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And he was met by plenty of boos and jeering from the crowd.\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The second day of testimony begins Tuesday morning in California’s challenge to President Donald Trump’s \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12051797/california-argues-trumps-use-of-troops-in-l-a-violated-federal-law\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">deployment of thousands of National Guard troops\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> and US Marines to Los Angeles earlier this summer\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">As students and families in Los Angeles prepare to go back to school this week, local leaders are \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://laist.com/news/education/lausd-preparing-school-increased-immigration-enforcement-actions\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">reaffirming their support for immigrant communities\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> in light of ongoing concerns over ICE raids.\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>A former Orange County supervisor has been ordered \u003ca href=\"https://laist.com/news/criminal-justice/former-orange-county-supervisor-andrew-do-is-ordered-to-pay-restitution-over-corruption-scheme\">to pay the county back,\u003c/a> for his role in illegally redirecting millions of dollars in contracts for bribes.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003ch2 class=\"ArtP-headline\">\u003ca href=\"https://www.mynspr.org/news/2025-08-11/lamalfa-faces-loud-crowd-at-first-chico-town-hall-in-8-years\">\u003cstrong>LaMalfa Faces Loud Crowd At First Chico Town Hall In 8 Years\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>U.S. Congressman Doug LaMalfa struggled to speak over a raucous crowd at Chico’s Elks Lodge on Monday. The meeting came amid Gov. Gavin Newsom’s push to potentially redraw California’s congressional districts — changes that could affect LaMalfa’s seat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was LaMalfa’s first in-person town hall in Chico since 2017. More than 500 people packed the banquet hall, often yelling over the Republican congressman’s remarks. Attendees waved red or green construction paper to signal disapproval or support and at times broke into chants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Questions during the 90-minute meeting ranged from wildfire recovery and veterans’ healthcare to LaMalfa’s support for Israel amid the crisis in Gaza.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Healthcare drew some of the strongest pushback. Critics cited LaMalfa’s support for President Donald Trump’s “Big Beautiful Bill,” saying it would cut Medicaid funding and threaten rural hospitals. LaMalfa disagreed, pointing to a multi-billion-dollar rural hospital fund in the bill. He denied cuts to care and said “the focus has been on illegal immigrants on that program.” He said the bill attempts to serve “people that should be eligible.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 class=\"routes-Site-routes-Post-Title-__Title__title\">\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12051797/california-argues-trumps-use-of-troops-in-l-a-violated-federal-law\">\u003cstrong>California Argues Trump’s Use Of Troops In LA Violated Federal Law\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Attorneys for California began presenting their case on Monday, that President Donald Trump’s deployment of federalized California National Guard troops and U.S. Marines to Los Angeles earlier this summer \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12043314/california-to-sue-trump-for-sending-national-guard-troops-into-la-after-ice-protests\">violated federal law\u003c/a> that prohibits the military from performing police functions on U.S. soil.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump called up the National Guard following civil unrest, as his administration began mass deportations and raids across Los Angeles and other cities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Through Attorney General Rob Bonta, Gov. Gavin Newsom is suing Trump and the federal government, claiming the deployment violated the \u003ca href=\"https://policy.defense.gov/portals/11/Documents/hdasa/references/6_USC_466.pdf\">Posse Comitatus Act\u003c/a> by having the U.S. military perform law enforcement duties.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 class=\"ArticlePage-headline\">\u003ca href=\"https://laist.com/news/education/lausd-preparing-school-increased-immigration-enforcement-actions\">\u003cstrong>How LAUSD Is Preparing For School Amid Increased Immigration Enforcement \u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Ahead of the start of school on Thursday, Los Angeles Unified is working to reassure students and families concerned about potential immigration enforcement action that there are resources available to help them navigate the new school year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“ It is virtually impossible, considering the size of our community, to ensure that we have one caring, compassionate individual in every street corner, in every street, but we are deploying resources at a level never before seen in our district,” said Superintendent Alberto Carvalho at a news conference Monday while flanked by school board members, labor leaders and local elected officials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The district said that as of Monday they have made 10,000 phone calls and 800 home visits to vulnerable families to offer resources and support\u003cb> \u003c/b>— for example, to English language learners, students at newcomer academies, and those who stopped coming to school toward the end of last school year as immigration enforcement actions ramped up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The district already has protocols in place for how campus administrators respond if federal agents visit, as \u003ca class=\"Link\" href=\"https://laist.com/news/education/homeland-security-immigration-lausd-schools-trump-administration\" data-cms-ai=\"0\">\u003cu>happened this spring\u003c/u>\u003c/a>. But the district announced additional steps this week, on the heels of protests by teachers and others \u003ca class=\"Link\" href=\"https://abc7.com/post/teachers-call-lausd-keep-students-safe-immigration-raids/17412980/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\" data-cms-ai=\"0\">\u003cu>calling for stronger protections\u003c/u>\u003c/a>:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>New bus routes to serve students whose families may feel uncomfortable walking or driving them to school.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>On the first day of school, the district will dispatch 1,000 staff members from its central office to provide more information and support to families at school sites in communities frequently targeted in immigration raids.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Local law enforcement collaborations. For example, Vernon Mayor Leticia Lopez said the local police force would respond to calls for service at the school on behalf of the Los Angeles School Police Department so those officers can focus on other campuses within the district.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>A “rapid communication task force” headed by a former L.A. school police chief to spread information between school sites and law enforcement agencies.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>The distribution of information packets to students in \u003ca class=\"Link\" href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/26047978-we-are-one-family-preparedness-care-package/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\" data-cms-ai=\"0\">\u003cu>English\u003c/u>\u003c/a> and \u003ca class=\"Link\" href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/26047979-we-are-one-family-preparedness-care-package-spanish-lausd/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\" data-cms-ai=\"0\">\u003cu>Spanish\u003c/u>\u003c/a> about how to interact with immigration agents, create a plan to care for their child in an emergency and get resources.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003ch2 class=\"ArticlePage-headline\">\u003ca href=\"https://laist.com/news/criminal-justice/former-orange-county-supervisor-andrew-do-is-ordered-to-pay-restitution-over-corruption-scheme\">\u003cstrong>Ex-Orange County Supervisor Andrew Do Ordered To Pay Thousands In Restitution \u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Former Orange County Supervisor Andrew Do was ordered Monday to pay $878,230.80\u003cb> \u003c/b>in restitution for his involvement in a bribery scheme that saw millions in taxpayer dollars diverted from feeding needy seniors, leading authorities to label him a “Robin Hood in reverse.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Federal prosecutors \u003ca class=\"Link\" href=\"https://laist.com/news/criminal-justice/questions-about-former-orange-county-supervisor-andrew-do-restitution-hearing\" data-cms-ai=\"0\">had asked the judge\u003c/a> to order Do to pay back the roughly $878,000 amount, while \u003ca class=\"Link\" href=\"https://laist.com/news/andrew-do-10-million\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\" data-cms-ai=\"0\">\u003cu>Orange County was seeking\u003c/u>\u003c/a> the return of millions more. Kevin Dunn, an attorney for Orange County, had asked the judge for the higher amount “to restore the full measure of the damage to the county.” The judge ultimately sided with prosecutors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Do did not attend Monday’s hearing. His attorney told the court Do was preparing to \u003ca class=\"Link\" href=\"https://laist.com/news/politics/andrew-do-sentencing-orange-county-supervisor\" data-cms-ai=\"0\">turn himself in\u003c/a> by Friday to begin serving a five-year federal prison term.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cb>Here are the morning’s top stories on Tuesday, August 12, 2025…\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">For the first time in eight years, Republican Congressman Doug LaMalfa held an \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.mynspr.org/news/2025-08-11/lamalfa-faces-loud-crowd-at-first-chico-town-hall-in-8-years\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">in-person town hall\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> for his constituents in Chico on Monday. And he was met by plenty of boos and jeering from the crowd.\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The second day of testimony begins Tuesday morning in California’s challenge to President Donald Trump’s \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12051797/california-argues-trumps-use-of-troops-in-l-a-violated-federal-law\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">deployment of thousands of National Guard troops\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> and US Marines to Los Angeles earlier this summer\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">As students and families in Los Angeles prepare to go back to school this week, local leaders are \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://laist.com/news/education/lausd-preparing-school-increased-immigration-enforcement-actions\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">reaffirming their support for immigrant communities\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> in light of ongoing concerns over ICE raids.\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>A former Orange County supervisor has been ordered \u003ca href=\"https://laist.com/news/criminal-justice/former-orange-county-supervisor-andrew-do-is-ordered-to-pay-restitution-over-corruption-scheme\">to pay the county back,\u003c/a> for his role in illegally redirecting millions of dollars in contracts for bribes.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003ch2 class=\"ArtP-headline\">\u003ca href=\"https://www.mynspr.org/news/2025-08-11/lamalfa-faces-loud-crowd-at-first-chico-town-hall-in-8-years\">\u003cstrong>LaMalfa Faces Loud Crowd At First Chico Town Hall In 8 Years\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>U.S. Congressman Doug LaMalfa struggled to speak over a raucous crowd at Chico’s Elks Lodge on Monday. The meeting came amid Gov. Gavin Newsom’s push to potentially redraw California’s congressional districts — changes that could affect LaMalfa’s seat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was LaMalfa’s first in-person town hall in Chico since 2017. More than 500 people packed the banquet hall, often yelling over the Republican congressman’s remarks. Attendees waved red or green construction paper to signal disapproval or support and at times broke into chants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Questions during the 90-minute meeting ranged from wildfire recovery and veterans’ healthcare to LaMalfa’s support for Israel amid the crisis in Gaza.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Healthcare drew some of the strongest pushback. Critics cited LaMalfa’s support for President Donald Trump’s “Big Beautiful Bill,” saying it would cut Medicaid funding and threaten rural hospitals. LaMalfa disagreed, pointing to a multi-billion-dollar rural hospital fund in the bill. He denied cuts to care and said “the focus has been on illegal immigrants on that program.” He said the bill attempts to serve “people that should be eligible.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 class=\"routes-Site-routes-Post-Title-__Title__title\">\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12051797/california-argues-trumps-use-of-troops-in-l-a-violated-federal-law\">\u003cstrong>California Argues Trump’s Use Of Troops In LA Violated Federal Law\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Attorneys for California began presenting their case on Monday, that President Donald Trump’s deployment of federalized California National Guard troops and U.S. Marines to Los Angeles earlier this summer \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12043314/california-to-sue-trump-for-sending-national-guard-troops-into-la-after-ice-protests\">violated federal law\u003c/a> that prohibits the military from performing police functions on U.S. soil.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump called up the National Guard following civil unrest, as his administration began mass deportations and raids across Los Angeles and other cities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Through Attorney General Rob Bonta, Gov. Gavin Newsom is suing Trump and the federal government, claiming the deployment violated the \u003ca href=\"https://policy.defense.gov/portals/11/Documents/hdasa/references/6_USC_466.pdf\">Posse Comitatus Act\u003c/a> by having the U.S. military perform law enforcement duties.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 class=\"ArticlePage-headline\">\u003ca href=\"https://laist.com/news/education/lausd-preparing-school-increased-immigration-enforcement-actions\">\u003cstrong>How LAUSD Is Preparing For School Amid Increased Immigration Enforcement \u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Ahead of the start of school on Thursday, Los Angeles Unified is working to reassure students and families concerned about potential immigration enforcement action that there are resources available to help them navigate the new school year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“ It is virtually impossible, considering the size of our community, to ensure that we have one caring, compassionate individual in every street corner, in every street, but we are deploying resources at a level never before seen in our district,” said Superintendent Alberto Carvalho at a news conference Monday while flanked by school board members, labor leaders and local elected officials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The district said that as of Monday they have made 10,000 phone calls and 800 home visits to vulnerable families to offer resources and support\u003cb> \u003c/b>— for example, to English language learners, students at newcomer academies, and those who stopped coming to school toward the end of last school year as immigration enforcement actions ramped up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The district already has protocols in place for how campus administrators respond if federal agents visit, as \u003ca class=\"Link\" href=\"https://laist.com/news/education/homeland-security-immigration-lausd-schools-trump-administration\" data-cms-ai=\"0\">\u003cu>happened this spring\u003c/u>\u003c/a>. But the district announced additional steps this week, on the heels of protests by teachers and others \u003ca class=\"Link\" href=\"https://abc7.com/post/teachers-call-lausd-keep-students-safe-immigration-raids/17412980/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\" data-cms-ai=\"0\">\u003cu>calling for stronger protections\u003c/u>\u003c/a>:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>New bus routes to serve students whose families may feel uncomfortable walking or driving them to school.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>On the first day of school, the district will dispatch 1,000 staff members from its central office to provide more information and support to families at school sites in communities frequently targeted in immigration raids.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Local law enforcement collaborations. For example, Vernon Mayor Leticia Lopez said the local police force would respond to calls for service at the school on behalf of the Los Angeles School Police Department so those officers can focus on other campuses within the district.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>A “rapid communication task force” headed by a former L.A. school police chief to spread information between school sites and law enforcement agencies.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>The distribution of information packets to students in \u003ca class=\"Link\" href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/26047978-we-are-one-family-preparedness-care-package/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\" data-cms-ai=\"0\">\u003cu>English\u003c/u>\u003c/a> and \u003ca class=\"Link\" href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/26047979-we-are-one-family-preparedness-care-package-spanish-lausd/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\" data-cms-ai=\"0\">\u003cu>Spanish\u003c/u>\u003c/a> about how to interact with immigration agents, create a plan to care for their child in an emergency and get resources.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003ch2 class=\"ArticlePage-headline\">\u003ca href=\"https://laist.com/news/criminal-justice/former-orange-county-supervisor-andrew-do-is-ordered-to-pay-restitution-over-corruption-scheme\">\u003cstrong>Ex-Orange County Supervisor Andrew Do Ordered To Pay Thousands In Restitution \u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Former Orange County Supervisor Andrew Do was ordered Monday to pay $878,230.80\u003cb> \u003c/b>in restitution for his involvement in a bribery scheme that saw millions in taxpayer dollars diverted from feeding needy seniors, leading authorities to label him a “Robin Hood in reverse.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Federal prosecutors \u003ca class=\"Link\" href=\"https://laist.com/news/criminal-justice/questions-about-former-orange-county-supervisor-andrew-do-restitution-hearing\" data-cms-ai=\"0\">had asked the judge\u003c/a> to order Do to pay back the roughly $878,000 amount, while \u003ca class=\"Link\" href=\"https://laist.com/news/andrew-do-10-million\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\" data-cms-ai=\"0\">\u003cu>Orange County was seeking\u003c/u>\u003c/a> the return of millions more. Kevin Dunn, an attorney for Orange County, had asked the judge for the higher amount “to restore the full measure of the damage to the county.” The judge ultimately sided with prosecutors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Do did not attend Monday’s hearing. His attorney told the court Do was preparing to \u003ca class=\"Link\" href=\"https://laist.com/news/politics/andrew-do-sentencing-orange-county-supervisor\" data-cms-ai=\"0\">turn himself in\u003c/a> by Friday to begin serving a five-year federal prison term.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp style=\"text-align: left\">\u003cstrong>Here are today’s headlines:\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul style=\"text-align: left\">\n\u003cli>California has taken on a grand experiment when it comes to its CARE Courts–a judicial approach to getting people struggling with severe mental health issues into treatment programs. The law, \u003ca href=\"https://newsroom.courts.ca.gov/news/california-courts-implement-care-act-statewide\">which went into effect statewide last December\u003c/a>, empowers judges to mandate that a person with mounting mental health problems undergo treatment, whether the person consents or not. Orange County is taking a different approach, however–with something called “relentless outreach” in getting mental health treatment to those that need it the most.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Lawmakers in Sacramento have proposed \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/bills/ca_202520260sb576\">a bill\u003c/a> that would prohibit online video streaming services, like Netflix and Amazon, from making their advertisements louder than the programs their viewers have subscribed to watch–and it has bipartisan support.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/science/1997759/he-relentlessly-drove-30000-miles-asking-one-question-do-you-want-help\">\u003cstrong>“Relentless Outreach” is Key to Orange County’s CARE Court Strategy\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Giovanni Figueroa put 30,000 miles on his car last year, roaming the streets of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/orange-county\">Orange County,\u003c/a> trying to determine who might be one of his missing clients with schizophrenia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Figueroa is among the first to work for California’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12007175/care-court-was-supposed-to-help-those-hardest-to-treat-heres-how-its-going\">brand new CARE Courts\u003c/a>. While the 2022 law gives judges authority to force people into treatment, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11955211/californias-new-care-courts-prompt-orange-county-to-weigh-best-practices\">Orange County decided early on\u003c/a> that its program would be utterly voluntary, leaning on the tenets of relentless outreach to coax, rather than coerce, people into care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"text-align: left\">\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2025/07/california-streaming-service-ad-volume/\">New Bill Targets Streaming Ads That Ring Out Louder Than Shows\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"text-align: left\">Ever been streaming a show or a movie and been jolted out of your entertainment reverie by an ad so loud it felt like it rattled the windows?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"text-align: left\">If California’s lawmakers have their way, those blaring commercials on streaming platforms might soon have the volume turned down.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"text-align: left\">A\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/bills/ca_202520260sb576\"> bill sailing through the Legislature with bipartisan support\u003c/a> would prohibit online streaming services like Netflix and Hulu from cranking up the volume during commercials. The proposal would make the platforms comply with the same standards as a 15-year-old federal law that limits how loud traditional television and cable broadcasters can make their advertisements.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"text-align: left\">Every senator who was present that day voted for the bill when Umberg brought it to the Senate floor in late May.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"margin: 0px;padding: 0px\">Republicans won control of the U.S. House of Representatives on Wednesday after victories in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12012387/california-will-help-decide-control-of-congress-but-multiple-seats-too-close-to-call\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">closely contested California congressional districts\u003c/a> helped give the party the 218 seats needed for a majority and, with it, full control of government.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>GOP incumbent Rep. Ken Calvert won reelection in the Inland Empire a day after Republican Rep. David Valadao won another tight contest in his district around Bakersfield. The \u003cem>Associated Press\u003c/em> called the races as California election officials continue to count tens of thousands of ballots across the state’s competitive districts. Late Wednesday, a victory by Arizona Rep. Juan Ciscomani clinched the Republican House majority.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democrats had viewed California — and those competitive districts — as a key piece of their plan to retake the House majority. Although the party has gained ground within the state delegation, Democratic hopes for wider gains were dashed, leaving Republicans to control both chambers of Congress as President-elect Donald Trump takes office in January.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"text-align: left\">In the 41st District, which includes the Riverside County cities of Corona, Menifee and Palm Springs, Calvert defeated Democrat Will Rollins in a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12009362/riverside-rematch-will-help-decide-which-party-controls-the-house\">rematch of the 2022 election\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a hard-fought victory that shows voters want someone who will put results over partisan politics,” Calvert said in a statement. “Together, we’ll continue working to secure our border, bring down prices for working families and ensure law enforcement has all the tools they need to keep our communities safe.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republican gains across the Inland Empire may have boosted the 16-term incumbent. Trump visited the Coachella Valley in the closing weeks of the campaign and currently holds a narrow lead over Vice President Kamala Harris in Riverside County, which President Joe Biden won by 8 percentage points in 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the Central Valley, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12007594/democrats-are-hoping-to-flip-this-central-valley-house-seat-it-wont-be-easy\">Valadao defeated Rudy Salas\u003c/a> in a rematch from 2022 when Valadao narrowly bested the former Assemblymember. Valadao, a dairy farmer first elected to the House in 2012, appeared to expand his support from 2022.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The latest returns from the 22nd District show Valadao leading Salas 53% to 47%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Valadao will return to Washington as one of the two remaining House Republicans who voted to impeach Trump after the Jan. 6, 2021, attack on the U.S. Capitol.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I will continue reaching across the aisle to find solutions to increase the Valley’s water supply, make energy more affordable, ensure our law enforcement are well-funded to keep communities safe, create good-paying jobs, and improve our healthcare system,” he said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Further north in the 13th District, near Merced, Rep. John Duarte leads former Assemblymember Adam Gray 51% to 49%, in another rematch from last cycle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California Democrats’ biggest coup of the cycle undoubtedly came in Southern California, where \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12010811/balance-of-power-democrats-are-hoping-an-aerospace-executive-can-beat-a-republican-navy-combat-pilot\">George Whitesides\u003c/a> knocked off incumbent Republican Rep. Mike Garcia on Tuesday in the 27th District, north of Los Angeles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Garcia was first elected in 2020 in a suburban district that has trended left. Democrats were exasperated when Garcia won reelection in 2022 despite the removal of the conservative enclave of Simi Valley during the redistricting process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12014032 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/20161109_203307_qed-1020x765.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Whitesides, the former CEO of Virgin Galactic, gave more than $1 million to his campaign and ran on a moderate platform supporting tax cuts and more funding for police.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s the honor of a lifetime to be elected to serve our district in Congress and deliver for Santa Clarita, the Antelope Valley, and the San Fernando Valley,” Whitesides said in a statement. “In Congress, you can count on me to fight to create more good local jobs, lower everyday costs, build safe communities, protect Social Security and Medicare.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Elsewhere in Southern California, incumbent Republican \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12008573/asian-american-voters-are-key-in-this-orange-county-congressional-race\">Michelle Steel\u003c/a> is narrowly leading Democrat Derek Tran in the 45th District — although recently counted ballots from Orange and Los Angeles counties have significantly narrowed Steel’s advantage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In another Orange County election, Democrat Dave Min defeated Republican Scott Baugh in the 47th District. The incumbent Democrat, Katie Porter, made an unsuccessful run for the U.S. Senate, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12009870/dave-min-scott-baugh-vie-for-competitive-orange-county-house-seat\">leaving an open seat covering Irvine and Huntington Beach\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As the child of immigrants who survived the Korean War, I owe everything I have to this country,” Min said in a statement. “In Congress, I will carry on the fight to protect our democracy, safeguard our freedoms, and expand the economic opportunity at the heart of the American Dream.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the final competitive O.C. seat, Democratic Rep. Mike Levin won reelection against Republican Matt Gunderson in the 49th District, which also covers part of San Diego County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"margin: 0px;padding: 0px\">Republicans won control of the U.S. House of Representatives on Wednesday after victories in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12012387/california-will-help-decide-control-of-congress-but-multiple-seats-too-close-to-call\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">closely contested California congressional districts\u003c/a> helped give the party the 218 seats needed for a majority and, with it, full control of government.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>GOP incumbent Rep. Ken Calvert won reelection in the Inland Empire a day after Republican Rep. David Valadao won another tight contest in his district around Bakersfield. The \u003cem>Associated Press\u003c/em> called the races as California election officials continue to count tens of thousands of ballots across the state’s competitive districts. Late Wednesday, a victory by Arizona Rep. Juan Ciscomani clinched the Republican House majority.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democrats had viewed California — and those competitive districts — as a key piece of their plan to retake the House majority. Although the party has gained ground within the state delegation, Democratic hopes for wider gains were dashed, leaving Republicans to control both chambers of Congress as President-elect Donald Trump takes office in January.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"text-align: left\">In the 41st District, which includes the Riverside County cities of Corona, Menifee and Palm Springs, Calvert defeated Democrat Will Rollins in a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12009362/riverside-rematch-will-help-decide-which-party-controls-the-house\">rematch of the 2022 election\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a hard-fought victory that shows voters want someone who will put results over partisan politics,” Calvert said in a statement. “Together, we’ll continue working to secure our border, bring down prices for working families and ensure law enforcement has all the tools they need to keep our communities safe.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republican gains across the Inland Empire may have boosted the 16-term incumbent. Trump visited the Coachella Valley in the closing weeks of the campaign and currently holds a narrow lead over Vice President Kamala Harris in Riverside County, which President Joe Biden won by 8 percentage points in 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the Central Valley, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12007594/democrats-are-hoping-to-flip-this-central-valley-house-seat-it-wont-be-easy\">Valadao defeated Rudy Salas\u003c/a> in a rematch from 2022 when Valadao narrowly bested the former Assemblymember. Valadao, a dairy farmer first elected to the House in 2012, appeared to expand his support from 2022.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The latest returns from the 22nd District show Valadao leading Salas 53% to 47%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Valadao will return to Washington as one of the two remaining House Republicans who voted to impeach Trump after the Jan. 6, 2021, attack on the U.S. Capitol.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I will continue reaching across the aisle to find solutions to increase the Valley’s water supply, make energy more affordable, ensure our law enforcement are well-funded to keep communities safe, create good-paying jobs, and improve our healthcare system,” he said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Further north in the 13th District, near Merced, Rep. John Duarte leads former Assemblymember Adam Gray 51% to 49%, in another rematch from last cycle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California Democrats’ biggest coup of the cycle undoubtedly came in Southern California, where \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12010811/balance-of-power-democrats-are-hoping-an-aerospace-executive-can-beat-a-republican-navy-combat-pilot\">George Whitesides\u003c/a> knocked off incumbent Republican Rep. Mike Garcia on Tuesday in the 27th District, north of Los Angeles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Garcia was first elected in 2020 in a suburban district that has trended left. Democrats were exasperated when Garcia won reelection in 2022 despite the removal of the conservative enclave of Simi Valley during the redistricting process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Whitesides, the former CEO of Virgin Galactic, gave more than $1 million to his campaign and ran on a moderate platform supporting tax cuts and more funding for police.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s the honor of a lifetime to be elected to serve our district in Congress and deliver for Santa Clarita, the Antelope Valley, and the San Fernando Valley,” Whitesides said in a statement. “In Congress, you can count on me to fight to create more good local jobs, lower everyday costs, build safe communities, protect Social Security and Medicare.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Elsewhere in Southern California, incumbent Republican \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12008573/asian-american-voters-are-key-in-this-orange-county-congressional-race\">Michelle Steel\u003c/a> is narrowly leading Democrat Derek Tran in the 45th District — although recently counted ballots from Orange and Los Angeles counties have significantly narrowed Steel’s advantage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In another Orange County election, Democrat Dave Min defeated Republican Scott Baugh in the 47th District. The incumbent Democrat, Katie Porter, made an unsuccessful run for the U.S. Senate, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12009870/dave-min-scott-baugh-vie-for-competitive-orange-county-house-seat\">leaving an open seat covering Irvine and Huntington Beach\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As the child of immigrants who survived the Korean War, I owe everything I have to this country,” Min said in a statement. “In Congress, I will carry on the fight to protect our democracy, safeguard our freedoms, and expand the economic opportunity at the heart of the American Dream.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the final competitive O.C. seat, Democratic Rep. Mike Levin won reelection against Republican Matt Gunderson in the 49th District, which also covers part of San Diego County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "In Orange County, a Divided District Reflects a Divided Country",
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"content": "\u003cp>[dropcap]O[/dropcap]n a Sunday evening in early October, dozens of people mingled in a backyard overlooking a canyon in the posh Turtle Rock neighborhood of Irvine for a local Democratic club fundraiser.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Irvine is the largest city in the 47th Congressional District, one of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/10/23/nx-s1-5155122/which-party-controls-the-house-could-be-determined-by-deeply-blue-california\">House swing seats in California that could decide control of Congress in November\u003c/a>. But on this balmy evening, conversation over wine and hors d’oeuvres drifted to the topic of the district’s second-largest city, just up the 405: Huntington Beach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One local school board member told of a recent trip to a Huntington Beach pickleball court, where she was alarmed to find a vendor selling Make America Great Again hats. Democratic elected officials warned those gathered of the conservative policies gaining traction in Huntington Beach: flag bans, voter ID law and lawsuits over transgender identity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re lucky to live in Irvine, where we don’t have the craziness,” Dave Min, the Democrat \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12009870/dave-min-scott-baugh-vie-for-competitive-orange-county-house-seat\">running for Congress in the 47th District\u003c/a>, told the crowd.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While Democrats and Republicans are evenly registered in the 47th District, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12008793/how-the-diploma-divide-is-shaping-a-toss-up-house-race-in-orange-county\">a stark political divide exists between its two largest cities\u003c/a>. In the 2022 election, incumbent Democrat Katie Porter carried Irvine by a margin of 63% to 37% on her way to victory over Republican Scott Baugh, a former state legislator. But in Huntington Beach, Baugh won 55% to 45%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To win the district this year, Min and Baugh will need to find a way to bridge the gap — or increase their margins in the polarized communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"2024 California Voter Guide\" link1='https://www.kqed.org/voterguide,Learn everything you need to cast an informed ballot for the 2024 general election' hero=https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/80/2024/09/Aside-California-Voter-Guide-2024-General-Election-1200x1200-1.png]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Irvine, like Orange County as a whole, has moved leftward since the emergence of Donald Trump as the Republican Party’s standard bearer — reflecting suburban opposition to the former president and the GOP’s rightward move on issues like abortion. Huntington Beach appears to be moving in the opposite direction: the city is a hub for conservative activism and local voters have recently backed conservative councilmembers and ballot measures.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘This tale of two cities’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The split between the two cities could be explained by a gap in educational attainment, which Jon Gould, dean of the School of Social Ecology at the University of California, Irvine, called the most important demarcation in OC politics. Over 72% of Irvine residents hold college degrees, compared to around 44% in Huntington Beach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What we’re seeing happening here in Orange County is the real divide of left to right, Democrat to Republican, is college education versus non-college education,” said Gould, who heads the UC Irvine poll.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The so-called “diploma divide” has helped shift Orange County from a GOP stronghold to a political battleground.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It used to be that the college-educated would typically be more Republican,” Gould added. “What we’re seeing right now in the Trump era is the college-educated are much more strongly Democratic.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Polling conducted by Gould shows the education trend beginning to extend across racial and ethnic groups in a county where just 37% of residents are white. A UC Irvine poll of county voters in April found support for President Joe Biden’s reelection stood at 41% with both white and non-white voters without a college degree. Meanwhile, support for Biden among white and non-white voters with a diploma stood at 55% and 54%, respectively.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re seeing this diploma divide actually overtake, in many instances, race and ethnicity as driving behavior,” said Mike Madrid, a longtime California political consultant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This education gap, along with divergent trends in population growth and housing policy, has left Irvine and Huntington Beach at loggerheads: two communities embodying a larger divide in national politics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s why you’ve got this tale of two cities,” said Tammy Kim, an Irvine city council member.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>With growth, Irvine moves to the left\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Irvine’s story is one of rapid growth. A master-planned community built on the Irvine Company Ranch, the city wasn’t officially incorporated until 1971. Since 1990, the city’s population has nearly tripled as city leaders have approved ambitious developments to house new residents, including many arriving from Asia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are building the most, not in terms of just market priced homes, but we are actually the regional leader in affordable housing,” said Kim, a native of Korea who is running to be Irvine’s next mayor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As we are growing, we’re growing to be more diverse and more progressive,” Kim added. “We have the largest Persian community anywhere in Orange County. We have the largest Chinese, Taiwanese, Korean communities here in Irvine.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/homeless-housing/story/2024-08-16/the-nations-hottest-housing-market-irvine\">According to the \u003cem>Los Angeles Times\u003c/em>\u003c/a>, Irvine has added more residents than any other California city in the past three years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of those new arrivals is Ren Kondo, who moved from Austin this summer to a house just down the street from the Turtle Rock fundraiser.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I chose Irvine because I think Irvine is a very advanced and chill community for Asians,” said Kondo, who met the hosts of the Democratic gathering at his own housewarming party the week before.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to Kim, what unites Irvine’s diverse residents is their shared emphasis on education.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have very highly educated people that make their way to Irvine,” she added. “They choose to have their home in Irvine, and they come here because of the education system so their children can also have access to the best education system.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011656\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12011656 size-medium\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-1058414852-800x532.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"532\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-1058414852-800x532.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-1058414852-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-1058414852-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-1058414852-1536x1022.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-1058414852-1920x1278.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-1058414852.jpg 2000w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Students wait in line to cast their ballot at a polling station on the campus of the University of California, Irvine, on Nov. 6, 2018, in Irvine, California, on Election Day. (Robyn Beck/Getty Contributor)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>UC Irvine is the political heart of the congressional district for Democrats. Both Porter and Min were UC Irvine professors before launching campaigns for office. And Democratic success in the area can often hinge on whether candidates are able to drive a large enough turnout among student voters on campus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Irvine is this hot spot of youth voters who are really, really passionate about politics,” said Khushi Patel, activism director for the Orange County Young Democrats. “A lot of the voter percentage here is Democratic, so it’s really important that we’re making sure not only that everyone is registered to vote, but they’re educated on where to vote and also how to vote and all the issues.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republicans see Huntington Beach as their counterweight to Irvine in the 47th District.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our goal is to offset the votes that go against Scott Baugh in Irvine, that we make sure we win dramatically here in Huntington Beach to get him across the finish line,” said Tony Strickland, a Huntington Beach city councilmember.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A working-class beach community\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Before Huntington Beach was Surf City, it was Oil City.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A century ago, oil derricks lined the coastline and drew workers from petroleum states like Texas and Oklahoma.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city’s working-class roots are still visible, from the oil drilling platforms on the horizon to the city’s high school mascot: the Oilers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s definitely a working-class community,” Strickland said. “It’s different than any other beach community, especially here in Orange County. It’s not Newport Beach. It’s not overwhelmingly wealthy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_12009870,news_12008793\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Huntington Beach was once one of the fastest-growing cities in California. In the 1960s, it expanded from 11,492 to 115,962 residents after the city annexed surrounding farmland and greenlit housing projects in seaside wetlands.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mike Ali arrived in town in the late ’60s. He came with “a few thousand dollars and a ‘65 Impala and a young wife,” and for years has run a beachside concession stand.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When I moved to Huntington Beach, 95% of the population were middle-class working white people,” Ali said. “A lot of the people who came down here and bought houses in the ‘60s and the ‘70s are dying or selling their home, and [they] go somewhere else, and the kids take over.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While more recent population growth has brought racial diversity to cities like Irvine, white residents still make up a majority in Huntington Beach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As Huntington Beach’s population growth has leveled off, city leaders have vehemently resisted efforts to plan for new housing. That has resulted in a series of legal clashes with Gov. Gavin Newsom, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11943154/they-asked-for-this-california-sues-huntington-beach-for-flouting-laws-meant-to-ease-housing-crisis\">who has called the city “Exhibit A” among municipalities\u003c/a> failing to address housing affordability.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s almost like a small town where people know each other, they watch for each other, there’s Neighborhood Watch,” Strickland said. “And even though we have 200,000 people, it has a suburban coastal community and kind of a neighborhood feel, unlike Irvine, which is…a lot of high-rise, high-density apartment buildings.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A hub for conservative activism\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Decades ago, Huntington Beach developed a reputation for right-wing extremism. A 1993\u003cem> Los Angeles Times\u003c/em> \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/archives/la-xpm-1993-07-25-me-16750-story.html\">headline asked whether\u003c/a> it was the “Skinhead Capital of the County” and described the city as a gathering place for groups of white supremacists. Just last month, a man accused of leading a white supremacist group in the city pled guilty to a charge of inciting a riot during a political rally in the city in 2017.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many locals point to the pandemic as an inflection point for its role as a hub for conservative activism. The Huntington Beach waterfront and pier became a gathering spot for protests against beach and business closures and curfews that often doubled as rallies in support of Trump.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011663\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12011663 size-medium\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-1229732397-800x534.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"534\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-1229732397-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-1229732397-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-1229732397-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-1229732397-1536x1025.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-1229732397-1920x1281.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-1229732397.jpg 2000w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Huntington Beach, California, Saturday, Nov. 21, 2020. As COVID-19 cases reached record numbers in the U.S. and California, hundreds gathered at the pier and Pacific Coast Highway to protest a State-mandated curfew of 10 p.m. (Robert Gauthier/ Los Angeles Times via Getty Images)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“As opposed to, say, Newport Beach, where the Republicans there are what we would have previously called the ‘business Republicans’ or the ‘country club Republicans,’ there is a larger percentage of the Republicans in Huntington Beach who would be the Trump true believers who want to own the libs, who want to focus on particular social issues,” Gould said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cecilia Garcia joined the protests in Huntington Beach after losing her job as a cook during the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After four months of waiting for the restaurant to reopen, she gathered her savings and started something new: a Trump merchandise stand with homemade hats and T-shirts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her stand now is a fixture at local rallies and Republican meetings — where she sells shirts like “MAGA Fight Club,” “Felon and Hillbilly 2024,” and her favorite, which depicts the biblical angel Gabriel draped over Trump during this year’s assassination attempt in Butler, Pennsylvania.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My values are family, marriage between a woman and a man, having kids, no abortion,” she said. “And I believe in God, so [Trump] represents everything that I believe.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That spirit of MAGA activism has infused the Huntington Beach city council. In 2022, conservatives won a majority on the local board and made headlines for laws \u003ca href=\"https://laist.com/news/health/covid-mandate-ban\">banning local vaccine and mask requirements\u003c/a> — and more recently a \u003ca href=\"https://laist.com/news/education/huntington-beach-sues-the-state-over-parental-notification-ban\">“notification” ordinance requiring city staff to alert parents\u003c/a> about a child’s sexual orientation, gender identity or gender expression.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Competing for the 47th District\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Many local Democrats believe the rightward swing in Huntington Beach is more fleeting than the consolidation of liberal strength in Irvine. They point to the close divide on the Huntington Beach city council (split four to three in favor of conservatives) and the Republican turnout edge in the 2022 midterms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Strickland is confident the council majority has the backing of Surf City residents. After all, when proposals to restrict flags such as the Pride flag from city buildings and enact a local requirement for voter ID were put before voters in March, they both were approved.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When people said we were out of step with our city, we put it to the vote,” Strickland said. “And overwhelmingly, the flag ordinance passed, I believe, by 14%. And even after all the money and everything was spent on the other side, voter ID passed by, I think, a healthy 7%.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Madrid predicts the diploma divide between communities like Irvine and Huntington Beach will continue to push cultural issues to the forefront of political campaigns, intensifying fights over changing gender and identity norms that “Democrats, in large part because of a function of the college education, are more comfortable with.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2024 and beyond, Madrid said he is watching to see if these education dividing lines begin to chip away at the longstanding ethnic, partisan loyalties that have defined politics in the county.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This becomes the existential battle that you’re seeing in the 47th District or Orange County more broadly,” Madrid said. “And the country.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class=\"utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__dropcapShortcode__dropcap\">O\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>n a Sunday evening in early October, dozens of people mingled in a backyard overlooking a canyon in the posh Turtle Rock neighborhood of Irvine for a local Democratic club fundraiser.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Irvine is the largest city in the 47th Congressional District, one of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/10/23/nx-s1-5155122/which-party-controls-the-house-could-be-determined-by-deeply-blue-california\">House swing seats in California that could decide control of Congress in November\u003c/a>. But on this balmy evening, conversation over wine and hors d’oeuvres drifted to the topic of the district’s second-largest city, just up the 405: Huntington Beach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One local school board member told of a recent trip to a Huntington Beach pickleball court, where she was alarmed to find a vendor selling Make America Great Again hats. Democratic elected officials warned those gathered of the conservative policies gaining traction in Huntington Beach: flag bans, voter ID law and lawsuits over transgender identity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re lucky to live in Irvine, where we don’t have the craziness,” Dave Min, the Democrat \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12009870/dave-min-scott-baugh-vie-for-competitive-orange-county-house-seat\">running for Congress in the 47th District\u003c/a>, told the crowd.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While Democrats and Republicans are evenly registered in the 47th District, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12008793/how-the-diploma-divide-is-shaping-a-toss-up-house-race-in-orange-county\">a stark political divide exists between its two largest cities\u003c/a>. In the 2022 election, incumbent Democrat Katie Porter carried Irvine by a margin of 63% to 37% on her way to victory over Republican Scott Baugh, a former state legislator. But in Huntington Beach, Baugh won 55% to 45%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To win the district this year, Min and Baugh will need to find a way to bridge the gap — or increase their margins in the polarized communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Irvine, like Orange County as a whole, has moved leftward since the emergence of Donald Trump as the Republican Party’s standard bearer — reflecting suburban opposition to the former president and the GOP’s rightward move on issues like abortion. Huntington Beach appears to be moving in the opposite direction: the city is a hub for conservative activism and local voters have recently backed conservative councilmembers and ballot measures.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘This tale of two cities’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The split between the two cities could be explained by a gap in educational attainment, which Jon Gould, dean of the School of Social Ecology at the University of California, Irvine, called the most important demarcation in OC politics. Over 72% of Irvine residents hold college degrees, compared to around 44% in Huntington Beach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What we’re seeing happening here in Orange County is the real divide of left to right, Democrat to Republican, is college education versus non-college education,” said Gould, who heads the UC Irvine poll.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The so-called “diploma divide” has helped shift Orange County from a GOP stronghold to a political battleground.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It used to be that the college-educated would typically be more Republican,” Gould added. “What we’re seeing right now in the Trump era is the college-educated are much more strongly Democratic.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Polling conducted by Gould shows the education trend beginning to extend across racial and ethnic groups in a county where just 37% of residents are white. A UC Irvine poll of county voters in April found support for President Joe Biden’s reelection stood at 41% with both white and non-white voters without a college degree. Meanwhile, support for Biden among white and non-white voters with a diploma stood at 55% and 54%, respectively.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re seeing this diploma divide actually overtake, in many instances, race and ethnicity as driving behavior,” said Mike Madrid, a longtime California political consultant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This education gap, along with divergent trends in population growth and housing policy, has left Irvine and Huntington Beach at loggerheads: two communities embodying a larger divide in national politics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s why you’ve got this tale of two cities,” said Tammy Kim, an Irvine city council member.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>With growth, Irvine moves to the left\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Irvine’s story is one of rapid growth. A master-planned community built on the Irvine Company Ranch, the city wasn’t officially incorporated until 1971. Since 1990, the city’s population has nearly tripled as city leaders have approved ambitious developments to house new residents, including many arriving from Asia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are building the most, not in terms of just market priced homes, but we are actually the regional leader in affordable housing,” said Kim, a native of Korea who is running to be Irvine’s next mayor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As we are growing, we’re growing to be more diverse and more progressive,” Kim added. “We have the largest Persian community anywhere in Orange County. We have the largest Chinese, Taiwanese, Korean communities here in Irvine.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/homeless-housing/story/2024-08-16/the-nations-hottest-housing-market-irvine\">According to the \u003cem>Los Angeles Times\u003c/em>\u003c/a>, Irvine has added more residents than any other California city in the past three years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of those new arrivals is Ren Kondo, who moved from Austin this summer to a house just down the street from the Turtle Rock fundraiser.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I chose Irvine because I think Irvine is a very advanced and chill community for Asians,” said Kondo, who met the hosts of the Democratic gathering at his own housewarming party the week before.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to Kim, what unites Irvine’s diverse residents is their shared emphasis on education.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have very highly educated people that make their way to Irvine,” she added. “They choose to have their home in Irvine, and they come here because of the education system so their children can also have access to the best education system.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011656\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12011656 size-medium\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-1058414852-800x532.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"532\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-1058414852-800x532.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-1058414852-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-1058414852-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-1058414852-1536x1022.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-1058414852-1920x1278.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-1058414852.jpg 2000w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Students wait in line to cast their ballot at a polling station on the campus of the University of California, Irvine, on Nov. 6, 2018, in Irvine, California, on Election Day. (Robyn Beck/Getty Contributor)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>UC Irvine is the political heart of the congressional district for Democrats. Both Porter and Min were UC Irvine professors before launching campaigns for office. And Democratic success in the area can often hinge on whether candidates are able to drive a large enough turnout among student voters on campus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Irvine is this hot spot of youth voters who are really, really passionate about politics,” said Khushi Patel, activism director for the Orange County Young Democrats. “A lot of the voter percentage here is Democratic, so it’s really important that we’re making sure not only that everyone is registered to vote, but they’re educated on where to vote and also how to vote and all the issues.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republicans see Huntington Beach as their counterweight to Irvine in the 47th District.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our goal is to offset the votes that go against Scott Baugh in Irvine, that we make sure we win dramatically here in Huntington Beach to get him across the finish line,” said Tony Strickland, a Huntington Beach city councilmember.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A working-class beach community\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Before Huntington Beach was Surf City, it was Oil City.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A century ago, oil derricks lined the coastline and drew workers from petroleum states like Texas and Oklahoma.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city’s working-class roots are still visible, from the oil drilling platforms on the horizon to the city’s high school mascot: the Oilers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s definitely a working-class community,” Strickland said. “It’s different than any other beach community, especially here in Orange County. It’s not Newport Beach. It’s not overwhelmingly wealthy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Huntington Beach was once one of the fastest-growing cities in California. In the 1960s, it expanded from 11,492 to 115,962 residents after the city annexed surrounding farmland and greenlit housing projects in seaside wetlands.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mike Ali arrived in town in the late ’60s. He came with “a few thousand dollars and a ‘65 Impala and a young wife,” and for years has run a beachside concession stand.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When I moved to Huntington Beach, 95% of the population were middle-class working white people,” Ali said. “A lot of the people who came down here and bought houses in the ‘60s and the ‘70s are dying or selling their home, and [they] go somewhere else, and the kids take over.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While more recent population growth has brought racial diversity to cities like Irvine, white residents still make up a majority in Huntington Beach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As Huntington Beach’s population growth has leveled off, city leaders have vehemently resisted efforts to plan for new housing. That has resulted in a series of legal clashes with Gov. Gavin Newsom, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11943154/they-asked-for-this-california-sues-huntington-beach-for-flouting-laws-meant-to-ease-housing-crisis\">who has called the city “Exhibit A” among municipalities\u003c/a> failing to address housing affordability.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s almost like a small town where people know each other, they watch for each other, there’s Neighborhood Watch,” Strickland said. “And even though we have 200,000 people, it has a suburban coastal community and kind of a neighborhood feel, unlike Irvine, which is…a lot of high-rise, high-density apartment buildings.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A hub for conservative activism\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Decades ago, Huntington Beach developed a reputation for right-wing extremism. A 1993\u003cem> Los Angeles Times\u003c/em> \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/archives/la-xpm-1993-07-25-me-16750-story.html\">headline asked whether\u003c/a> it was the “Skinhead Capital of the County” and described the city as a gathering place for groups of white supremacists. Just last month, a man accused of leading a white supremacist group in the city pled guilty to a charge of inciting a riot during a political rally in the city in 2017.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many locals point to the pandemic as an inflection point for its role as a hub for conservative activism. The Huntington Beach waterfront and pier became a gathering spot for protests against beach and business closures and curfews that often doubled as rallies in support of Trump.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011663\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12011663 size-medium\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-1229732397-800x534.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"534\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-1229732397-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-1229732397-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-1229732397-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-1229732397-1536x1025.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-1229732397-1920x1281.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-1229732397.jpg 2000w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Huntington Beach, California, Saturday, Nov. 21, 2020. As COVID-19 cases reached record numbers in the U.S. and California, hundreds gathered at the pier and Pacific Coast Highway to protest a State-mandated curfew of 10 p.m. (Robert Gauthier/ Los Angeles Times via Getty Images)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“As opposed to, say, Newport Beach, where the Republicans there are what we would have previously called the ‘business Republicans’ or the ‘country club Republicans,’ there is a larger percentage of the Republicans in Huntington Beach who would be the Trump true believers who want to own the libs, who want to focus on particular social issues,” Gould said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cecilia Garcia joined the protests in Huntington Beach after losing her job as a cook during the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After four months of waiting for the restaurant to reopen, she gathered her savings and started something new: a Trump merchandise stand with homemade hats and T-shirts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her stand now is a fixture at local rallies and Republican meetings — where she sells shirts like “MAGA Fight Club,” “Felon and Hillbilly 2024,” and her favorite, which depicts the biblical angel Gabriel draped over Trump during this year’s assassination attempt in Butler, Pennsylvania.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My values are family, marriage between a woman and a man, having kids, no abortion,” she said. “And I believe in God, so [Trump] represents everything that I believe.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That spirit of MAGA activism has infused the Huntington Beach city council. In 2022, conservatives won a majority on the local board and made headlines for laws \u003ca href=\"https://laist.com/news/health/covid-mandate-ban\">banning local vaccine and mask requirements\u003c/a> — and more recently a \u003ca href=\"https://laist.com/news/education/huntington-beach-sues-the-state-over-parental-notification-ban\">“notification” ordinance requiring city staff to alert parents\u003c/a> about a child’s sexual orientation, gender identity or gender expression.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Competing for the 47th District\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Many local Democrats believe the rightward swing in Huntington Beach is more fleeting than the consolidation of liberal strength in Irvine. They point to the close divide on the Huntington Beach city council (split four to three in favor of conservatives) and the Republican turnout edge in the 2022 midterms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Strickland is confident the council majority has the backing of Surf City residents. After all, when proposals to restrict flags such as the Pride flag from city buildings and enact a local requirement for voter ID were put before voters in March, they both were approved.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When people said we were out of step with our city, we put it to the vote,” Strickland said. “And overwhelmingly, the flag ordinance passed, I believe, by 14%. And even after all the money and everything was spent on the other side, voter ID passed by, I think, a healthy 7%.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Madrid predicts the diploma divide between communities like Irvine and Huntington Beach will continue to push cultural issues to the forefront of political campaigns, intensifying fights over changing gender and identity norms that “Democrats, in large part because of a function of the college education, are more comfortable with.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2024 and beyond, Madrid said he is watching to see if these education dividing lines begin to chip away at the longstanding ethnic, partisan loyalties that have defined politics in the county.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This becomes the existential battle that you’re seeing in the 47th District or Orange County more broadly,” Madrid said. “And the country.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "californias-new-care-courts-prompt-orange-county-to-weigh-best-practices",
"title": "California's New CARE Courts Prompt Orange County to Weigh Best Practices",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cstrong>\u003cem>Editor’s note:\u003c/em>\u003c/strong>\u003cem> This story is part of an occasional series examining the rollout of CARE Courts across the state. \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11952228/san-francisco-to-implement-newsoms-care-court-plan-to-treat-severe-mental-illness\">\u003cem>Read or listen to KQED’s reporting on San Francisco County here.\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Heidi Sweeney first began hallucinating, the voices in her head told her Orange County’s Huntington Beach was where she would be safe. There, behind the bikini-clad crowds playing volleyball and riding beach cruisers, she slept in homeless encampments, then beside a bush outside a liquor store, drinking vodka to drown out the din only she could hear.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For years, she refused help, insisting to all who offered, “I’m not sick,” until police arrested her for petty theft and public drunkenness. A judge gave her an ultimatum: jail, or treatment. She chose treatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m so thankful that they did that,” said Sweeney, now 52. “I needed that. I think there’s others out there that need it, too.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If she hadn’t been compelled to get care, Sweeney said she wouldn’t be alive today, back at work and reunited with her husband. It’s why she supports California’s new civil CARE Courts, which will launch this fall in eight counties, including \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11952228/san-francisco-to-implement-newsoms-care-court-plan-to-treat-severe-mental-illness\">San Francisco\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kcrw.com/news/shows/greater-la/psych-treatment/care-court\">Los Angeles\u003c/a> and Orange, followed by the rest of the state in 2024.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under the new system, family members and first responders can ask county judges to order people with psychotic illness into treatment, even if they are not unhoused or haven’t committed a crime.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill creating the program sailed through the state Legislature with near unanimous support last year amid growing frustration from voters over the state’s increasing population of unhoused residents, even as it drew vehement opposition from disability rights groups, who argued CARE Courts’ hallmark — compelling people who have done nothing wrong into mental health care — is a violation of civil rights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Maria Hernandez, presiding judge, Orange County Superior Court\"]‘We don’t want to punish people. We want them to maintain their dignity.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Orange County, that tension — between those who advocate for voluntary treatment and those who say the status quo allows people to die in the streets “\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11944448/a-war-of-compassion-debate-over-forced-treatment-of-mental-illness-splits-california-liberals\">with their rights on\u003c/a>” — is playing out in the implementation of the program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Its officials are threading a delicate needle: particularly, how to convince people to accept care without coercion, when their illness causes them to believe they are not ill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We don’t want to punish people,” said Maria Hernandez, the presiding judge for Orange County Superior Court. “We want them to maintain their dignity.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11955163\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11955163 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230707-ORANGE-COUNTY-CARE-COURT-AD-05-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A light-skinned middle-aged woman with long brown hair and wearing black judge's robes smiles at the camera from behind a desk.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230707-ORANGE-COUNTY-CARE-COURT-AD-05-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230707-ORANGE-COUNTY-CARE-COURT-AD-05-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230707-ORANGE-COUNTY-CARE-COURT-AD-05-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230707-ORANGE-COUNTY-CARE-COURT-AD-05-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230707-ORANGE-COUNTY-CARE-COURT-AD-05-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230707-ORANGE-COUNTY-CARE-COURT-AD-05-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Orange County Superior Court Presiding Judge Maria Hernandez says CARE Court will resemble the county’s other collaborative courts, like her young adult diversion court, where compassion and science drive her decisions. \u003ccite>(April Dembosky/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Orange County is expecting that between 900 and 1,500 residents will be eligible for CARE Court in any given year, according to the county public defender’s office. Local lawyers, judges and health officials all have aligned in designing their program with a distinct patient focus, endeavoring to make the process as benign and nonthreatening as possible.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label='More Stories on CARE Court' tag='care-court']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hernandez said that means modeling the new civil court after the county’s other collaborative courts, where judges often lose the black robe and come down off the bench to work \u003cem>with \u003c/em>people, eye to eye.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One prototype, she said, is her \u003ca href=\"https://www.occourts.org/directory/collaborative-courts/YAC_Pamphlet.pdf\">Young Adult Court (PDF)\u003c/a>, where, on a day in June, the mood was downright jovial. Defendants and their family members were chatting and laughing, munching on snacks laid out on a table in the back as three young men “graduated” from the diversion program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Judge Hernandez is so awesome,” said Abraham, 25, a former graduate, who asked to be identified only by his first name because he was charged with a felony that has since been expunged from his record. “I don’t even look at her as the judge. She’s just like a mom figure. She’s only trying to push you to be the better you.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A minute later, Hernandez walked through the aisle of the courtroom and gave Abraham a hug.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘Disaster preparedness’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Even if CARE Court is ruled by the likes of Mary Poppins, Orlando Vera, who lives with bipolar disorder, said helping a vulnerable person heal from mental illness shouldn’t involve dragging them into a courtroom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11955161\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11955161 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230707-ORANGE-COUNTY-CARE-COURT-AD-03-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A very fair-skinned bald man wearing glasses sits in an office setting, smiling and wearing a short-sleeved blue collared polo shirt.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230707-ORANGE-COUNTY-CARE-COURT-AD-03-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230707-ORANGE-COUNTY-CARE-COURT-AD-03-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230707-ORANGE-COUNTY-CARE-COURT-AD-03-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230707-ORANGE-COUNTY-CARE-COURT-AD-03-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230707-ORANGE-COUNTY-CARE-COURT-AD-03-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230707-ORANGE-COUNTY-CARE-COURT-AD-03-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Orlando Vera, co-founder of Peer Voices of Orange County, says he and other people with lived experience of mental illness will attend CARE Court proceedings on behalf of patients. \u003ccite>(April Dembosky/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“It’s not a place [where] you resolve your emotions. It is a very business-oriented environment. So I do feel that this is not the place for it,” Vera said, adding, “Can we stop it? I would say we can’t.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Orlando Vera, founder, Peer Voices of Orange County\"]‘Our focus is how do we support those that are going through the system. We need to be their voice.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After advocates \u003ca href=\"https://www.sacbee.com/news/politics-government/capitol-alert/article274547296.html\">failed to convince the state Supreme Court\u003c/a> to block the program on constitutional grounds, some started referring to the rollout of CARE Court as “disaster preparedness.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://peervoices.org/\">Peer Voices of Orange County\u003c/a>, a group Vera co-founded and runs, plans to install patient advocates at the courthouse to attend any and all CARE Court hearings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our focus is how do we support those that are going through the system,” he said. “We need to be their voice.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘CARE’ without coercion\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Orange County behavioral health director Veronica Kelley is sympathetic to advocates’ concerns. She said CARE Court is not the program she would have created to improve the state’s mental health system. But she serves at the will of the governor and other elected officials who control her budget.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So we end up building the Winchester Mystery House,” she said. “It is a structure that was OK, but then it just started adding hallways to nowhere and basements that are on top of the building. That’s what our system looks like.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11955162\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11955162 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230707-ORANGE-COUNTY-CARE-COURT-AD-04-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A white woman with long blond hair and long earrings sits in front of a bookshelf filled with books. She is unsmiling.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230707-ORANGE-COUNTY-CARE-COURT-AD-04-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230707-ORANGE-COUNTY-CARE-COURT-AD-04-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230707-ORANGE-COUNTY-CARE-COURT-AD-04-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230707-ORANGE-COUNTY-CARE-COURT-AD-04-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230707-ORANGE-COUNTY-CARE-COURT-AD-04-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230707-ORANGE-COUNTY-CARE-COURT-AD-04-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Veronica Kelley, behavioral health director for Orange County, will oversee mental health outreach and care provided through the local CARE Court, launching Oct. 1. \u003ccite>(April Dembosky/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But Kelley is committed to making sure CARE Court is not a hallway to nowhere.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is a hallway that I’m going to, at the end, construct a door that opens out to a bunch of different options,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kelley is shaping the new court process into something its critics can accept. This is why she wanted Orange County to go first.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So we can help craft it into something that’s not another colossal waste of time and funds, and that we don’t destroy the people we’re trying to serve at the same time,” she told a roomful of patient advocates during a meeting of the state \u003ca href=\"https://www.dhcs.ca.gov/services/MH/Pages/PatientsRights.aspx#:~:text=California%20Office%20of%20Patients'%20Rights,training%20and%20technical%20assistance%20to\">Patient Rights’ Committee\u003c/a>, held in Santa Ana.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This means social workers from her \u003ca href=\"https://www.ochealthinfo.com/services-programs/mental-health-crisis-recovery/mental-health\">behavioral health department\u003c/a> or the \u003ca href=\"https://www.pubdef.ocgov.com/\">public defender’s office\u003c/a> might visit people 20, 30 or 40 times to build trust, listen and set goals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Veronica Kelley, behavioral health director, Orange County\"]‘If someone agrees to do something of their own accord, it is far more probable that there will be long-term success and long-term commitment to the services being provided.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If they can’t be convinced, CARE Court isn’t for them. But we’re not going to give up on folks because they say no the first time,” said Martin Schwarz, Orange County’s public defender, who plans to devote eight full-time staff to represent the interests of patients referred into the program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under the CARE legislation, the court is allowed to fine behavioral health agencies $1,000 per day if they can’t find a patient and enroll them in treatment by certain deadlines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kelley said her county’s judges have agreed to give her staff the time and extensions they need to do their jobs right. She also vowed that no one who declines services in her county would be institutionalized, as the legislation allows.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If someone agrees to do something of their own accord, it is far more probable that there will be long-term success and long-term commitment to the services being provided,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kelley and Schwarz pointed to their success with another civil court process established by Laura’s Law in 2002, where for each individual involved in court-ordered outpatient care, there were another 20 who accepted treatment willingly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They say they have the same goal for CARE Court, where the focus will be on finding a treatment plan people accept voluntarily — before a judge has to order it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Success is measured by who we keep out of the court system,” Schwarz said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cstrong>\u003cem>Editor’s note:\u003c/em>\u003c/strong>\u003cem> This story is part of an occasional series examining the rollout of CARE Courts across the state. \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11952228/san-francisco-to-implement-newsoms-care-court-plan-to-treat-severe-mental-illness\">\u003cem>Read or listen to KQED’s reporting on San Francisco County here.\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Heidi Sweeney first began hallucinating, the voices in her head told her Orange County’s Huntington Beach was where she would be safe. There, behind the bikini-clad crowds playing volleyball and riding beach cruisers, she slept in homeless encampments, then beside a bush outside a liquor store, drinking vodka to drown out the din only she could hear.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For years, she refused help, insisting to all who offered, “I’m not sick,” until police arrested her for petty theft and public drunkenness. A judge gave her an ultimatum: jail, or treatment. She chose treatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m so thankful that they did that,” said Sweeney, now 52. “I needed that. I think there’s others out there that need it, too.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If she hadn’t been compelled to get care, Sweeney said she wouldn’t be alive today, back at work and reunited with her husband. It’s why she supports California’s new civil CARE Courts, which will launch this fall in eight counties, including \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11952228/san-francisco-to-implement-newsoms-care-court-plan-to-treat-severe-mental-illness\">San Francisco\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kcrw.com/news/shows/greater-la/psych-treatment/care-court\">Los Angeles\u003c/a> and Orange, followed by the rest of the state in 2024.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under the new system, family members and first responders can ask county judges to order people with psychotic illness into treatment, even if they are not unhoused or haven’t committed a crime.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill creating the program sailed through the state Legislature with near unanimous support last year amid growing frustration from voters over the state’s increasing population of unhoused residents, even as it drew vehement opposition from disability rights groups, who argued CARE Courts’ hallmark — compelling people who have done nothing wrong into mental health care — is a violation of civil rights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘We don’t want to punish people. We want them to maintain their dignity.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Orange County, that tension — between those who advocate for voluntary treatment and those who say the status quo allows people to die in the streets “\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11944448/a-war-of-compassion-debate-over-forced-treatment-of-mental-illness-splits-california-liberals\">with their rights on\u003c/a>” — is playing out in the implementation of the program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Its officials are threading a delicate needle: particularly, how to convince people to accept care without coercion, when their illness causes them to believe they are not ill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We don’t want to punish people,” said Maria Hernandez, the presiding judge for Orange County Superior Court. “We want them to maintain their dignity.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11955163\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11955163 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230707-ORANGE-COUNTY-CARE-COURT-AD-05-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A light-skinned middle-aged woman with long brown hair and wearing black judge's robes smiles at the camera from behind a desk.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230707-ORANGE-COUNTY-CARE-COURT-AD-05-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230707-ORANGE-COUNTY-CARE-COURT-AD-05-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230707-ORANGE-COUNTY-CARE-COURT-AD-05-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230707-ORANGE-COUNTY-CARE-COURT-AD-05-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230707-ORANGE-COUNTY-CARE-COURT-AD-05-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230707-ORANGE-COUNTY-CARE-COURT-AD-05-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Orange County Superior Court Presiding Judge Maria Hernandez says CARE Court will resemble the county’s other collaborative courts, like her young adult diversion court, where compassion and science drive her decisions. \u003ccite>(April Dembosky/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Orange County is expecting that between 900 and 1,500 residents will be eligible for CARE Court in any given year, according to the county public defender’s office. Local lawyers, judges and health officials all have aligned in designing their program with a distinct patient focus, endeavoring to make the process as benign and nonthreatening as possible.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hernandez said that means modeling the new civil court after the county’s other collaborative courts, where judges often lose the black robe and come down off the bench to work \u003cem>with \u003c/em>people, eye to eye.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One prototype, she said, is her \u003ca href=\"https://www.occourts.org/directory/collaborative-courts/YAC_Pamphlet.pdf\">Young Adult Court (PDF)\u003c/a>, where, on a day in June, the mood was downright jovial. Defendants and their family members were chatting and laughing, munching on snacks laid out on a table in the back as three young men “graduated” from the diversion program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Judge Hernandez is so awesome,” said Abraham, 25, a former graduate, who asked to be identified only by his first name because he was charged with a felony that has since been expunged from his record. “I don’t even look at her as the judge. She’s just like a mom figure. She’s only trying to push you to be the better you.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A minute later, Hernandez walked through the aisle of the courtroom and gave Abraham a hug.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘Disaster preparedness’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Even if CARE Court is ruled by the likes of Mary Poppins, Orlando Vera, who lives with bipolar disorder, said helping a vulnerable person heal from mental illness shouldn’t involve dragging them into a courtroom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11955161\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11955161 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230707-ORANGE-COUNTY-CARE-COURT-AD-03-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A very fair-skinned bald man wearing glasses sits in an office setting, smiling and wearing a short-sleeved blue collared polo shirt.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230707-ORANGE-COUNTY-CARE-COURT-AD-03-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230707-ORANGE-COUNTY-CARE-COURT-AD-03-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230707-ORANGE-COUNTY-CARE-COURT-AD-03-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230707-ORANGE-COUNTY-CARE-COURT-AD-03-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230707-ORANGE-COUNTY-CARE-COURT-AD-03-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230707-ORANGE-COUNTY-CARE-COURT-AD-03-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Orlando Vera, co-founder of Peer Voices of Orange County, says he and other people with lived experience of mental illness will attend CARE Court proceedings on behalf of patients. \u003ccite>(April Dembosky/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“It’s not a place [where] you resolve your emotions. It is a very business-oriented environment. So I do feel that this is not the place for it,” Vera said, adding, “Can we stop it? I would say we can’t.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After advocates \u003ca href=\"https://www.sacbee.com/news/politics-government/capitol-alert/article274547296.html\">failed to convince the state Supreme Court\u003c/a> to block the program on constitutional grounds, some started referring to the rollout of CARE Court as “disaster preparedness.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://peervoices.org/\">Peer Voices of Orange County\u003c/a>, a group Vera co-founded and runs, plans to install patient advocates at the courthouse to attend any and all CARE Court hearings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our focus is how do we support those that are going through the system,” he said. “We need to be their voice.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘CARE’ without coercion\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Orange County behavioral health director Veronica Kelley is sympathetic to advocates’ concerns. She said CARE Court is not the program she would have created to improve the state’s mental health system. But she serves at the will of the governor and other elected officials who control her budget.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So we end up building the Winchester Mystery House,” she said. “It is a structure that was OK, but then it just started adding hallways to nowhere and basements that are on top of the building. That’s what our system looks like.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11955162\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11955162 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230707-ORANGE-COUNTY-CARE-COURT-AD-04-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A white woman with long blond hair and long earrings sits in front of a bookshelf filled with books. She is unsmiling.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230707-ORANGE-COUNTY-CARE-COURT-AD-04-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230707-ORANGE-COUNTY-CARE-COURT-AD-04-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230707-ORANGE-COUNTY-CARE-COURT-AD-04-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230707-ORANGE-COUNTY-CARE-COURT-AD-04-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230707-ORANGE-COUNTY-CARE-COURT-AD-04-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230707-ORANGE-COUNTY-CARE-COURT-AD-04-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Veronica Kelley, behavioral health director for Orange County, will oversee mental health outreach and care provided through the local CARE Court, launching Oct. 1. \u003ccite>(April Dembosky/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But Kelley is committed to making sure CARE Court is not a hallway to nowhere.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is a hallway that I’m going to, at the end, construct a door that opens out to a bunch of different options,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kelley is shaping the new court process into something its critics can accept. This is why she wanted Orange County to go first.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So we can help craft it into something that’s not another colossal waste of time and funds, and that we don’t destroy the people we’re trying to serve at the same time,” she told a roomful of patient advocates during a meeting of the state \u003ca href=\"https://www.dhcs.ca.gov/services/MH/Pages/PatientsRights.aspx#:~:text=California%20Office%20of%20Patients'%20Rights,training%20and%20technical%20assistance%20to\">Patient Rights’ Committee\u003c/a>, held in Santa Ana.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This means social workers from her \u003ca href=\"https://www.ochealthinfo.com/services-programs/mental-health-crisis-recovery/mental-health\">behavioral health department\u003c/a> or the \u003ca href=\"https://www.pubdef.ocgov.com/\">public defender’s office\u003c/a> might visit people 20, 30 or 40 times to build trust, listen and set goals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘If someone agrees to do something of their own accord, it is far more probable that there will be long-term success and long-term commitment to the services being provided.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If they can’t be convinced, CARE Court isn’t for them. But we’re not going to give up on folks because they say no the first time,” said Martin Schwarz, Orange County’s public defender, who plans to devote eight full-time staff to represent the interests of patients referred into the program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under the CARE legislation, the court is allowed to fine behavioral health agencies $1,000 per day if they can’t find a patient and enroll them in treatment by certain deadlines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kelley said her county’s judges have agreed to give her staff the time and extensions they need to do their jobs right. She also vowed that no one who declines services in her county would be institutionalized, as the legislation allows.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If someone agrees to do something of their own accord, it is far more probable that there will be long-term success and long-term commitment to the services being provided,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kelley and Schwarz pointed to their success with another civil court process established by Laura’s Law in 2002, where for each individual involved in court-ordered outpatient care, there were another 20 who accepted treatment willingly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They say they have the same goal for CARE Court, where the focus will be on finding a treatment plan people accept voluntarily — before a judge has to order it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Success is measured by who we keep out of the court system,” Schwarz said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "kqed-asked-about-your-experiences-growing-up-mixed-race-heres-what-you-told-us",
"title": "KQED Asked About Your Experiences Growing Up Mixed Race. Here's What You Told Us",
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"headTitle": "KQED Asked About Your Experiences Growing Up Mixed Race. Here’s What You Told Us | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>For the past eight weeks, the California Report Magazine has \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/mixedrace\">featured the voices of a diverse array of mixed-race Californians\u003c/a>. Musicians, teachers, activists, parents and teenagers described the joy of belonging to multiple ethnic groups and their ability to bridge divides because of their identities. But, they also shared feelings of loneliness and isolation, of not “being enough.” Now, we hear from members of KQED’s audience about their experiences, focusing on the question: “What’s something only fellow mixed folks understand about growing up mixed?”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Katie Andresen, San Francisco\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>I tend to start my story of being multiracial with my hair. Growing up, it was the thing that defined me. In contrast to my classmates, who possessed a mostly straight assortment of blonds, browns and black, my hair sprung from the base of my head outwards and had a mind of its own. It was difficult to manage and never really sat the same way (many tears were shed as my mother combed my hair), despite the exact same methodology of styling. Multiple friends told me that they could pick me out from across the playground by recognizing my halo of curls that stood out in the sea of straight hair. Still, as I would learn later, my hair was considered the “good” type of hair — not overly kinky or coily.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11947741\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11947741\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/TCRMAGKatieAndresen.jpg\" alt=\"A woman smiles from a gray sofa. She has long, curly brown hair and a friendly face. She wears a gold necklace and a black, sleeveless dress. A happy, green house plant is positioned behind her and the light shines brightly on her face.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"2400\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/TCRMAGKatieAndresen.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/TCRMAGKatieAndresen-800x1000.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/TCRMAGKatieAndresen-1020x1275.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/TCRMAGKatieAndresen-160x200.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/TCRMAGKatieAndresen-1229x1536.jpg 1229w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/TCRMAGKatieAndresen-1638x2048.jpg 1638w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Katie Andresen is the host of the podcast Mixed Kid Chronicles. \u003ccite>(Courtesy Israel Alemu)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>It would take many years later to realize that my combination of curly hair and light skin was confounding to many. I learned how to navigate the question of “What are you?” as a lesson in geography. Most people in California hadn’t heard of the small island country my mom was from called Cabo Verde. My dad, a white Californian, had a less exciting origin story, but was still an important factor for people getting an answer to their initial question. Years later, I would realize that question wasn’t about me. It was a reflection of how race in the U.S. is constructed as a binary — you are this or that. There is no in between.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I was too white for the Black folks and too Black for the white folks. Or rather — it took too much explanation to both groups with whom I was supposed to be part of that I did, indeed, belong. It didn’t help that I routinely got mistaken as Latina. A series of conversations with both multiracial friends and strangers got me thinking; we all had similar salient experiences.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11947742\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1152px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11947742\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/TCRMAGKatieAndresen02.jpg\" alt=\"A family portrait of a father, mother and their two children: a son and a daughter, posing in front of a body of water. The photo looks old with a tan patina to it.\" width=\"1152\" height=\"1152\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/TCRMAGKatieAndresen02.jpg 1152w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/TCRMAGKatieAndresen02-800x800.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/TCRMAGKatieAndresen02-1020x1020.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/TCRMAGKatieAndresen02-160x160.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1152px) 100vw, 1152px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Katie Andresen (far right) with her parents and brother. \u003ccite>(Courtesy Katie Andresen)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>We all had answered the question “What are you?” a million times. We all had people approach us, speaking another language because they assumed we had a different racial affiliation. Outside of these one-on-one conversations, I didn’t see a place for a wider discussion of these topics. I also didn’t see a place to have an honest conversation about how structures of race and racism shaped these perceptions. I started \u003ca href=\"https://www.mixedkidchronicles.com/\">Mixed Kid Chronicles\u003c/a> to create that space for conversation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Katie Andresen, San Francisco\"]‘I don’t want to be put in a box. I am multiracial. I am Black. I am a woman. I am from California. I am proud to be a product of the people and communities that have raised me.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Through this dialogue, I’ve learned that white people are generally very uncomfortable discussing race, while people of color can’t escape it. I’ve learned in discussing race, you have to be comfortable making mistakes and learning from those mistakes. I’ve learned that race is different depending on which country you’re in. I’ve learned my power in bridging gaps because of my dual heritage. I also know I’ll never experience racism like my darker-skinned family members and individuals. Most of all, I’ve learned that no one’s experience is quite the same, and despite points of salience, we should allow room for those points of divergence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ultimately, I enjoy unpacking the messy, complex world of race. It is a construct built by structures of power to enforce a certain world order. Questioning it, stretching it and testing it is the only way to find yourself in this world. I don’t want to be put in a box. I am multiracial. I am Black. I am a woman. I am from California. I am proud to be a product of the people and communities that have raised me.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Andrew Jabara, Tustin\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>I’m Chinese and Lebanese, born and raised in Orange County, California. I’m fond of saying that “my Chinese side is my American side” because we’ve been in California since the 1800s, making me a fifth-generation Chinese American (Mom, Grandpa and Great-Grandma were all born in California). My Lebanese side is my “immigrant” side — Baba moved from Beirut to California to finish med school and seek opportunity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11947739\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11947739\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/TCRMAGAndrewJabara01.jpg\" alt=\"A cute baby is seen sitting barefoot on a white, leather sofa. He wears black and gold, traditional Lebanese garb.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"2560\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/TCRMAGAndrewJabara01.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/TCRMAGAndrewJabara01-800x1067.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/TCRMAGAndrewJabara01-1020x1360.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/TCRMAGAndrewJabara01-160x213.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/TCRMAGAndrewJabara01-1152x1536.jpg 1152w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/TCRMAGAndrewJabara01-1536x2048.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Andrew Jabara as a baby in traditional Lebanese garb in 1997. \u003ccite>(Courtesy Andrew Jabara)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Beside my younger brother, I didn’t know anyone quite like me growing up. Sure, I knew other Chinese American kids, but their parents emigrated from China in the 1990s, not the 1890s. Arab American identity at the turn of the 21st century meant defending pride in my heritage against a barrage of slurs and threats. English was my first language; I never learned Cantonese, and I barely knew any Levantine Arabic. At home, we made a variety of American staple dishes, but also folded pot stickers and wontons, cooked coosa rice and tabbouleh, turned leftover Thanksgiving turkey bones into jook, or packed a pita and lebni sandwich for lunch. We celebrated Chinese New Year and played Lebanese egg games on Easter. From a young age, even if I didn’t have the words to express it, my background made me aware of the wealth of cultures beyond homogeneous suburbia, how they were interwoven within me, and how they could intersect in the world at large.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Sonia Dholakia, Atherton\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>I’m Indian on my dad’s side and white on my mom’s. I remember going to Benihana’s with my mom when I was in elementary school and starting a conversation with the woman sitting adjacent to us. She turned to my mom and asked, “And your husband is … ,” trailing off and waiting for her to complete the sentence. In that moment, I realized that being mixed was not the norm.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11947743\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11947743\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/TCRMAGSoniaDholakia01.jpg\" alt=\"A smiling family of five sit on an outdoor planter with chubby, green bushes behind them. From left to right: A bald dad with glasses sits next to his daughter with long, brown hair and jeans. She, sits next to her brother who smiles holding a happy tan dog with floppy ears. He is seated next to his mother with blond hair and a gray, scoop-neck blouse.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/TCRMAGSoniaDholakia01.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/TCRMAGSoniaDholakia01-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/TCRMAGSoniaDholakia01-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/TCRMAGSoniaDholakia01-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/TCRMAGSoniaDholakia01-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Sonia Dholakia (center left) is a student at Menlo School in Atherton. \u003ccite>(Courtesy Sonia Dholakia)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Since then, being mixed has become a crucial part of my identity. I’ve been able to celebrate two very different cultures, enjoying both Diwali and Christmas traditions, but I also faced rejection from both sides of my identity. I often feel too white for my Indian friends, but too Indian for my white friends. I used to feel like I didn’t belong anywhere, like I was living in the middle.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Sonia Dholakia, Atherton\"]‘I often feel too white for my Indian friends, but too Indian for my white friends. I used to feel like I didn’t belong anywhere, like I was living in the middle.’[/pullquote]I knew there were other mixed kids at my school, but I didn’t have a place to share my experience and to learn from theirs. This upset me, and I created an affinity group for mixed students like myself. It has been so rewarding to have a place where I know I can be my true self and others can be theirs. At our first meeting, we all answered the question, “When did you first realize you were mixed?” Hearing everyone’s honest, vulnerable answers, I knew we had created that safe community I sought.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Chanda Stacker-Chung, Oakland\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>As a mixed kid, you can always feel the stares. Eyes would travel from me to my mom, to my dad, and then back down to me when I’d walk alongside my mom and dad. To this day, “What are you?” remains the most popular question I receive from strangers and acquaintances alike.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11947740\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1884px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11947740\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/TCRMAGChandaStackerChung01.jpg\" alt=\"A family is pictured sitting inside a restaurant setting. A grandmother, two parental figures, and their young daughter all smile for the camera. The daughter wears a royal blue college graduation sash around her shoulders.\" width=\"1884\" height=\"1250\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/TCRMAGChandaStackerChung01.jpg 1884w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/TCRMAGChandaStackerChung01-800x531.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/TCRMAGChandaStackerChung01-1020x677.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/TCRMAGChandaStackerChung01-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/TCRMAGChandaStackerChung01-1536x1019.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1884px) 100vw, 1884px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Chanda Stacker-Chung (far right) with her grandmother and parents celebrating her college graduation. \u003ccite>(Courtesy Chanda Stacker-Chung)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>When I was a child, I always answered by telling people that I was Black and Filipino. Somewhere down the line, I started answering that I was half Black and half Filipino. I never realized how my language in identifying myself (from saying I was Black and Filipino to saying I was half Black and half Filipino) was influenced by others around me. Perhaps it was an attempt to preemptively answer the clarifying questions that always seemed to follow: “Oh, so you’re half-and-half?”[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Chanda Stacker-Chung, Oakland\"]‘To this day, ‘What are you?’ remains the most popular question I receive from strangers and acquaintances alike.’[/pullquote]At my father’s funeral in 2020, the hearse driver observed my blended family and was curious who he had the honor of driving to the service. “My dad,” I said. He followed up wanting to know more about my background. So I shared that I was half Black and half Filipino. He stopped me and said, “Now, wait a minute, you’re not half of anything.” I’ve been conscious of my language ever since.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Leo Bersamina, North Bay\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>I grew up with a German/French mother and a Mexican/Filipino dad in the ’60s and ’70s. After my father left when I was 4 years old, my mom raised us kids on her own until the age of 8. Even growing up in liberal San Francisco, we would get a lot of looks as a family with my mom being white with five brown kids. This continued when my white stepdad married my mother, but as I got older, it mattered less to me. Eventually, a few other mixed-race families moved into our community, which made me feel more connected and confident.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11947764\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 768px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11947764\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/TCRMAGLeoBersamina01.jpg\" alt=\"A man with a bright, yellow, long-sleeved shirt smiles in front of a multicolored, funky-patterned mural. He stands with his hands on his hips.\" width=\"768\" height=\"1024\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/TCRMAGLeoBersamina01.jpg 768w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/TCRMAGLeoBersamina01-160x213.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 768px) 100vw, 768px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Artist Leo Bersamina in front of his mural on the side of the Adobe Founders Tower in downtown San José. \u003ccite>(Courtesy Leo Bersamina)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>While it continues to be a confusing issue for me to choose an identity, I try to work through it in my art practice by celebrating all of my ancestral influences through the ideas I process visually.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I recently created \u003ca href=\"https://blog.adobe.com/en/publish/2022/09/29/behind-the-brush-celebrating-art-community-leo-bersamina\">a large mural in San José for Adobe Inc.\u003c/a> that relates to the idea of being mixed. This project was a great way for me to convey what I have been feeling my whole life: that being mixed has been a rich experience.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Leo Bersamina, North Bay\"]‘Even growing up in liberal San Francisco, we would get a lot of looks as a family with my mom being white with five brown kids.’[/pullquote]One aggravating aspect of being mixed is that most of the government forms are too limiting. While some have gotten a little better in regard to me choosing an identity, it is still a pretty difficult issue for me, as the questions about identity are mostly heavy-handed with not enough nuance. I often find myself having to choose “other” as an answer, which doesn’t feel right.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a college professor, being mixed has helped me make connections with many of my students, connections that may not have been available to me if I had not been of a mixed race. It has allowed me to have multidimensional perspectives that I can share with many students, creating a rich learning environment in my classes. Overall, it has been a blessing for me to have a mixed background. I feel comfortable with many types of people, and can relate to many types of perspectives. A bonus is that I often find myself at home whenever I travel to Latin America, Asia, Polynesia and Europe.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Maya Sisneros, Oakland\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>I’m of Chinese and Mexican descent. I believe the mixed-race category is often romanticized and rendered unique, even though mixed-race people have been around since the early days of colonialism. It’s a complicated identity that, in pop discourse, we’ve often conflated with a fantasy of racial progress and multicultural harmony.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11947766\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11947766\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/TCRMAGMayaSisneros01.jpg\" alt=\"Two sisters wear large, straw sun hats and smile for the camera.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1440\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/TCRMAGMayaSisneros01.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/TCRMAGMayaSisneros01-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/TCRMAGMayaSisneros01-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/TCRMAGMayaSisneros01-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/TCRMAGMayaSisneros01-1536x1152.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Maya Sisneros (left) with her sister. \u003ccite>(Courtesy Maya Sisneros)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>One thing we don’t talk about enough that complicates the mixed-race umbrella is white privilege. Mixed-race people with a white parent get a significant amount of privilege because of their whiteness. Even if they don’t look white, they still benefit from other aspects of white privilege. People who are mixed minorities don’t have that same access to white privilege, and tend to have a very different lived experience.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Maya Sisneros, Oakland\"]‘I believe the mixed-race category is often romanticized and rendered unique, even though mixed-race people have been around since the early days of colonialism.’[/pullquote]What many mixed-race people do share are questions of belonging, and not being “x” enough. But are these shared experiences of “not belonging” or “belonging to both” substantial enough to characterize a unified identity? Maybe instead of an identity, it’s a shared orientation, a unique position to make more choices around your relationship to your racial and ethnic identity. I’m always interested in reforming the question “Who are you?” to asking instead, “What choices are you making around your identity?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I’d love to see KQED complicate the narrative around mixed-race people as unique, by exploring the limits of today’s pop discourse around mixed people or by exploring the history of how the mixed-race identity became popularized and how this affects the distribution of race-based resources.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Alexa Senter, Contra Costa County\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>One thing that sticks out from growing up mixed is that look from random elders. I grew up with a lot of narratives about my family’s identities. On my mom’s side, I heard about her maternal grandmother’s hidden Native American roots and my grandpa’s strict German uncles who didn’t approve of children playing when they could be working. On my dad’s side, the narrative was always “somos españoles” because one distant grandfather arrived in California with the first wave of colonizers and missionaries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While my grandma, who quietly claimed “Indian” heritage, looked much different than the rest of our family, I came to believe that she likely appropriated Native identity to establish some kind of belonging and ownership in the American West after migrating to Washington from Tennessee during WWI.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11947762\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11947762\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/TCRMAGAlexaSenter01.jpg\" alt=\"A family of three is pictured inside a clothing store with T-shirts hanging in the background. To the left, a father wears a black bicycle helmet with tropical shirt. In the center, an older daughter wears an army green hat with blue tank top as she smiles. To her right, her mother wears a black tank top and smiles hugging her daughter.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1445\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/TCRMAGAlexaSenter01.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/TCRMAGAlexaSenter01-800x602.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/TCRMAGAlexaSenter01-1020x768.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/TCRMAGAlexaSenter01-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/TCRMAGAlexaSenter01-1536x1156.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Alexa Senter with her parents, Art and Carol. \u003ccite>(Courtesy Alexa Senter)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Since my family is small and most of my elders have passed, I have always gotten so excited when strangers (usually older women) share a sly smile and speak to me in Spanish. And, while that excitement is usually quickly replaced by panic about my mediocre language skills, the joy of being seen helps balance out the “What are you?” and “Why do you talk like a white girl?” questions that I generally got from my peers. My first job here in the Bay Area had me doing a lot of promotional events in the South Bay. On multiple occasions, older South Asian aunties would approach me with incredible warmth and sometimes even ask me about my Indian heritage. I’d respond with happiness from just feeling included and say something along the lines of, “Oh, I am kind of a mutt but I am not South Asian, as far as I know.”[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Alexa Senter, Contra Costa County\"]‘Since my family is small and most of my elders have passed, I have always gotten so excited when strangers (usually older women) share a sly smile and speak to me in Spanish.’[/pullquote]Since losing both my parents, I have spent a lot of my 30s digging deeper into the family archives and even exploring genetic testing to fill in the gaps in my knowledge. Family trees and genetic testing confirmed that my dad’s Spanish identity was, in reality, mostly Indigenous Mexican heritage. I also now know that those aunties I met in San José were on to something that none of my family realized. That grandma who claimed to be Indian? It turns out she was indeed Indian … just not the American kind. The aunties always know.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Ariane Li, San Francisco\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Being mixed gives you the benefit of being able to engage with multiple cultures as part of your heritage. I’m Karen on my mom’s side (ethnic group from Myanmar) and Chinese/white on my dad’s side. I get to celebrate all the Western holidays like Christmas, Easter, etc., as well as Eastern holidays like Lunar New Year. I feel particularly lucky because all sides of my family like each other and enjoy celebrating with each other.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11947763\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1440px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11947763\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/TCRMAGArianeLi01.jpg\" alt=\"A family of eight stand smiling outside of a house. There are two males and six females pictured.\" width=\"1440\" height=\"1080\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/TCRMAGArianeLi01.jpg 1440w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/TCRMAGArianeLi01-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/TCRMAGArianeLi01-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/TCRMAGArianeLi01-160x120.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1440px) 100vw, 1440px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Ariane Li (far right) and her cousins at Thanksgiving. \u003ccite>(Courtesy Ariane Li)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Nobody can tell you what you are or are not. If and when you do get bullied or put down by other people for being mixed, it’s not just white people who do this, other people of color will absolutely put you down for being mixed, probably because it makes them feel better and more secure about their own identities. But people will judge you for engaging in a culture you’re part of if you don’t look (Asian, Latino, Black, etc.) enough to belong. Mixed people tend to get caught in the crossfire of calling out cultural appropriation, especially if they’re white passing. I think most mixed people have learned to give others the benefit of the doubt before calling out cultural appropriation because that other person wearing a kimono or using cultural slang might also be mixed.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Ariane Li, San Francisco\"]‘Talking about growing up mixed is an easy way for mixed people to relate to each other, especially when they know the other person isn’t going to judge them for it.’[/pullquote]You also learn to recognize other mixed people really quickly. Talking about growing up mixed is an easy way for mixed people to relate to each other, especially when they know the other person isn’t going to judge them for it. I’ve been able to turn my mixed-ness into a fun guessing game when meeting new people because they always want to know what you are, but, being part of a minority ethnic group from a semi-obscure country in Southeast Asia, most people don’t know to guess “Karen.” I think if some people grow up with more connection to one culture early in life, they’ll try to reconnect with other parts of their identity when they’re older. For me, personally, I grew up surrounded mostly by the white side of my family. Now that I’m an adult, I try to connect more with the Chinese/Southeast Asian side by incorporating things from those cultures into my creative projects.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Maria T. Allocco, Oakland\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>I never saw myself reflected in the world: this is something mixed-race people know. To never read a children’s book written for someone like you. To never see yourself in any school material. To never watch a film with actors who look like you. I never saw myself reflected in the collective reality. As a mixed-race Korean and Italian writer, I learned to trust and represent my own experience.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11947765\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11947765\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/TCRMAGMariaAllocco01.jpg\" alt=\"Two grandparents stand with their young granddaughter amid green trees and a pond of water. A ceramic statue of a saint is also in the background. The photo is old and has a classic patina to it.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"2560\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/TCRMAGMariaAllocco01.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/TCRMAGMariaAllocco01-800x1067.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/TCRMAGMariaAllocco01-1020x1360.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/TCRMAGMariaAllocco01-160x213.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/TCRMAGMariaAllocco01-1152x1536.jpg 1152w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/TCRMAGMariaAllocco01-1536x2048.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Maria Allocco with her grandparents. \u003ccite>(Courtesy Maria Allocco)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The first time I felt what I imagine monoracial people may feel in the presence of other monoracial people like themselves was in a room full of only other mixed-race people at Oakland’s East Bay Meditation Center. In 2012, Michele Benzamin-Miki facilitated an all mixed-race meditation workshop.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Maria Allocco, Oakland\"]‘The love mixed-race people have for our parents and extended families inspires and often requires multiple understandings. We carry them with us throughout our lives.’[/pullquote]My body received a mutual understanding. We shared a foundation of experiences and affirmed them for one another. Afterwards, I co-founded a mixed-race meditation group at the EBMC with four other mixed-race people. My wish was for others to also experience conscious community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The love mixed-race people have for our parents and extended families inspires and often requires multiple understandings. We carry them with us throughout our lives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>For the past eight weeks, the California Report Magazine has \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/mixedrace\">featured the voices of a diverse array of mixed-race Californians\u003c/a>. Musicians, teachers, activists, parents and teenagers described the joy of belonging to multiple ethnic groups and their ability to bridge divides because of their identities. But, they also shared feelings of loneliness and isolation, of not “being enough.” Now, we hear from members of KQED’s audience about their experiences, focusing on the question: “What’s something only fellow mixed folks understand about growing up mixed?”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Katie Andresen, San Francisco\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>I tend to start my story of being multiracial with my hair. Growing up, it was the thing that defined me. In contrast to my classmates, who possessed a mostly straight assortment of blonds, browns and black, my hair sprung from the base of my head outwards and had a mind of its own. It was difficult to manage and never really sat the same way (many tears were shed as my mother combed my hair), despite the exact same methodology of styling. Multiple friends told me that they could pick me out from across the playground by recognizing my halo of curls that stood out in the sea of straight hair. Still, as I would learn later, my hair was considered the “good” type of hair — not overly kinky or coily.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11947741\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11947741\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/TCRMAGKatieAndresen.jpg\" alt=\"A woman smiles from a gray sofa. She has long, curly brown hair and a friendly face. She wears a gold necklace and a black, sleeveless dress. A happy, green house plant is positioned behind her and the light shines brightly on her face.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"2400\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/TCRMAGKatieAndresen.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/TCRMAGKatieAndresen-800x1000.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/TCRMAGKatieAndresen-1020x1275.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/TCRMAGKatieAndresen-160x200.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/TCRMAGKatieAndresen-1229x1536.jpg 1229w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/TCRMAGKatieAndresen-1638x2048.jpg 1638w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Katie Andresen is the host of the podcast Mixed Kid Chronicles. \u003ccite>(Courtesy Israel Alemu)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>It would take many years later to realize that my combination of curly hair and light skin was confounding to many. I learned how to navigate the question of “What are you?” as a lesson in geography. Most people in California hadn’t heard of the small island country my mom was from called Cabo Verde. My dad, a white Californian, had a less exciting origin story, but was still an important factor for people getting an answer to their initial question. Years later, I would realize that question wasn’t about me. It was a reflection of how race in the U.S. is constructed as a binary — you are this or that. There is no in between.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I was too white for the Black folks and too Black for the white folks. Or rather — it took too much explanation to both groups with whom I was supposed to be part of that I did, indeed, belong. It didn’t help that I routinely got mistaken as Latina. A series of conversations with both multiracial friends and strangers got me thinking; we all had similar salient experiences.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11947742\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1152px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11947742\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/TCRMAGKatieAndresen02.jpg\" alt=\"A family portrait of a father, mother and their two children: a son and a daughter, posing in front of a body of water. The photo looks old with a tan patina to it.\" width=\"1152\" height=\"1152\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/TCRMAGKatieAndresen02.jpg 1152w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/TCRMAGKatieAndresen02-800x800.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/TCRMAGKatieAndresen02-1020x1020.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/TCRMAGKatieAndresen02-160x160.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1152px) 100vw, 1152px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Katie Andresen (far right) with her parents and brother. \u003ccite>(Courtesy Katie Andresen)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>We all had answered the question “What are you?” a million times. We all had people approach us, speaking another language because they assumed we had a different racial affiliation. Outside of these one-on-one conversations, I didn’t see a place for a wider discussion of these topics. I also didn’t see a place to have an honest conversation about how structures of race and racism shaped these perceptions. I started \u003ca href=\"https://www.mixedkidchronicles.com/\">Mixed Kid Chronicles\u003c/a> to create that space for conversation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘I don’t want to be put in a box. I am multiracial. I am Black. I am a woman. I am from California. I am proud to be a product of the people and communities that have raised me.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Through this dialogue, I’ve learned that white people are generally very uncomfortable discussing race, while people of color can’t escape it. I’ve learned in discussing race, you have to be comfortable making mistakes and learning from those mistakes. I’ve learned that race is different depending on which country you’re in. I’ve learned my power in bridging gaps because of my dual heritage. I also know I’ll never experience racism like my darker-skinned family members and individuals. Most of all, I’ve learned that no one’s experience is quite the same, and despite points of salience, we should allow room for those points of divergence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ultimately, I enjoy unpacking the messy, complex world of race. It is a construct built by structures of power to enforce a certain world order. Questioning it, stretching it and testing it is the only way to find yourself in this world. I don’t want to be put in a box. I am multiracial. I am Black. I am a woman. I am from California. I am proud to be a product of the people and communities that have raised me.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Andrew Jabara, Tustin\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>I’m Chinese and Lebanese, born and raised in Orange County, California. I’m fond of saying that “my Chinese side is my American side” because we’ve been in California since the 1800s, making me a fifth-generation Chinese American (Mom, Grandpa and Great-Grandma were all born in California). My Lebanese side is my “immigrant” side — Baba moved from Beirut to California to finish med school and seek opportunity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11947739\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11947739\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/TCRMAGAndrewJabara01.jpg\" alt=\"A cute baby is seen sitting barefoot on a white, leather sofa. He wears black and gold, traditional Lebanese garb.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"2560\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/TCRMAGAndrewJabara01.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/TCRMAGAndrewJabara01-800x1067.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/TCRMAGAndrewJabara01-1020x1360.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/TCRMAGAndrewJabara01-160x213.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/TCRMAGAndrewJabara01-1152x1536.jpg 1152w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/TCRMAGAndrewJabara01-1536x2048.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Andrew Jabara as a baby in traditional Lebanese garb in 1997. \u003ccite>(Courtesy Andrew Jabara)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Beside my younger brother, I didn’t know anyone quite like me growing up. Sure, I knew other Chinese American kids, but their parents emigrated from China in the 1990s, not the 1890s. Arab American identity at the turn of the 21st century meant defending pride in my heritage against a barrage of slurs and threats. English was my first language; I never learned Cantonese, and I barely knew any Levantine Arabic. At home, we made a variety of American staple dishes, but also folded pot stickers and wontons, cooked coosa rice and tabbouleh, turned leftover Thanksgiving turkey bones into jook, or packed a pita and lebni sandwich for lunch. We celebrated Chinese New Year and played Lebanese egg games on Easter. From a young age, even if I didn’t have the words to express it, my background made me aware of the wealth of cultures beyond homogeneous suburbia, how they were interwoven within me, and how they could intersect in the world at large.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Sonia Dholakia, Atherton\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>I’m Indian on my dad’s side and white on my mom’s. I remember going to Benihana’s with my mom when I was in elementary school and starting a conversation with the woman sitting adjacent to us. She turned to my mom and asked, “And your husband is … ,” trailing off and waiting for her to complete the sentence. In that moment, I realized that being mixed was not the norm.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11947743\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11947743\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/TCRMAGSoniaDholakia01.jpg\" alt=\"A smiling family of five sit on an outdoor planter with chubby, green bushes behind them. From left to right: A bald dad with glasses sits next to his daughter with long, brown hair and jeans. She, sits next to her brother who smiles holding a happy tan dog with floppy ears. He is seated next to his mother with blond hair and a gray, scoop-neck blouse.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/TCRMAGSoniaDholakia01.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/TCRMAGSoniaDholakia01-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/TCRMAGSoniaDholakia01-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/TCRMAGSoniaDholakia01-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/TCRMAGSoniaDholakia01-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Sonia Dholakia (center left) is a student at Menlo School in Atherton. \u003ccite>(Courtesy Sonia Dholakia)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Since then, being mixed has become a crucial part of my identity. I’ve been able to celebrate two very different cultures, enjoying both Diwali and Christmas traditions, but I also faced rejection from both sides of my identity. I often feel too white for my Indian friends, but too Indian for my white friends. I used to feel like I didn’t belong anywhere, like I was living in the middle.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>I knew there were other mixed kids at my school, but I didn’t have a place to share my experience and to learn from theirs. This upset me, and I created an affinity group for mixed students like myself. It has been so rewarding to have a place where I know I can be my true self and others can be theirs. At our first meeting, we all answered the question, “When did you first realize you were mixed?” Hearing everyone’s honest, vulnerable answers, I knew we had created that safe community I sought.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Chanda Stacker-Chung, Oakland\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>As a mixed kid, you can always feel the stares. Eyes would travel from me to my mom, to my dad, and then back down to me when I’d walk alongside my mom and dad. To this day, “What are you?” remains the most popular question I receive from strangers and acquaintances alike.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11947740\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1884px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11947740\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/TCRMAGChandaStackerChung01.jpg\" alt=\"A family is pictured sitting inside a restaurant setting. A grandmother, two parental figures, and their young daughter all smile for the camera. The daughter wears a royal blue college graduation sash around her shoulders.\" width=\"1884\" height=\"1250\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/TCRMAGChandaStackerChung01.jpg 1884w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/TCRMAGChandaStackerChung01-800x531.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/TCRMAGChandaStackerChung01-1020x677.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/TCRMAGChandaStackerChung01-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/TCRMAGChandaStackerChung01-1536x1019.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1884px) 100vw, 1884px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Chanda Stacker-Chung (far right) with her grandmother and parents celebrating her college graduation. \u003ccite>(Courtesy Chanda Stacker-Chung)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>When I was a child, I always answered by telling people that I was Black and Filipino. Somewhere down the line, I started answering that I was half Black and half Filipino. I never realized how my language in identifying myself (from saying I was Black and Filipino to saying I was half Black and half Filipino) was influenced by others around me. Perhaps it was an attempt to preemptively answer the clarifying questions that always seemed to follow: “Oh, so you’re half-and-half?”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘To this day, ‘What are you?’ remains the most popular question I receive from strangers and acquaintances alike.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>At my father’s funeral in 2020, the hearse driver observed my blended family and was curious who he had the honor of driving to the service. “My dad,” I said. He followed up wanting to know more about my background. So I shared that I was half Black and half Filipino. He stopped me and said, “Now, wait a minute, you’re not half of anything.” I’ve been conscious of my language ever since.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Leo Bersamina, North Bay\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>I grew up with a German/French mother and a Mexican/Filipino dad in the ’60s and ’70s. After my father left when I was 4 years old, my mom raised us kids on her own until the age of 8. Even growing up in liberal San Francisco, we would get a lot of looks as a family with my mom being white with five brown kids. This continued when my white stepdad married my mother, but as I got older, it mattered less to me. Eventually, a few other mixed-race families moved into our community, which made me feel more connected and confident.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11947764\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 768px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11947764\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/TCRMAGLeoBersamina01.jpg\" alt=\"A man with a bright, yellow, long-sleeved shirt smiles in front of a multicolored, funky-patterned mural. He stands with his hands on his hips.\" width=\"768\" height=\"1024\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/TCRMAGLeoBersamina01.jpg 768w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/TCRMAGLeoBersamina01-160x213.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 768px) 100vw, 768px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Artist Leo Bersamina in front of his mural on the side of the Adobe Founders Tower in downtown San José. \u003ccite>(Courtesy Leo Bersamina)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>While it continues to be a confusing issue for me to choose an identity, I try to work through it in my art practice by celebrating all of my ancestral influences through the ideas I process visually.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I recently created \u003ca href=\"https://blog.adobe.com/en/publish/2022/09/29/behind-the-brush-celebrating-art-community-leo-bersamina\">a large mural in San José for Adobe Inc.\u003c/a> that relates to the idea of being mixed. This project was a great way for me to convey what I have been feeling my whole life: that being mixed has been a rich experience.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘Even growing up in liberal San Francisco, we would get a lot of looks as a family with my mom being white with five brown kids.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>One aggravating aspect of being mixed is that most of the government forms are too limiting. While some have gotten a little better in regard to me choosing an identity, it is still a pretty difficult issue for me, as the questions about identity are mostly heavy-handed with not enough nuance. I often find myself having to choose “other” as an answer, which doesn’t feel right.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a college professor, being mixed has helped me make connections with many of my students, connections that may not have been available to me if I had not been of a mixed race. It has allowed me to have multidimensional perspectives that I can share with many students, creating a rich learning environment in my classes. Overall, it has been a blessing for me to have a mixed background. I feel comfortable with many types of people, and can relate to many types of perspectives. A bonus is that I often find myself at home whenever I travel to Latin America, Asia, Polynesia and Europe.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Maya Sisneros, Oakland\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>I’m of Chinese and Mexican descent. I believe the mixed-race category is often romanticized and rendered unique, even though mixed-race people have been around since the early days of colonialism. It’s a complicated identity that, in pop discourse, we’ve often conflated with a fantasy of racial progress and multicultural harmony.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11947766\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11947766\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/TCRMAGMayaSisneros01.jpg\" alt=\"Two sisters wear large, straw sun hats and smile for the camera.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1440\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/TCRMAGMayaSisneros01.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/TCRMAGMayaSisneros01-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/TCRMAGMayaSisneros01-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/TCRMAGMayaSisneros01-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/TCRMAGMayaSisneros01-1536x1152.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Maya Sisneros (left) with her sister. \u003ccite>(Courtesy Maya Sisneros)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>One thing we don’t talk about enough that complicates the mixed-race umbrella is white privilege. Mixed-race people with a white parent get a significant amount of privilege because of their whiteness. Even if they don’t look white, they still benefit from other aspects of white privilege. People who are mixed minorities don’t have that same access to white privilege, and tend to have a very different lived experience.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘I believe the mixed-race category is often romanticized and rendered unique, even though mixed-race people have been around since the early days of colonialism.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>What many mixed-race people do share are questions of belonging, and not being “x” enough. But are these shared experiences of “not belonging” or “belonging to both” substantial enough to characterize a unified identity? Maybe instead of an identity, it’s a shared orientation, a unique position to make more choices around your relationship to your racial and ethnic identity. I’m always interested in reforming the question “Who are you?” to asking instead, “What choices are you making around your identity?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I’d love to see KQED complicate the narrative around mixed-race people as unique, by exploring the limits of today’s pop discourse around mixed people or by exploring the history of how the mixed-race identity became popularized and how this affects the distribution of race-based resources.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Alexa Senter, Contra Costa County\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>One thing that sticks out from growing up mixed is that look from random elders. I grew up with a lot of narratives about my family’s identities. On my mom’s side, I heard about her maternal grandmother’s hidden Native American roots and my grandpa’s strict German uncles who didn’t approve of children playing when they could be working. On my dad’s side, the narrative was always “somos españoles” because one distant grandfather arrived in California with the first wave of colonizers and missionaries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While my grandma, who quietly claimed “Indian” heritage, looked much different than the rest of our family, I came to believe that she likely appropriated Native identity to establish some kind of belonging and ownership in the American West after migrating to Washington from Tennessee during WWI.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11947762\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11947762\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/TCRMAGAlexaSenter01.jpg\" alt=\"A family of three is pictured inside a clothing store with T-shirts hanging in the background. To the left, a father wears a black bicycle helmet with tropical shirt. In the center, an older daughter wears an army green hat with blue tank top as she smiles. To her right, her mother wears a black tank top and smiles hugging her daughter.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1445\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/TCRMAGAlexaSenter01.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/TCRMAGAlexaSenter01-800x602.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/TCRMAGAlexaSenter01-1020x768.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/TCRMAGAlexaSenter01-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/TCRMAGAlexaSenter01-1536x1156.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Alexa Senter with her parents, Art and Carol. \u003ccite>(Courtesy Alexa Senter)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Since my family is small and most of my elders have passed, I have always gotten so excited when strangers (usually older women) share a sly smile and speak to me in Spanish. And, while that excitement is usually quickly replaced by panic about my mediocre language skills, the joy of being seen helps balance out the “What are you?” and “Why do you talk like a white girl?” questions that I generally got from my peers. My first job here in the Bay Area had me doing a lot of promotional events in the South Bay. On multiple occasions, older South Asian aunties would approach me with incredible warmth and sometimes even ask me about my Indian heritage. I’d respond with happiness from just feeling included and say something along the lines of, “Oh, I am kind of a mutt but I am not South Asian, as far as I know.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘Since my family is small and most of my elders have passed, I have always gotten so excited when strangers (usually older women) share a sly smile and speak to me in Spanish.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Since losing both my parents, I have spent a lot of my 30s digging deeper into the family archives and even exploring genetic testing to fill in the gaps in my knowledge. Family trees and genetic testing confirmed that my dad’s Spanish identity was, in reality, mostly Indigenous Mexican heritage. I also now know that those aunties I met in San José were on to something that none of my family realized. That grandma who claimed to be Indian? It turns out she was indeed Indian … just not the American kind. The aunties always know.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Ariane Li, San Francisco\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Being mixed gives you the benefit of being able to engage with multiple cultures as part of your heritage. I’m Karen on my mom’s side (ethnic group from Myanmar) and Chinese/white on my dad’s side. I get to celebrate all the Western holidays like Christmas, Easter, etc., as well as Eastern holidays like Lunar New Year. I feel particularly lucky because all sides of my family like each other and enjoy celebrating with each other.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11947763\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1440px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11947763\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/TCRMAGArianeLi01.jpg\" alt=\"A family of eight stand smiling outside of a house. There are two males and six females pictured.\" width=\"1440\" height=\"1080\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/TCRMAGArianeLi01.jpg 1440w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/TCRMAGArianeLi01-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/TCRMAGArianeLi01-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/TCRMAGArianeLi01-160x120.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1440px) 100vw, 1440px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Ariane Li (far right) and her cousins at Thanksgiving. \u003ccite>(Courtesy Ariane Li)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Nobody can tell you what you are or are not. If and when you do get bullied or put down by other people for being mixed, it’s not just white people who do this, other people of color will absolutely put you down for being mixed, probably because it makes them feel better and more secure about their own identities. But people will judge you for engaging in a culture you’re part of if you don’t look (Asian, Latino, Black, etc.) enough to belong. Mixed people tend to get caught in the crossfire of calling out cultural appropriation, especially if they’re white passing. I think most mixed people have learned to give others the benefit of the doubt before calling out cultural appropriation because that other person wearing a kimono or using cultural slang might also be mixed.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘Talking about growing up mixed is an easy way for mixed people to relate to each other, especially when they know the other person isn’t going to judge them for it.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>You also learn to recognize other mixed people really quickly. Talking about growing up mixed is an easy way for mixed people to relate to each other, especially when they know the other person isn’t going to judge them for it. I’ve been able to turn my mixed-ness into a fun guessing game when meeting new people because they always want to know what you are, but, being part of a minority ethnic group from a semi-obscure country in Southeast Asia, most people don’t know to guess “Karen.” I think if some people grow up with more connection to one culture early in life, they’ll try to reconnect with other parts of their identity when they’re older. For me, personally, I grew up surrounded mostly by the white side of my family. Now that I’m an adult, I try to connect more with the Chinese/Southeast Asian side by incorporating things from those cultures into my creative projects.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Maria T. Allocco, Oakland\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>I never saw myself reflected in the world: this is something mixed-race people know. To never read a children’s book written for someone like you. To never see yourself in any school material. To never watch a film with actors who look like you. I never saw myself reflected in the collective reality. As a mixed-race Korean and Italian writer, I learned to trust and represent my own experience.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11947765\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11947765\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/TCRMAGMariaAllocco01.jpg\" alt=\"Two grandparents stand with their young granddaughter amid green trees and a pond of water. A ceramic statue of a saint is also in the background. The photo is old and has a classic patina to it.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"2560\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/TCRMAGMariaAllocco01.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/TCRMAGMariaAllocco01-800x1067.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/TCRMAGMariaAllocco01-1020x1360.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/TCRMAGMariaAllocco01-160x213.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/TCRMAGMariaAllocco01-1152x1536.jpg 1152w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/TCRMAGMariaAllocco01-1536x2048.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Maria Allocco with her grandparents. \u003ccite>(Courtesy Maria Allocco)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The first time I felt what I imagine monoracial people may feel in the presence of other monoracial people like themselves was in a room full of only other mixed-race people at Oakland’s East Bay Meditation Center. In 2012, Michele Benzamin-Miki facilitated an all mixed-race meditation workshop.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘The love mixed-race people have for our parents and extended families inspires and often requires multiple understandings. We carry them with us throughout our lives.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>My body received a mutual understanding. We shared a foundation of experiences and affirmed them for one another. Afterwards, I co-founded a mixed-race meditation group at the EBMC with four other mixed-race people. My wish was for others to also experience conscious community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The love mixed-race people have for our parents and extended families inspires and often requires multiple understandings. We carry them with us throughout our lives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>On a hot early August evening, at a National Night Out event hosted by the small Orange County city of Garden Grove, Democratic congressional candidate \u003ca href=\"https://chenforcongress.com/\">Jay Chen\u003c/a> introduces himself to voters at the police station.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chen, who is still relatively unknown here, often leads with his biography.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m a veteran as well as a \u003ca href=\"https://www.mtsac.edu/governance/trustees/members/chen-jay.html\">community college trustee,\u003c/a>” the 44-year-old Harvard graduate and former Navy intelligence officer tells a group of voters. “I have a 6-year-old and an 8-year-old, and we’re going to make sure that our kids are safe in school and put an end to this gun violence.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About 15 minutes away, in a Target parking lot in the city of Westminster, Chen’s Republican opponent, incumbent Rep. Michelle Steel, is similarly making the rounds, and catching up with longtime friends and constituents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is really good because I can see a lot of people. I thank all the police officers, firefighters,” said Steel, 67. “I used to be a fire commissioner in Los Angeles, so I know how it goes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Orange County, long a reliable stronghold for Republicans, has become a battleground for congressional races in recent elections, and this year is no exception. The race here, for District 45, is one of three in this county alone, and among the 10 statewide, that the Cook Political Report \u003ca href=\"https://www.cookpolitical.com/ratings/house-race-ratings\">has listed as “competitive.”\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That means voters here will now help determine the political balance of a closely divided Congress.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 45th District is “anyone’s election to win or lose,” said Jodi Balma, a Fullerton College political science professor. “It’s a toss-up race.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Steel won her seat in 2020, \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2020-11-10/in-big-republican-victory-harley-rouda-concedes-to-michelle-steel-in-o-c-congress-race\">defeating first-term Democratic Rep. Harley Rouda\u003c/a>, when Republicans had gained a marked registration advantage in the district. But redistricting has completely reshaped the area Steel is now running to represent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>No longer dominated by the more conservative, wealthy coastal cities, the new 45th District includes more middle- and working-class areas — it stretches as far east as Brea and includes Cerritos in Los Angeles County. And Democrats now have a 5-point registration advantage here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Additionally, it’s a notably diverse district — nearly 37% of residents are Asian American, 36% are white and 23% are Latino. And it includes large immigrant and refugee communities from Vietnam, the Middle East, South Asia and North Africa.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By contrast, Steel’s old district was 70% white.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think [Steel] reflects the old district,” said Balma, who has tracked OC politics for more than two decades. “However, the district has fundamentally shifted so that very few people who will be voting in November have had Michelle Steel as an incumbent congresswoman.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"related coverage\" tag=\"michelle-steel\"]Still, despite the registration numbers, Balma said, Chen has a formidable challenge ahead of him, leading up to November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even in a new district, Steel is well known in Orange County — she \u003ca href=\"http://newportbeachca.gov/home/showdocument?id=52153\">served on the county’s Board of Supervisors\u003c/a> and, along with her husband, has been active in local GOP politics for decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But she’s also a staunch conservative in an increasingly purple district. Just this summer she voted \u003ca href=\"https://clerk.house.gov/Votes/2022373\">against same-sex marriage\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://clerk.house.gov/Votes/2022385\">contraception access\u003c/a> measures, and she \u003ca href=\"https://www.congress.gov/bill/117th-congress/house-bill/1011/cosponsors?q=%7B%22search%22%3A%5B%22life+at+conception+act%22%2C%22life%22%2C%22at%22%2C%22conception%22%2C%22act%22%5D%7D&r=1&s=1\">co-sponsored a bill that would ban all abortions\u003c/a> at the federal level.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chen, on the other hand, is campaigning on protecting abortion rights, gun control and \u003ca href=\"https://chenforcongress.com/on-the-issues/healthcare/\">access to health care\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have to make sure that we protect health care, your rights. When you want to start a family, that’s your decision,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Balma said those policy differences could help Chen, but there’s no guarantee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It will depend on how the campaigns frame the question. And so if Michelle Steel can frame the question that she is a moderating vote against a Biden/AOC [Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez] agenda, she has an advantage,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But, Balma added, Chen would be wise to hold Steel accountable for her votes against contraception and same-sex marriage, both of which she called “extreme positions in Orange County.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On the campaign trail, Steel says she aims to highlight her votes against tax increases and government spending, and her support for law enforcement and harsher criminal penalties. A large swath of voters, she says — not just Republicans — are angry this year, about inflation, gas prices and crime.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Usually NPP [no party preference] people are kind of quiet about who they’re going to vote [for],” she said. “Now it’s totally different. They’re saying, ‘You know what? I need somebody who can take care of the economy, crime and other stuff.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Chen says that, unlike some Democrats, he’s not trying to shy away from those pocketbook issues, but instead is seeking to reframe them and focus on the real culprits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I want to make sure that we bring down costs. Talk more inflation,” he said. “You know, there’s a lot of price-gouging going on right now. We’ve got Chevron and Exxon. They made $30 billion in profits in the last quarter. That’s much more than they ever made before, while we’re paying record-high prices at the pump.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Barbara Eames, who was volunteering at the National Night Out event in Westminster, where she’s lived for more than 50 years, told Steel that she and others in her church congregation were praying for more members of Congress like her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We need more like her because we have far too many that are destroying our country right now,” Eames said. “And we’re praying for certain things — one of them is, we are highly concerned about the children. And critical race theory. And the homosexual agenda in the schools — all of that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in Garden Grove, Diana Tran was receptive to Chen’s message on efforts to curb gun violence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I homeschool my kids right now and we started homeschooling because of the pandemic. But then, like, hearing about gun violence, hearing what’s going on in the community — it’s really, really hard to integrate ourselves back into society,” she told Chen at the police station event.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One thing both candidates like talking about: their own immigrant family stories. Steel was born in South Korea and grew up in Japan; Chen’s parents are Taiwanese and moved to the Midwest before Chen was born.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both are hoping those backgrounds will help them connect with voters in a district that’s one-third Asian, including one of the largest Vietnamese communities in the state. But Balma said each candidate likely appeals to different segments of the diverse Asian American community here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not a monolith. And the Asian American voters are not even a monolith within the different ethnicities. Not all Vietnamese Americans vote the same way. Not all Koreans feel the same way,” she said. “[Chen and Steel] are generationally different. Their immigration stories are generationally different.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Balma also noted that younger Vietnamese voters tend to skew Democratic, while their parents and grandparents still identify with the GOP — in some cases, because of the party’s historic anti-communist stance, an issue that for decades has loomed large over politics in the county.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among the candidates’ few overlapping positions, for instance, is their mutual support for Taiwanese independence and their outspoken opposition to China’s leadership.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Balma wonders whether the national Republican Party’s recent shift even further to the right — including its embrace of autocratic world leaders like Hungarian President Viktor Orbán — could hurt conservative candidates in Orange County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I mean, do Vietnamese voters still believe that the Republicans are against communism when you see them, you know, inviting and cozying up to dictators and fascists?” she said. “I don’t know how that plays.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And like most close elections, Balma added, this one will come down to who’s paying attention — and actually turns out to vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>An earlier version of this story misidentified Jodi Balma’s employer . She works at Fullerton College. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>On a hot early August evening, at a National Night Out event hosted by the small Orange County city of Garden Grove, Democratic congressional candidate \u003ca href=\"https://chenforcongress.com/\">Jay Chen\u003c/a> introduces himself to voters at the police station.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chen, who is still relatively unknown here, often leads with his biography.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m a veteran as well as a \u003ca href=\"https://www.mtsac.edu/governance/trustees/members/chen-jay.html\">community college trustee,\u003c/a>” the 44-year-old Harvard graduate and former Navy intelligence officer tells a group of voters. “I have a 6-year-old and an 8-year-old, and we’re going to make sure that our kids are safe in school and put an end to this gun violence.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About 15 minutes away, in a Target parking lot in the city of Westminster, Chen’s Republican opponent, incumbent Rep. Michelle Steel, is similarly making the rounds, and catching up with longtime friends and constituents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is really good because I can see a lot of people. I thank all the police officers, firefighters,” said Steel, 67. “I used to be a fire commissioner in Los Angeles, so I know how it goes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Orange County, long a reliable stronghold for Republicans, has become a battleground for congressional races in recent elections, and this year is no exception. The race here, for District 45, is one of three in this county alone, and among the 10 statewide, that the Cook Political Report \u003ca href=\"https://www.cookpolitical.com/ratings/house-race-ratings\">has listed as “competitive.”\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That means voters here will now help determine the political balance of a closely divided Congress.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 45th District is “anyone’s election to win or lose,” said Jodi Balma, a Fullerton College political science professor. “It’s a toss-up race.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Steel won her seat in 2020, \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2020-11-10/in-big-republican-victory-harley-rouda-concedes-to-michelle-steel-in-o-c-congress-race\">defeating first-term Democratic Rep. Harley Rouda\u003c/a>, when Republicans had gained a marked registration advantage in the district. But redistricting has completely reshaped the area Steel is now running to represent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>No longer dominated by the more conservative, wealthy coastal cities, the new 45th District includes more middle- and working-class areas — it stretches as far east as Brea and includes Cerritos in Los Angeles County. And Democrats now have a 5-point registration advantage here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Additionally, it’s a notably diverse district — nearly 37% of residents are Asian American, 36% are white and 23% are Latino. And it includes large immigrant and refugee communities from Vietnam, the Middle East, South Asia and North Africa.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By contrast, Steel’s old district was 70% white.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think [Steel] reflects the old district,” said Balma, who has tracked OC politics for more than two decades. “However, the district has fundamentally shifted so that very few people who will be voting in November have had Michelle Steel as an incumbent congresswoman.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Still, despite the registration numbers, Balma said, Chen has a formidable challenge ahead of him, leading up to November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even in a new district, Steel is well known in Orange County — she \u003ca href=\"http://newportbeachca.gov/home/showdocument?id=52153\">served on the county’s Board of Supervisors\u003c/a> and, along with her husband, has been active in local GOP politics for decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But she’s also a staunch conservative in an increasingly purple district. Just this summer she voted \u003ca href=\"https://clerk.house.gov/Votes/2022373\">against same-sex marriage\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://clerk.house.gov/Votes/2022385\">contraception access\u003c/a> measures, and she \u003ca href=\"https://www.congress.gov/bill/117th-congress/house-bill/1011/cosponsors?q=%7B%22search%22%3A%5B%22life+at+conception+act%22%2C%22life%22%2C%22at%22%2C%22conception%22%2C%22act%22%5D%7D&r=1&s=1\">co-sponsored a bill that would ban all abortions\u003c/a> at the federal level.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chen, on the other hand, is campaigning on protecting abortion rights, gun control and \u003ca href=\"https://chenforcongress.com/on-the-issues/healthcare/\">access to health care\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have to make sure that we protect health care, your rights. When you want to start a family, that’s your decision,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Balma said those policy differences could help Chen, but there’s no guarantee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It will depend on how the campaigns frame the question. And so if Michelle Steel can frame the question that she is a moderating vote against a Biden/AOC [Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez] agenda, she has an advantage,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But, Balma added, Chen would be wise to hold Steel accountable for her votes against contraception and same-sex marriage, both of which she called “extreme positions in Orange County.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On the campaign trail, Steel says she aims to highlight her votes against tax increases and government spending, and her support for law enforcement and harsher criminal penalties. A large swath of voters, she says — not just Republicans — are angry this year, about inflation, gas prices and crime.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Usually NPP [no party preference] people are kind of quiet about who they’re going to vote [for],” she said. “Now it’s totally different. They’re saying, ‘You know what? I need somebody who can take care of the economy, crime and other stuff.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Chen says that, unlike some Democrats, he’s not trying to shy away from those pocketbook issues, but instead is seeking to reframe them and focus on the real culprits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I want to make sure that we bring down costs. Talk more inflation,” he said. “You know, there’s a lot of price-gouging going on right now. We’ve got Chevron and Exxon. They made $30 billion in profits in the last quarter. That’s much more than they ever made before, while we’re paying record-high prices at the pump.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Barbara Eames, who was volunteering at the National Night Out event in Westminster, where she’s lived for more than 50 years, told Steel that she and others in her church congregation were praying for more members of Congress like her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We need more like her because we have far too many that are destroying our country right now,” Eames said. “And we’re praying for certain things — one of them is, we are highly concerned about the children. And critical race theory. And the homosexual agenda in the schools — all of that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in Garden Grove, Diana Tran was receptive to Chen’s message on efforts to curb gun violence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I homeschool my kids right now and we started homeschooling because of the pandemic. But then, like, hearing about gun violence, hearing what’s going on in the community — it’s really, really hard to integrate ourselves back into society,” she told Chen at the police station event.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One thing both candidates like talking about: their own immigrant family stories. Steel was born in South Korea and grew up in Japan; Chen’s parents are Taiwanese and moved to the Midwest before Chen was born.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both are hoping those backgrounds will help them connect with voters in a district that’s one-third Asian, including one of the largest Vietnamese communities in the state. But Balma said each candidate likely appeals to different segments of the diverse Asian American community here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not a monolith. And the Asian American voters are not even a monolith within the different ethnicities. Not all Vietnamese Americans vote the same way. Not all Koreans feel the same way,” she said. “[Chen and Steel] are generationally different. Their immigration stories are generationally different.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Balma also noted that younger Vietnamese voters tend to skew Democratic, while their parents and grandparents still identify with the GOP — in some cases, because of the party’s historic anti-communist stance, an issue that for decades has loomed large over politics in the county.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among the candidates’ few overlapping positions, for instance, is their mutual support for Taiwanese independence and their outspoken opposition to China’s leadership.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Balma wonders whether the national Republican Party’s recent shift even further to the right — including its embrace of autocratic world leaders like Hungarian President Viktor Orbán — could hurt conservative candidates in Orange County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I mean, do Vietnamese voters still believe that the Republicans are against communism when you see them, you know, inviting and cozying up to dictators and fascists?” she said. “I don’t know how that plays.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And like most close elections, Balma added, this one will come down to who’s paying attention — and actually turns out to vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>This week’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/tcrmag/\">California Report Magazine\u003c/a> features a conversation with KPCC reporter Jill Replogle, whose three-part series “Home Is Life” is the opening season of the new LAist podcast \u003ca href=\"https://laist.com/podcasts/imperfectparadise\">Imperfect Paradise\u003c/a>. We hear excerpts from Episode 2, which explores the \u003ca href=\"https://laist.com/news/housing-homelessness/fullerton-homelessness-nimby-supportive-housing-imperfect-paradise\">battle in Fullerton over an effort to build a new apartment complex\u003c/a> to get unhoused people off the street.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>How to get unhoused people into stable housing is a question cities across California are grappling with. But the problem isn’t always finding land or money to build permanent supportive housing — often, it’s the neighbors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>David Gillanders runs an organization called \u003ca href=\"https://www.pohoc.org/staff/\">Pathways of Hope\u003c/a>, which works to end homelessness and hunger in Orange County. He was frustrated with the limits of services for unhoused people, which tend to go not much beyond things like church soup kitchens and clothing drives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11905657\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11905657\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/RS53771_David-Gillanders-qut-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/RS53771_David-Gillanders-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/RS53771_David-Gillanders-qut-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/RS53771_David-Gillanders-qut-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/RS53771_David-Gillanders-qut-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/RS53771_David-Gillanders-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">David Gillanders, executive director of Pathways of Hope, at the proposed site of an apartment complex for chronically unhoused people in Fullerton. \u003ccite>(Jill Replogle / KPCC)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Yes, handing out toys to families matters. Yes, everyone’s got to eat,” Gillanders said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But it’s literally homelessness. It’s not souplessness, you know what I mean? It’s not clotheslessness. It’s not showerlessness. It’s homelessness. Demonstrate for me how homelessness is ended with anything other than a set of keys, a lease and a place to call home.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11905658\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11905658\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/RS53772_Curtis-Gamble-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/RS53772_Curtis-Gamble-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/RS53772_Curtis-Gamble-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/RS53772_Curtis-Gamble-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/RS53772_Curtis-Gamble-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/RS53772_Curtis-Gamble-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Curtis Gamble in his studio apartment in downtown Fullerton. Gamble was homeless in Fullerton for eight years. He was able to rent the apartment with the money he got from a settlement with the city of Fullerton over the city’s failure to zone for homeless shelters. \u003ccite>(Kyle Grillot/KPCC)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Gillanders led an initiative to build an apartment building in Fullerton to house 60 to 80 people who are chronically unhoused and have a disability, which could include mental illness or a substance abuse disorder.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In order to get it approved, the Fullerton City Council told Gillanders he’d have to convince the neighbors. But that proved harder than he thought.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We spent a lot of money to buy homes and to get our kids to school and, you know, just to live the American dream,” said neighbor Stephanie Bromley. “We feel like our safety and our well-being is being compromised and no one’s thinking about us.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bromley ran a Facebook group that became a forum for complaints about people experiencing homelessness in the neighborhood. Bromley said she felt compassion for unhoused people, handing out McDonald’s gift cards to people she encounters around town asking for money. But she didn’t support the idea of formerly unhoused people living in an apartment building in her neighborhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m concerned that we’re going to attract people from other cities and then they’re going to become our responsibility,” Bromley said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some Fullerton residents express more vicious takes on their unhoused neighbors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Catherine Reese generated a local following in Fullerton by \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/channel/UCIAEfZIjiPmYnq9ZFHdtqzA\">posting videos of her “interviewing” people\u003c/a> she presumes to be unhoused. Some videos feature her asking her subjects if they want help and then berating them if they refuse or waver. Others feature her disparaging commentaries, as she films unhoused people from a distance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Imperfect Paradise podcast follows Reese and a group of neighbors as they tour other permanent supportive housing for chronically unhoused people in Orange County. Fullerton City Council members and proponents of the Pathways project suggested it might be illuminating for residents to see some existing developments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label='Related Coverage' tag='homelessness']But the tour seemed to backfire. Fullerton neighbors got particularly upset when the tour stopped at an apartment complex in the city of Irvine.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We know permanent supportive housing is what experts say is the best way to keep people off the street,” said Bromley. “But it bothers me that our taxpayer dollars are paying for these people to live with amenities like a pool, stainless steel appliances, granite countertops, walk-in closets, movie night, etcetera. And they never have to work. You know, it makes me wonder why I work so hard, you know, and tell my kids they need to go to school and do well for themselves and everybody getting all these things for free. It’s frustrating.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Actually, tenants do pay rent: 30% of their income, which could come from employment or disability insurance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But that information didn’t convince the Fullerton neighbors skeptical of the Pathways project. When the tour stopped at another permanent supportive housing project, the Rockwood apartments in Anaheim, Reese jumped in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Can I get this kind of assistance and not have to work?” she asked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you’re homeless, if you go live on the street for a year, stop working, then you would qualify,” responded Danielle Ball, whose job is to help tenants at Rockwood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you went out and if you decided you don’t want your house, you don’t want your car. You don’t want any single asset that you own and sell everything and go out on the street and lose it all … [and] after being on the street, most likely you will get a mental health diagnosis because it’s pretty bad out there … then you could qualify, 100%.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>\u003ca href=\"https://laist.com/podcasts/imperfectparadise\">Listen to the Imperfect Paradise podcast\u003c/a> from LAist studios to learn more about the battle over permanent supportive housing in Fullerton, and \u003ca href=\"https://laist.com/news/housing-homelessness/fullerton-homelessness-nimby-supportive-housing-imperfect-paradise\">read LAist’s full story\u003c/a>, going back to 2018.\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>This week’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/tcrmag/\">California Report Magazine\u003c/a> features a conversation with KPCC reporter Jill Replogle, whose three-part series “Home Is Life” is the opening season of the new LAist podcast \u003ca href=\"https://laist.com/podcasts/imperfectparadise\">Imperfect Paradise\u003c/a>. We hear excerpts from Episode 2, which explores the \u003ca href=\"https://laist.com/news/housing-homelessness/fullerton-homelessness-nimby-supportive-housing-imperfect-paradise\">battle in Fullerton over an effort to build a new apartment complex\u003c/a> to get unhoused people off the street.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>How to get unhoused people into stable housing is a question cities across California are grappling with. But the problem isn’t always finding land or money to build permanent supportive housing — often, it’s the neighbors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>David Gillanders runs an organization called \u003ca href=\"https://www.pohoc.org/staff/\">Pathways of Hope\u003c/a>, which works to end homelessness and hunger in Orange County. He was frustrated with the limits of services for unhoused people, which tend to go not much beyond things like church soup kitchens and clothing drives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11905657\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11905657\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/RS53771_David-Gillanders-qut-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/RS53771_David-Gillanders-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/RS53771_David-Gillanders-qut-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/RS53771_David-Gillanders-qut-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/RS53771_David-Gillanders-qut-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/RS53771_David-Gillanders-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">David Gillanders, executive director of Pathways of Hope, at the proposed site of an apartment complex for chronically unhoused people in Fullerton. \u003ccite>(Jill Replogle / KPCC)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Yes, handing out toys to families matters. Yes, everyone’s got to eat,” Gillanders said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But it’s literally homelessness. It’s not souplessness, you know what I mean? It’s not clotheslessness. It’s not showerlessness. It’s homelessness. Demonstrate for me how homelessness is ended with anything other than a set of keys, a lease and a place to call home.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11905658\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11905658\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/RS53772_Curtis-Gamble-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/RS53772_Curtis-Gamble-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/RS53772_Curtis-Gamble-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/RS53772_Curtis-Gamble-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/RS53772_Curtis-Gamble-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/RS53772_Curtis-Gamble-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Curtis Gamble in his studio apartment in downtown Fullerton. Gamble was homeless in Fullerton for eight years. He was able to rent the apartment with the money he got from a settlement with the city of Fullerton over the city’s failure to zone for homeless shelters. \u003ccite>(Kyle Grillot/KPCC)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Gillanders led an initiative to build an apartment building in Fullerton to house 60 to 80 people who are chronically unhoused and have a disability, which could include mental illness or a substance abuse disorder.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In order to get it approved, the Fullerton City Council told Gillanders he’d have to convince the neighbors. But that proved harder than he thought.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We spent a lot of money to buy homes and to get our kids to school and, you know, just to live the American dream,” said neighbor Stephanie Bromley. “We feel like our safety and our well-being is being compromised and no one’s thinking about us.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bromley ran a Facebook group that became a forum for complaints about people experiencing homelessness in the neighborhood. Bromley said she felt compassion for unhoused people, handing out McDonald’s gift cards to people she encounters around town asking for money. But she didn’t support the idea of formerly unhoused people living in an apartment building in her neighborhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m concerned that we’re going to attract people from other cities and then they’re going to become our responsibility,” Bromley said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some Fullerton residents express more vicious takes on their unhoused neighbors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Catherine Reese generated a local following in Fullerton by \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/channel/UCIAEfZIjiPmYnq9ZFHdtqzA\">posting videos of her “interviewing” people\u003c/a> she presumes to be unhoused. Some videos feature her asking her subjects if they want help and then berating them if they refuse or waver. Others feature her disparaging commentaries, as she films unhoused people from a distance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Imperfect Paradise podcast follows Reese and a group of neighbors as they tour other permanent supportive housing for chronically unhoused people in Orange County. Fullerton City Council members and proponents of the Pathways project suggested it might be illuminating for residents to see some existing developments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>But the tour seemed to backfire. Fullerton neighbors got particularly upset when the tour stopped at an apartment complex in the city of Irvine.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We know permanent supportive housing is what experts say is the best way to keep people off the street,” said Bromley. “But it bothers me that our taxpayer dollars are paying for these people to live with amenities like a pool, stainless steel appliances, granite countertops, walk-in closets, movie night, etcetera. And they never have to work. You know, it makes me wonder why I work so hard, you know, and tell my kids they need to go to school and do well for themselves and everybody getting all these things for free. It’s frustrating.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Actually, tenants do pay rent: 30% of their income, which could come from employment or disability insurance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But that information didn’t convince the Fullerton neighbors skeptical of the Pathways project. When the tour stopped at another permanent supportive housing project, the Rockwood apartments in Anaheim, Reese jumped in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Can I get this kind of assistance and not have to work?” she asked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you’re homeless, if you go live on the street for a year, stop working, then you would qualify,” responded Danielle Ball, whose job is to help tenants at Rockwood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you went out and if you decided you don’t want your house, you don’t want your car. You don’t want any single asset that you own and sell everything and go out on the street and lose it all … [and] after being on the street, most likely you will get a mental health diagnosis because it’s pretty bad out there … then you could qualify, 100%.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>\u003ca href=\"https://laist.com/podcasts/imperfectparadise\">Listen to the Imperfect Paradise podcast\u003c/a> from LAist studios to learn more about the battle over permanent supportive housing in Fullerton, and \u003ca href=\"https://laist.com/news/housing-homelessness/fullerton-homelessness-nimby-supportive-housing-imperfect-paradise\">read LAist’s full story\u003c/a>, going back to 2018.\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"info": "\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em>, which listeners will hear in the first part of the hour, has fearless and much-needed conversations about race. Hosted by journalists of color, the show tackles the subject of race head-on, exploring how it impacts every part of society — from politics and pop culture to history, sports and more.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em>, which will be in the second part of the hour, guides you through spaces and feelings no one prepares you for — from finances to mental health, from workplace microaggressions to imposter syndrome, from relationships to parenting. The show features experts with real world experience and shares their knowledge. Because everyone needs a little help being human.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/podcasts/510312/codeswitch\">\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/lifekit\">\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />",
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"info": "Chris Thile steps to the mic as the host of Live from Here (formerly A Prairie Home Companion), a live public radio variety show. Download Chris’s Song of the Week plus other highlights from the broadcast. Produced by American Public Media.",
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"marketplace": {
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"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
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"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
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"order": 13
},
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"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
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"order": 12
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"info": "Our weekly podcast explores how the media 'sausage' is made, casts an incisive eye on fluctuations in the marketplace of ideas, and examines threats to the freedom of information and expression in America and abroad. For one hour a week, the show tries to lift the veil from the process of \"making media,\" especially news media, because it's through that lens that we see the world and the world sees us",
"airtime": "SUN 2pm-3pm, MON 12am-1am",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/onTheMedia.png",
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"info": "Presented by KQED, KCRW and KPCC, and created and hosted by award-winning journalist Farai Chideya, Our Body Politic is unapologetically centered on reporting on not just how women of color experience the major political events of today, but how they’re impacting those very issues.",
"airtime": "SAT 6pm-7pm, SUN 1am-2am",
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},
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5zaW1wbGVjYXN0LmNvbS9feGFQaHMxcw",
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"order": 15
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"title": "Planet Money",
"info": "The economy explained. Imagine you could call up a friend and say, Meet me at the bar and tell me what's going on with the economy. Now imagine that's actually a fun evening.",
"airtime": "SUN 3pm-4pm",
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"politicalbreakdown": {
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"tagline": "Politics from a personal perspective",
"info": "Political Breakdown is a new series that explores the political intersection of California and the nation. Each week hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos are joined with a new special guest to unpack politics -- with personality — and offer an insider’s glimpse at how politics happens.",
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