the longest-serving woman senator, Feinstein doesn’t shy away from addressing her age and why she believes she’s still fit to serve for a fifth term.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Week in Politics\u003c/b>\u003cbr>\n\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The pipe bomb scare reached Northern California today, as two suspicious packages addressed to Sen. Kamala Harris and billionaire Democratic activist Tom Steyer were found in Burlingame and Sacramento. The still-developing story has sent ripples across Capitol Hill and the country in the runup to midterm elections. Meanwhile, President Trump considers closing the U.S. border as the caravan of Central American migrants continues trekking north. Plus, we look at the latest in a closely watched midterm election contest in the Central Valley’s 10th Congressional District between incumbent Republican Jeff Denham and Democratic challenger Josh Harder.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Guests:\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Lanhee Chen, Hoover Institution fellow\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Joe Garofoli, San Francisco Chronicle senior political writer\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Sean Walsh, Republican political consultant\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Anand Giridharadas’ “Winners Take All”\u003c/b>\u003cbr>\n\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">We sit down with journalist and author Anand Giridharadas, who says many contemporary do-gooders fight for social change only if it doesn’t hurt their private wealth and powerful positions. In his new book, “Winners Take All: The Elite Charade of Changing the World,” Giridharadas argues that despite Silicon Valley’s idealistic language, tech companies and philanthropists are too invested in the status quo, from cozy relationships with Saudi investors to corporations that resist taxes to fund homeless services in San Francisco.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "'I Get Things Done' Dianne Feinstein on Her History, Political 'Style' and the Future of Compromise in the Senate",
"headTitle": "‘I Get Things Done’ Dianne Feinstein on Her History, Political ‘Style’ and the Future of Compromise in the Senate | KQED",
"content": "\u003cp>Running for a sixth term in the Senate, Dianne Feinstein talks with Scott and Marisa about how her childhood influenced her career, considering retirement before the assassination of Harvey Milk, the bill she wants to write if re-elected, and what’s she’s learned from Kamala Harris.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>View the full episode transcript.\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This is a computer-generated transcript. While our team has reviewed it, there may be errors.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos:\u003c/strong> From KQED. Hey. Hey. Everyone. From KQED Public Radio, this is Political Breakdown. I’m Marisa Lagos. Part of KQED’s Politics Posse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Scott Shafer:\u003c/strong> And I’m Scott Shafer, KQED senior politics editor. And today, she’s represented California in the U.S. Senate for 26 years. And now Dianne Feinstein wants voters to give her another six.\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>\u003cbr>\nMarisa Lagos:\u003c/strong> That’s right. California’s senior senator is here with us on the Breakdown just 12 days before the midterm elections. And we have a lot of ground to cover, so let’s get right to it. Senator Feinstein. Welcome to the Breakdown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Dianne Feinstein:\u003c/strong> Thanks, Marisa.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos\u003c/strong>: We really appreciate you being here. And we want to talk about really a remarkable life you’ve had. But one thing that struck me is as we went through and were reading about your history is really what a trailblazer you’ve been as a woman. I mean, you went to Stanford in the 1950s. You were elected to the Board of Supervisors in, I believe, 1969. I guess I’m just curious if you could kind of put in context how that life that you’ve lived has shaped your worldview and how you carry that with you, as times have changed dramatically for women in the U.S. in some ways, and in other ways they haven’t.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Dianne Feinstein:\u003c/strong> Well, there’s an interesting thing, because I think it goes back to my childhood. I was the oldest of three daughters, and so a number of responsibilities fell on me. And I got used to responsibility very early: before school, after school. And I grew to enjoy it, strangely enough. And then at Stanford, I took a course in American political thought, and the final was all composition. And I wrote my heart out and I got an A-plus. And I thought that said something to me about my ability to cope in this arena. And then I did a year’s graduate work with the Coro Foundation, which is indigenous to this area, and did a preliminary masterplan for the city of South San Francisco, was assigned to two labor unions, the DA’s office. We did a big report on the post-conviction phases in the administration of criminal justice. And then Pat Brown appointed me to the California Women’s Board of Terms and Parole. So I got a good dose of criminal justice and what was happening. I then went and ran for the board.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Scott Shafer\u003c/strong>: Well, let’s let me stop you there, because we want to get to that. I want to get to that. But I want to ask you about the things you just talked about. So as Marisa said, you were, there were probably not a lot of women at Stanford at that time. I know Sandra Day O’Connor was there. [Yes.] Roughly around that time and talked about how hard it was for her after graduating law school to even get an interview, much less a job. But how did those years affect your thinking? I mean, being a woman, being subjected to, you know, the barriers that men didn’t face in those times?\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>\u003cbr>\nDianne Feinstein:\u003c/strong> Well, that’s right. And I ran into pretty much the same thing that the justice ran into. As a matter of fact, I was just thinking about that today. And I was very often not hired, and not very often, maybe two or three times. That was very often.\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>\u003cbr>\nScott Shafer:\u003c/strong> And you think that’s because you’re a woman?\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>\u003cbr>\nDianne Feinstein:\u003c/strong> Yeah, I do think, because I think my grades were certainly good enough. And in any event, at the time, the League of Women Voters was very active. I was somewhat active in it. I began to get active in community groups and I found that this is really what I wanted to do. And so I ran for the Board of Supervisors and was very lucky. This is a cute story. I topped the ticket. And as you know, when you top the ticket, you’re president of the board, you get the most votes. You and this was city. This was the citywide. You get the most votes. And John Barbagelata, who came in number two.\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>\u003cbr>\nScott Shafer\u003c/strong>: Who was very conservative.\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>\u003cbr>\nDianne Feinstein:\u003c/strong> Yes. Who wrote a Chronicle op-ed piece that I am untrained, I should turn it down and accept the second position. I thought that doesn’t make very good sense.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos\u003c/strong>: Tell it that to you or just put it in the Chronicle?\u003cbr>\nDianne Feinstein: It was in writing. I thought it was a Chronicle. I hope I’m right.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos\u003c/strong>: But he didn’t have…\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Dianne Feinstein:\u003c/strong> Long time ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos\u003c/strong>: He didn’t come talk to you about it? [No.] Oh, interesting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Dianne Feinstein:\u003c/strong> And in any event, I got seasoned pretty quickly and went on and served nine years on the board was three times The president of the boar. Happened to been there on that terrible day, November 22nd, which is upcoming. When Harvey Milk walked by the office and I said, ‘Harvey,’ no, excuse me. When Dan White walked by the office, it was my first day back. My husband and I had gone on a vacation and just came back and uh, Harvey didn’t, Dan didn’t stop. And I heard the door slam and I heard the shots and everybody was gone. And I remember this so well. And it’s still traumati. Because I tried to get a pulse in his wrist and put my finger in a bullet hole, and it was clear he was dead. And that changed the world.\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>\u003cbr>\nScott Shafer\u003c/strong>: And I want to just ask you one thing, because you… There were reports that that day before that happened, you decided to give up politics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Dianne Feinstein:\u003c/strong> That’s true.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Scott Shafer\u003c/strong>: Yeah. So what made what brought you to that decision, which obviously events overtook that decision? But what what was it that made you think, you know, I’m not gonnna…?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Dianne Feinstein:\u003c/strong> What I decided was I was not going to run for another term of the board, that that was that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Scott Shafer\u003c/strong>: Because?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Dianne Feinstein:\u003c/strong> Well, my husband had died. I remarried, I had a daughter, and I just thought enough was enough. It’s still very traumatic for me to look back on, candidly, because those assassinations were everything that was not supposed to happen. And I would give up anything if they had not happened. And once they happen, they impact everything. Everything you do, everything the city is, and the worry over the city, because of the hatred. You had the first openly gay public official killed by a former police officer and firefighter, who was sort of America’s all-American boy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos\u003c/strong>: Yeah, very handsome.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Dianne Feinstein:\u003c/strong> Yeah, and a beautiful wife and small child and really hard. Really hard. And anyway, I don’t often talk of this, so you have to put up with it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos\u003c/strong>: No, we’re glad. I mean, I think this is it is a pivotal moment for you and your life and also, obviously San Francisco and talking to people who are around you. I mean, somebody pointed out to me that, you know, that day you saw political differences literally end in gunfire. And I’m curious if that, if you think that has sort of changed, or did change, your approach to governing and to politics. Because I think one thing we’ve heard in the campaign here and now is that you can be too collegial. I mean, is that.. Obviously there’s gun control and other sort of policy things that maybe came out of that, and some of the other events of that era. But did that affect the way you kind of want to approach people, regardless of their positions?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Dianne Feinstein:\u003c/strong> No. I mean, I am the way I am. And I welcome collegiality and I welcome getting along and I share thoughts and ideas. And I don’t like the histrionics that have got into this, because… And then, well, the as you know, I became mayor and was mayor for, I guess, three terms. And the first two years were very hard. And then it kind of settled down. And we were able to put the bricks of the city back together again. That was a wonderful experience.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Scott Shafer\u003c/strong>: Was there a way in which you felt, like suddenly you were mayor… There had been a progressive mayor. The sort of the left, the progressives in San Francisco were so excited about Harvey Milk and George Moscone. Like, did that put you in an awkward position at all?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Dianne Feinstein:\u003c/strong> Yes. And I’ll tell you why. I had run for mayor and I was defeated. And I was convinced I would never be mayor. And so.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Scott Shafer\u003c/strong>: And you did you lose to George Moscone?\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>\u003cbr>\nDianne Feinstein:\u003c/strong> Yes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Scott Shafer\u003c/strong>: Yeah.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos\u003c/strong>: And you said we talked earlier that you said after that point that you were going to leave politics. I mean, did your losses impact that decision?\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>\u003cbr>\nDianne Feinstein:\u003c/strong> Yeah, I think they did. I think they did. You know, when you’re young, things impact you differently than when you get a lot of seasoning, so to speak. And it really did impact me. As a matter of fact, the first thing that my husband and I, I mean, the last time I ran for mayor, my husband supported George.\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>\u003cbr>\nScott Shafer\u003c/strong>: What?! [Dick Blum?]\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>\u003cbr>\nDianne Feinstein:\u003c/strong> Yeah.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Scott Shafer\u003c/strong>: Over you? Oh, you weren’t married.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Dianne Feinstein:\u003c/strong> LAUGH. No, we weren’t married. [That would’ve been a short marriage!] But he was a big Moscone supporter, and he headed his fiscal advisory committee. And subsequently, we met, after my husband died.\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>\u003cbr>\nMarisa Lagos\u003c/strong>: And the rest is history.\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>\u003cbr>\nDianne Feinstein:\u003c/strong> The rest is history.\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>\u003cbr>\nMarisa Lagos\u003c/strong>: We’re going to take a short break. We are with U.S. Senator Dianne Feinstein. When we get back, we will continue this conversation. You’re listening to Political Breakdown from KQED Public Radio.\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>\u003cbr>\nScott Shafer:\u003c/strong> And welcome back to Political Breakdown. I’m Scott Shafer along with Marisa Lagos. We’re here with U.S. Senator Dianne Feinstein. Before the break, we were talking about the terrible years when there were two assassinations in San Francisco. And there’s that iconic film, video of you, announcing to the world at City Hall. I think, seared in anybody’s mind who has seen it before. And I just wondering, when you think back to that moment, what were you what was going through your mind?\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>\u003cbr>\nDianne Feinstein:\u003c/strong> What happens to me is everything else blocks out, except what I am doing and what I need to do. So it’s it’s a phenomenon, I can’t explain what happens, but… I can just perform. I can just keep going. And it’s not by will. I know that. But it happens that way. And I think over time, it’s served me in good stead, because when I’ve had setbacks and these assassinations, I mean, I wouldn’t trade anything for them. They’re terrible. You know, it’s just it’s awful what it does to family and spouses and the city and the trauma and the gay community. And this was the first openly gay public official in America. And I remember leaning over his body and getting a pulse and everybody else was gone. And I thought, oh, my God, how can this be? You know, this is San Francisco. How can this be? But it was.\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>\u003cbr>\nMarisa Lagos\u003c/strong>: You can hear on that video, too, like the gasps of the reporters and just, you know, the shock of the city. I’m just curious. I mean, we are in such stratified times nationally. And I mentioned, you know, that was a very that event was clearly the center of a lot of, you know, kind of crazy things happening in San Francisco. There was Jonestown. There were other events. Do you worry now about sort of where we’re at nationally?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Dianne Feinstein:\u003c/strong> Well, I do worry where we’re at nationally. Because there’s what I’ve learned over time is people are fragile. They may not appear to be so, but certain things inside of them break, and they do things that they never thought they would ever do. And one of the things that you so need is a president that brings people together. The beauty of this nation is our diversity. We are many different people. We walk to the sound of different drummers. And what a president does is chart a course that is acceptable for everybody and in so doing, brings people together. And this is not happening. So I do worry about the country, because we are very diverse. We have many different people, many races, creeds, colors, backgrounds. What makes America great. But it also makes it vulnerable.\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>\u003cbr>\nScott Shafer\u003c/strong>: We’ve, we had Lieutenant Governor Gavin Newsom on a few weeks ago, and we asked him this question. And I want to ask you as well. You know, everybody in public life has sort of an image, and sometimes the image is accurate and sometimes it doesn’t quite square with the reality or the way they think of themselves. And for you. You know, I think people see you as sort of, just to use a shorthand, Pacific Heights wealthy, somebody who’s sort of above everything. Somebody who has had a, you know, easy upbringing, all those things. When you think of that image of you, and when you hear people talk about you as that kind of person, like what’s missing from that characterization?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Dianne Feinstein:\u003c/strong> You see, I’ve never heard that. And I didn’t have an easy upbringing, for reasons I’m not going to go into here. But it was not easy. And yes, I happened to marry a man who is is financially astute, let me say. But I never had a lot of money. And I worked all my life. And I think that was good for me. So I don’t consider myself a Pacific Heights matron, whatever that is. I mean, I was at work every day, at some job. And so people, I think, rush to mischaracterize. And I would say, you have to take into consideration my real history, which is my everyday history of what I do with my life and how I try to help, and what I do with people, and the kind of bills we put forward, and the successes when we have them and the failures when we have.\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>\u003cbr>\nMarisa Lagos\u003c/strong>: I mean, one thing that struck me looking at your biography is that you were a single mother in the late 1950s, early 1960s, before marrying your second husband. And and and then later.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Dianne Feinstein:\u003c/strong> I was married.\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>\u003cbr>\nMarisa Lagos\u003c/strong>: Right but you became a single mother when you divorced.\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>\u003cbr>\nDianne Feinstein:\u003c/strong> That’s correct.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos\u003c/strong>: Which could not have been easy at that time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Scott Shafer\u003c/strong>: And you eloped right? You got married young. [LAUGH] Eye roll!\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Dianne Feinstein:\u003c/strong> That tells you something.\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>\u003cbr>\nMarisa Lagos\u003c/strong>: Well, but I want to kind of fast forward. When you decided to run for Senate in 1992, and this was the time of the Clarence Thomas and Anita Hill Hillary hearings, I’ve heard you speak about seeing her testify and and how that impacted you. I mean, can you talk about that and how maybe being a single mother earlier, and being a trailblazer, as we’ve discussed, impacted that decision to run in what became the Year of the Woman. But you probably didn’t know that when you started when you decided to file your papers.\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>\u003cbr>\nDianne Feinstein:\u003c/strong> No, I didn’t. I had been serving on the California Women’s Board of Terms and Parole and that I did it for six years. I sat on some 5,000 cases of women convicted of felonies in state prison and set sentences. We ran a parole division at that time. I was 28 years old. And then obviously, I went on to other things. But what is the question you want to answer about me?\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>\u003cbr>\nMarisa Lagos\u003c/strong>: Why in that moment did you decide to run for Senate? And what did you sort of bring with you having being a woman at that time and being part of this huge class of women running, but, you know, not knowing how it was going to turn out?\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>\u003cbr>\nScott Shafer\u003c/strong>: You had just run for governor.\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>\u003cbr>\nDianne Feinstein:\u003c/strong> Yes. Well, that’s the I think that’s the point. I had run for governor. I missed it by two and a half percent. But I had a big constituency. So there was a lot of encouragement to not throw it all away, but to use it. And we did run for Senate. And I was very pleased to represent the state.\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>\u003cbr>\nScott Shafer\u003c/strong>: And did it surprise you that two Jewish women from the Bay Area, you and Barbara Boxer, both got elected?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Dianne Feinstein:\u003c/strong> Not really.\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>\u003cbr>\nScott Shafer\u003c/strong>: Really?\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>\u003cbr>\nDianne Feinstein:\u003c/strong> Not really. You know, it’s like would you say, would you be surprised if two Catholics from the Bay Area got elected? Well, I don’t think so. I mean, it just it happens.\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>\u003cbr>\nMarisa Lagos\u003c/strong>: I just want to remind everyone that you’re listening to Political Breakdown from KQED Public Radio. I’m Marissa Lagos. We’re here today with California’s U.S. Senator Dianne Feinstein. I should add that we had Feinstein’s opponent for the Senate, Kevin De Leon, on on the Breakdown. You can check that episode out at KQED.org/politicalbreakdown. I think we do want to talk about your time in the Senate a little bit. You know, you sit on the Judiciary Committee. You have been very involved in the Senate Intelligence Committee. And I want to ask you about your relationship with the intelligence community, because it seems like it has changed over time. You told Mother Jones a few years ago that your decision to vote for the second Iraq war was ‘the decision I most regret,’ and that it was based on believing the CIA. [Still true.] Yeah. Did that, I don’t know, shake your belief in some of these institutions that you had really been close to for a long time?\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>\u003cbr>\nDianne Feinstein:\u003c/strong> Oh, it made me very circumspect, which is helpful. And I subsequently became chairman of the committee for a period of time. And as a matter of fact, we did a 32,000 page report on torture and CIA use of torture.\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>\u003cbr>\nMarisa Lagos\u003c/strong>: Which you released over the objections of a president.\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>\u003cbr>\nDianne Feinstein:\u003c/strong> No, we did never release the full report. [Yeah.] We were able to release a 500 page summary which has been sold in bookstores, as a matter of fact. And I, President Obama put it in his special library. So in 12 years, from the time he put it in, it will then be declassified. The whole big report. But it pretty much documents what happened and everything is, it has 7000 footnotes to it. And no one has corrected anything in the summary. Well, CIA has corrected a few things which we’ve corrected, and where we didn’t accept the correction, we run in the footnotes what they say.\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>\u003cbr>\nScott Shafer\u003c/strong>: I wonder if, you know, you have, over the course of your time in the Senate, developed a reputation and you’ve cultivated a bipartisan sort of collegial relationship with people on the other side of the aisle. Many times you’ve co-sponsored legislation and that sort of trade has kind of been criticized by your opponent in this race, Kevin de Leon.\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>\u003cbr>\nDianne Feinstein:\u003c/strong> Well, by my opponent. But that’s his view, and that’s what it is. It’s not the way the Senate works. And the Senate works the way it has worked for a couple of hundred years. So it’s difficult. And I find that if I can talk to people and work with people, it makes it much easier to get something done. For example, it took me three years and 28 drafts to draft the water bill, which is called the WIN Act. And I then went over and I negotiated it with the Speaker of the House, who is a Republican, and that’s how we got it done. And then it went into an omnibus and it was passed. Never would have got it done otherwise. Now I have to begin and to draft another bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Scott Shafer\u003c/strong>: But I guess there are some people who say, well, you know what? That era is over. Well, you know, we can’t.\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>\u003cbr>\nDianne Feinstein:\u003c/strong> What era is over? Getting things done?\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>\u003cbr>\nScott Shafer\u003c/strong>: Well, yeah, maybe. I mean, if you look at, for example, the Senate Judiciary Committee, I mean, you’ve tried to work very carefully with Chuck Grassley, who chairs the committee. And they’re all these things are happening over objections of Democrats. I mean, where’s the compromise, say, on that committee?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Dianne Feinstein:\u003c/strong> Well, it all depends upon what it is. Yes, I worked with the chairman, believe it or not, over a very difficult nominee, Kavanaugh. I think we had some moments, but that happens to everybody in any kind of work or job. You have your moment and you put it together. I’m the lead Democrat. Right now I’m trying to draft a big immigration bill. It’s been five, seven years since we had the last bill. We worked on it and worked on it and had hearings on it. And it came out on the floor. We passed it and the House didn’t take it up. So there’s a big learning lesson in that for me, and I want to see if I can do it. Can I write a bill which I can also get through the House? And can that bill… And one of the things is, you know, the president said that he was going to have a policy of separating children from parents at the border.\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>\u003cbr>\nMarisa Lagos\u003c/strong>: He did have a policy.\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>\u003cbr>\nDianne Feinstein:\u003c/strong> And we want to make that illegal by law. We want to protect small children. And we the DACA students. There are 700,000 of them. And getting their parents a work permit and getting them legitimized in this country. So there are a lot of things we can do as part of an immigration bill.\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>\u003cbr>\nMarisa Lagos\u003c/strong>: But it seems I mean, but we have been stuck without an immigration compromise for years. Just a few weeks ago, we saw Democrats leave town. There was an agreement to confirm 15 judges fast track them, under the, you know, agreement that there wouldn’t be any more justices pushed through the committee until after the election. And you guys left town and the Republicans did it anyway. I mean.\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>\u003cbr>\nDianne Feinstein:\u003c/strong> Well, I had the debate schedule. That was.\u003cbr>\nMarisa Lagos: Right. But isn’t that I mean, doesn’t that speak to the breaking down of the bipartisanship that you’re talking about?\u003cbr>\nDianne Feinstein: I’ll be very frank with you. This surprised me, that he would do that. However, if I think about it, this president is engaged in a conscious stacking of the federal court system of the United States of America. And so they are just pushing judges through now. Well, what happened was the hearing, it wasn’t the vote. And we all nonetheless do our work. We study the individual. We look at at that individual’s record. We know whether we can or cannot vote for them. And so we will be there for the vote. This was a surprise. I had never seen that done before.\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>\u003cbr>\nScott Shafer\u003c/strong>: There are some in your party, and I think you could say the junior senator from California might be among them, you know, who feel like they have to take a harder line. I mean, Kamala Harris on the Judiciary Committee came out against Brett Kavanaugh from the get go, I think before she even met with them or certainly before there was a hearing. Do you think that’s a mistake?\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>\u003cbr>\nDianne Feinstein:\u003c/strong> No. It’s her… If she wants to do that, she’s free to do it. I’ve always had a policy that until we get through the hearing, I never announce a decision. Otherwise, why I hold the hearing. And that’s my view of it. You know, Kamala, Kamala is going to be very good. There’s no question about that. And it’s wonderful for me, because I can be a friend. But we are also different in how we look at things. Everyone is. And we probably write differently.\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>\u003cbr>\nScott Shafer\u003c/strong>: I wonder if, you know, if you feel like that style is not conducive to really building the kind of bridges.\u003cbr>\nDianne Feinstein: That’s nonsense. The Senate takes all kinds of styles. I don’t know what this style business suddenly is here. Now I get things done. I get bills passed.\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>\u003cbr>\nScott Shafer\u003c/strong>: And so you believe the Senate can work?\u003cbr>\nDianne Feinstein: Oh, yeah, absolutely. And I do different things. I’m on different committees. We do share one committee. We share Judiciary. And I can learn from her. She’s the newcomer.\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>\u003cbr>\nScott Shafer\u003c/strong>: What have you learned from her?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Dianne Feinstein:\u003c/strong> [CROSSTALK] Oh, what I’ve learned. I mean, she’s very smart. She’s been a prosecutor. You see that in her questioning. And it’s very interesting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Scott Shafer:\u003c/strong> It’s not your style.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Dianne Feinstein:\u003c/strong> No. It’s not a question of style. It really isn’t. I get the feeling you’re trying to push me into some mode that I’m really not in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos\u003c/strong>: I want to ask you one question because you mentioned being the first woman on the judiciary, and we opened this by asking you about the trailblazing you’ve done. And I’m curious, you know, when we had Minority Leader Pelosi in her, she talked about the responsibilities she feels to be a woman at the table to to be to be there, really. And I just wonder if you feel that if that is part of the reason you still want to do this job for another six years?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Dianne Feinstein:\u003c/strong> No, it’s not just because I’m a woman. It’s because I think I do it well. And I’ve got a great staff and I work them very hard. And we have a level of excellence. And I think that’s important to get a bill as good as I can get it to work with people, to bring in other people’s views, to solve problems, to be able to pick up the phone and someone will take the call and hopefully say, yes, that’s really what this is about. It’s about getting things done for people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos\u003c/strong>: All right, Senator Feinstein, thank you so much.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Dianne Feinstein:\u003c/strong> Oh, you’re so welcome. Thank you. Thank you, Scott. Thank you, Marisa.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos\u003c/strong>: That is going to do it for this edition of Political Breakdown, a production of KQED Public Radio. Just a reminder, you can find that interview with Senator Feinstein’s opponent, Kevin de Leon, in our archives, along with a whole host of other shows you should totally go listen to.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Scott Shafer\u003c/strong>: Absolutely. You can check out all of our elections coverage. We’re calling at our voter guide. There’s a whole lot more than that as well. Just go to KQED.org/elections. By the way, we also have a newsletter. You can subscribe to that at KQED.org/politicalbreakdown and wake up every Tuesday morning with us in your mailbox.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos\u003c/strong>: Just in your mailbox. Not your apartment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Scott Shafer\u003c/strong>: Or inbox, one or the other. Yeah, right.\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>\u003cbr>\nMarisa Lagos\u003c/strong>: Our producer is Guy Marzorati. Our engineers are Katie McMurran and Ceil Muller.\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>\u003cbr>\nScott Shafer\u003c/strong>: Ethan Lindsey is our executive editor. Holly Kernan is our chief content officer. I’m Scott Shafer. You can follow me on Twitter. I’m at Scott Shafer.\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>\u003cbr>\nMarisa Lagos\u003c/strong>: And I’m Marisa Lagos. You can find me at MLagos. That is a wrap for this week’s Political Breakdown from KQED. We’ll see you next time.\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>\u003cbr>\nScott Shafer\u003c/strong>: Bye bye.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Running for a sixth term in the Senate, Dianne Feinstein talks with Scott and Marisa about how her childhood influenced her career, considering retirement before the assassination of Harvey Milk, the bill she wants to write if re-elected, and what’s she’s learned from Kamala Harris.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>View the full episode transcript.\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This is a computer-generated transcript. While our team has reviewed it, there may be errors.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos:\u003c/strong> From KQED. Hey. Hey. Everyone. From KQED Public Radio, this is Political Breakdown. I’m Marisa Lagos. Part of KQED’s Politics Posse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Scott Shafer:\u003c/strong> And I’m Scott Shafer, KQED senior politics editor. And today, she’s represented California in the U.S. Senate for 26 years. And now Dianne Feinstein wants voters to give her another six.\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>\u003cbr>\nMarisa Lagos:\u003c/strong> That’s right. California’s senior senator is here with us on the Breakdown just 12 days before the midterm elections. And we have a lot of ground to cover, so let’s get right to it. Senator Feinstein. Welcome to the Breakdown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Dianne Feinstein:\u003c/strong> Thanks, Marisa.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos\u003c/strong>: We really appreciate you being here. And we want to talk about really a remarkable life you’ve had. But one thing that struck me is as we went through and were reading about your history is really what a trailblazer you’ve been as a woman. I mean, you went to Stanford in the 1950s. You were elected to the Board of Supervisors in, I believe, 1969. I guess I’m just curious if you could kind of put in context how that life that you’ve lived has shaped your worldview and how you carry that with you, as times have changed dramatically for women in the U.S. in some ways, and in other ways they haven’t.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Dianne Feinstein:\u003c/strong> Well, there’s an interesting thing, because I think it goes back to my childhood. I was the oldest of three daughters, and so a number of responsibilities fell on me. And I got used to responsibility very early: before school, after school. And I grew to enjoy it, strangely enough. And then at Stanford, I took a course in American political thought, and the final was all composition. And I wrote my heart out and I got an A-plus. And I thought that said something to me about my ability to cope in this arena. And then I did a year’s graduate work with the Coro Foundation, which is indigenous to this area, and did a preliminary masterplan for the city of South San Francisco, was assigned to two labor unions, the DA’s office. We did a big report on the post-conviction phases in the administration of criminal justice. And then Pat Brown appointed me to the California Women’s Board of Terms and Parole. So I got a good dose of criminal justice and what was happening. I then went and ran for the board.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Scott Shafer\u003c/strong>: Well, let’s let me stop you there, because we want to get to that. I want to get to that. But I want to ask you about the things you just talked about. So as Marisa said, you were, there were probably not a lot of women at Stanford at that time. I know Sandra Day O’Connor was there. [Yes.] Roughly around that time and talked about how hard it was for her after graduating law school to even get an interview, much less a job. But how did those years affect your thinking? I mean, being a woman, being subjected to, you know, the barriers that men didn’t face in those times?\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>\u003cbr>\nDianne Feinstein:\u003c/strong> Well, that’s right. And I ran into pretty much the same thing that the justice ran into. As a matter of fact, I was just thinking about that today. And I was very often not hired, and not very often, maybe two or three times. That was very often.\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>\u003cbr>\nScott Shafer:\u003c/strong> And you think that’s because you’re a woman?\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>\u003cbr>\nDianne Feinstein:\u003c/strong> Yeah, I do think, because I think my grades were certainly good enough. And in any event, at the time, the League of Women Voters was very active. I was somewhat active in it. I began to get active in community groups and I found that this is really what I wanted to do. And so I ran for the Board of Supervisors and was very lucky. This is a cute story. I topped the ticket. And as you know, when you top the ticket, you’re president of the board, you get the most votes. You and this was city. This was the citywide. You get the most votes. And John Barbagelata, who came in number two.\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>\u003cbr>\nScott Shafer\u003c/strong>: Who was very conservative.\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>\u003cbr>\nDianne Feinstein:\u003c/strong> Yes. Who wrote a Chronicle op-ed piece that I am untrained, I should turn it down and accept the second position. I thought that doesn’t make very good sense.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos\u003c/strong>: Tell it that to you or just put it in the Chronicle?\u003cbr>\nDianne Feinstein: It was in writing. I thought it was a Chronicle. I hope I’m right.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos\u003c/strong>: But he didn’t have…\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Dianne Feinstein:\u003c/strong> Long time ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos\u003c/strong>: He didn’t come talk to you about it? [No.] Oh, interesting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Dianne Feinstein:\u003c/strong> And in any event, I got seasoned pretty quickly and went on and served nine years on the board was three times The president of the boar. Happened to been there on that terrible day, November 22nd, which is upcoming. When Harvey Milk walked by the office and I said, ‘Harvey,’ no, excuse me. When Dan White walked by the office, it was my first day back. My husband and I had gone on a vacation and just came back and uh, Harvey didn’t, Dan didn’t stop. And I heard the door slam and I heard the shots and everybody was gone. And I remember this so well. And it’s still traumati. Because I tried to get a pulse in his wrist and put my finger in a bullet hole, and it was clear he was dead. And that changed the world.\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>\u003cbr>\nScott Shafer\u003c/strong>: And I want to just ask you one thing, because you… There were reports that that day before that happened, you decided to give up politics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Dianne Feinstein:\u003c/strong> That’s true.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Scott Shafer\u003c/strong>: Yeah. So what made what brought you to that decision, which obviously events overtook that decision? But what what was it that made you think, you know, I’m not gonnna…?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Dianne Feinstein:\u003c/strong> What I decided was I was not going to run for another term of the board, that that was that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Scott Shafer\u003c/strong>: Because?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Dianne Feinstein:\u003c/strong> Well, my husband had died. I remarried, I had a daughter, and I just thought enough was enough. It’s still very traumatic for me to look back on, candidly, because those assassinations were everything that was not supposed to happen. And I would give up anything if they had not happened. And once they happen, they impact everything. Everything you do, everything the city is, and the worry over the city, because of the hatred. You had the first openly gay public official killed by a former police officer and firefighter, who was sort of America’s all-American boy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos\u003c/strong>: Yeah, very handsome.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Dianne Feinstein:\u003c/strong> Yeah, and a beautiful wife and small child and really hard. Really hard. And anyway, I don’t often talk of this, so you have to put up with it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos\u003c/strong>: No, we’re glad. I mean, I think this is it is a pivotal moment for you and your life and also, obviously San Francisco and talking to people who are around you. I mean, somebody pointed out to me that, you know, that day you saw political differences literally end in gunfire. And I’m curious if that, if you think that has sort of changed, or did change, your approach to governing and to politics. Because I think one thing we’ve heard in the campaign here and now is that you can be too collegial. I mean, is that.. Obviously there’s gun control and other sort of policy things that maybe came out of that, and some of the other events of that era. But did that affect the way you kind of want to approach people, regardless of their positions?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Dianne Feinstein:\u003c/strong> No. I mean, I am the way I am. And I welcome collegiality and I welcome getting along and I share thoughts and ideas. And I don’t like the histrionics that have got into this, because… And then, well, the as you know, I became mayor and was mayor for, I guess, three terms. And the first two years were very hard. And then it kind of settled down. And we were able to put the bricks of the city back together again. That was a wonderful experience.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Scott Shafer\u003c/strong>: Was there a way in which you felt, like suddenly you were mayor… There had been a progressive mayor. The sort of the left, the progressives in San Francisco were so excited about Harvey Milk and George Moscone. Like, did that put you in an awkward position at all?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Dianne Feinstein:\u003c/strong> Yes. And I’ll tell you why. I had run for mayor and I was defeated. And I was convinced I would never be mayor. And so.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Scott Shafer\u003c/strong>: And you did you lose to George Moscone?\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>\u003cbr>\nDianne Feinstein:\u003c/strong> Yes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Scott Shafer\u003c/strong>: Yeah.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos\u003c/strong>: And you said we talked earlier that you said after that point that you were going to leave politics. I mean, did your losses impact that decision?\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>\u003cbr>\nDianne Feinstein:\u003c/strong> Yeah, I think they did. I think they did. You know, when you’re young, things impact you differently than when you get a lot of seasoning, so to speak. And it really did impact me. As a matter of fact, the first thing that my husband and I, I mean, the last time I ran for mayor, my husband supported George.\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>\u003cbr>\nScott Shafer\u003c/strong>: What?! [Dick Blum?]\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>\u003cbr>\nDianne Feinstein:\u003c/strong> Yeah.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Scott Shafer\u003c/strong>: Over you? Oh, you weren’t married.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Dianne Feinstein:\u003c/strong> LAUGH. No, we weren’t married. [That would’ve been a short marriage!] But he was a big Moscone supporter, and he headed his fiscal advisory committee. And subsequently, we met, after my husband died.\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>\u003cbr>\nMarisa Lagos\u003c/strong>: And the rest is history.\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>\u003cbr>\nDianne Feinstein:\u003c/strong> The rest is history.\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>\u003cbr>\nMarisa Lagos\u003c/strong>: We’re going to take a short break. We are with U.S. Senator Dianne Feinstein. When we get back, we will continue this conversation. You’re listening to Political Breakdown from KQED Public Radio.\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>\u003cbr>\nScott Shafer:\u003c/strong> And welcome back to Political Breakdown. I’m Scott Shafer along with Marisa Lagos. We’re here with U.S. Senator Dianne Feinstein. Before the break, we were talking about the terrible years when there were two assassinations in San Francisco. And there’s that iconic film, video of you, announcing to the world at City Hall. I think, seared in anybody’s mind who has seen it before. And I just wondering, when you think back to that moment, what were you what was going through your mind?\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>\u003cbr>\nDianne Feinstein:\u003c/strong> What happens to me is everything else blocks out, except what I am doing and what I need to do. So it’s it’s a phenomenon, I can’t explain what happens, but… I can just perform. I can just keep going. And it’s not by will. I know that. But it happens that way. And I think over time, it’s served me in good stead, because when I’ve had setbacks and these assassinations, I mean, I wouldn’t trade anything for them. They’re terrible. You know, it’s just it’s awful what it does to family and spouses and the city and the trauma and the gay community. And this was the first openly gay public official in America. And I remember leaning over his body and getting a pulse and everybody else was gone. And I thought, oh, my God, how can this be? You know, this is San Francisco. How can this be? But it was.\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>\u003cbr>\nMarisa Lagos\u003c/strong>: You can hear on that video, too, like the gasps of the reporters and just, you know, the shock of the city. I’m just curious. I mean, we are in such stratified times nationally. And I mentioned, you know, that was a very that event was clearly the center of a lot of, you know, kind of crazy things happening in San Francisco. There was Jonestown. There were other events. Do you worry now about sort of where we’re at nationally?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Dianne Feinstein:\u003c/strong> Well, I do worry where we’re at nationally. Because there’s what I’ve learned over time is people are fragile. They may not appear to be so, but certain things inside of them break, and they do things that they never thought they would ever do. And one of the things that you so need is a president that brings people together. The beauty of this nation is our diversity. We are many different people. We walk to the sound of different drummers. And what a president does is chart a course that is acceptable for everybody and in so doing, brings people together. And this is not happening. So I do worry about the country, because we are very diverse. We have many different people, many races, creeds, colors, backgrounds. What makes America great. But it also makes it vulnerable.\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>\u003cbr>\nScott Shafer\u003c/strong>: We’ve, we had Lieutenant Governor Gavin Newsom on a few weeks ago, and we asked him this question. And I want to ask you as well. You know, everybody in public life has sort of an image, and sometimes the image is accurate and sometimes it doesn’t quite square with the reality or the way they think of themselves. And for you. You know, I think people see you as sort of, just to use a shorthand, Pacific Heights wealthy, somebody who’s sort of above everything. Somebody who has had a, you know, easy upbringing, all those things. When you think of that image of you, and when you hear people talk about you as that kind of person, like what’s missing from that characterization?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Dianne Feinstein:\u003c/strong> You see, I’ve never heard that. And I didn’t have an easy upbringing, for reasons I’m not going to go into here. But it was not easy. And yes, I happened to marry a man who is is financially astute, let me say. But I never had a lot of money. And I worked all my life. And I think that was good for me. So I don’t consider myself a Pacific Heights matron, whatever that is. I mean, I was at work every day, at some job. And so people, I think, rush to mischaracterize. And I would say, you have to take into consideration my real history, which is my everyday history of what I do with my life and how I try to help, and what I do with people, and the kind of bills we put forward, and the successes when we have them and the failures when we have.\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>\u003cbr>\nMarisa Lagos\u003c/strong>: I mean, one thing that struck me looking at your biography is that you were a single mother in the late 1950s, early 1960s, before marrying your second husband. And and and then later.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Dianne Feinstein:\u003c/strong> I was married.\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>\u003cbr>\nMarisa Lagos\u003c/strong>: Right but you became a single mother when you divorced.\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>\u003cbr>\nDianne Feinstein:\u003c/strong> That’s correct.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos\u003c/strong>: Which could not have been easy at that time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Scott Shafer\u003c/strong>: And you eloped right? You got married young. [LAUGH] Eye roll!\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Dianne Feinstein:\u003c/strong> That tells you something.\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>\u003cbr>\nMarisa Lagos\u003c/strong>: Well, but I want to kind of fast forward. When you decided to run for Senate in 1992, and this was the time of the Clarence Thomas and Anita Hill Hillary hearings, I’ve heard you speak about seeing her testify and and how that impacted you. I mean, can you talk about that and how maybe being a single mother earlier, and being a trailblazer, as we’ve discussed, impacted that decision to run in what became the Year of the Woman. But you probably didn’t know that when you started when you decided to file your papers.\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>\u003cbr>\nDianne Feinstein:\u003c/strong> No, I didn’t. I had been serving on the California Women’s Board of Terms and Parole and that I did it for six years. I sat on some 5,000 cases of women convicted of felonies in state prison and set sentences. We ran a parole division at that time. I was 28 years old. And then obviously, I went on to other things. But what is the question you want to answer about me?\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>\u003cbr>\nMarisa Lagos\u003c/strong>: Why in that moment did you decide to run for Senate? And what did you sort of bring with you having being a woman at that time and being part of this huge class of women running, but, you know, not knowing how it was going to turn out?\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>\u003cbr>\nScott Shafer\u003c/strong>: You had just run for governor.\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>\u003cbr>\nDianne Feinstein:\u003c/strong> Yes. Well, that’s the I think that’s the point. I had run for governor. I missed it by two and a half percent. But I had a big constituency. So there was a lot of encouragement to not throw it all away, but to use it. And we did run for Senate. And I was very pleased to represent the state.\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>\u003cbr>\nScott Shafer\u003c/strong>: And did it surprise you that two Jewish women from the Bay Area, you and Barbara Boxer, both got elected?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Dianne Feinstein:\u003c/strong> Not really.\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>\u003cbr>\nScott Shafer\u003c/strong>: Really?\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>\u003cbr>\nDianne Feinstein:\u003c/strong> Not really. You know, it’s like would you say, would you be surprised if two Catholics from the Bay Area got elected? Well, I don’t think so. I mean, it just it happens.\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>\u003cbr>\nMarisa Lagos\u003c/strong>: I just want to remind everyone that you’re listening to Political Breakdown from KQED Public Radio. I’m Marissa Lagos. We’re here today with California’s U.S. Senator Dianne Feinstein. I should add that we had Feinstein’s opponent for the Senate, Kevin De Leon, on on the Breakdown. You can check that episode out at KQED.org/politicalbreakdown. I think we do want to talk about your time in the Senate a little bit. You know, you sit on the Judiciary Committee. You have been very involved in the Senate Intelligence Committee. And I want to ask you about your relationship with the intelligence community, because it seems like it has changed over time. You told Mother Jones a few years ago that your decision to vote for the second Iraq war was ‘the decision I most regret,’ and that it was based on believing the CIA. [Still true.] Yeah. Did that, I don’t know, shake your belief in some of these institutions that you had really been close to for a long time?\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>\u003cbr>\nDianne Feinstein:\u003c/strong> Oh, it made me very circumspect, which is helpful. And I subsequently became chairman of the committee for a period of time. And as a matter of fact, we did a 32,000 page report on torture and CIA use of torture.\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>\u003cbr>\nMarisa Lagos\u003c/strong>: Which you released over the objections of a president.\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>\u003cbr>\nDianne Feinstein:\u003c/strong> No, we did never release the full report. [Yeah.] We were able to release a 500 page summary which has been sold in bookstores, as a matter of fact. And I, President Obama put it in his special library. So in 12 years, from the time he put it in, it will then be declassified. The whole big report. But it pretty much documents what happened and everything is, it has 7000 footnotes to it. And no one has corrected anything in the summary. Well, CIA has corrected a few things which we’ve corrected, and where we didn’t accept the correction, we run in the footnotes what they say.\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>\u003cbr>\nScott Shafer\u003c/strong>: I wonder if, you know, you have, over the course of your time in the Senate, developed a reputation and you’ve cultivated a bipartisan sort of collegial relationship with people on the other side of the aisle. Many times you’ve co-sponsored legislation and that sort of trade has kind of been criticized by your opponent in this race, Kevin de Leon.\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>\u003cbr>\nDianne Feinstein:\u003c/strong> Well, by my opponent. But that’s his view, and that’s what it is. It’s not the way the Senate works. And the Senate works the way it has worked for a couple of hundred years. So it’s difficult. And I find that if I can talk to people and work with people, it makes it much easier to get something done. For example, it took me three years and 28 drafts to draft the water bill, which is called the WIN Act. And I then went over and I negotiated it with the Speaker of the House, who is a Republican, and that’s how we got it done. And then it went into an omnibus and it was passed. Never would have got it done otherwise. Now I have to begin and to draft another bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Scott Shafer\u003c/strong>: But I guess there are some people who say, well, you know what? That era is over. Well, you know, we can’t.\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>\u003cbr>\nDianne Feinstein:\u003c/strong> What era is over? Getting things done?\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>\u003cbr>\nScott Shafer\u003c/strong>: Well, yeah, maybe. I mean, if you look at, for example, the Senate Judiciary Committee, I mean, you’ve tried to work very carefully with Chuck Grassley, who chairs the committee. And they’re all these things are happening over objections of Democrats. I mean, where’s the compromise, say, on that committee?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Dianne Feinstein:\u003c/strong> Well, it all depends upon what it is. Yes, I worked with the chairman, believe it or not, over a very difficult nominee, Kavanaugh. I think we had some moments, but that happens to everybody in any kind of work or job. You have your moment and you put it together. I’m the lead Democrat. Right now I’m trying to draft a big immigration bill. It’s been five, seven years since we had the last bill. We worked on it and worked on it and had hearings on it. And it came out on the floor. We passed it and the House didn’t take it up. So there’s a big learning lesson in that for me, and I want to see if I can do it. Can I write a bill which I can also get through the House? And can that bill… And one of the things is, you know, the president said that he was going to have a policy of separating children from parents at the border.\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>\u003cbr>\nMarisa Lagos\u003c/strong>: He did have a policy.\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>\u003cbr>\nDianne Feinstein:\u003c/strong> And we want to make that illegal by law. We want to protect small children. And we the DACA students. There are 700,000 of them. And getting their parents a work permit and getting them legitimized in this country. So there are a lot of things we can do as part of an immigration bill.\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>\u003cbr>\nMarisa Lagos\u003c/strong>: But it seems I mean, but we have been stuck without an immigration compromise for years. Just a few weeks ago, we saw Democrats leave town. There was an agreement to confirm 15 judges fast track them, under the, you know, agreement that there wouldn’t be any more justices pushed through the committee until after the election. And you guys left town and the Republicans did it anyway. I mean.\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>\u003cbr>\nDianne Feinstein:\u003c/strong> Well, I had the debate schedule. That was.\u003cbr>\nMarisa Lagos: Right. But isn’t that I mean, doesn’t that speak to the breaking down of the bipartisanship that you’re talking about?\u003cbr>\nDianne Feinstein: I’ll be very frank with you. This surprised me, that he would do that. However, if I think about it, this president is engaged in a conscious stacking of the federal court system of the United States of America. And so they are just pushing judges through now. Well, what happened was the hearing, it wasn’t the vote. And we all nonetheless do our work. We study the individual. We look at at that individual’s record. We know whether we can or cannot vote for them. And so we will be there for the vote. This was a surprise. I had never seen that done before.\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>\u003cbr>\nScott Shafer\u003c/strong>: There are some in your party, and I think you could say the junior senator from California might be among them, you know, who feel like they have to take a harder line. I mean, Kamala Harris on the Judiciary Committee came out against Brett Kavanaugh from the get go, I think before she even met with them or certainly before there was a hearing. Do you think that’s a mistake?\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>\u003cbr>\nDianne Feinstein:\u003c/strong> No. It’s her… If she wants to do that, she’s free to do it. I’ve always had a policy that until we get through the hearing, I never announce a decision. Otherwise, why I hold the hearing. And that’s my view of it. You know, Kamala, Kamala is going to be very good. There’s no question about that. And it’s wonderful for me, because I can be a friend. But we are also different in how we look at things. Everyone is. And we probably write differently.\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>\u003cbr>\nScott Shafer\u003c/strong>: I wonder if, you know, if you feel like that style is not conducive to really building the kind of bridges.\u003cbr>\nDianne Feinstein: That’s nonsense. The Senate takes all kinds of styles. I don’t know what this style business suddenly is here. Now I get things done. I get bills passed.\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>\u003cbr>\nScott Shafer\u003c/strong>: And so you believe the Senate can work?\u003cbr>\nDianne Feinstein: Oh, yeah, absolutely. And I do different things. I’m on different committees. We do share one committee. We share Judiciary. And I can learn from her. She’s the newcomer.\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>\u003cbr>\nScott Shafer\u003c/strong>: What have you learned from her?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Dianne Feinstein:\u003c/strong> [CROSSTALK] Oh, what I’ve learned. I mean, she’s very smart. She’s been a prosecutor. You see that in her questioning. And it’s very interesting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Scott Shafer:\u003c/strong> It’s not your style.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Dianne Feinstein:\u003c/strong> No. It’s not a question of style. It really isn’t. I get the feeling you’re trying to push me into some mode that I’m really not in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos\u003c/strong>: I want to ask you one question because you mentioned being the first woman on the judiciary, and we opened this by asking you about the trailblazing you’ve done. And I’m curious, you know, when we had Minority Leader Pelosi in her, she talked about the responsibilities she feels to be a woman at the table to to be to be there, really. And I just wonder if you feel that if that is part of the reason you still want to do this job for another six years?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Dianne Feinstein:\u003c/strong> No, it’s not just because I’m a woman. It’s because I think I do it well. And I’ve got a great staff and I work them very hard. And we have a level of excellence. And I think that’s important to get a bill as good as I can get it to work with people, to bring in other people’s views, to solve problems, to be able to pick up the phone and someone will take the call and hopefully say, yes, that’s really what this is about. It’s about getting things done for people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos\u003c/strong>: All right, Senator Feinstein, thank you so much.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Dianne Feinstein:\u003c/strong> Oh, you’re so welcome. Thank you. Thank you, Scott. Thank you, Marisa.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos\u003c/strong>: That is going to do it for this edition of Political Breakdown, a production of KQED Public Radio. Just a reminder, you can find that interview with Senator Feinstein’s opponent, Kevin de Leon, in our archives, along with a whole host of other shows you should totally go listen to.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Scott Shafer\u003c/strong>: Absolutely. You can check out all of our elections coverage. We’re calling at our voter guide. There’s a whole lot more than that as well. Just go to KQED.org/elections. By the way, we also have a newsletter. You can subscribe to that at KQED.org/politicalbreakdown and wake up every Tuesday morning with us in your mailbox.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos\u003c/strong>: Just in your mailbox. Not your apartment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Scott Shafer\u003c/strong>: Or inbox, one or the other. Yeah, right.\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>\u003cbr>\nMarisa Lagos\u003c/strong>: Our producer is Guy Marzorati. Our engineers are Katie McMurran and Ceil Muller.\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>\u003cbr>\nScott Shafer\u003c/strong>: Ethan Lindsey is our executive editor. Holly Kernan is our chief content officer. I’m Scott Shafer. You can follow me on Twitter. I’m at Scott Shafer.\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>\u003cbr>\nMarisa Lagos\u003c/strong>: And I’m Marisa Lagos. You can find me at MLagos. That is a wrap for this week’s Political Breakdown from KQED. We’ll see you next time.\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>\u003cbr>\nScott Shafer\u003c/strong>: Bye bye.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Poll: Newsom, Feinstein Maintain Leads, Rent Control and Gas Tax Repeal Lagging",
"title": "Poll: Newsom, Feinstein Maintain Leads, Rent Control and Gas Tax Repeal Lagging",
"headTitle": "The California Report | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>Californians appear likely to re-elect U.S. Sen. Dianne Feinstein and put Lt. Gov. Gavin Newsom in the governor's office, according to a new poll. But the survey also shows voters are poised to reject two of the most controversial initiatives on the Nov. 6 ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 6, which would repeal recently enacted increases to gas and diesel taxes and the state's vehicle license fee, is trailing, 41 to 48 percent among likely voters, according to the Public Policy Institute of California (PPIC) survey. And a healthy majority of likely voters — 60 percent — say they oppose Proposition 10, a measure that would let local governments enact or expand rent control.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The poll, conducted between Oct. 12 and Oct. 21 among 1,704 likely California voters, shows Newsom, a Democrat, with an 11-point lead over his Republican opponent John Cox. Nearly half, 49 percent, told PPIC they would support Newsom, while 38 percent said they would vote for Cox; 10 percent remain undecided and 2 percent said they would not cast a vote for governor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom's edge is strongest among registered Democrats.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Every poll we've seen Gavin Newsom with a double-digit lead, and he continues to have a double-digit lead in this poll,\" PPIC President Mark Baldassare said. \"That race has not changed much in the last month of campaign activity.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Cox leads among Republicans and has a 5-point edge over Newsom — 43 to 38 percent — among independent voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Baldassare said that, in general, independent voters in California seem to be fairly moderate and \"they're not ideologues.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"There are things that they don't like about the Democratic and the Republican parties ... they don't like either party,\" he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Feinstein, who has represented California in the U.S. Senate for 26 years, is leading her Democratic challenger, state Sen. Kevin de León, by 16 points — 43 percent to 27 percent. But many Republican and independent voters say they're unhappy with their choice of candidates, and a full 23 percent of voters volunteered to PPIC that they will skip this contest on the ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Baldassare said many of the voters who told PPIC they will not vote for a U.S. senator are Republicans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We believe that many of them will not vote in the U.S. Senate race because there are two Democrats,\" he said. \"And when we exclude the people who say they would not vote, Feinstein's lead is 20 points — 55 to 35 percent.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>PPIC also looked at how things are shaping up in the 11 congressional races deemed competitive by the nonpartisan Cook Political Report. In the aggregate, voters in those 11 districts slightly favor Republicans, 49 to 44 percent, but Baldassare said that doesn't mean the GOP will necessarily be successful in keeping those districts red.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"In those competitive House districts, when we break out those results we see a very closely divided electorate,\" he said. \"The margin of error is such that it means it's going to be very, very close. Nobody has a particular advantage right now in those races. And it's probably going to come down to how many people turn out to vote, how energized the Democrats are, and whether there are issues that energize Republican voters.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The poll reveals the tightrope that Democrats have to walk in those races, finding that a vast majority of Democrats (76 percent) want a congressional representative that pushes back against the Trump administration, while a bare majority (51 percent) of independents say they want someone who works with the president.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That means Democrats trying to oust Republican incumbents have the challenge of energizing their party base while not alienating more moderate independent voters, Baldassare said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"In those purple districts, it's not all about Trump and anti-Trump — it's more about issues that matter to voters,\" he said, citing the economy and health care as examples.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Baldassare said that Democrats running for congressional seats have to be mindful of the fact that their electorate may not see the race as all about Trump.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Not all voters in Orange County or San Diego or other purple districts are thinking that's what this election is about,\" he said. \"They might want different representation, but they also want someone that's going to make their lives better.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The poll, conducted in English and Spanish, has a margin of error of plus or minus 3.3 percent.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "A new PPIC polls finds Gavin Newsom with an 11-point lead in the governor's race and Dianne Feinstein 16 points ahead in the U.S. Senate election. The gas tax and rent control propositions appear headed for defeat. ",
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"description": "A new PPIC polls finds Gavin Newsom with an 11-point lead in the governor's race and Dianne Feinstein 16 points ahead in the U.S. Senate election. The gas tax and rent control propositions appear headed for defeat. ",
"title": "Poll: Newsom, Feinstein Maintain Leads, Rent Control and Gas Tax Repeal Lagging | KQED",
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"disqusTitle": "California's Senate Candidates Dianne Feinstein, Kevin de León Debate Policy Visions",
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"content": "\u003cp>In their one and only face-to-face appearance before the November election, California’s candidates for the U.S. Senate, incumbent Sen. Dianne Feinstein and Democratic state Sen. Kevin de León exchanged policy visions in a subdued conversation at the Public Policy Institute of California, moderated by PPIC President Mark Baldassare.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The event was probably the last best chance for de León to make a strong impression on voters who are not paying close attention to the U.S. Senate race and who do not know nearly as much about him as they do about Feinstein.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There were very few moments that seemed to change the basic dynamic of the race in which polls show Feinstein with a healthy, if diminishing, lead.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But contrasts did emerge in the candidates' style — de León promised to take the \"resistance\" to the halls of the U.S Senate, while Feinstein cautioned that unless Democrats gain a majority in Congress, they shouldn't over-promise on results on issues like gun control.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s very hard back there on issues like this,\" Feinstein said. \"It’s not like here in California.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And Feinstein said protests can only go so far to shift policy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What changes things are elections,\" she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>De León said Democrats in Congress too often \"backpeddle\" on issues like immigration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I wish Democrats in Washington would fight like hell for Dreamers, the same way Donald J. Trump fights for his stupid wall,\" he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>De León also criticized Feinstein's votes in support of the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq, saying \"we need to get out of the business of bombing other nations.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The candidates found agreement on several points, including dislike of Gov. Jerry Brown's plan to build two tunnels in the Sacramento-San Joaquin Delta to convey water to Southern California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And they agreed that a Medicare-for-All program should be created at the federal level, allowing for a public option on the health care market.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Weeks after Feinstein took center stage at the Senate Judiciary committee hearings of then-nominee Brett Kavanaugh, both candidates voiced support for a further investigation into the allegations of sexual assault against the newest Supreme Court justice.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>In their one and only face-to-face appearance before the November election, California’s candidates for the U.S. Senate, incumbent Sen. Dianne Feinstein and Democratic state Sen. Kevin de León exchanged policy visions in a subdued conversation at the Public Policy Institute of California, moderated by PPIC President Mark Baldassare.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The event was probably the last best chance for de León to make a strong impression on voters who are not paying close attention to the U.S. Senate race and who do not know nearly as much about him as they do about Feinstein.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There were very few moments that seemed to change the basic dynamic of the race in which polls show Feinstein with a healthy, if diminishing, lead.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But contrasts did emerge in the candidates' style — de León promised to take the \"resistance\" to the halls of the U.S Senate, while Feinstein cautioned that unless Democrats gain a majority in Congress, they shouldn't over-promise on results on issues like gun control.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s very hard back there on issues like this,\" Feinstein said. \"It’s not like here in California.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And Feinstein said protests can only go so far to shift policy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What changes things are elections,\" she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>De León said Democrats in Congress too often \"backpeddle\" on issues like immigration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I wish Democrats in Washington would fight like hell for Dreamers, the same way Donald J. Trump fights for his stupid wall,\" he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>De León also criticized Feinstein's votes in support of the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq, saying \"we need to get out of the business of bombing other nations.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The candidates found agreement on several points, including dislike of Gov. Jerry Brown's plan to build two tunnels in the Sacramento-San Joaquin Delta to convey water to Southern California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And they agreed that a Medicare-for-All program should be created at the federal level, allowing for a public option on the health care market.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Weeks after Feinstein took center stage at the Senate Judiciary committee hearings of then-nominee Brett Kavanaugh, both candidates voiced support for a further investigation into the allegations of sexual assault against the newest Supreme Court justice.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Sen. Dianne Feinstein Is at the Top of D.C.'s Seniority Ladder. Does It Matter?",
"title": "Sen. Dianne Feinstein Is at the Top of D.C.'s Seniority Ladder. Does It Matter?",
"headTitle": "The California Report | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>California's senior senator, Dianne Feinstein, has been in Washington, D.C., for 26 years. A Democrat, Feinstein prides herself on her ability to reach across the aisle and work collaboratively with Republicans. She has respect for tradition and comity. And she's the second-most-senior Senate Democrat in the Capitol.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To her supporters, Feinstein's longevity and experience is proof of her value to California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But backers of her Democratic challenger, state Sen. Kevin de León, say Feinstein is out of touch with California voters — and that she could be doing more to push back against President Trump and Republicans in Congress.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Which got us to thinking: How much does seniority matter in the U.S. Senate?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Plenty, according to several D.C. analysts KQED reached out to.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I mean, first of all, the U.S. Senate is a seniority-based organization,\" said Jennifer Duffy, senior editor at the nonpartisan Cook Political Report. \"The longer you've been there, the more influence you have — the more likely you are to chair a major committee. ... It's a lot easier to affect policy for your states, or to get a federal agency to respond to you. You can work with your colleagues better, you've known them a lot longer. You're not the new kid in town.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of those factors were on full display during the recent confirmation hearings of Brett Kavanaugh. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Feinstein, as ranking member of the powerful Senate Judiciary Committee, literally had a seat at the center of the table, next to chairman Chuck Grassley, R-Iowa. She was the first Democrat to ask the nominee questions, and she was the Democrat most likely to have Grassley's ear when it came to procedural questions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Feinstein was also in the hot seat as one after another, Republicans attacked her for waiting so long to make public the accusations of sexual assault against Kavanaugh by Dr. Christine Blasey Ford. By holding onto the letter she received from Ford for so long, Feinstein handed Trump and the Republicans an important talking point they used over and over — that the whole affair was politically motivated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And Feinstein's position as the ranking member didn’t change the hearing's outcome. Kavanaugh was confirmed, and she couldn’t do much about it as a member of the minority party.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11694637/kavanaugh-confirmation-process-spills-into-california-senate-race\">Kavanaugh Confirmation Process Spills Into California Senate Race\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11694637/kavanaugh-confirmation-process-spills-into-california-senate-race\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/FeinsteinDeLeon-1180x670.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>\"Seniority isn't the end all and be all for developing power in the Senate,\" said UC San Diego political science professor Thad Kousser. \"What seniority gets you is your rank on a committee ... but we saw the limits of that power in the Kavanaugh hearings. (Feinstein) was able to put things on the agenda in an important way, but really at the end of the day, she wasn't able to control how the hearing went.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Of course, that calculation could change overnight if Democrats regain control of the Senate next month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Josh Huder, a senior fellow at the Government Affairs Institute at Georgetown University, said that the \"biggest advantage that seniority gives a senator is their position on various committees.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And, he said, if Democrats win and Feinstein is suddenly chair of the Judiciary Committee, she'd have an enormous amount of power — overseeing judicial appointments and the Justice Department, and by extension, the Mueller investigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It's a major, major position if she were to hold the chairmanship of that particular committee,\" Huder said. \"All of a sudden she has enormous leverage to give or take away things that the (Trump) administration would want.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Marc Sandalow — who covered Feinstein for three decades as a journalist and is now academic associate director of the University of California's Washington program — agreed, saying that if Democrats are back in the majority, Feinstein suddenly would be among the most powerful people in Washington.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Huder and Duffy also noted that in another arena — legislation — Democrats hold power even as the minority party because Republicans have such a slim majority and in the Senate, you often need 60 votes to get legislation off the floor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Republicans would argue they can't get much done either right now,\" said Duffy. \"No party has a real working majority until they get to about 57 seats.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Huder agreed, adding that \"this is another spot where Dianne Feinstein has a ton of leverage.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11620276\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RS24761_20170324_SenatorKevindeLeon_Credit_BertJohnson-1-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"State Sen. Kevin de León.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11620276\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RS24761_20170324_SenatorKevindeLeon_Credit_BertJohnson-1-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RS24761_20170324_SenatorKevindeLeon_Credit_BertJohnson-1-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RS24761_20170324_SenatorKevindeLeon_Credit_BertJohnson-1-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RS24761_20170324_SenatorKevindeLeon_Credit_BertJohnson-1-qut.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RS24761_20170324_SenatorKevindeLeon_Credit_BertJohnson-1-qut-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RS24761_20170324_SenatorKevindeLeon_Credit_BertJohnson-1-qut-960x640.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RS24761_20170324_SenatorKevindeLeon_Credit_BertJohnson-1-qut-240x160.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RS24761_20170324_SenatorKevindeLeon_Credit_BertJohnson-1-qut-375x250.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RS24761_20170324_SenatorKevindeLeon_Credit_BertJohnson-1-qut-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">State Sen. Kevin de León. \u003ccite>(Bert Johnson/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Much of the case de León has been making against Feinstein focuses on stylistic, not policy, differences. The irony, said Sandalow, is that many of the qualities that have made Feinstein successful in Washington — her collegiality and willingness to work across the aisle — are now giving her opponent fodder to attack her back home, where Democrats are fired up and want to see their representatives pushing back against the Trump administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"She's more politically moderate than a lot of Democrats in California,\" Sandalow said. \"She's not a bomb thrower.\" \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Those qualities can frustrate people who want people to fight back against the president and fight back against conservatives,\" he said. \"When you're in the minority, bomb-throwing — or at least being very dogged and outspoken — can be much more important because you're not going to get legislation passed anyways.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even though de León is more liberal than Feinstein on issues like health care and immigration, Kousser agreed that the differences between the two Democrats rest more in style than substance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The biggest difference between Kevin de León and Dianne Feinstein is that Dianne Feinstein is going to work collaboratively and often quietly, using the relationships that she has in Washington, to try to get things done,\" he said. \"Kevin de León, if he were elected, would come in and speak loudly and be an outside disruptive voice in the Senate. And that difference in style is probably more profound than any difference they have on policy issues.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ultimately, Kousser said, \"If California replaces one of the longest-serving senators in Dianne Feinstein with a rookie — I don't think California loses much clout. The most important club to be in in the Senate is not the club of senior members; it’s the club of the majority party.\"\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>California's senior senator, Dianne Feinstein, has been in Washington, D.C., for 26 years. A Democrat, Feinstein prides herself on her ability to reach across the aisle and work collaboratively with Republicans. She has respect for tradition and comity. And she's the second-most-senior Senate Democrat in the Capitol.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To her supporters, Feinstein's longevity and experience is proof of her value to California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But backers of her Democratic challenger, state Sen. Kevin de León, say Feinstein is out of touch with California voters — and that she could be doing more to push back against President Trump and Republicans in Congress.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Which got us to thinking: How much does seniority matter in the U.S. Senate?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Plenty, according to several D.C. analysts KQED reached out to.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I mean, first of all, the U.S. Senate is a seniority-based organization,\" said Jennifer Duffy, senior editor at the nonpartisan Cook Political Report. \"The longer you've been there, the more influence you have — the more likely you are to chair a major committee. ... It's a lot easier to affect policy for your states, or to get a federal agency to respond to you. You can work with your colleagues better, you've known them a lot longer. You're not the new kid in town.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of those factors were on full display during the recent confirmation hearings of Brett Kavanaugh. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Feinstein, as ranking member of the powerful Senate Judiciary Committee, literally had a seat at the center of the table, next to chairman Chuck Grassley, R-Iowa. She was the first Democrat to ask the nominee questions, and she was the Democrat most likely to have Grassley's ear when it came to procedural questions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Feinstein was also in the hot seat as one after another, Republicans attacked her for waiting so long to make public the accusations of sexual assault against Kavanaugh by Dr. Christine Blasey Ford. By holding onto the letter she received from Ford for so long, Feinstein handed Trump and the Republicans an important talking point they used over and over — that the whole affair was politically motivated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And Feinstein's position as the ranking member didn’t change the hearing's outcome. Kavanaugh was confirmed, and she couldn’t do much about it as a member of the minority party.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11694637/kavanaugh-confirmation-process-spills-into-california-senate-race\">Kavanaugh Confirmation Process Spills Into California Senate Race\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11694637/kavanaugh-confirmation-process-spills-into-california-senate-race\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/FeinsteinDeLeon-1180x670.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>\"Seniority isn't the end all and be all for developing power in the Senate,\" said UC San Diego political science professor Thad Kousser. \"What seniority gets you is your rank on a committee ... but we saw the limits of that power in the Kavanaugh hearings. (Feinstein) was able to put things on the agenda in an important way, but really at the end of the day, she wasn't able to control how the hearing went.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Of course, that calculation could change overnight if Democrats regain control of the Senate next month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Josh Huder, a senior fellow at the Government Affairs Institute at Georgetown University, said that the \"biggest advantage that seniority gives a senator is their position on various committees.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And, he said, if Democrats win and Feinstein is suddenly chair of the Judiciary Committee, she'd have an enormous amount of power — overseeing judicial appointments and the Justice Department, and by extension, the Mueller investigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It's a major, major position if she were to hold the chairmanship of that particular committee,\" Huder said. \"All of a sudden she has enormous leverage to give or take away things that the (Trump) administration would want.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Marc Sandalow — who covered Feinstein for three decades as a journalist and is now academic associate director of the University of California's Washington program — agreed, saying that if Democrats are back in the majority, Feinstein suddenly would be among the most powerful people in Washington.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Huder and Duffy also noted that in another arena — legislation — Democrats hold power even as the minority party because Republicans have such a slim majority and in the Senate, you often need 60 votes to get legislation off the floor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Republicans would argue they can't get much done either right now,\" said Duffy. \"No party has a real working majority until they get to about 57 seats.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Huder agreed, adding that \"this is another spot where Dianne Feinstein has a ton of leverage.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11620276\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RS24761_20170324_SenatorKevindeLeon_Credit_BertJohnson-1-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"State Sen. Kevin de León.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11620276\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RS24761_20170324_SenatorKevindeLeon_Credit_BertJohnson-1-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RS24761_20170324_SenatorKevindeLeon_Credit_BertJohnson-1-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RS24761_20170324_SenatorKevindeLeon_Credit_BertJohnson-1-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RS24761_20170324_SenatorKevindeLeon_Credit_BertJohnson-1-qut.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RS24761_20170324_SenatorKevindeLeon_Credit_BertJohnson-1-qut-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RS24761_20170324_SenatorKevindeLeon_Credit_BertJohnson-1-qut-960x640.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RS24761_20170324_SenatorKevindeLeon_Credit_BertJohnson-1-qut-240x160.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RS24761_20170324_SenatorKevindeLeon_Credit_BertJohnson-1-qut-375x250.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RS24761_20170324_SenatorKevindeLeon_Credit_BertJohnson-1-qut-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">State Sen. Kevin de León. \u003ccite>(Bert Johnson/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Much of the case de León has been making against Feinstein focuses on stylistic, not policy, differences. The irony, said Sandalow, is that many of the qualities that have made Feinstein successful in Washington — her collegiality and willingness to work across the aisle — are now giving her opponent fodder to attack her back home, where Democrats are fired up and want to see their representatives pushing back against the Trump administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"She's more politically moderate than a lot of Democrats in California,\" Sandalow said. \"She's not a bomb thrower.\" \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Those qualities can frustrate people who want people to fight back against the president and fight back against conservatives,\" he said. \"When you're in the minority, bomb-throwing — or at least being very dogged and outspoken — can be much more important because you're not going to get legislation passed anyways.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even though de León is more liberal than Feinstein on issues like health care and immigration, Kousser agreed that the differences between the two Democrats rest more in style than substance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The biggest difference between Kevin de León and Dianne Feinstein is that Dianne Feinstein is going to work collaboratively and often quietly, using the relationships that she has in Washington, to try to get things done,\" he said. \"Kevin de León, if he were elected, would come in and speak loudly and be an outside disruptive voice in the Senate. And that difference in style is probably more profound than any difference they have on policy issues.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ultimately, Kousser said, \"If California replaces one of the longest-serving senators in Dianne Feinstein with a rookie — I don't think California loses much clout. The most important club to be in in the Senate is not the club of senior members; it’s the club of the majority party.\"\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"http://bit.ly/fioredebates\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">upcoming \"conversation\"\u003c/a> between Sen. Dianne Feinstein and state Sen. Kevin de León will be a few steps short of a traditional political debate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The U.S. Senate race has tightened, with a Public Policy Institute of California poll showing Feinstein's lead over de León has shrunk from 22 points in July to 11 points now.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Feinstein is following the tried-and-true path of cautious candidates in the lead: Don't blow it by making a mistake in a very public debate if you can avoid it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"disqusTitle": "Will Joint Appearance by Feinstein and de León Be a Debate? Not Quite.",
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"content": "\u003cp>It's been 18 years since incumbent U.S. Sen. Dianne Feinstein debated a general election opponent — but that's about to change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sort of.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Public Policy Institute of California (PPIC) has announced that Feinstein and her Democratic challenger, Los Angeles State Sen. Kevin de León, share a stage \"in conversation\" with PPIC president Mark Baldassare in San Francisco next Wednesday, Oct. 17.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lunchtime appearance before a live audience will last one hour, and each candidate will have up to three minutes to answer each question, said PPIC spokesperson Abby Cook. At the moderator's discretion, candidates will have an opportunity to respond to their opponent's answers. But there won't be much interaction between the two.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>De León campaign spokesman Jonathan Underland said it was \"a let down\" not to get the kind of debate they wanted: \"A traditional, real debate live on TV.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The PPIC event will be streamed live with \"broadcast-quality video\" for TV.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The last opponent Feinstein debated was moderate Republican Tom Campbell in 2000. Since then she has consistently declined to debate, a decision that hasn't seemed to hurt her, given the relatively low profile of her opponents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Feinstein's campaign spokesman, Jeff Millman, insisted the rules for next week's event will allow plenty of interaction between the two candidates, which may or may not be what happens. \"It's just like what you and KQED did this week with the candidates for governor,\" Millman said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It might be splitting hairs, but this week's \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11697413/gavin-newsom-john-cox-spar-on-housing-criminal-justice-in-wide-ranging-debate\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">discussion\u003c/a> with Gavin Newsom and John Cox included plenty of direct interaction between the two candidates without interference from the moderator (me).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It's not unusual for incumbents and frontrunners to decline debates to minimize the risk of losing their advantage with a mistake that alters the campaign's dynamics.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11697647/the-debate-about-debates-should-candidates-be-compelled-to-participate\">The Debate About Debates: Should Candidates Be Compelled to Participate?\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11697647/the-debate-about-debates-should-candidates-be-compelled-to-participate\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/debate-1180x817.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>In general however, there's not much evidence that debates change voters' minds so much as they reinforce pre-debate biases and preferences.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Feinstein easily won the June primary with 44 percent of the vote to 12 percent for de León. Since then, the California Democratic Party, in a rebuke to Feinstein, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11680592/highlights-from-the-california-democratic-partys-summer-executive-board-meeting\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">endorsed de León\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A recent \u003ca href=\"http://www.ppic.org/press-release/gas-tax-repeal-rent-control-propositions-trailing/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">PPIC poll\u003c/a> showed Feinstein's lead has shrunk from 22 points in July to just 11 points now, 40 to 29 percent with 8 percent undecided.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the incumbent Democrat has a large advantage in campaign cash and a positive approval rating from voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During the confirmation hearings for U.S. Supreme Court nominee Brett Kavanaugh, she came under repeated criticism from Republicans, including President Trump and GOP members of the Senate Judiciary Committee. They accused Feinstein of holding onto a letter from Dr. Christine Blasey Ford until the last minute in an effort to upend Kavanaugh's nomination.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It's not clear what impact — if any — that will have on Feinstein's re-election.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>It's been 18 years since incumbent U.S. Sen. Dianne Feinstein debated a general election opponent — but that's about to change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sort of.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Public Policy Institute of California (PPIC) has announced that Feinstein and her Democratic challenger, Los Angeles State Sen. Kevin de León, share a stage \"in conversation\" with PPIC president Mark Baldassare in San Francisco next Wednesday, Oct. 17.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lunchtime appearance before a live audience will last one hour, and each candidate will have up to three minutes to answer each question, said PPIC spokesperson Abby Cook. At the moderator's discretion, candidates will have an opportunity to respond to their opponent's answers. But there won't be much interaction between the two.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>De León campaign spokesman Jonathan Underland said it was \"a let down\" not to get the kind of debate they wanted: \"A traditional, real debate live on TV.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The PPIC event will be streamed live with \"broadcast-quality video\" for TV.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The last opponent Feinstein debated was moderate Republican Tom Campbell in 2000. Since then she has consistently declined to debate, a decision that hasn't seemed to hurt her, given the relatively low profile of her opponents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Feinstein's campaign spokesman, Jeff Millman, insisted the rules for next week's event will allow plenty of interaction between the two candidates, which may or may not be what happens. \"It's just like what you and KQED did this week with the candidates for governor,\" Millman said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It might be splitting hairs, but this week's \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11697413/gavin-newsom-john-cox-spar-on-housing-criminal-justice-in-wide-ranging-debate\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">discussion\u003c/a> with Gavin Newsom and John Cox included plenty of direct interaction between the two candidates without interference from the moderator (me).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It's not unusual for incumbents and frontrunners to decline debates to minimize the risk of losing their advantage with a mistake that alters the campaign's dynamics.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11697647/the-debate-about-debates-should-candidates-be-compelled-to-participate\">The Debate About Debates: Should Candidates Be Compelled to Participate?\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11697647/the-debate-about-debates-should-candidates-be-compelled-to-participate\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/debate-1180x817.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>In general however, there's not much evidence that debates change voters' minds so much as they reinforce pre-debate biases and preferences.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Feinstein easily won the June primary with 44 percent of the vote to 12 percent for de León. Since then, the California Democratic Party, in a rebuke to Feinstein, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11680592/highlights-from-the-california-democratic-partys-summer-executive-board-meeting\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">endorsed de León\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A recent \u003ca href=\"http://www.ppic.org/press-release/gas-tax-repeal-rent-control-propositions-trailing/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">PPIC poll\u003c/a> showed Feinstein's lead has shrunk from 22 points in July to just 11 points now, 40 to 29 percent with 8 percent undecided.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the incumbent Democrat has a large advantage in campaign cash and a positive approval rating from voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During the confirmation hearings for U.S. Supreme Court nominee Brett Kavanaugh, she came under repeated criticism from Republicans, including President Trump and GOP members of the Senate Judiciary Committee. They accused Feinstein of holding onto a letter from Dr. Christine Blasey Ford until the last minute in an effort to upend Kavanaugh's nomination.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It's not clear what impact — if any — that will have on Feinstein's re-election.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
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