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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was originally published by \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\">CalMatters\u003c/a>. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/subscribe-to-calmatters/\">Sign up\u003c/a> for their newsletters.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Supreme Court today sided with environmental groups in a case seen as pivotal for the proliferation of rooftop solar power in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a unanimous vote, justices told a lower court to revisit a ruling that upheld reduced payments to solar panel owners for selling excess power back to utility companies. Justices did not rule on whether the changes to the solar program were legal, requiring the court of appeals to determine this.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They basically said the lower court kind of punted on the whole substance of the [solar payments] decision,” Bernadette Del Chiaro, vice president for California at the Environmental Working Group, said. “I do think they’re clearly stating this needs to be reviewed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003cbr>\nAt issue is a 2022 decision by state regulators to reduce by about 75% payments to solar panel owners for excess power. The change was intended to help make bills affordable for all customers while still encouraging the adoption of renewable energy sources. Three environmental groups that brought the lawsuit — the Center for Biological Diversity, The Protect our Communities Foundation, and the Environmental Working Group — argued in the case that the state utility commission’s decision left out crucial considerations around benefits to customers and disadvantaged communities.\u003cbr>\u003cstrong>\u003cbr>\u003c/strong>“We don’t need [to be in] an affordability crisis if we have more local generation,” Roger Lin, senior attorney fro the Center for Biological Diversity, said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11998389\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/gettyimages-1747758424-scaled.jpeg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/gettyimages-1747758424-scaled.jpeg\" alt=\"Two workers wearing hard hats carry a solar panel onto a rooftop.\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1760\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11998389\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/gettyimages-1747758424-scaled.jpeg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/gettyimages-1747758424-800x550.jpeg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/gettyimages-1747758424-1020x701.jpeg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/gettyimages-1747758424-160x110.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/gettyimages-1747758424-1536x1056.jpeg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/gettyimages-1747758424-2048x1408.jpeg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/gettyimages-1747758424-1920x1320.jpeg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">GRID Alternatives employees Sal Miranda, center, and Tony Chang, left, install no-cost solar panels on the rooftop of a low-income household on Oct. 19, 2023, in Pomona, California. \u003ccite>(Mario Tama/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Utilities pay solar panel owners for their excess power under a program known as “net energy metering.” In previous iterations of the program – “NEM 1.0” and “NEM 2.0” – utilities paid solar customers a retail rate for their extra energy, which is the same price the utilities charge other customers when they resell that energy. This was changed under the current iteration of the program – “NEM 3.0” – which instead gives customers the “avoided cost,” which is how much utilities save by not buying that power on the wholesale market. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Customers who joined the program after mid-April 2023 receive the new rate, while customers under the prior two versions will continue to receive the old rate for the duration of their contracts, which is typically about 20 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Utility commissioners ruled in favor of power companies, which argued that older versions of the program created an unfair cost burden on customers. Those without rooftop solar, utilities said, have to pay more than their peers for routine maintenance to the grid. The groups bringing the lawsuit said this idea is overblown.[aside postID=science_1997918 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2025/05/250523-SOLAR-BALCONY-MD-01-KQED-1020x680.jpg']A court of appeals decision upheld regulators’ decision, relying on a legal standard that gives significant deference to decisions made by the California Public Utilities Commission.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thursday’s decision said the court of appeals “erred” by using this standard. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Whether or not the change in how solar panel owners are paid is legal will be left to the lower courts. But the decision this week could have farther-reaching implications for state utility regulators.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates said the decision reinforces that the utilities’ commission must ensure that its decisions fit squarely within the law. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For too long, they really have operated in a black box behind a shroud of complexity,” Del Chiaro said. “Consumers and the planet have consistently lost out as a result of that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The fallout from the utility commission’s 2022 net metering decision included an 82% drop in customers requesting connections for rooftop solar installations, and industry groups expected a loss of about 17,000 jobs during the first year of the change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This is a developing story.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This article was \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/economy/2025/08/california-supreme-court-rules-on-net-metering-cuts/\">originally published on CalMatters\u003c/a> and was republished under the \u003ca href=\"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/\">Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives\u003c/a> license.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was originally published by \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\">CalMatters\u003c/a>. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/subscribe-to-calmatters/\">Sign up\u003c/a> for their newsletters.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Supreme Court today sided with environmental groups in a case seen as pivotal for the proliferation of rooftop solar power in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a unanimous vote, justices told a lower court to revisit a ruling that upheld reduced payments to solar panel owners for selling excess power back to utility companies. Justices did not rule on whether the changes to the solar program were legal, requiring the court of appeals to determine this.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They basically said the lower court kind of punted on the whole substance of the [solar payments] decision,” Bernadette Del Chiaro, vice president for California at the Environmental Working Group, said. “I do think they’re clearly stating this needs to be reviewed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cbr>\nAt issue is a 2022 decision by state regulators to reduce by about 75% payments to solar panel owners for excess power. The change was intended to help make bills affordable for all customers while still encouraging the adoption of renewable energy sources. Three environmental groups that brought the lawsuit — the Center for Biological Diversity, The Protect our Communities Foundation, and the Environmental Working Group — argued in the case that the state utility commission’s decision left out crucial considerations around benefits to customers and disadvantaged communities.\u003cbr>\u003cstrong>\u003cbr>\u003c/strong>“We don’t need [to be in] an affordability crisis if we have more local generation,” Roger Lin, senior attorney fro the Center for Biological Diversity, said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11998389\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/gettyimages-1747758424-scaled.jpeg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/gettyimages-1747758424-scaled.jpeg\" alt=\"Two workers wearing hard hats carry a solar panel onto a rooftop.\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1760\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11998389\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/gettyimages-1747758424-scaled.jpeg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/gettyimages-1747758424-800x550.jpeg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/gettyimages-1747758424-1020x701.jpeg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/gettyimages-1747758424-160x110.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/gettyimages-1747758424-1536x1056.jpeg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/gettyimages-1747758424-2048x1408.jpeg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/gettyimages-1747758424-1920x1320.jpeg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">GRID Alternatives employees Sal Miranda, center, and Tony Chang, left, install no-cost solar panels on the rooftop of a low-income household on Oct. 19, 2023, in Pomona, California. \u003ccite>(Mario Tama/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Utilities pay solar panel owners for their excess power under a program known as “net energy metering.” In previous iterations of the program – “NEM 1.0” and “NEM 2.0” – utilities paid solar customers a retail rate for their extra energy, which is the same price the utilities charge other customers when they resell that energy. This was changed under the current iteration of the program – “NEM 3.0” – which instead gives customers the “avoided cost,” which is how much utilities save by not buying that power on the wholesale market. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Customers who joined the program after mid-April 2023 receive the new rate, while customers under the prior two versions will continue to receive the old rate for the duration of their contracts, which is typically about 20 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Utility commissioners ruled in favor of power companies, which argued that older versions of the program created an unfair cost burden on customers. Those without rooftop solar, utilities said, have to pay more than their peers for routine maintenance to the grid. The groups bringing the lawsuit said this idea is overblown.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>A court of appeals decision upheld regulators’ decision, relying on a legal standard that gives significant deference to decisions made by the California Public Utilities Commission.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thursday’s decision said the court of appeals “erred” by using this standard. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Whether or not the change in how solar panel owners are paid is legal will be left to the lower courts. But the decision this week could have farther-reaching implications for state utility regulators.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates said the decision reinforces that the utilities’ commission must ensure that its decisions fit squarely within the law. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For too long, they really have operated in a black box behind a shroud of complexity,” Del Chiaro said. “Consumers and the planet have consistently lost out as a result of that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The fallout from the utility commission’s 2022 net metering decision included an 82% drop in customers requesting connections for rooftop solar installations, and industry groups expected a loss of about 17,000 jobs during the first year of the change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This is a developing story.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This article was \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/economy/2025/08/california-supreme-court-rules-on-net-metering-cuts/\">originally published on CalMatters\u003c/a> and was republished under the \u003ca href=\"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/\">Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives\u003c/a> license.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "california-lawmakers-push-protect-free-hiv-prevention-amid-legal-threats",
"title": "California Lawmakers Push to Protect Free HIV Prevention Amid Legal Threats",
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"headTitle": "California Lawmakers Push to Protect Free HIV Prevention Amid Legal Threats | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>More than 40 years after the national HIV/AIDS epidemic began, San Francisco still holds the reminders — in memorials, in murals, in the stories of survivors and in the voids left by the tens of thousands of deaths — of the deep loss suffered during that time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I came of age as a gay man in the late 1980s during the absolute worst period in the AIDS crisis, with gay men and others having a mass die-off,” state Sen. Scott Wiener said. “It was absolutely terrifying.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That story is not just one of loss but also eventual triumph. Medical advancements mean that people with HIV can live longer with minimal to no risk of transmitting the disease to partners. And highly effective preventative treatments like preexposure prophylaxis, better known as PrEP, help people avoid contracting HIV.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When PrEP came around, for me and for so many other people, it was a game changer that we actually had a tool to protect our health and to stay negative,” said Wiener, who was the first elected official to publicly acknowledge being on the medication. “PrEP is an absolutely essential part of any strategy to end new HIV infections.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Public health experts now hope to dramatically reduce the number of HIV transmissions by the end of the decade, but a lawsuit filed by a business in Texas against parts of the Affordable Care Act could derail ambitions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12004484\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12004484\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/AIDSLifecycleGetty1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1271\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/AIDSLifecycleGetty1.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/AIDSLifecycleGetty1-800x508.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/AIDSLifecycleGetty1-1020x648.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/AIDSLifecycleGetty1-160x102.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/AIDSLifecycleGetty1-1536x976.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/AIDSLifecycleGetty1-1920x1220.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A crowd cheers on cyclists at the beginning of the second annual AIDS/LifeCycle event on June 8, 2003, in San Francisco, California. More than 1,500 cyclists are taking part in a 585-mile tour from San Francisco to Los Angeles over seven days to raise money for AIDS and HIV services. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The lawsuit, currently under review by the Supreme Court, questions the constitutionality of a mandate requiring that health care providers offer some preventative care, including for HIV, at no cost. In response, Bay Area legislators are pushing to enshrine the no-cost mandate for HIV prevention medication in state law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wiener and Assemblymember Matt Haney introduced legislation in the state Assembly on Thursday that seeks to protect the no-cost-sharing requirement for existing HIV prevention treatments — and for treatments that could become publicly available in the coming years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are so many people who have lost their lives, who have lost loved ones over a number of decades,” Haney said. “California, I think, has a responsibility — certainly San Francisco does as well, to step up and say this medication needs to be protected. It needs to be made available for all who need it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11968984 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/12/231204-WORLD-AIDS-DAY-GETTY-JS-KQED-1020x645.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A Promising Future for PrEP\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In 1987, San Francisco reported roughly 5,000 new HIV cases per year. In recent years, that figure has fallen below 200 and is trending downward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Public health experts attribute that drop in large part to the development of preventative treatments like PrEP. The medication most commonly comes in pill form and is taken daily or before sexual activity to reduce transmission risk. Postexposure prophylaxis, known as PEP, is taken in the hours after sexual activity for the same purpose.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Food and Drug Administration approved PrEP in 2012. In the years since, San Francisco has seen a 67% decline in new HIV diagnoses, according to Susan Buchbinder, director of Bridge HIV, an HIV prevention research unit within the San Francisco Department of Public Health.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The U.S. Preventive Services Task Force gave PrEP an A rating, which means that there’s really substantial evidence that it makes a dramatic difference in prevention of HIV acquisition,” Buchbinder said. “So it should be covered for everyone, free of charge. That’s not always the case, but it should be the case. And it really would make a huge difference.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An injectable version of PrEP requires a shot every two months, and a dosage that lasts six months is currently under FDA review. The proposed legislation would require healthcare providers to offer an option for oral medication and different injection cycles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12010450\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12010450\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241021-SFUSD-BREED-STATE-PRESSER-MD-09-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241021-SFUSD-BREED-STATE-PRESSER-MD-09-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241021-SFUSD-BREED-STATE-PRESSER-MD-09-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241021-SFUSD-BREED-STATE-PRESSER-MD-09-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241021-SFUSD-BREED-STATE-PRESSER-MD-09-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241021-SFUSD-BREED-STATE-PRESSER-MD-09-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241021-SFUSD-BREED-STATE-PRESSER-MD-09-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">State Sen. Scott Wiener speaks at a press event in front of the SFUSD offices in San Francisco on Oct. 21, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“What we want to do is not only ensure that insurance providers in California cover this critical preventative care that can help us eliminate HIV transmissions,” Haney said. “But also that we cover these new forms of medication that will be even more effective because they cover people for longer periods of time.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Buchbinder believes the six-month version of PrEP will be enticing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We know that an every-six-month injectable will appeal to some people and could really make a difference in increasing the number of people who are on PrEP because, for some people, taking a daily pill isn’t very practical,” Buchbinder said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Working Toward Zero HIV Transmissions Eradicating HIV in the United States has been a goal for many since the epidemic first broke out. In 2019, President Donald Trump set a deadline to end the disease within a decade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Scientific breakthroughs have brought a once-distant dream within reach. My budget will ask Democrats and Republicans to make the needed commitment to eliminate the HIV epidemic in the United States within 10 years,” Trump said during his State of the Union address.[aside postID=forum_2010101883856 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/43/2021/06/GettyImages-72693997-1-1020x574.jpg']An initiative led by the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, Ending the HIV Epidemic in the U.S., set out to decrease transmissions by 75% by 2025 and 90% by 2030. However, 2023 had more than 38,000 cases nationwide, according to preliminary data. That’s up from the more than 36,000 documented cases in 2019, the year Trump made his pledge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Locally, things look more hopeful. Not only are new yearly transmissions in the low hundreds, but other data points look promising as well. Of the people who have HIV in San Francisco, 95% are estimated to be aware of their status, and more than 90% receive care within one month of diagnosis, according to federal data.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So many people have not only dreamed but have worked towards this reality that we are now able to actualize,” Haney said. “Because of this medication, we can actually get to zero new transmissions a year, and there are so many people who have lost their lives, who have lost loved ones over a number of decades who have dreamed of this moment.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Buchbinder acknowledged it is an aggressive target.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are really working hard on that goal here in San Francisco … We think that there need to be additional tools that would help get us towards that goal.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While Buchbinder did not express confidence that new cases could be all but eliminated by the turn of the decade, she was confident that keeping the medication affordable and accessible is key to continuing current trends.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Cost is always an issue, particularly for preventive treatments,” she said. “People often don’t have the funds to pay for PrEP, and so having government coverage of that and having insurance coverage of that is really a key part of [the] rollout of PrEP.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We know that when people lose their insurance coverage, they often go off of PrEP, and that’s when they may be vulnerable to acquiring HIV.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "State Sen. Scott Wiener and Assemblymember Matt Haney introduced legislation on Thursday that would protect the no-cost-sharing requirement for existing HIV prevention treatments.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>More than 40 years after the national HIV/AIDS epidemic began, San Francisco still holds the reminders — in memorials, in murals, in the stories of survivors and in the voids left by the tens of thousands of deaths — of the deep loss suffered during that time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I came of age as a gay man in the late 1980s during the absolute worst period in the AIDS crisis, with gay men and others having a mass die-off,” state Sen. Scott Wiener said. “It was absolutely terrifying.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That story is not just one of loss but also eventual triumph. Medical advancements mean that people with HIV can live longer with minimal to no risk of transmitting the disease to partners. And highly effective preventative treatments like preexposure prophylaxis, better known as PrEP, help people avoid contracting HIV.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When PrEP came around, for me and for so many other people, it was a game changer that we actually had a tool to protect our health and to stay negative,” said Wiener, who was the first elected official to publicly acknowledge being on the medication. “PrEP is an absolutely essential part of any strategy to end new HIV infections.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Public health experts now hope to dramatically reduce the number of HIV transmissions by the end of the decade, but a lawsuit filed by a business in Texas against parts of the Affordable Care Act could derail ambitions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12004484\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12004484\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/AIDSLifecycleGetty1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1271\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/AIDSLifecycleGetty1.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/AIDSLifecycleGetty1-800x508.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/AIDSLifecycleGetty1-1020x648.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/AIDSLifecycleGetty1-160x102.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/AIDSLifecycleGetty1-1536x976.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/AIDSLifecycleGetty1-1920x1220.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A crowd cheers on cyclists at the beginning of the second annual AIDS/LifeCycle event on June 8, 2003, in San Francisco, California. More than 1,500 cyclists are taking part in a 585-mile tour from San Francisco to Los Angeles over seven days to raise money for AIDS and HIV services. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The lawsuit, currently under review by the Supreme Court, questions the constitutionality of a mandate requiring that health care providers offer some preventative care, including for HIV, at no cost. In response, Bay Area legislators are pushing to enshrine the no-cost mandate for HIV prevention medication in state law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wiener and Assemblymember Matt Haney introduced legislation in the state Assembly on Thursday that seeks to protect the no-cost-sharing requirement for existing HIV prevention treatments — and for treatments that could become publicly available in the coming years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are so many people who have lost their lives, who have lost loved ones over a number of decades,” Haney said. “California, I think, has a responsibility — certainly San Francisco does as well, to step up and say this medication needs to be protected. It needs to be made available for all who need it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A Promising Future for PrEP\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In 1987, San Francisco reported roughly 5,000 new HIV cases per year. In recent years, that figure has fallen below 200 and is trending downward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Public health experts attribute that drop in large part to the development of preventative treatments like PrEP. The medication most commonly comes in pill form and is taken daily or before sexual activity to reduce transmission risk. Postexposure prophylaxis, known as PEP, is taken in the hours after sexual activity for the same purpose.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Food and Drug Administration approved PrEP in 2012. In the years since, San Francisco has seen a 67% decline in new HIV diagnoses, according to Susan Buchbinder, director of Bridge HIV, an HIV prevention research unit within the San Francisco Department of Public Health.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The U.S. Preventive Services Task Force gave PrEP an A rating, which means that there’s really substantial evidence that it makes a dramatic difference in prevention of HIV acquisition,” Buchbinder said. “So it should be covered for everyone, free of charge. That’s not always the case, but it should be the case. And it really would make a huge difference.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An injectable version of PrEP requires a shot every two months, and a dosage that lasts six months is currently under FDA review. The proposed legislation would require healthcare providers to offer an option for oral medication and different injection cycles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12010450\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12010450\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241021-SFUSD-BREED-STATE-PRESSER-MD-09-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241021-SFUSD-BREED-STATE-PRESSER-MD-09-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241021-SFUSD-BREED-STATE-PRESSER-MD-09-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241021-SFUSD-BREED-STATE-PRESSER-MD-09-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241021-SFUSD-BREED-STATE-PRESSER-MD-09-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241021-SFUSD-BREED-STATE-PRESSER-MD-09-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241021-SFUSD-BREED-STATE-PRESSER-MD-09-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">State Sen. Scott Wiener speaks at a press event in front of the SFUSD offices in San Francisco on Oct. 21, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“What we want to do is not only ensure that insurance providers in California cover this critical preventative care that can help us eliminate HIV transmissions,” Haney said. “But also that we cover these new forms of medication that will be even more effective because they cover people for longer periods of time.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Buchbinder believes the six-month version of PrEP will be enticing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We know that an every-six-month injectable will appeal to some people and could really make a difference in increasing the number of people who are on PrEP because, for some people, taking a daily pill isn’t very practical,” Buchbinder said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Working Toward Zero HIV Transmissions Eradicating HIV in the United States has been a goal for many since the epidemic first broke out. In 2019, President Donald Trump set a deadline to end the disease within a decade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Scientific breakthroughs have brought a once-distant dream within reach. My budget will ask Democrats and Republicans to make the needed commitment to eliminate the HIV epidemic in the United States within 10 years,” Trump said during his State of the Union address.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>An initiative led by the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, Ending the HIV Epidemic in the U.S., set out to decrease transmissions by 75% by 2025 and 90% by 2030. However, 2023 had more than 38,000 cases nationwide, according to preliminary data. That’s up from the more than 36,000 documented cases in 2019, the year Trump made his pledge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Locally, things look more hopeful. Not only are new yearly transmissions in the low hundreds, but other data points look promising as well. Of the people who have HIV in San Francisco, 95% are estimated to be aware of their status, and more than 90% receive care within one month of diagnosis, according to federal data.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So many people have not only dreamed but have worked towards this reality that we are now able to actualize,” Haney said. “Because of this medication, we can actually get to zero new transmissions a year, and there are so many people who have lost their lives, who have lost loved ones over a number of decades who have dreamed of this moment.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Buchbinder acknowledged it is an aggressive target.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are really working hard on that goal here in San Francisco … We think that there need to be additional tools that would help get us towards that goal.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While Buchbinder did not express confidence that new cases could be all but eliminated by the turn of the decade, she was confident that keeping the medication affordable and accessible is key to continuing current trends.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Cost is always an issue, particularly for preventive treatments,” she said. “People often don’t have the funds to pay for PrEP, and so having government coverage of that and having insurance coverage of that is really a key part of [the] rollout of PrEP.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We know that when people lose their insurance coverage, they often go off of PrEP, and that’s when they may be vulnerable to acquiring HIV.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>The California Supreme Court on Thursday upheld a law that allows app-based rideshare and delivery companies to treat their drivers as independent contractors instead of employees, handing a victory to the companies that put the initiative on the ballot in 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The justices’ \u003ca href=\"https://www.courts.ca.gov/opinions/documents/S279622.PDF\">unanimous decision\u003c/a> focused on a clause in the industry-backed Proposition 22 that excluded app-based drivers from the state workers’ compensation system. The court declined to invalidate the law over a challenge brought by four drivers and the Service Employees International Union, which argued that Prop. 22 conflicted with the state Legislature’s constitutional powers to set those benefits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The court found that the Legislature does not have the sole authority to govern the workers’ compensation system. The law “does not preclude the electorate from exercising its initiative power to legislate on matters affecting workers’ compensation,” Justice Goodwin Liu wrote in the ruling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Uber, Lyft and Doordash, among other companies, spent more than $200 million to back Prop. 22, which was approved by 59% of voters in November 2020. The ballot initiative was in response to AB 5, a state law that made it more difficult to classify drivers as independent contractors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Independent contractors are much cheaper for employers because they generally lack workers’ compensation coverage if injured on the job, overtime pay, and other protections afforded to employees. In the state, there are an estimated 1.4 million drivers working for DoorDash, Instacart, Lyft and Uber.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“California’s Supreme Court erred today by siding with multi-billion dollar corporations’ efforts to write their own laws to put profits over people,” Assemblymember Liz Ortega (D-San Leandro), who chairs the Assembly Labor Committee, said in a statement. “Being injured on the job shouldn’t mean that you and your family are placed in financial jeopardy, but that’s what workers face when corporations misclassify them to avoid employers’ responsibilities like workers’ compensation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rory Little, a professor at UC Law San Francisco, told KQED that the ruling represents a big win for backers of Prop. 22, but it’s “not the end of the story.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a hot button issue. Not just in California, but all around the country,” he continued. “And so there’s going to be legislative efforts to address this further.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Minutes after the court decision, Instacart applauded it as a “historic moment,” while Uber called it a “victory for drivers and democracy,” noting that 10 million voters supported Prop. 22.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Whether drivers or couriers choose to earn just a few hours a week or more, their freedom to work when and how they want is now firmly etched into California law, putting an end to misguided attempts to force them into an employment model that they overwhelmingly do not want,” Uber said in a \u003ca href=\"https://www.uber.com/newsroom/prop-22-upheld/\">statement\u003c/a> posted on its website.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The justices’ ruling on Thursday did not address a clause in Proposition 22 that makes it all but impossible for lawmakers to change the law by requiring a seven-eighths supermajority vote for amendments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/rachael-myrow\">Rachael Myrow\u003c/a> contributed to this report. This is a developing story, and it will be updated.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The California Supreme Court on Thursday upheld a law that allows app-based rideshare and delivery companies to treat their drivers as independent contractors instead of employees, handing a victory to the companies that put the initiative on the ballot in 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The justices’ \u003ca href=\"https://www.courts.ca.gov/opinions/documents/S279622.PDF\">unanimous decision\u003c/a> focused on a clause in the industry-backed Proposition 22 that excluded app-based drivers from the state workers’ compensation system. The court declined to invalidate the law over a challenge brought by four drivers and the Service Employees International Union, which argued that Prop. 22 conflicted with the state Legislature’s constitutional powers to set those benefits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The court found that the Legislature does not have the sole authority to govern the workers’ compensation system. The law “does not preclude the electorate from exercising its initiative power to legislate on matters affecting workers’ compensation,” Justice Goodwin Liu wrote in the ruling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Uber, Lyft and Doordash, among other companies, spent more than $200 million to back Prop. 22, which was approved by 59% of voters in November 2020. The ballot initiative was in response to AB 5, a state law that made it more difficult to classify drivers as independent contractors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Independent contractors are much cheaper for employers because they generally lack workers’ compensation coverage if injured on the job, overtime pay, and other protections afforded to employees. In the state, there are an estimated 1.4 million drivers working for DoorDash, Instacart, Lyft and Uber.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“California’s Supreme Court erred today by siding with multi-billion dollar corporations’ efforts to write their own laws to put profits over people,” Assemblymember Liz Ortega (D-San Leandro), who chairs the Assembly Labor Committee, said in a statement. “Being injured on the job shouldn’t mean that you and your family are placed in financial jeopardy, but that’s what workers face when corporations misclassify them to avoid employers’ responsibilities like workers’ compensation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rory Little, a professor at UC Law San Francisco, told KQED that the ruling represents a big win for backers of Prop. 22, but it’s “not the end of the story.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a hot button issue. Not just in California, but all around the country,” he continued. “And so there’s going to be legislative efforts to address this further.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Minutes after the court decision, Instacart applauded it as a “historic moment,” while Uber called it a “victory for drivers and democracy,” noting that 10 million voters supported Prop. 22.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Whether drivers or couriers choose to earn just a few hours a week or more, their freedom to work when and how they want is now firmly etched into California law, putting an end to misguided attempts to force them into an employment model that they overwhelmingly do not want,” Uber said in a \u003ca href=\"https://www.uber.com/newsroom/prop-22-upheld/\">statement\u003c/a> posted on its website.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The justices’ ruling on Thursday did not address a clause in Proposition 22 that makes it all but impossible for lawmakers to change the law by requiring a seven-eighths supermajority vote for amendments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/rachael-myrow\">Rachael Myrow\u003c/a> contributed to this report. This is a developing story, and it will be updated.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 3:05 p.m. Thursday \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A sweeping ballot measure that would have made it far more difficult for local and state governments to pass tax increases and raise revenue of all kinds was booted off the November ballot on Thursday by the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/california-supreme-court\">California Supreme Court\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure would have required all state and local tax increases to be approved by voters, even after elected officials approved them. In a unanimous ruling, the court wrote that it must be removed from the ballot because it clearly amounted to a revision of the state Constitution by removing power from lawmakers to approve taxes and by requiring elected leaders to vote on all government fees, like library fines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under the California Constitution, revisions must be placed on the ballot by either a constitutional convention or a supermajority vote of the state Legislature; this measure was placed on the ballot through the signature-gathering process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The measure exceeds the scope of power to amend the constitution via citizen initiative,” the justices wrote. “It is within the people’s prerogative to make these changes, but they must be undertaken in a manner commensurate with their gravity: through the process for revision set forth in Article XVIII of the Constitution.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The court wrote that case law has long distinguished between a revision and amendment to the state Constitution — and that a revision makes “far-reaching changes in the nature of our basic governmental plan.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dubbed the “Taxpayer Protection Act,” the measure was placed on the ballot by the California Business Roundtable, a group of top business executives, as well as the anti-tax Howard Jarvis Taxpayers Association. They criticized the ruling as a “travesty” and vowed to continue pushing anti-tax measures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rob Lapsley, CEO of the Business Roundtable, said the outcome wasn’t a total loss because just the threat of the initiative prevented local and state tax measures from being placed on the November ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have major wins,” he said. “We have kept major tax increases off the ballot … because they knew that if this measure passed, it was going to have an impact on all new future taxes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democratic leaders, supported by labor unions, sued to have the measure taken off the November ballot, framing it as an existential threat to the government’s ability to provide services. In a statement Thursday, a spokesperson for Gov. Gavin Newsom praised the ruling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are grateful the California Supreme Court unanimously removed this unconstitutional measure from the ballot,” said Izzy Gardon. “The Governor believes the initiative process is a sacred part of our democracy, but as the Court’s decision affirmed today, that process does not allow for an illegal constitutional revision.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At oral arguments in May, the justices appeared skeptical of Democrats’ arguments, noting the court’s general reluctance to prevent voters from weighing in on a measure and asking lawyers for the governor why they shouldn’t take up the constitutional question after the election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in Thursday’s ruling, authored by Justice Goodwin Liu, the court explained its rationale for preventing voters from weighing in at all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We typically review constitutional challenges to an initiative after an election in order to avoid disrupting the electoral process and the exercise of the franchise,” the ruling stated. “But preelection review is proper for challenges that go to the power of the electorate to adopt the proposal in the first instance.”[aside postID=news_11989237 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240104-PEOPLES-PARK-MD-10_qut-1020x680.jpg']The opinion noted that the ballot measure didn’t only raise the threshold for passing future state and local taxes — it would have retroactively nullified any taxes and fees adopted since Jan. 1, 2022, that did not comply with the measure’s provisions. Those “rollback provisions,” the court wrote, complicated matters and generated uncertainty, prompting justices to determine that it was appropriate to weigh in before voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And the court rejected arguments by the ballot measure backers’ attorneys that the court could take out only the provisions of the measure that amounted to a revision of the Constitution, saying the thousands of voters who signed petitions to place the measure on the ballot did so with the understanding that the entire initiative would move forward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ruling was praised by unions and groups representing local governments and slammed by Republicans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Graham Knaus, CEO of the California State Association of Counties, commended the court for protecting Californians “from unlawful changes to our state constitution that would have crippled essential government functions that our communities rely upon.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, state Sen. Brian Dahle (R-Bieber), who ran to replace Newsom in the unsuccessful 2021 recall attempt against the governor, lashed out at the court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Today’s ruling is a slap in the face to California citizens as these partisan justices are not only interfering in the initiative process put in place to protect the people’s right to be heard in our democracy, but they’re doing it at the request of the very people who want to raise our taxes time and time again,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 3:05 p.m. Thursday \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A sweeping ballot measure that would have made it far more difficult for local and state governments to pass tax increases and raise revenue of all kinds was booted off the November ballot on Thursday by the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/california-supreme-court\">California Supreme Court\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure would have required all state and local tax increases to be approved by voters, even after elected officials approved them. In a unanimous ruling, the court wrote that it must be removed from the ballot because it clearly amounted to a revision of the state Constitution by removing power from lawmakers to approve taxes and by requiring elected leaders to vote on all government fees, like library fines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under the California Constitution, revisions must be placed on the ballot by either a constitutional convention or a supermajority vote of the state Legislature; this measure was placed on the ballot through the signature-gathering process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The measure exceeds the scope of power to amend the constitution via citizen initiative,” the justices wrote. “It is within the people’s prerogative to make these changes, but they must be undertaken in a manner commensurate with their gravity: through the process for revision set forth in Article XVIII of the Constitution.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The court wrote that case law has long distinguished between a revision and amendment to the state Constitution — and that a revision makes “far-reaching changes in the nature of our basic governmental plan.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dubbed the “Taxpayer Protection Act,” the measure was placed on the ballot by the California Business Roundtable, a group of top business executives, as well as the anti-tax Howard Jarvis Taxpayers Association. They criticized the ruling as a “travesty” and vowed to continue pushing anti-tax measures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rob Lapsley, CEO of the Business Roundtable, said the outcome wasn’t a total loss because just the threat of the initiative prevented local and state tax measures from being placed on the November ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have major wins,” he said. “We have kept major tax increases off the ballot … because they knew that if this measure passed, it was going to have an impact on all new future taxes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democratic leaders, supported by labor unions, sued to have the measure taken off the November ballot, framing it as an existential threat to the government’s ability to provide services. In a statement Thursday, a spokesperson for Gov. Gavin Newsom praised the ruling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are grateful the California Supreme Court unanimously removed this unconstitutional measure from the ballot,” said Izzy Gardon. “The Governor believes the initiative process is a sacred part of our democracy, but as the Court’s decision affirmed today, that process does not allow for an illegal constitutional revision.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At oral arguments in May, the justices appeared skeptical of Democrats’ arguments, noting the court’s general reluctance to prevent voters from weighing in on a measure and asking lawyers for the governor why they shouldn’t take up the constitutional question after the election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in Thursday’s ruling, authored by Justice Goodwin Liu, the court explained its rationale for preventing voters from weighing in at all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We typically review constitutional challenges to an initiative after an election in order to avoid disrupting the electoral process and the exercise of the franchise,” the ruling stated. “But preelection review is proper for challenges that go to the power of the electorate to adopt the proposal in the first instance.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The opinion noted that the ballot measure didn’t only raise the threshold for passing future state and local taxes — it would have retroactively nullified any taxes and fees adopted since Jan. 1, 2022, that did not comply with the measure’s provisions. Those “rollback provisions,” the court wrote, complicated matters and generated uncertainty, prompting justices to determine that it was appropriate to weigh in before voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And the court rejected arguments by the ballot measure backers’ attorneys that the court could take out only the provisions of the measure that amounted to a revision of the Constitution, saying the thousands of voters who signed petitions to place the measure on the ballot did so with the understanding that the entire initiative would move forward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ruling was praised by unions and groups representing local governments and slammed by Republicans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Graham Knaus, CEO of the California State Association of Counties, commended the court for protecting Californians “from unlawful changes to our state constitution that would have crippled essential government functions that our communities rely upon.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, state Sen. Brian Dahle (R-Bieber), who ran to replace Newsom in the unsuccessful 2021 recall attempt against the governor, lashed out at the court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Today’s ruling is a slap in the face to California citizens as these partisan justices are not only interfering in the initiative process put in place to protect the people’s right to be heard in our democracy, but they’re doing it at the request of the very people who want to raise our taxes time and time again,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "UC Berkeley Can Start Building on People's Park, California Supreme Court Rules",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 2:30 p.m. Friday, June 7.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Capping a decades-long \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11971915/peoples-park-fight-pits-housing-against-history\">battle over the fate of People’s Park\u003c/a>, the California Supreme Court ruled Thursday that UC Berkeley can start constructing a student dormitory and supportive housing facility on the property.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The case stemmed from a 2021 lawsuit against UC Berkeley’s \u003ca href=\"https://capitalstrategies.berkeley.edu/planning-documents\">Long Range Development Plan\u003c/a>, which aims to add nearly 12,000 new student beds and 8 million square feet of new classrooms, research labs, libraries and other amenities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are pleased and relieved that the Supreme Court’s decision enables the campus to resume construction at People’s Park,” Kyle Gibson, UC Berkeley’s director of communications, said in a statement. “The housing components of the project are desperately needed by our students and unhoused people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two neighborhood groups, Make UC A Good Neighbor and the People’s Park Historic District Advocacy Group, brought the initial lawsuit, arguing that the park should be protected as a historic landmark.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ll be losing a lot with People’s Park,” Harvey Smith, president of the People’s Park Historic District Advocacy Group, said on Thursday. “It’s a national historic site, so this goes beyond Berkeley; it goes beyond the state of California. All that is being ignored.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Speaking to reporters from his Berkeley office Friday, Mayor Jesse \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Arreguín \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">acknowledged the park’s more than half-century-long role as a center for political activism and community building. But, he said, “H\u003c/span>istory should not stop us from progress\u003ci>.”\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We face these huge challenges as a city, as a region, as a state, of rampant homelessness and housing affordability,” he said. “And I think that the city of Berkeley and the university need to do something to address those those challenges, too.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The neighborhood groups had sought to make a novel case under state environmental law, arguing that noise generated by the future student residents would be a form of pollution, requiring UC Berkeley to study the impacts on neighbors. Although noise is considered pollution under the California Environmental Quality Act (CEQA), it had previously been used exclusively in arguments against concert venues or industrial sites.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In February 2023, an appellate court agreed with the groups and ruled that the university had to study the noise from future residents and its impact on neighbors, as well as consider alternative sites for the proposed development at People’s Park and housing built elsewhere on campus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Supreme Court ruled that none of Make UC A Good Neighbor’s claims about social noise had merit and reversed the Court of Appeal’s judgment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We decline to consider Good Neighbor’s alternative locations argument with respect to potential future housing projects,” the opinion read. “In short, as all parties have effectively acknowledged, this lawsuit poses no obstacle to the development of the People’s Park housing project.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11981358,news_11971915,news_11971858 label='related coverage']In the face of the state’s and UC Berkeley’s student housing crisis, many California legislators had sought alternative ways to protect the university’s campus expansion plan. Assemblymember Buffy Wicks (D-Berkeley) \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11959483/legislation-that-could-push-peoples-park-student-housing-project-forward-heads-to-newsom\">penned AB 1307\u003c/a>, a bill specifically tailored to this project. It amended CEQA so developers don’t have to consider noise generated by future residents as having a “significant effect on the environment” and allowed public universities not to have to consider alternative locations for projects.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That bill was quickly signed into law and effectively cleared the way for the People’s Park development, but it left the door open on whether UC Berkeley would have to study noise impacts and consider alternative sites for other housing projects in its Long Range Development Plan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thursday’s Supreme Court ruling closed that door, stating that “the new law applies to both the People’s Park housing project and the development plan.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Arreguín, who is \u003ca href=\"https://oaklandside.org/2024/03/06/state-senate-results-district-7-berkeley-oakland/\">running for a state Senate seat\u003c/a>, lauded the ruling, calling the lower court’s decision “misguided” and “not based in fact or law.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Imagine how that could be weaponized by NIMBYs throughout California to stop affordable housing, to stop permanent supportive housing and stop student housing?” he said. “Thankfully, that will no longer be a barrier for this project or any project in California.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Historically, courts have taken a more expansive view of CEQA seeking to protect the environment, according to UC Davis land-use law professor Chris Elmendorf. This ruling suggests a shift in perspective.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The California Supreme Court is interpreting CEQA in light of current legislative sentiments rather than in light of judicial sentiments from the 1970s,” Elmendorf said. “The court is sort of trying to make CEQA responsive to present-day needs, as expressed by the political branches of government, rather than carrying forward a vision of CEQA that was first advanced in the courts in the 1970s.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The university currently provides the lowest amount of student housing within the UC system: about 22% of its more than 45,000 undergraduate and graduate students have access to university-provided housing. The People’s Park project and other housing included in the long-range plan would effectively double the number of beds the university provides.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The campus is turning its attention to the timeline for resuming construction now that all legal challenges have been resolved by the California Supreme Court,” Gibson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s Erin Baldassari contributed to this story. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "Capping a decadeslong battle, the state’s highest court is allowing UC Berkeley to construct a student dormitory and supportive housing facility on the historic People’s Park.",
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"title": "UC Berkeley Can Start Building on People's Park, California Supreme Court Rules | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 2:30 p.m. Friday, June 7.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Capping a decades-long \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11971915/peoples-park-fight-pits-housing-against-history\">battle over the fate of People’s Park\u003c/a>, the California Supreme Court ruled Thursday that UC Berkeley can start constructing a student dormitory and supportive housing facility on the property.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The case stemmed from a 2021 lawsuit against UC Berkeley’s \u003ca href=\"https://capitalstrategies.berkeley.edu/planning-documents\">Long Range Development Plan\u003c/a>, which aims to add nearly 12,000 new student beds and 8 million square feet of new classrooms, research labs, libraries and other amenities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are pleased and relieved that the Supreme Court’s decision enables the campus to resume construction at People’s Park,” Kyle Gibson, UC Berkeley’s director of communications, said in a statement. “The housing components of the project are desperately needed by our students and unhoused people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two neighborhood groups, Make UC A Good Neighbor and the People’s Park Historic District Advocacy Group, brought the initial lawsuit, arguing that the park should be protected as a historic landmark.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ll be losing a lot with People’s Park,” Harvey Smith, president of the People’s Park Historic District Advocacy Group, said on Thursday. “It’s a national historic site, so this goes beyond Berkeley; it goes beyond the state of California. All that is being ignored.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Speaking to reporters from his Berkeley office Friday, Mayor Jesse \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Arreguín \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">acknowledged the park’s more than half-century-long role as a center for political activism and community building. But, he said, “H\u003c/span>istory should not stop us from progress\u003ci>.”\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We face these huge challenges as a city, as a region, as a state, of rampant homelessness and housing affordability,” he said. “And I think that the city of Berkeley and the university need to do something to address those those challenges, too.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The neighborhood groups had sought to make a novel case under state environmental law, arguing that noise generated by the future student residents would be a form of pollution, requiring UC Berkeley to study the impacts on neighbors. Although noise is considered pollution under the California Environmental Quality Act (CEQA), it had previously been used exclusively in arguments against concert venues or industrial sites.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In February 2023, an appellate court agreed with the groups and ruled that the university had to study the noise from future residents and its impact on neighbors, as well as consider alternative sites for the proposed development at People’s Park and housing built elsewhere on campus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Supreme Court ruled that none of Make UC A Good Neighbor’s claims about social noise had merit and reversed the Court of Appeal’s judgment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We decline to consider Good Neighbor’s alternative locations argument with respect to potential future housing projects,” the opinion read. “In short, as all parties have effectively acknowledged, this lawsuit poses no obstacle to the development of the People’s Park housing project.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>In the face of the state’s and UC Berkeley’s student housing crisis, many California legislators had sought alternative ways to protect the university’s campus expansion plan. Assemblymember Buffy Wicks (D-Berkeley) \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11959483/legislation-that-could-push-peoples-park-student-housing-project-forward-heads-to-newsom\">penned AB 1307\u003c/a>, a bill specifically tailored to this project. It amended CEQA so developers don’t have to consider noise generated by future residents as having a “significant effect on the environment” and allowed public universities not to have to consider alternative locations for projects.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That bill was quickly signed into law and effectively cleared the way for the People’s Park development, but it left the door open on whether UC Berkeley would have to study noise impacts and consider alternative sites for other housing projects in its Long Range Development Plan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thursday’s Supreme Court ruling closed that door, stating that “the new law applies to both the People’s Park housing project and the development plan.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Arreguín, who is \u003ca href=\"https://oaklandside.org/2024/03/06/state-senate-results-district-7-berkeley-oakland/\">running for a state Senate seat\u003c/a>, lauded the ruling, calling the lower court’s decision “misguided” and “not based in fact or law.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Imagine how that could be weaponized by NIMBYs throughout California to stop affordable housing, to stop permanent supportive housing and stop student housing?” he said. “Thankfully, that will no longer be a barrier for this project or any project in California.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Historically, courts have taken a more expansive view of CEQA seeking to protect the environment, according to UC Davis land-use law professor Chris Elmendorf. This ruling suggests a shift in perspective.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The California Supreme Court is interpreting CEQA in light of current legislative sentiments rather than in light of judicial sentiments from the 1970s,” Elmendorf said. “The court is sort of trying to make CEQA responsive to present-day needs, as expressed by the political branches of government, rather than carrying forward a vision of CEQA that was first advanced in the courts in the 1970s.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The university currently provides the lowest amount of student housing within the UC system: about 22% of its more than 45,000 undergraduate and graduate students have access to university-provided housing. The People’s Park project and other housing included in the long-range plan would effectively double the number of beds the university provides.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The campus is turning its attention to the timeline for resuming construction now that all legal challenges have been resolved by the California Supreme Court,” Gibson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s Erin Baldassari contributed to this story. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "California Supreme Court Appears Hesitant to Overrule Voters on Controversial Gig Worker Law",
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"content": "\u003cp>Based on their line of questioning, California Supreme Court justices seemed to be reaching for a compromise as they heard oral arguments on Tuesday in the long-running legal saga over whether gig workers should be considered independent contractors or employees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 22, the gig industry-backed initiative that 58% of state voters passed in 2020, has been mired in a legal back-and-forth since it became law — including being \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/business/story/2021-08-20/prop-22-unconstitutional\">ruled unconstitutional\u003c/a> by a Superior Court judge before being \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/economy/2023/03/prop-22-appeal/\">upheld by a state appeals court\u003c/a>. Uber, Lyft, DoorDash, Instacart and other companies have used the law to treat their drivers and delivery workers in California as independent contractors, not as employees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The specific question before the state’s highest court is \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/economy/2024/05/prop-22-oral-arguments/\">whether Proposition 22 conflicts with the state Legislature’s constitutional power\u003c/a> to enforce a complete workers’ compensation system. Because of a clause in the initiative declaring gig workers independent contractors not eligible for workers’ comp, the whole law could be thrown out. But the justices did not seem to want to do that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Scott Kronland, the lawyer who argued on behalf of SEIU California and four gig workers, said that Proposition 22 conflicts with the Legislature’s exclusive and unlimited authority over workers’ comp, Chief Justice Patricia Guerrero asked whether legislators could restore workers’ comp for gig workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Associate Justice Goodwin Liu said there is “still ambiguity there” over voter initiative power, which is supposed to be equal to legislative power: “Does that mean voters cannot act in this field (workers’ comp), whatsoever?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kronland responded that the Legislature’s power over workers’ comp is unlimited.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Attorney Jeffrey Fisher, arguing on behalf of the gig companies, said, “The constitution lets voters act on any subject.” That sparked a question from Associate Justice Leondra Kruger: “Could voters by initiative eliminate workers’ comp altogether?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fisher said yes, but “we’re miles away from that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the end of the hour-long oral arguments, Kronland reminded the justices, “If court is going to decide this case on the premise that the Legislature could restore workers’ comp to gig workers … Prop. 22 says this section can’t be amended. The drafters of Prop. 22 put it on the ballot as all or nothing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If Proposition 22 is thrown out in its entirety, it would affect some gig workers who have come to depend on some of its provisions — such as guaranteed earnings of 120% of minimum wage for the time they spend driving or delivering, which they didn’t have before the initiative became law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11987306\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1568px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11987306\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/052124_Prop-22_JY_CM_02-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1568\" height=\"1045\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/052124_Prop-22_JY_CM_02-copy.jpg 1568w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/052124_Prop-22_JY_CM_02-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/052124_Prop-22_JY_CM_02-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/052124_Prop-22_JY_CM_02-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/052124_Prop-22_JY_CM_02-copy-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1568px) 100vw, 1568px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Ride-share drivers of the California Gig Workers Union hold a press conference outside the Supreme Court of California in San Francisco on May 21, 2024. \u003ccite>(Juliana Yamada for CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Cora Mandapat, a Bay Area driver who came to the San Francisco courthouse with the industry-backed group Protect App-Based Drivers + Services, said she gets extra money every week under those guaranteed earnings. She added that she takes an uncle to dialysis, and driving for Lyft gives her the freedom to do that. She said she wished there was a way for some drivers to be employees, “but let me do what I want to do.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ed Carrasco, a ride-hailing driver and a member of Rideshare Drivers United who came up to San Francisco on Tuesday but drives in the Los Angeles and Orange County areas, said afterward that the justices appeared to be “asking how to modify” Proposition 22 so drivers could qualify for workers’ comp if, for example, the Legislature passed a law that made them eligible.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Carrasco and about 100 or so other gig workers and members of workers groups, including Gig Workers Rising, gathered for a rally outside the courthouse ahead of the oral arguments. The gig workers who did not go into the courtroom watched the oral arguments on a big screen they set up outside United Nations Plaza, across from San Francisco City Hall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the rally, Hector Castellanos, the lead plaintiff in the case, spoke about getting hurt as a gig driver years ago and being unable to get workers’ comp. He said his daughter had to drop out of school to help support his family.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are asking the justices to stand behind drivers,” Castellanos told the crowd. After the hearing, he told CalMatters that he knows plenty of drivers who regret voting for Proposition 22, which he said was bought by ride-share companies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The court’s seven justices have 90 days to hand down a decision, which could transform the gig economy in California. If Proposition 22 is thrown out, gig companies would be subject to \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB5\">Assembly Bill 5\u003c/a>. That law, passed in 2019, would throw the companies’ business models out of whack: The companies could be required to pay employment taxes for their estimated 1.4 million workers around the state and provide those workers with additional benefits they don’t have now, such as sick pay and overtime, and occupational accident insurance beyond the $1 million coverage limit under Proposition 22.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11987307\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1568px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11987307\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/052124_Prop-22_JY_CM_06-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1568\" height=\"1045\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/052124_Prop-22_JY_CM_06-copy.jpg 1568w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/052124_Prop-22_JY_CM_06-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/052124_Prop-22_JY_CM_06-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/052124_Prop-22_JY_CM_06-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/052124_Prop-22_JY_CM_06-copy-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1568px) 100vw, 1568px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Ride-share drivers of the California Gig Workers Union march to the Supreme Court of California in San Francisco on May 21, 2024. \u003ccite>(Juliana Yamada for CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Opponents of Proposition 22 point to labor-backed studies that reflect continued concerns over pay and inadequate benefits. A study released by the UC Berkeley Labor Center this week found that after expenses are taken into account and not including tips, average earnings for ride-hailing drivers in the state work out to $7.12 an hour, while for delivery workers, that number is $5.93. When tips are included, the study — which is based on data from a third-party app used by gig workers — found that drivers’ average hourly wages were $9.09 an hour, while delivery workers’ average was $13.62.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Molly Weedn, a spokesperson for Protect App-Based Drivers + Services, on Monday called the labor center’s study “politically motivated using manipulated data intended to confuse readers and create theatrics the night ahead of the Prop. 22 Supreme Court hearing.” Weedn mentioned gig-industry-backed research that showed average worker earnings of $34.46 “per active hour,” meaning when they are on their way to a ride or delivery or are in the middle of those gigs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_11986533,news_11986889,news_11943454\"]The high court’s ruling could have implications outside California. Attempts at ordinances and legislation to address widespread concerns about gig workers’ wages, benefits and protections abound.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Katie Wells, \u003ca href=\"https://www.marketwatch.com/story/uber-pitched-itself-as-a-solution-instead-its-a-symptom-of-a-very-broken-job-market-new-book-says-3a04b531\">co-author of \u003cem>Disrupting D.C.: The Rise of Uber and the Fall of the City\u003c/em>,\u003c/a> a book that explored Uber’s rise in the nation’s capital and its relationship to urban decay, said the outcome of the Proposition 22 case “is hugely concerning for those of us who don’t ascribe to Uber and the like’s worldview — the idea that if they don’t like a law, they can get it unwritten.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For example, Wells mentioned recent related developments in Minnesota, where lawmakers \u003ca href=\"https://www.pbs.org/newshour/politics/uber-and-lyft-say-theyll-operate-in-minnesota-after-legislature-passes-driver-pay-compromise\">passed a bill on Sunday\u003c/a> to establish minimum pay rates for Uber and Lyft drivers after the companies threatened to leave the state because of higher proposed minimum rates under a Minneapolis ordinance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a dangerous set of dominoes,” Wells said. “We can mark the moments in which (gig companies) are trying to undo laws. It’s not in isolation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Based on their line of questioning, California Supreme Court justices seemed to be reaching for a compromise as they heard oral arguments on Tuesday in the long-running legal saga over whether gig workers should be considered independent contractors or employees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 22, the gig industry-backed initiative that 58% of state voters passed in 2020, has been mired in a legal back-and-forth since it became law — including being \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/business/story/2021-08-20/prop-22-unconstitutional\">ruled unconstitutional\u003c/a> by a Superior Court judge before being \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/economy/2023/03/prop-22-appeal/\">upheld by a state appeals court\u003c/a>. Uber, Lyft, DoorDash, Instacart and other companies have used the law to treat their drivers and delivery workers in California as independent contractors, not as employees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The specific question before the state’s highest court is \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/economy/2024/05/prop-22-oral-arguments/\">whether Proposition 22 conflicts with the state Legislature’s constitutional power\u003c/a> to enforce a complete workers’ compensation system. Because of a clause in the initiative declaring gig workers independent contractors not eligible for workers’ comp, the whole law could be thrown out. But the justices did not seem to want to do that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Scott Kronland, the lawyer who argued on behalf of SEIU California and four gig workers, said that Proposition 22 conflicts with the Legislature’s exclusive and unlimited authority over workers’ comp, Chief Justice Patricia Guerrero asked whether legislators could restore workers’ comp for gig workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Associate Justice Goodwin Liu said there is “still ambiguity there” over voter initiative power, which is supposed to be equal to legislative power: “Does that mean voters cannot act in this field (workers’ comp), whatsoever?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kronland responded that the Legislature’s power over workers’ comp is unlimited.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Attorney Jeffrey Fisher, arguing on behalf of the gig companies, said, “The constitution lets voters act on any subject.” That sparked a question from Associate Justice Leondra Kruger: “Could voters by initiative eliminate workers’ comp altogether?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fisher said yes, but “we’re miles away from that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the end of the hour-long oral arguments, Kronland reminded the justices, “If court is going to decide this case on the premise that the Legislature could restore workers’ comp to gig workers … Prop. 22 says this section can’t be amended. The drafters of Prop. 22 put it on the ballot as all or nothing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If Proposition 22 is thrown out in its entirety, it would affect some gig workers who have come to depend on some of its provisions — such as guaranteed earnings of 120% of minimum wage for the time they spend driving or delivering, which they didn’t have before the initiative became law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11987306\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1568px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11987306\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/052124_Prop-22_JY_CM_02-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1568\" height=\"1045\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/052124_Prop-22_JY_CM_02-copy.jpg 1568w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/052124_Prop-22_JY_CM_02-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/052124_Prop-22_JY_CM_02-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/052124_Prop-22_JY_CM_02-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/052124_Prop-22_JY_CM_02-copy-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1568px) 100vw, 1568px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Ride-share drivers of the California Gig Workers Union hold a press conference outside the Supreme Court of California in San Francisco on May 21, 2024. \u003ccite>(Juliana Yamada for CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Cora Mandapat, a Bay Area driver who came to the San Francisco courthouse with the industry-backed group Protect App-Based Drivers + Services, said she gets extra money every week under those guaranteed earnings. She added that she takes an uncle to dialysis, and driving for Lyft gives her the freedom to do that. She said she wished there was a way for some drivers to be employees, “but let me do what I want to do.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ed Carrasco, a ride-hailing driver and a member of Rideshare Drivers United who came up to San Francisco on Tuesday but drives in the Los Angeles and Orange County areas, said afterward that the justices appeared to be “asking how to modify” Proposition 22 so drivers could qualify for workers’ comp if, for example, the Legislature passed a law that made them eligible.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Carrasco and about 100 or so other gig workers and members of workers groups, including Gig Workers Rising, gathered for a rally outside the courthouse ahead of the oral arguments. The gig workers who did not go into the courtroom watched the oral arguments on a big screen they set up outside United Nations Plaza, across from San Francisco City Hall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the rally, Hector Castellanos, the lead plaintiff in the case, spoke about getting hurt as a gig driver years ago and being unable to get workers’ comp. He said his daughter had to drop out of school to help support his family.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are asking the justices to stand behind drivers,” Castellanos told the crowd. After the hearing, he told CalMatters that he knows plenty of drivers who regret voting for Proposition 22, which he said was bought by ride-share companies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The court’s seven justices have 90 days to hand down a decision, which could transform the gig economy in California. If Proposition 22 is thrown out, gig companies would be subject to \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB5\">Assembly Bill 5\u003c/a>. That law, passed in 2019, would throw the companies’ business models out of whack: The companies could be required to pay employment taxes for their estimated 1.4 million workers around the state and provide those workers with additional benefits they don’t have now, such as sick pay and overtime, and occupational accident insurance beyond the $1 million coverage limit under Proposition 22.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11987307\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1568px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11987307\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/052124_Prop-22_JY_CM_06-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1568\" height=\"1045\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/052124_Prop-22_JY_CM_06-copy.jpg 1568w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/052124_Prop-22_JY_CM_06-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/052124_Prop-22_JY_CM_06-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/052124_Prop-22_JY_CM_06-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/052124_Prop-22_JY_CM_06-copy-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1568px) 100vw, 1568px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Ride-share drivers of the California Gig Workers Union march to the Supreme Court of California in San Francisco on May 21, 2024. \u003ccite>(Juliana Yamada for CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Opponents of Proposition 22 point to labor-backed studies that reflect continued concerns over pay and inadequate benefits. A study released by the UC Berkeley Labor Center this week found that after expenses are taken into account and not including tips, average earnings for ride-hailing drivers in the state work out to $7.12 an hour, while for delivery workers, that number is $5.93. When tips are included, the study — which is based on data from a third-party app used by gig workers — found that drivers’ average hourly wages were $9.09 an hour, while delivery workers’ average was $13.62.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Molly Weedn, a spokesperson for Protect App-Based Drivers + Services, on Monday called the labor center’s study “politically motivated using manipulated data intended to confuse readers and create theatrics the night ahead of the Prop. 22 Supreme Court hearing.” Weedn mentioned gig-industry-backed research that showed average worker earnings of $34.46 “per active hour,” meaning when they are on their way to a ride or delivery or are in the middle of those gigs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The high court’s ruling could have implications outside California. Attempts at ordinances and legislation to address widespread concerns about gig workers’ wages, benefits and protections abound.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Katie Wells, \u003ca href=\"https://www.marketwatch.com/story/uber-pitched-itself-as-a-solution-instead-its-a-symptom-of-a-very-broken-job-market-new-book-says-3a04b531\">co-author of \u003cem>Disrupting D.C.: The Rise of Uber and the Fall of the City\u003c/em>,\u003c/a> a book that explored Uber’s rise in the nation’s capital and its relationship to urban decay, said the outcome of the Proposition 22 case “is hugely concerning for those of us who don’t ascribe to Uber and the like’s worldview — the idea that if they don’t like a law, they can get it unwritten.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For example, Wells mentioned recent related developments in Minnesota, where lawmakers \u003ca href=\"https://www.pbs.org/newshour/politics/uber-and-lyft-say-theyll-operate-in-minnesota-after-legislature-passes-driver-pay-compromise\">passed a bill on Sunday\u003c/a> to establish minimum pay rates for Uber and Lyft drivers after the companies threatened to leave the state because of higher proposed minimum rates under a Minneapolis ordinance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a dangerous set of dominoes,” Wells said. “We can mark the moments in which (gig companies) are trying to undo laws. It’s not in isolation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>The State Supreme Court today heard a case that could have a profound impact on app-based companies like Uber and Lyft as well as on their drivers. Proposition 22, which was passed by voters four years ago, allowed gig companies to reclassify workers as self-employed contractors, rather than employees. Now the state Supreme Court will decide whether to uphold the law, strike it down or strip out part and leave the rest intact.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Scott and Marisa are joined by Brandon Stracener, an attorney in private practice and a senior research fellow at the California Constitution Center at Berkeley Law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cp>With none of the partisan rancor or political point-scoring on display in this week’s Senate confirmation hearing for U.S. Supreme Court nominee \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2022/03/22/1087967982/judge-ketanji-brown-jackson-confirmation-hearings-what-happened-on-tuesday\">Ketanji Brown Jackson\u003c/a>, a three-member panel in San Francisco on Tuesday quickly and enthusiastically confirmed Patricia Guerrero to the California Supreme Court as its first Latina justice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I embrace this nomination, knowing that I’m not here today on my own,” Guerrero, currently a judge on the Fourth District Court of Appeal, said at the hearing. “I stand on the shoulders of my grandparents and my parents who came to this country, even though it would be a struggle for them. Like so many immigrant families, they came here to work hard, to seek opportunities and to give better lives to their children.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Commission on Judicial Appointments, which included Chief Justice Tani Cantil-Sakauye, Attorney General Rob Bonta and Fourth District Court of Appeal Presiding Justice Manuel Ramirez, voted 3-0 to confirm Guerrero without so much as a tough question.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a joyous type of hearing,” Cantil-Sakauye proclaimed at the start of the process, which took place at the state Supreme Court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Guerrero, known to friends and co-workers as “Trish,” was introduced by three former colleagues who extolled her judgment, legal-writing acumen, leadership and compassion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I would describe Trish as a pioneer,” said Robert Howard, a partner at the law firm Latham & Watkins in San Diego, where Guerrero worked early on in her legal career.[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_11905429,news_11841064\"]Noting that Guerrero made partner in just seven years, Howard said, “She earned the respect of her colleagues for intellect, maturity, discretion and judgment. She was admired by young lawyers because of her strong mentorship and patient supervision.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He called Gov. Gavin Newsom’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2022-02-15/newsom-nominates-patricia-guerrero-to-california-supreme-court\">nomination of Guerrero last month\u003c/a> “a wise choice,” adding that “Justice Guerrero is an American success story who will make an inspiring, thoughtful, intelligent and valued addition to this court.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Guerrero, 50, will take the seat left vacant when Associate Justice Mariano-Florentino “Tino” Cuéllar unexpectedly stepped down last fall to become executive director of the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The daughter of Mexican immigrants, Guerrero grew up in Imperial County, east of San Diego, where her father worked as a farm laborer and her mother as a child care provider.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Holding back tears, Guerrero talked about her mother, who she said recently died after a battle with breast cancer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She taught us to be strong, compassionate and independent,” Guerrero said. “She showed us the importance of family. She showed us to thank God for our blessings, and she showed us that we should help other people when we can.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Guerrero worked in a grocery store as a teenager, helping to raise money to put herself through college. After graduating high school as co-valedictorian, she attended UC Berkeley and then Stanford Law School.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Following a stint in private practice, she served as an assistant U.S. attorney in San Diego, and in 2013 went on to become a county Superior Court judge. In 2017, Gov. Jerry Brown elevated her to the Court of Appeal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Throughout her career, Guerrero has mentored students in high school and college and taken on pro bono immigration cases, including asylum applications.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is not just about me or really even just about my parents, but it’s about so many others, just like us,” she said. “This is a story of the American dream, the belief that with hard work, perseverance and opportunities, anything is possible.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At Tuesday’s confirmation hearing, Judge Maureen Hallahan, who served with Guerrero on the San Diego County Superior Court, called her an exemplary colleague.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Expect her to inspire you, support you, engage you and challenge you,” she said. “She will never let you down and she will serve with you with dignity, courage and grace.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom will swear in Guerrero at a ceremony scheduled for March 28.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>With none of the partisan rancor or political point-scoring on display in this week’s Senate confirmation hearing for U.S. Supreme Court nominee \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2022/03/22/1087967982/judge-ketanji-brown-jackson-confirmation-hearings-what-happened-on-tuesday\">Ketanji Brown Jackson\u003c/a>, a three-member panel in San Francisco on Tuesday quickly and enthusiastically confirmed Patricia Guerrero to the California Supreme Court as its first Latina justice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I embrace this nomination, knowing that I’m not here today on my own,” Guerrero, currently a judge on the Fourth District Court of Appeal, said at the hearing. “I stand on the shoulders of my grandparents and my parents who came to this country, even though it would be a struggle for them. Like so many immigrant families, they came here to work hard, to seek opportunities and to give better lives to their children.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Commission on Judicial Appointments, which included Chief Justice Tani Cantil-Sakauye, Attorney General Rob Bonta and Fourth District Court of Appeal Presiding Justice Manuel Ramirez, voted 3-0 to confirm Guerrero without so much as a tough question.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a joyous type of hearing,” Cantil-Sakauye proclaimed at the start of the process, which took place at the state Supreme Court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Guerrero, known to friends and co-workers as “Trish,” was introduced by three former colleagues who extolled her judgment, legal-writing acumen, leadership and compassion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I would describe Trish as a pioneer,” said Robert Howard, a partner at the law firm Latham & Watkins in San Diego, where Guerrero worked early on in her legal career.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Noting that Guerrero made partner in just seven years, Howard said, “She earned the respect of her colleagues for intellect, maturity, discretion and judgment. She was admired by young lawyers because of her strong mentorship and patient supervision.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He called Gov. Gavin Newsom’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2022-02-15/newsom-nominates-patricia-guerrero-to-california-supreme-court\">nomination of Guerrero last month\u003c/a> “a wise choice,” adding that “Justice Guerrero is an American success story who will make an inspiring, thoughtful, intelligent and valued addition to this court.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Guerrero, 50, will take the seat left vacant when Associate Justice Mariano-Florentino “Tino” Cuéllar unexpectedly stepped down last fall to become executive director of the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The daughter of Mexican immigrants, Guerrero grew up in Imperial County, east of San Diego, where her father worked as a farm laborer and her mother as a child care provider.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Holding back tears, Guerrero talked about her mother, who she said recently died after a battle with breast cancer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She taught us to be strong, compassionate and independent,” Guerrero said. “She showed us the importance of family. She showed us to thank God for our blessings, and she showed us that we should help other people when we can.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Guerrero worked in a grocery store as a teenager, helping to raise money to put herself through college. After graduating high school as co-valedictorian, she attended UC Berkeley and then Stanford Law School.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Following a stint in private practice, she served as an assistant U.S. attorney in San Diego, and in 2013 went on to become a county Superior Court judge. In 2017, Gov. Jerry Brown elevated her to the Court of Appeal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Throughout her career, Guerrero has mentored students in high school and college and taken on pro bono immigration cases, including asylum applications.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is not just about me or really even just about my parents, but it’s about so many others, just like us,” she said. “This is a story of the American dream, the belief that with hard work, perseverance and opportunities, anything is possible.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At Tuesday’s confirmation hearing, Judge Maureen Hallahan, who served with Guerrero on the San Diego County Superior Court, called her an exemplary colleague.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Expect her to inspire you, support you, engage you and challenge you,” she said. “She will never let you down and she will serve with you with dignity, courage and grace.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom will swear in Guerrero at a ceremony scheduled for March 28.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"tagline": "A podcast about the future of learning and how we raise our kids",
"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
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"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
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"info": "Our weekly podcast explores how the media 'sausage' is made, casts an incisive eye on fluctuations in the marketplace of ideas, and examines threats to the freedom of information and expression in America and abroad. For one hour a week, the show tries to lift the veil from the process of \"making media,\" especially news media, because it's through that lens that we see the world and the world sees us",
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"info": "The economy explained. Imagine you could call up a friend and say, Meet me at the bar and tell me what's going on with the economy. Now imagine that's actually a fun evening.",
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"info": "Created by The Center for Investigative Reporting and PRX, Reveal is public radios first one-hour weekly radio show and podcast dedicated to investigative reporting. Credible, fact based and without a partisan agenda, Reveal combines the power and artistry of driveway moment storytelling with data-rich reporting on critically important issues. The result is stories that inform and inspire, arming our listeners with information to right injustices, hold the powerful accountable and improve lives.Reveal is hosted by Al Letson and showcases the award-winning work of CIR and newsrooms large and small across the nation. In a radio and podcast market crowded with choices, Reveal focuses on important and often surprising stories that illuminate the world for our listeners.",
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"soldout": {
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"title": "SOLD OUT: Rethinking Housing in America",
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