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"slug": "how-a-chinese-laundryman-shaped-us-civil-rights-from-san-francisco",
"title": "How a Chinese Laundryman Shaped US Civil Rights From San Francisco",
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"headTitle": "How a Chinese Laundryman Shaped US Civil Rights From San Francisco | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>The evening commute rush hour was starting to take shape on a recent late afternoon in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco\">San Francisco\u003c/a>’s SOMA district, at the corner of Third and Harrison streets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Downtown office workers, wearing backpacks and headphones, wordlessly passed one another on their way to nearby train stations. Muni buses groaned and sighed as they pulled up to a bus stop near an unremarkable half-acre concrete parking lot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you believe in civil rights, if you believe all Americans should have civil rights, it started right here,” said David Lei, pointing to the nearly full concrete parking lot that would soon begin emptying. He added: “And this was [the location of] the case that says noncitizens have rights as well … but we forgot. Most people have forgotten.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The de facto local expert on Chinese American history believes a plaque should be installed here to commemorate Yick Wo, a Chinese-owned laundry business that operated at 349 Third St. from 1864 to 1886.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It became the focal point of a consequential U.S. Supreme Court case, \u003ca href=\"https://supreme.justia.com/cases/federal/us/118/356/\">\u003cem>Yick Wo v. Hopkins\u003c/em>\u003c/a>, when the laundry’s owner, a Chinese immigrant named Lee Yick, and another laundry owner, Wo Lee, resisted an unfair San Francisco laundry business permit ordinance — one emblematic of the targeted anti-Chinese hostility pervasive in the city at the time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Yick was an individual, a nobody, but the community supported him and organized,” Lei said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12050750\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12050750\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250729-YICKWOCIVILRIGHTS-05-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250729-YICKWOCIVILRIGHTS-05-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250729-YICKWOCIVILRIGHTS-05-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250729-YICKWOCIVILRIGHTS-05-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">David Lei stands near Third and Harrison streets in San Francisco on July 29, 2025, the former site of Yick Wo Laundry, which operated at 349 Third St. and was central to the landmark 1886 Supreme Court case on equal protection. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>When most people consider the contributions of America’s earliest Chinese immigrants, they often think of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/201509070900/stanford-project-unearths-personal-histories-of-chinese-railroad-workers\">the Transcontinental Railroad\u003c/a>. Lei, who is not related to the author, believes that’s a profound minimization of their influence — even among Chinese Americans themselves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882, Chinese immigrants filed more than 10,000 lawsuits at the local, state and federal levels to challenge discriminatory laws and systemic \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/10413670/draft-boomtown-history-2a\">racism\u003c/a>. Dozens of those cases reached the U.S. Supreme Court, including one brought by \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12015449/a-129-year-old-san-francisco-lawsuit-could-stop-trump-from-ending-birthright-citizenship\">Wong Kim Ark\u003c/a>, a case recently spotlighted as the Trump administration continues an attempt to dismantle birthright citizenship, despite \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12046217/what-the-supreme-courts-latest-ruling-means-for-birthright-citizenship\">multiple court rulings\u003c/a> to block the executive order.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Through the legal maneuvering of early Chinese community leaders, \u003cem>Yick Wo \u003c/em>established that \u003ca href=\"https://constitution.congress.gov/constitution/amendment-14/\">the 14th Amendment\u003c/a>’s equal protection and due process clauses apply to “all persons” — including noncitizens in the U.S. These same rights are being tested today as the Trump administration’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12044748/mass-deportations-would-take-a-major-toll-on-california-economy-report-finds\">immigration crackdown intensifies\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Yick Wo\u003c/em> is just one way early Chinese immigrants helped shape constitutional principles that remain foundational to American democracy. Community leaders and immigrant advocates like Lei say the case is more relevant today than ever, serving as a powerful rebuttal to anti-immigrant rhetoric and a reminder that constitutional protections have long applied to noncitizens.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Echoes of the past in today’s immigration fight\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Though \u003cem>Yick Wo v. Hopkins \u003c/em>is a staple of constitutional law courses, it remains largely unknown outside the legal community. In 1984, an \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12008873/san-francisco-school-closures-will-hurt-chinese-immigrant-communities-city-leaders-say\">elementary school\u003c/a> in San Francisco was named after the case, but its website offers only a cursory summary of its historical significance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Legal experts herald Yick’s victory as extraordinary, given the anti-immigrant environment Chinese immigrants endured in the 19th century — attitudes that echo today.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since returning to the White House, Trump has made good on his promise of a massive deportation campaign by aggressively targeting, detaining and deporting immigrants nationwide. High-profile Immigration and Customs Enforcement activity \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12042836/community-outrage-continues-over-ice-raid-at-san-diego-restaurant\">in Southern California \u003c/a>captured national attention in June, as videos of militarized arrests circulated on social media and fueled \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12043653/hundreds-rally-in-oakland-to-protest-ice-raids-support-immigrant-communities\">protests locally\u003c/a> and across the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12050752\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12050752\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250731-YICKWOCIVILRIGHTS-02-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250731-YICKWOCIVILRIGHTS-02-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250731-YICKWOCIVILRIGHTS-02-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250731-YICKWOCIVILRIGHTS-02-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The exhibit Challenging a White-Washed History at the Chinese Historical Society of America Museum in San Francisco on July 31, 2025. The exhibition explores the history of Chinese laundries and their role in resisting discrimination and shaping immigrant labor in the U.S. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The administration continues to portray undocumented immigrants as criminal invaders and threats to national security. Officials \u003ca href=\"https://www.dhs.gov/news/2025/06/30/dhs-debunks-fake-news-media-narratives-june\">claim\u003c/a> they target “the worst of the worst, including gang members, murderers, and rapists,” but most people detained by ICE have \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12038087/california-sent-investigators-ice-facilities-found-more-detainees-health-care-gaps\">no criminal convictions\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Recently, in the Bay Area, ICE arrests have occurred \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12028303/ice-arrest-left-bay-area-man-hospitalized-struggling-breathe-attorney-says\">outside of homes\u003c/a> and courthouses \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12044592/bay-area-lawmaker-demands-answers-after-ice-arrests-at-immigration-courts\">in Concord\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12043596/protesters-swarm-sf-immigration-court-after-more-ice-arrests\">San Francisco\u003c/a>, where plainclothes agents detained asylum seekers attending routine court hearings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cecillia Wang, national legal director of the American Civil Liberties Union, began her role just before Trump’s second term. She oversees a department of about 200 attorneys and paralegals and calls this “the most consequential time in U.S. history.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In late July, Republicans approved a spending bill that \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101910650/ices-budget-just-tripled-whats-next\">tripled ICE’s budget\u003c/a>. The removal of immigrants from the country has accelerated through a variety of tactics: The Trump administration has broadened expedited removal, selectively enforced policies in sanctuary jurisdictions, targeted certain migrant groups and fast-tracked deportations — often without full hearings.[aside postID=news_12021919 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250115_JapaneseAmericanActivism_GC-47-1020x680.jpg']But because of \u003cem>Yick Wo\u003c/em>, constitutional protections should apply to everyone on U.S. soil, regardless of citizenship status. That’s why immigration attorneys and advocates are especially vigilant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a responsibility that I think is particularly heavy at this moment in time, with a president and administration that has so little respect for civil rights and civil liberties…and so little respect for all the fundamental pillars of U.S. democracy,” Wang said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A San Francisco resident, Wang has worked for the ACLU in various roles for over two decades. The organization has filed more than 60 lawsuits challenging Trump’s second-term policies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wang, who first studied \u003cem>Yick Wo\u003c/em> as an undergraduate at UC Berkeley, feels personally connected to the case as an Asian American. She has cited it throughout her career as a civil rights lawyer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“One of the lessons of \u003cem>Yick Wo \u003c/em>that I think is really resonant for me right now is that someone who seemed politically powerless, under-resourced and invisible by all accounts was able to bring his claim up through the federal court system to the Supreme Court of the United States,” Wang said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Redefining constitutional rights in the U.S.\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>When one considers the odds stacked against Chinese laundry owners as Yick brought his claim forward, the case becomes especially remarkable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though initially welcomed during the Gold Rush, Chinese immigrants eventually became targets as their population and industrial workforce roles expanded. They took jobs as miners and railroad laborers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They were also entrepreneurial. Early Chinese immigrants filled a specific need that no one else seemed eager to do: laundry service. Chinese immigrants eventually dominated the industry, which would continue for the rest of the 19th century.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12051938\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12051938\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250812-YICK-WO-ARCHIVAL-03_KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1545\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250812-YICK-WO-ARCHIVAL-03_KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250812-YICK-WO-ARCHIVAL-03_KQED-160x124.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250812-YICK-WO-ARCHIVAL-03_KQED-1536x1187.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">A Chinese laundry at 924 Howard St. in San Francisco \u003c/span>is shown in a historical photograph dated Jan. 22, 1886. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of the National Archives at San Francisco)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>By 1860, about one in 10 California residents was Chinese. Their prominence alarmed white leaders, including then-California governor Henry Huntly Haight.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“An additional influx of Chinese to compete with white laboring men in all industrial departments ought to be discouraged by all lawful means. For the sake of some supposed advantage of cheap labor, such influx would inflict a curse upon posterity for all time,” he said during his \u003ca href=\"https://governors.library.ca.gov/addresses/10-haight.html\">1867 inaugural address\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Widespread violence soon followed. By the 1870s, anti-Chinese sentiment escalated across the West Coast, with Chinese immigrants subjected to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101886267/california-cities-apologize-for-historical-wrongs-against-chinese-community\">mob-led destruction\u003c/a>, including mass lynchings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to \u003cem>In Search of Equality: The Chinese Struggle Against Discrimination in Nineteenth-Century America\u003c/em>, a seminal book on Chinese American history by former UC Berkeley professor Charles McClain, there were about 2,600 Chinese laundrymen in California by 1870 — half of them in San Francisco.[aside postID=news_12033789 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/250324-WongKimArk-02-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg']Chinese laundry owners faced a flurry of discriminatory city ordinances. One imposed high license fees on those without horse-drawn carriages. Another required written approval from 12 citizens and taxpayers on the block where the business was located.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 1880, the city passed a notorious law requiring permits for laundries not made of brick or stone. At the time, nearly all of San Francisco’s laundries, especially those owned by Chinese immigrants, were wooden structures. Of about 200 applicants, all were denied permits, while their white counterparts were not.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 1885, Yick Wo’s owner refused to stop operating and was arrested by Sheriff Peter Hopkins. Rather than serve the sentence, Lee and other laundrymen fought back with support from the Chinese Consolidated Benevolent Association, also known as the Chinese Six Companies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Six Companies — a powerful coalition of family and district associations that functioned as both mutual aid organizations and political advocates for the Chinese immigrant community — \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12015449/a-129-year-old-san-francisco-lawsuit-could-stop-trump-from-ending-birthright-citizenship\">coordinated legal strategies\u003c/a>, raised sizable funds by taxing Chinese immigrants and, importantly, helped them navigate a hostile legal system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This was the GoFundMe of Chinatown from 1850,” Lei told KQED from inside CCBA’s ornately designed Stockton Street headquarters, where family association leaders and San Francisco politicians still meet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Together with Tung Hing Tong, a 19th-century Chinese laundry association, substantial resources were pooled to fight San Francisco’s unfair permitting ordinance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12050748\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12050748\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250729-YICKWOCIVILRIGHTS-01-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250729-YICKWOCIVILRIGHTS-01-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250729-YICKWOCIVILRIGHTS-01-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250729-YICKWOCIVILRIGHTS-01-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">David Lei stands on Spofford Street in San Francisco’s Chinatown on July 29, 2025, the historical site of the Chinese Laundry Association, once located at 33 Spofford St. A longtime resident and community historian, Lei has worked to preserve Chinatown’s cultural and educational legacy. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“They taxed themselves, raised $20,000 — equivalent to more than half a million dollars today — and hired the best lawyer money could buy to win this case,” Lei said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That lawyer was Hall McAllister, a federal judge and founder of the California Bar Association, who became one of the key members of the Six Companies’ legal team as they filed lawsuits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When asked why these powerful white lawyers would go against the popular grain to argue on behalf of Chinese immigrants, Lei said Chinese immigrants often paid up to about double of what other clients would pay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The strategy worked.[aside postID=news_12015449 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/20241119_BirthrightCitizenshipExplainer_GC-16_qed-1020x680.jpg']In 1886, the U.S. Supreme Court \u003ca href=\"https://supreme.justia.com/cases/federal/us/118/356/\">ruled unanimously for Yick\u003c/a>, declaring that even if a law appears to be race-neutral, “if it is applied and administered by public authority with an evil eye and an unequal hand,” then it violates the equal protection clause of the 14th Amendment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Crucially, the court emphasized that its protections “extend to all persons within the territorial jurisdiction of the United States, without regard to differences of race, of color, or of nationality.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The keyword here is “persons,” not “citizens.” \u003cem>Yick Wo\u003c/em> marked the first time the Supreme Court extended constitutional protections under the 14th Amendment — including due process rights — to noncitizens.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wang said \u003cem>Yick Wo \u003c/em>“reverberates in almost every civil rights case that’s been brought under the Equal Protection Clause.” It laid the foundation for challenges involving interracial marriage, school desegregation, housing discrimination, voting rights, gender and disability discrimination and same-sex marriage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Critically, \u003cem>Yick Wo\u003c/em> provided a legal foundation to challenge discriminatory enforcement of laws — a central feature of Jim Crow. During the civil rights era, attorneys revived their principles in landmark cases, including \u003ca href=\"https://www.archives.gov/milestone-documents/brown-v-board-of-education\">\u003cem>Brown v. Board of Education\u003c/em>\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While \u003cem>Yick Wo \u003c/em>didn’t end anti-Chinese sentiment, it established a constitutional principle that still underpins civil rights protections for both citizens and immigrants today.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Why due process is critical now\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In early July, a \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=GQ_YGzfaQLM&t=1s\">viral video\u003c/a> showed ICE agents clashing with protesters during an arrest in San Francisco. One protester jumped onto an ICE van’s hood before falling as it drove off.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other similarly viral videos show community members confronting ICE agents, demanding to see arrest warrants and reminding immigrants of their due process rights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For longtime immigrant advocates like Lisa Knox, legal director of the California Collaborative for Immigrant Justice, ICE’s actions aren’t surprising.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12050751\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12050751\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250729-YICKWOCIVILRIGHTS-09-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250729-YICKWOCIVILRIGHTS-09-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250729-YICKWOCIVILRIGHTS-09-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250729-YICKWOCIVILRIGHTS-09-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A statue of Hall McAllister stands near San Francisco City Hall on July 29, 2025. As a federal judge, McAllister ruled in favor of Yick Wo in the landmark civil rights case that affirmed equal protection under the 14th Amendment for Chinese immigrants. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“ICE has always been a rogue agency,” she said. “Yes, we are seeing some new tactics … but I would emphasize that this isn’t a complete departure for this agency. [ICE] has a long history of these abusive tactics, of doing things that violate the law.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Formed after Trump’s first election in 2016, CCIJ offers legal help to detained immigrants in Northern and Central California and plays a central coordinating role in the state’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12049326/as-ice-operations-expand-how-are-immigrant-allies-responding\">rapid response organizing\u003c/a>, including activating attorneys and mobilizing volunteers during ICE activity. They also raise awareness of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12043004/in-recorded-calls-reports-of-overcrowding-and-lack-of-food-at-ice-detention-centers\">inhumane living conditions\u003c/a> inside detention centers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Knox said the Bay Area is well organized when it comes to defending immigrant rights. She believes that may have helped prevent mass raids and more severe rights violations in the region, compared to other parts of the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But what is striking to Knox is the mainstream attention around the constitutional rights of immigrants.[aside postID=news_12025613 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/20250130-JSeiHome-JY-1927-1020x680.jpg']“There has never been a conversation about due process in my lifetime [like this],” said Knox, who also teaches an immigration and citizenship class at UC Berkeley. “Law is influenced by politics. The fact that people are taking an interest in these decisions and wanting to defend these fundamental rights is really important and really key.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Attorneys like Jordan Wells, a senior staff attorney with the Lawyers’ Committee for Civil Rights, have defended immigrants in court, including a legal permanent resident targeted for participating in a pro-Palestine rally at Columbia University. Another lawsuit challenges ICE courthouse arrests as violations of the Due Process Clause.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to Wells, due process has always provided a counterbalance to any presidential administration’s attempts to test the limits of constitutional protections. He said it is especially critical now as the Trump administration has tried to block immigrants from legal counsel and coerce deportation agreements.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are seeing all manner of attempts to prevent people from communicating with counsel about their immigration status,” Wells said. “They have tried to get people to concede to their removability from the country, no matter how long they’ve been here, and just get them shipped out as quickly as possible.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12050754\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12050754\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250731-YICKWOCIVILRIGHTS-06-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250731-YICKWOCIVILRIGHTS-06-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250731-YICKWOCIVILRIGHTS-06-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250731-YICKWOCIVILRIGHTS-06-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Spofford Street in San Francisco’s Chinatown neighborhood on July 31, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>For Knox, public education is critical, as demonstrated by local grassroots efforts to form rapid response networks during Trump’s first term.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That first 24-hour period is really crucial for the person to be informed of their rights and options, and to exercise them so that they’re not just deported without the chance to access the process that is their right,” Knox said. “As lawyers, a lot of the time we show up after somebody has already been placed in detention … but if people can be educated and know their rights and assert them before that happens, often they can prevent their detention or they can have more options.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She emphasizes that drawing connections between communities is also a powerful way to build collective strength.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If we allow the government to take away immigrants’ rights to due process, then we’re all at risk,” Knox said. “We are building and exercising our power, so that’s our focus. We say over and over: power, not panic.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Knox said \u003cem>Yick Wo\u003c/em> is more than a legal decision — it’s a historical reminder.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve been here before, and some of these questions have come up,” she said. “Who gets to enjoy the rights of citizenship? What rights should be afforded to anyone, regardless of legal status, because they’re part of this community?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wang is grateful that early Chinese immigrants asked these questions, forcing the U.S. to follow its own constitutional laws: “The fundamental promise of the 14th Amendment was only as good as the writing until people like [Lee Yick and Wo Lee] took their fights and fleshed out those words on paper… and made it a lived reality for people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12050749\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12050749\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250729-YICKWOCIVILRIGHTS-03-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250729-YICKWOCIVILRIGHTS-03-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250729-YICKWOCIVILRIGHTS-03-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250729-YICKWOCIVILRIGHTS-03-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">David Lei walks along Spofford Street in San Francisco’s Chinatown on July 29, 2025, the historical site of the Chinese Laundry Association, once located at 33 Spofford St. A longtime resident and community historian, Lei has worked to preserve Chinatown’s cultural and educational legacy. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Wang said it took the mobilization of an entire community to defend the Chinese laundries — with people contributing in both small and large ways — and said a similar collective effort is needed today.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I have family members in my Chinese American family who probably agree more with President Trump than they agree with me on issues of immigration,” she said. “What I try to do with my community … is not only point out the history, but to really draw some intersectional lines so that [they] can understand how we must all stand or fall together.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Back at the parking lot on Third and Harrison, Lei reflects on the mountain of overlooked legal battles waged by early Chinese immigrants — cases that shaped modern protections such as Miranda rights, public education access and political asylum.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At 75, he said, “The clock is ticking,” estimating he has about five more years left in him to keep telling these stories. He shook his head, thinking about how much more there is to share.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then he chuckled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re branded as very quiet, that we don’t cause trouble — model citizens, model minority, all these things,” he said. “But the Chinese were very hard to manage … We have to organize. That’s what our ancestors did, and they were successful, so this is what we need to do now.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The evening commute rush hour was starting to take shape on a recent late afternoon in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco\">San Francisco\u003c/a>’s SOMA district, at the corner of Third and Harrison streets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Downtown office workers, wearing backpacks and headphones, wordlessly passed one another on their way to nearby train stations. Muni buses groaned and sighed as they pulled up to a bus stop near an unremarkable half-acre concrete parking lot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you believe in civil rights, if you believe all Americans should have civil rights, it started right here,” said David Lei, pointing to the nearly full concrete parking lot that would soon begin emptying. He added: “And this was [the location of] the case that says noncitizens have rights as well … but we forgot. Most people have forgotten.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The de facto local expert on Chinese American history believes a plaque should be installed here to commemorate Yick Wo, a Chinese-owned laundry business that operated at 349 Third St. from 1864 to 1886.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It became the focal point of a consequential U.S. Supreme Court case, \u003ca href=\"https://supreme.justia.com/cases/federal/us/118/356/\">\u003cem>Yick Wo v. Hopkins\u003c/em>\u003c/a>, when the laundry’s owner, a Chinese immigrant named Lee Yick, and another laundry owner, Wo Lee, resisted an unfair San Francisco laundry business permit ordinance — one emblematic of the targeted anti-Chinese hostility pervasive in the city at the time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Yick was an individual, a nobody, but the community supported him and organized,” Lei said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12050750\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12050750\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250729-YICKWOCIVILRIGHTS-05-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250729-YICKWOCIVILRIGHTS-05-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250729-YICKWOCIVILRIGHTS-05-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250729-YICKWOCIVILRIGHTS-05-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">David Lei stands near Third and Harrison streets in San Francisco on July 29, 2025, the former site of Yick Wo Laundry, which operated at 349 Third St. and was central to the landmark 1886 Supreme Court case on equal protection. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>When most people consider the contributions of America’s earliest Chinese immigrants, they often think of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/201509070900/stanford-project-unearths-personal-histories-of-chinese-railroad-workers\">the Transcontinental Railroad\u003c/a>. Lei, who is not related to the author, believes that’s a profound minimization of their influence — even among Chinese Americans themselves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882, Chinese immigrants filed more than 10,000 lawsuits at the local, state and federal levels to challenge discriminatory laws and systemic \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/10413670/draft-boomtown-history-2a\">racism\u003c/a>. Dozens of those cases reached the U.S. Supreme Court, including one brought by \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12015449/a-129-year-old-san-francisco-lawsuit-could-stop-trump-from-ending-birthright-citizenship\">Wong Kim Ark\u003c/a>, a case recently spotlighted as the Trump administration continues an attempt to dismantle birthright citizenship, despite \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12046217/what-the-supreme-courts-latest-ruling-means-for-birthright-citizenship\">multiple court rulings\u003c/a> to block the executive order.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Through the legal maneuvering of early Chinese community leaders, \u003cem>Yick Wo \u003c/em>established that \u003ca href=\"https://constitution.congress.gov/constitution/amendment-14/\">the 14th Amendment\u003c/a>’s equal protection and due process clauses apply to “all persons” — including noncitizens in the U.S. These same rights are being tested today as the Trump administration’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12044748/mass-deportations-would-take-a-major-toll-on-california-economy-report-finds\">immigration crackdown intensifies\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Yick Wo\u003c/em> is just one way early Chinese immigrants helped shape constitutional principles that remain foundational to American democracy. Community leaders and immigrant advocates like Lei say the case is more relevant today than ever, serving as a powerful rebuttal to anti-immigrant rhetoric and a reminder that constitutional protections have long applied to noncitizens.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Echoes of the past in today’s immigration fight\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Though \u003cem>Yick Wo v. Hopkins \u003c/em>is a staple of constitutional law courses, it remains largely unknown outside the legal community. In 1984, an \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12008873/san-francisco-school-closures-will-hurt-chinese-immigrant-communities-city-leaders-say\">elementary school\u003c/a> in San Francisco was named after the case, but its website offers only a cursory summary of its historical significance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Legal experts herald Yick’s victory as extraordinary, given the anti-immigrant environment Chinese immigrants endured in the 19th century — attitudes that echo today.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since returning to the White House, Trump has made good on his promise of a massive deportation campaign by aggressively targeting, detaining and deporting immigrants nationwide. High-profile Immigration and Customs Enforcement activity \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12042836/community-outrage-continues-over-ice-raid-at-san-diego-restaurant\">in Southern California \u003c/a>captured national attention in June, as videos of militarized arrests circulated on social media and fueled \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12043653/hundreds-rally-in-oakland-to-protest-ice-raids-support-immigrant-communities\">protests locally\u003c/a> and across the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12050752\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12050752\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250731-YICKWOCIVILRIGHTS-02-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250731-YICKWOCIVILRIGHTS-02-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250731-YICKWOCIVILRIGHTS-02-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250731-YICKWOCIVILRIGHTS-02-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The exhibit Challenging a White-Washed History at the Chinese Historical Society of America Museum in San Francisco on July 31, 2025. The exhibition explores the history of Chinese laundries and their role in resisting discrimination and shaping immigrant labor in the U.S. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The administration continues to portray undocumented immigrants as criminal invaders and threats to national security. Officials \u003ca href=\"https://www.dhs.gov/news/2025/06/30/dhs-debunks-fake-news-media-narratives-june\">claim\u003c/a> they target “the worst of the worst, including gang members, murderers, and rapists,” but most people detained by ICE have \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12038087/california-sent-investigators-ice-facilities-found-more-detainees-health-care-gaps\">no criminal convictions\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Recently, in the Bay Area, ICE arrests have occurred \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12028303/ice-arrest-left-bay-area-man-hospitalized-struggling-breathe-attorney-says\">outside of homes\u003c/a> and courthouses \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12044592/bay-area-lawmaker-demands-answers-after-ice-arrests-at-immigration-courts\">in Concord\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12043596/protesters-swarm-sf-immigration-court-after-more-ice-arrests\">San Francisco\u003c/a>, where plainclothes agents detained asylum seekers attending routine court hearings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cecillia Wang, national legal director of the American Civil Liberties Union, began her role just before Trump’s second term. She oversees a department of about 200 attorneys and paralegals and calls this “the most consequential time in U.S. history.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In late July, Republicans approved a spending bill that \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101910650/ices-budget-just-tripled-whats-next\">tripled ICE’s budget\u003c/a>. The removal of immigrants from the country has accelerated through a variety of tactics: The Trump administration has broadened expedited removal, selectively enforced policies in sanctuary jurisdictions, targeted certain migrant groups and fast-tracked deportations — often without full hearings.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>But because of \u003cem>Yick Wo\u003c/em>, constitutional protections should apply to everyone on U.S. soil, regardless of citizenship status. That’s why immigration attorneys and advocates are especially vigilant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a responsibility that I think is particularly heavy at this moment in time, with a president and administration that has so little respect for civil rights and civil liberties…and so little respect for all the fundamental pillars of U.S. democracy,” Wang said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A San Francisco resident, Wang has worked for the ACLU in various roles for over two decades. The organization has filed more than 60 lawsuits challenging Trump’s second-term policies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wang, who first studied \u003cem>Yick Wo\u003c/em> as an undergraduate at UC Berkeley, feels personally connected to the case as an Asian American. She has cited it throughout her career as a civil rights lawyer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“One of the lessons of \u003cem>Yick Wo \u003c/em>that I think is really resonant for me right now is that someone who seemed politically powerless, under-resourced and invisible by all accounts was able to bring his claim up through the federal court system to the Supreme Court of the United States,” Wang said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Redefining constitutional rights in the U.S.\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>When one considers the odds stacked against Chinese laundry owners as Yick brought his claim forward, the case becomes especially remarkable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though initially welcomed during the Gold Rush, Chinese immigrants eventually became targets as their population and industrial workforce roles expanded. They took jobs as miners and railroad laborers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They were also entrepreneurial. Early Chinese immigrants filled a specific need that no one else seemed eager to do: laundry service. Chinese immigrants eventually dominated the industry, which would continue for the rest of the 19th century.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12051938\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12051938\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250812-YICK-WO-ARCHIVAL-03_KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1545\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250812-YICK-WO-ARCHIVAL-03_KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250812-YICK-WO-ARCHIVAL-03_KQED-160x124.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250812-YICK-WO-ARCHIVAL-03_KQED-1536x1187.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">A Chinese laundry at 924 Howard St. in San Francisco \u003c/span>is shown in a historical photograph dated Jan. 22, 1886. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of the National Archives at San Francisco)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>By 1860, about one in 10 California residents was Chinese. Their prominence alarmed white leaders, including then-California governor Henry Huntly Haight.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“An additional influx of Chinese to compete with white laboring men in all industrial departments ought to be discouraged by all lawful means. For the sake of some supposed advantage of cheap labor, such influx would inflict a curse upon posterity for all time,” he said during his \u003ca href=\"https://governors.library.ca.gov/addresses/10-haight.html\">1867 inaugural address\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Widespread violence soon followed. By the 1870s, anti-Chinese sentiment escalated across the West Coast, with Chinese immigrants subjected to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101886267/california-cities-apologize-for-historical-wrongs-against-chinese-community\">mob-led destruction\u003c/a>, including mass lynchings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to \u003cem>In Search of Equality: The Chinese Struggle Against Discrimination in Nineteenth-Century America\u003c/em>, a seminal book on Chinese American history by former UC Berkeley professor Charles McClain, there were about 2,600 Chinese laundrymen in California by 1870 — half of them in San Francisco.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Chinese laundry owners faced a flurry of discriminatory city ordinances. One imposed high license fees on those without horse-drawn carriages. Another required written approval from 12 citizens and taxpayers on the block where the business was located.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 1880, the city passed a notorious law requiring permits for laundries not made of brick or stone. At the time, nearly all of San Francisco’s laundries, especially those owned by Chinese immigrants, were wooden structures. Of about 200 applicants, all were denied permits, while their white counterparts were not.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 1885, Yick Wo’s owner refused to stop operating and was arrested by Sheriff Peter Hopkins. Rather than serve the sentence, Lee and other laundrymen fought back with support from the Chinese Consolidated Benevolent Association, also known as the Chinese Six Companies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Six Companies — a powerful coalition of family and district associations that functioned as both mutual aid organizations and political advocates for the Chinese immigrant community — \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12015449/a-129-year-old-san-francisco-lawsuit-could-stop-trump-from-ending-birthright-citizenship\">coordinated legal strategies\u003c/a>, raised sizable funds by taxing Chinese immigrants and, importantly, helped them navigate a hostile legal system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This was the GoFundMe of Chinatown from 1850,” Lei told KQED from inside CCBA’s ornately designed Stockton Street headquarters, where family association leaders and San Francisco politicians still meet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Together with Tung Hing Tong, a 19th-century Chinese laundry association, substantial resources were pooled to fight San Francisco’s unfair permitting ordinance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12050748\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12050748\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250729-YICKWOCIVILRIGHTS-01-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250729-YICKWOCIVILRIGHTS-01-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250729-YICKWOCIVILRIGHTS-01-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250729-YICKWOCIVILRIGHTS-01-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">David Lei stands on Spofford Street in San Francisco’s Chinatown on July 29, 2025, the historical site of the Chinese Laundry Association, once located at 33 Spofford St. A longtime resident and community historian, Lei has worked to preserve Chinatown’s cultural and educational legacy. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“They taxed themselves, raised $20,000 — equivalent to more than half a million dollars today — and hired the best lawyer money could buy to win this case,” Lei said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That lawyer was Hall McAllister, a federal judge and founder of the California Bar Association, who became one of the key members of the Six Companies’ legal team as they filed lawsuits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When asked why these powerful white lawyers would go against the popular grain to argue on behalf of Chinese immigrants, Lei said Chinese immigrants often paid up to about double of what other clients would pay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The strategy worked.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>In 1886, the U.S. Supreme Court \u003ca href=\"https://supreme.justia.com/cases/federal/us/118/356/\">ruled unanimously for Yick\u003c/a>, declaring that even if a law appears to be race-neutral, “if it is applied and administered by public authority with an evil eye and an unequal hand,” then it violates the equal protection clause of the 14th Amendment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Crucially, the court emphasized that its protections “extend to all persons within the territorial jurisdiction of the United States, without regard to differences of race, of color, or of nationality.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The keyword here is “persons,” not “citizens.” \u003cem>Yick Wo\u003c/em> marked the first time the Supreme Court extended constitutional protections under the 14th Amendment — including due process rights — to noncitizens.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wang said \u003cem>Yick Wo \u003c/em>“reverberates in almost every civil rights case that’s been brought under the Equal Protection Clause.” It laid the foundation for challenges involving interracial marriage, school desegregation, housing discrimination, voting rights, gender and disability discrimination and same-sex marriage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Critically, \u003cem>Yick Wo\u003c/em> provided a legal foundation to challenge discriminatory enforcement of laws — a central feature of Jim Crow. During the civil rights era, attorneys revived their principles in landmark cases, including \u003ca href=\"https://www.archives.gov/milestone-documents/brown-v-board-of-education\">\u003cem>Brown v. Board of Education\u003c/em>\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While \u003cem>Yick Wo \u003c/em>didn’t end anti-Chinese sentiment, it established a constitutional principle that still underpins civil rights protections for both citizens and immigrants today.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Why due process is critical now\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In early July, a \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=GQ_YGzfaQLM&t=1s\">viral video\u003c/a> showed ICE agents clashing with protesters during an arrest in San Francisco. One protester jumped onto an ICE van’s hood before falling as it drove off.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other similarly viral videos show community members confronting ICE agents, demanding to see arrest warrants and reminding immigrants of their due process rights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For longtime immigrant advocates like Lisa Knox, legal director of the California Collaborative for Immigrant Justice, ICE’s actions aren’t surprising.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12050751\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12050751\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250729-YICKWOCIVILRIGHTS-09-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250729-YICKWOCIVILRIGHTS-09-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250729-YICKWOCIVILRIGHTS-09-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250729-YICKWOCIVILRIGHTS-09-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A statue of Hall McAllister stands near San Francisco City Hall on July 29, 2025. As a federal judge, McAllister ruled in favor of Yick Wo in the landmark civil rights case that affirmed equal protection under the 14th Amendment for Chinese immigrants. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“ICE has always been a rogue agency,” she said. “Yes, we are seeing some new tactics … but I would emphasize that this isn’t a complete departure for this agency. [ICE] has a long history of these abusive tactics, of doing things that violate the law.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Formed after Trump’s first election in 2016, CCIJ offers legal help to detained immigrants in Northern and Central California and plays a central coordinating role in the state’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12049326/as-ice-operations-expand-how-are-immigrant-allies-responding\">rapid response organizing\u003c/a>, including activating attorneys and mobilizing volunteers during ICE activity. They also raise awareness of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12043004/in-recorded-calls-reports-of-overcrowding-and-lack-of-food-at-ice-detention-centers\">inhumane living conditions\u003c/a> inside detention centers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Knox said the Bay Area is well organized when it comes to defending immigrant rights. She believes that may have helped prevent mass raids and more severe rights violations in the region, compared to other parts of the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But what is striking to Knox is the mainstream attention around the constitutional rights of immigrants.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“There has never been a conversation about due process in my lifetime [like this],” said Knox, who also teaches an immigration and citizenship class at UC Berkeley. “Law is influenced by politics. The fact that people are taking an interest in these decisions and wanting to defend these fundamental rights is really important and really key.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Attorneys like Jordan Wells, a senior staff attorney with the Lawyers’ Committee for Civil Rights, have defended immigrants in court, including a legal permanent resident targeted for participating in a pro-Palestine rally at Columbia University. Another lawsuit challenges ICE courthouse arrests as violations of the Due Process Clause.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to Wells, due process has always provided a counterbalance to any presidential administration’s attempts to test the limits of constitutional protections. He said it is especially critical now as the Trump administration has tried to block immigrants from legal counsel and coerce deportation agreements.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are seeing all manner of attempts to prevent people from communicating with counsel about their immigration status,” Wells said. “They have tried to get people to concede to their removability from the country, no matter how long they’ve been here, and just get them shipped out as quickly as possible.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12050754\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12050754\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250731-YICKWOCIVILRIGHTS-06-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250731-YICKWOCIVILRIGHTS-06-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250731-YICKWOCIVILRIGHTS-06-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250731-YICKWOCIVILRIGHTS-06-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Spofford Street in San Francisco’s Chinatown neighborhood on July 31, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>For Knox, public education is critical, as demonstrated by local grassroots efforts to form rapid response networks during Trump’s first term.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That first 24-hour period is really crucial for the person to be informed of their rights and options, and to exercise them so that they’re not just deported without the chance to access the process that is their right,” Knox said. “As lawyers, a lot of the time we show up after somebody has already been placed in detention … but if people can be educated and know their rights and assert them before that happens, often they can prevent their detention or they can have more options.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She emphasizes that drawing connections between communities is also a powerful way to build collective strength.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If we allow the government to take away immigrants’ rights to due process, then we’re all at risk,” Knox said. “We are building and exercising our power, so that’s our focus. We say over and over: power, not panic.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Knox said \u003cem>Yick Wo\u003c/em> is more than a legal decision — it’s a historical reminder.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve been here before, and some of these questions have come up,” she said. “Who gets to enjoy the rights of citizenship? What rights should be afforded to anyone, regardless of legal status, because they’re part of this community?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wang is grateful that early Chinese immigrants asked these questions, forcing the U.S. to follow its own constitutional laws: “The fundamental promise of the 14th Amendment was only as good as the writing until people like [Lee Yick and Wo Lee] took their fights and fleshed out those words on paper… and made it a lived reality for people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12050749\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12050749\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250729-YICKWOCIVILRIGHTS-03-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250729-YICKWOCIVILRIGHTS-03-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250729-YICKWOCIVILRIGHTS-03-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250729-YICKWOCIVILRIGHTS-03-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">David Lei walks along Spofford Street in San Francisco’s Chinatown on July 29, 2025, the historical site of the Chinese Laundry Association, once located at 33 Spofford St. A longtime resident and community historian, Lei has worked to preserve Chinatown’s cultural and educational legacy. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Wang said it took the mobilization of an entire community to defend the Chinese laundries — with people contributing in both small and large ways — and said a similar collective effort is needed today.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I have family members in my Chinese American family who probably agree more with President Trump than they agree with me on issues of immigration,” she said. “What I try to do with my community … is not only point out the history, but to really draw some intersectional lines so that [they] can understand how we must all stand or fall together.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Back at the parking lot on Third and Harrison, Lei reflects on the mountain of overlooked legal battles waged by early Chinese immigrants — cases that shaped modern protections such as Miranda rights, public education access and political asylum.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At 75, he said, “The clock is ticking,” estimating he has about five more years left in him to keep telling these stories. He shook his head, thinking about how much more there is to share.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then he chuckled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re branded as very quiet, that we don’t cause trouble — model citizens, model minority, all these things,” he said. “But the Chinese were very hard to manage … We have to organize. That’s what our ancestors did, and they were successful, so this is what we need to do now.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>President Donald Trump’s executive order limiting birthright citizenship is once again frozen by a federal judge’s nationwide injunction, preventing the administration from enforcing the policy in any of the 50 states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Supreme Court had \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12044886/supreme-court-birthright-citizenship-ruling-limits-nationwide-injunctions\">previously ruled\u003c/a> that the federal government could only enforce the order in the 28 states that have not challenged it in court, while it remains blocked in the other 22 states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thursday’s decision from the U.S. District Court for New Hampshire allows civil rights groups to move forward \u003ca href=\"https://www.aclu.org/cases/barbara-v-donald-j-trump?document=PI-Order\">with a class-action lawsuit\u003c/a> on behalf of newborn babies affected by executive order. While the Supreme Court has limited the power of district judges to stop executive orders nationwide, it still allows this type of injunction in class action cases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#parents\">\u003cstrong>Jump to: Expecting a baby? What you should know now\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>“Having a patchwork system of birthright citizenship would be totally unworkable,” said Aarti Kohli, executive director of the San Francisco-based Asian Law Caucus, one of the organizations that presented the lawsuit. “It would turn doctors and nurses into immigration agents. It would be really expensive to administer. It would create a lot of confusion and fear.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump’s executive order would deny U.S. citizenship to babies born in the country to parents without permanent legal status, but the Supreme Court’s June 27 ruling created a split: a baby born to undocumented parents in California — \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12023126/california-leaders-to-sue-trump-over-birthright-citizenship-border-policies\">which sued the federal government over the policy\u003c/a> — would be entitled to citizenship, while a baby born to a family with similar circumstances in Texas — which has not challenged the executive order — could be denied citizenship.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But this latest injunction blocks the executive order from taking effect in any state, guaranteeing birthright citizenship for now to babies born to immigrant parents without permanent legal status.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What parents need to know is that they are protected for now,” said Kohli, who added that she expects another legal battle that could end up in the Supreme Court. “We’re in this for the long haul.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Keep reading to understand the latest rules on U.S. birthright citizenship.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Who does Trump’s birthright citizenship order affect now?\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>On Jan. 20, Trump signed \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/presidential-actions/2025/01/protecting-the-meaning-and-value-of-american-citizenship/\">an executive order\u003c/a> declaring that the federal government will no longer grant documents that confirm citizenship, like a Social Security Number or passport, to children born on or after Feb. 19, 2025, who are in the following situations:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>At the time of birth, the baby’s biological mother is “unlawfully present” (with no legal status) in the U.S. and the biological father was not a U.S. citizen or lawful permanent resident.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>At the time of birth, the baby’s biological mother was in the U.S. with a temporary visa or permit, and the biological father was not a U.S. citizen or lawful permanent resident.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>The text of the executive order is written in legal language that can be difficult for the general public to understand. But based on the circumstances the order describes, these are families that could be affected by Trump’s birthright citizenship executive order:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Families where both parents have no legal immigration documents at the time of their baby’s birth.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Families where both parents only have a temporary legal status, which could include: Temporary Protected Status (TPS), Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA), H1-B holders, a student J-1 visa or an H-2A visa for agricultural workers, another temporary visa or humanitarian parole. Their baby would not have birthright citizenship.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>If one parent has no legal status and the other only has a temporary legal status, which could include: TPS, DACA, H1-B holders, a student J-1 visa or an H-2A visa for agricultural workers, another temporary visa or humanitarian parole. Their baby would not have birthright citizenship.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>On June 27, the Supreme Court ruled the executive order cannot be enforced in the following 22 states, along with the District of Columbia:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>California\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Arizona\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Colorado\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Connecticut\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Delaware\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Hawaii\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Illinois\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Maine\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Massachusetts\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Maryland\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Michigan\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Minnesota\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Nevada\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>New Jersey\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>New Mexico\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>New York\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>North Carolina\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Oregon\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Rhode Island\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Vermont\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Washington\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Wisconsin\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>While in the remaining 28 states, the new birthright citizenship rules were set to begin on July 27. How a patchwork system like this would actually look like in practice has puzzled both legal scholars and future parents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’d be a lot of chaos with government agencies, businesses and individuals not even being sure how to comply with the law, even if they want to comply in good faith,” said Ming H. Chen, professor at UC Law San Francisco and faculty-director of the school’s Center for Race, Immigration, Citizenship, and Equality.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12015449 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/20241119_BirthrightCitizenshipExplainer_GC-16_qed-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Parents were so concerned, especially in the 28 states that were not party to a lawsuit on birthright citizenship,” said Asian Law Caucus’ Kohli. “People in those states were asking questions like, ‘Should we move in order to ensure that their child is a U.S. citizen?’\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the July 10 ruling from the New Hampshire federal district court blocks the executive order from being enforced anywhere in the country until the class-action lawsuit is resolved.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"parents\">\u003c/a>\u003cstrong>I’m worried: Is my baby still a US citizen?\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The Supreme Court’s June 27 ruling allowed the federal government to enforce the policy in 28 states startingJuly 27. The order is now blocked nationwide as the case moves through the judicial system, with legal experts predicting the fight will make it to the Supreme Court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At this moment, the federal government will still recognize your baby as a U.S. citizen, regardless of your immigration status or what state the child was born.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Would anyone be stripped of their existing American citizenship with this order?\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Trump’s executive order says nothing about taking away the citizenship of people born in the U.S. before Feb. 19, regardless of the immigration status of their parents.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>I’m currently expecting a baby. Will they still become a US citizen automatically?\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>This one’s complicated, as this depends on the future of the class-action lawsuit brought by civil rights groups on behalf of babies impacted by the executive order. Thanks to the July 10 ruling from the New Hampshire district court, the Trump administration must continue to recognize the U.S. citizenship of babies born to immigrant parents without a permanent legal status, regardless of their state of residence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Once the White House challenges the ruling, the case would next go to a federal appeals court and, potentially, to the Supreme Court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the same time, there are still multiple lawsuits against the government over the constitutionality of Trump’s executive order that are making their way through the judicial system. Once those cases reach the Supreme Court, the justices will have the final word on whether the executive order is overturned entirely or enforced nationwide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Keep in mind, however, that the Supreme Court is currently in recess and will resume hearing cases in October. The July 10 injunction blocking the order nationwide remains in place in the meantime.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>A version of this story originally published on June 27, 2025.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"description": "President Donald Trump’s executive order restricting birthright citizenship — previously set to begin July 27 in 28 states — has once again been frozen nationwide by a federal judge.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>President Donald Trump’s executive order limiting birthright citizenship is once again frozen by a federal judge’s nationwide injunction, preventing the administration from enforcing the policy in any of the 50 states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Supreme Court had \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12044886/supreme-court-birthright-citizenship-ruling-limits-nationwide-injunctions\">previously ruled\u003c/a> that the federal government could only enforce the order in the 28 states that have not challenged it in court, while it remains blocked in the other 22 states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thursday’s decision from the U.S. District Court for New Hampshire allows civil rights groups to move forward \u003ca href=\"https://www.aclu.org/cases/barbara-v-donald-j-trump?document=PI-Order\">with a class-action lawsuit\u003c/a> on behalf of newborn babies affected by executive order. While the Supreme Court has limited the power of district judges to stop executive orders nationwide, it still allows this type of injunction in class action cases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#parents\">\u003cstrong>Jump to: Expecting a baby? What you should know now\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>“Having a patchwork system of birthright citizenship would be totally unworkable,” said Aarti Kohli, executive director of the San Francisco-based Asian Law Caucus, one of the organizations that presented the lawsuit. “It would turn doctors and nurses into immigration agents. It would be really expensive to administer. It would create a lot of confusion and fear.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump’s executive order would deny U.S. citizenship to babies born in the country to parents without permanent legal status, but the Supreme Court’s June 27 ruling created a split: a baby born to undocumented parents in California — \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12023126/california-leaders-to-sue-trump-over-birthright-citizenship-border-policies\">which sued the federal government over the policy\u003c/a> — would be entitled to citizenship, while a baby born to a family with similar circumstances in Texas — which has not challenged the executive order — could be denied citizenship.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But this latest injunction blocks the executive order from taking effect in any state, guaranteeing birthright citizenship for now to babies born to immigrant parents without permanent legal status.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What parents need to know is that they are protected for now,” said Kohli, who added that she expects another legal battle that could end up in the Supreme Court. “We’re in this for the long haul.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Keep reading to understand the latest rules on U.S. birthright citizenship.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Who does Trump’s birthright citizenship order affect now?\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>On Jan. 20, Trump signed \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/presidential-actions/2025/01/protecting-the-meaning-and-value-of-american-citizenship/\">an executive order\u003c/a> declaring that the federal government will no longer grant documents that confirm citizenship, like a Social Security Number or passport, to children born on or after Feb. 19, 2025, who are in the following situations:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>At the time of birth, the baby’s biological mother is “unlawfully present” (with no legal status) in the U.S. and the biological father was not a U.S. citizen or lawful permanent resident.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>At the time of birth, the baby’s biological mother was in the U.S. with a temporary visa or permit, and the biological father was not a U.S. citizen or lawful permanent resident.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>The text of the executive order is written in legal language that can be difficult for the general public to understand. But based on the circumstances the order describes, these are families that could be affected by Trump’s birthright citizenship executive order:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Families where both parents have no legal immigration documents at the time of their baby’s birth.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Families where both parents only have a temporary legal status, which could include: Temporary Protected Status (TPS), Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA), H1-B holders, a student J-1 visa or an H-2A visa for agricultural workers, another temporary visa or humanitarian parole. Their baby would not have birthright citizenship.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>If one parent has no legal status and the other only has a temporary legal status, which could include: TPS, DACA, H1-B holders, a student J-1 visa or an H-2A visa for agricultural workers, another temporary visa or humanitarian parole. Their baby would not have birthright citizenship.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>On June 27, the Supreme Court ruled the executive order cannot be enforced in the following 22 states, along with the District of Columbia:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>California\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Arizona\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Colorado\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Connecticut\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Delaware\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Hawaii\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Illinois\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Maine\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Massachusetts\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Maryland\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Michigan\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Minnesota\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Nevada\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>New Jersey\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>New Mexico\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>New York\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>North Carolina\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Oregon\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Rhode Island\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Vermont\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Washington\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Wisconsin\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>While in the remaining 28 states, the new birthright citizenship rules were set to begin on July 27. How a patchwork system like this would actually look like in practice has puzzled both legal scholars and future parents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’d be a lot of chaos with government agencies, businesses and individuals not even being sure how to comply with the law, even if they want to comply in good faith,” said Ming H. Chen, professor at UC Law San Francisco and faculty-director of the school’s Center for Race, Immigration, Citizenship, and Equality.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Parents were so concerned, especially in the 28 states that were not party to a lawsuit on birthright citizenship,” said Asian Law Caucus’ Kohli. “People in those states were asking questions like, ‘Should we move in order to ensure that their child is a U.S. citizen?’\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the July 10 ruling from the New Hampshire federal district court blocks the executive order from being enforced anywhere in the country until the class-action lawsuit is resolved.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"parents\">\u003c/a>\u003cstrong>I’m worried: Is my baby still a US citizen?\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The Supreme Court’s June 27 ruling allowed the federal government to enforce the policy in 28 states startingJuly 27. The order is now blocked nationwide as the case moves through the judicial system, with legal experts predicting the fight will make it to the Supreme Court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At this moment, the federal government will still recognize your baby as a U.S. citizen, regardless of your immigration status or what state the child was born.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Would anyone be stripped of their existing American citizenship with this order?\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Trump’s executive order says nothing about taking away the citizenship of people born in the U.S. before Feb. 19, regardless of the immigration status of their parents.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>I’m currently expecting a baby. Will they still become a US citizen automatically?\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>This one’s complicated, as this depends on the future of the class-action lawsuit brought by civil rights groups on behalf of babies impacted by the executive order. Thanks to the July 10 ruling from the New Hampshire district court, the Trump administration must continue to recognize the U.S. citizenship of babies born to immigrant parents without a permanent legal status, regardless of their state of residence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Once the White House challenges the ruling, the case would next go to a federal appeals court and, potentially, to the Supreme Court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the same time, there are still multiple lawsuits against the government over the constitutionality of Trump’s executive order that are making their way through the judicial system. Once those cases reach the Supreme Court, the justices will have the final word on whether the executive order is overturned entirely or enforced nationwide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Keep in mind, however, that the Supreme Court is currently in recess and will resume hearing cases in October. The July 10 injunction blocking the order nationwide remains in place in the meantime.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>A version of this story originally published on June 27, 2025.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>California officials voiced alarm on Friday after the Supreme Court \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12046217/what-the-supreme-courts-latest-ruling-means-for-birthright-citizenship\">threw out nationwide injunctions\u003c/a> blocking President Donald Trump’s effort to reverse the country’s long-standing principle that children born on U.S. soil are citizens.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Federal court judges were directed to issue more limited stays to temporarily block Trump’s executive order while legal challenges proceed. State leaders expressed disappointment but emphasized the ruling does not mean the end of birthright citizenship.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Because 22 states — \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12023126/california-leaders-to-sue-trump-over-birthright-citizenship-border-policies\">including California\u003c/a> — and the District of Columbia successfully challenged the order earlier this year, the policy remains blocked in those places.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Supreme Court’s decision today is not what we hoped for, but you can be sure the fight is far from over,” state Attorney General Rob Bonta said. “We believe our case is clear because the law is clear. The 14th Amendment of the Constitution and the Immigration and Nationality Act are clear. Birthright citizenship is foundational to our history and has already been upheld by the U.S. Supreme Court.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The majority opinion issued by the justices did not explicitly address whether Trump’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12024082/qa-what-to-know-about-birthright-citizenship\">executive order on birthright citizenship\u003c/a> is unconstitutional. Instead, the court — split along ideological lines, with conservatives in the majority — ruled that federal judges likely overstepped their powers by issuing nationwide injunctions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The court also placed a 30-day stay on Trump’s birthright citizenship order to give opponents time to challenge in court, according to the majority opinion written by Justice Amy Coney Barrett.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12046217 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/npr.brightspotcdn-copy-13-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bonta noted that the court ruling does not completely eliminate the possibility of future nationwide injunctions. If it is found that a sweeping stay is needed to provide complete relief to plaintiffs involved in cases against Trump’s executive order, one may be reintroduced.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the dissenting opinion written by Justice Sonia Sotomayor, she argued that the decision to limit nationwide injunctions goes against “basic principles of equity as well as the long history of injunctive relief granted to nonparties.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>David Chiu, city attorney of San Francisco, said birthright citizenship is one instance where a court’s ability to decide on the nation’s behalf is critical. Without a universal injunction, determining each person’s citizenship and status based on where they’re born or move would be logistically difficult and unfair, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You can’t require some states to issue birth certificates to birthright citizens and prohibit other states from doing so,” Chiu said. “The idea that a baby may or may not be a citizen depending on where she or he is born is cruel and nonsensical.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As it stands, the court’s decision did not question the merits of birthright citizenship and its constitutionality, Chiu said. Rather, he is more concerned that the ruling could dramatically reduce the injunctionary powers of the judiciary more broadly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We can no longer expect to benefit from other parties when they win court challenges,” he said. “We have to be in the fight ourselves to ensure that we can vindicate the interests of San Francisco.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to Kevin Johnson, a law professor at UC Davis, the Supreme Court’s ruling has less to do with immigration and legal status than it does with limiting the powers of the judicial branch and federal courts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both Democratic and Republican administrations in the past have had issues with courts ordering injunctions that interfere with executive directives, Johnson noted, adding that the question of whether lower courts should have the discretion to issue sweeping injunctions has been long debated by conservatives and liberals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Supreme Court has expressed a concern with all the injunctions coming before it on various matters, including immigration,” he said. “The court has … lost its patience with all these lawsuits, all these injunctions, all of these efforts to limit the prerogative of the president.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Johnson said it’s likely that the rule of birthright citizenship will continue to be enforced as federal judges release more limited injunctions. There’s also a chance that pushback from the Trump administration may eventually result in the issue being returned to the Supreme Court, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In response to the court’s decision, Trump said on Truth Social that the ruling was a “giant win” and a hard hit on birthright citizenship, which he described as a scam on the United States’ immigration process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this year, Trump issued an order barring citizenship to U.S.-born children whose parents are not citizens or legal permanent residents. It was one of nearly a dozen sweeping executive orders aimed at rewriting the rules on immigration and redefining who gets to be an American.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California and 21 other states \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12023126/california-leaders-to-sue-trump-over-birthright-citizenship-border-policies\">immediately sued\u003c/a>. They were also joined by San Francisco and several immigrant rights groups, as well as individuals who stand to be affected by the directive. Federal judges quickly blocked the order from taking effect while the cases went forward, and three separate appeals courts refused to lift the injunctions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco’s Asian Law Caucus and the ACLU are \u003ca href=\"https://www.asianlawcaucus.org/news-resources/news/birthright-citizenship-executive-order\">litigating another lawsuit\u003c/a> against Trump’s birthright citizenship order, \u003ca href=\"https://www.aclu.org/cases/new-hampshire-indonesian-community-support-v-donald-j-trump?document=Complaint\">filed\u003c/a> in federal court in New Hampshire. In February, that judge also issued \u003ca href=\"https://www.aclu.org/documents/nh-indonesian-community-support-preliminary-injunction\">an injunction\u003c/a> — not a nationwide one — and the Trump administration is appealing the stay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“To any pregnant woman out there, please do not worry and stress about this,” said Aarti Kohli, executive director of the Asian Law Caucus. “We are here. We are fighting very hard. There’s a large community of legal experts who really believe that this executive order has no teeth and that we will find a way to persevere.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/jlara\">\u003cem>Juan Carlos Lara\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>California officials voiced alarm on Friday after the Supreme Court \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12046217/what-the-supreme-courts-latest-ruling-means-for-birthright-citizenship\">threw out nationwide injunctions\u003c/a> blocking President Donald Trump’s effort to reverse the country’s long-standing principle that children born on U.S. soil are citizens.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Federal court judges were directed to issue more limited stays to temporarily block Trump’s executive order while legal challenges proceed. State leaders expressed disappointment but emphasized the ruling does not mean the end of birthright citizenship.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Because 22 states — \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12023126/california-leaders-to-sue-trump-over-birthright-citizenship-border-policies\">including California\u003c/a> — and the District of Columbia successfully challenged the order earlier this year, the policy remains blocked in those places.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Supreme Court’s decision today is not what we hoped for, but you can be sure the fight is far from over,” state Attorney General Rob Bonta said. “We believe our case is clear because the law is clear. The 14th Amendment of the Constitution and the Immigration and Nationality Act are clear. Birthright citizenship is foundational to our history and has already been upheld by the U.S. Supreme Court.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The majority opinion issued by the justices did not explicitly address whether Trump’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12024082/qa-what-to-know-about-birthright-citizenship\">executive order on birthright citizenship\u003c/a> is unconstitutional. Instead, the court — split along ideological lines, with conservatives in the majority — ruled that federal judges likely overstepped their powers by issuing nationwide injunctions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The court also placed a 30-day stay on Trump’s birthright citizenship order to give opponents time to challenge in court, according to the majority opinion written by Justice Amy Coney Barrett.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bonta noted that the court ruling does not completely eliminate the possibility of future nationwide injunctions. If it is found that a sweeping stay is needed to provide complete relief to plaintiffs involved in cases against Trump’s executive order, one may be reintroduced.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the dissenting opinion written by Justice Sonia Sotomayor, she argued that the decision to limit nationwide injunctions goes against “basic principles of equity as well as the long history of injunctive relief granted to nonparties.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>David Chiu, city attorney of San Francisco, said birthright citizenship is one instance where a court’s ability to decide on the nation’s behalf is critical. Without a universal injunction, determining each person’s citizenship and status based on where they’re born or move would be logistically difficult and unfair, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You can’t require some states to issue birth certificates to birthright citizens and prohibit other states from doing so,” Chiu said. “The idea that a baby may or may not be a citizen depending on where she or he is born is cruel and nonsensical.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As it stands, the court’s decision did not question the merits of birthright citizenship and its constitutionality, Chiu said. Rather, he is more concerned that the ruling could dramatically reduce the injunctionary powers of the judiciary more broadly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We can no longer expect to benefit from other parties when they win court challenges,” he said. “We have to be in the fight ourselves to ensure that we can vindicate the interests of San Francisco.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to Kevin Johnson, a law professor at UC Davis, the Supreme Court’s ruling has less to do with immigration and legal status than it does with limiting the powers of the judicial branch and federal courts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both Democratic and Republican administrations in the past have had issues with courts ordering injunctions that interfere with executive directives, Johnson noted, adding that the question of whether lower courts should have the discretion to issue sweeping injunctions has been long debated by conservatives and liberals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Supreme Court has expressed a concern with all the injunctions coming before it on various matters, including immigration,” he said. “The court has … lost its patience with all these lawsuits, all these injunctions, all of these efforts to limit the prerogative of the president.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Johnson said it’s likely that the rule of birthright citizenship will continue to be enforced as federal judges release more limited injunctions. There’s also a chance that pushback from the Trump administration may eventually result in the issue being returned to the Supreme Court, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In response to the court’s decision, Trump said on Truth Social that the ruling was a “giant win” and a hard hit on birthright citizenship, which he described as a scam on the United States’ immigration process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this year, Trump issued an order barring citizenship to U.S.-born children whose parents are not citizens or legal permanent residents. It was one of nearly a dozen sweeping executive orders aimed at rewriting the rules on immigration and redefining who gets to be an American.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California and 21 other states \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12023126/california-leaders-to-sue-trump-over-birthright-citizenship-border-policies\">immediately sued\u003c/a>. They were also joined by San Francisco and several immigrant rights groups, as well as individuals who stand to be affected by the directive. Federal judges quickly blocked the order from taking effect while the cases went forward, and three separate appeals courts refused to lift the injunctions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco’s Asian Law Caucus and the ACLU are \u003ca href=\"https://www.asianlawcaucus.org/news-resources/news/birthright-citizenship-executive-order\">litigating another lawsuit\u003c/a> against Trump’s birthright citizenship order, \u003ca href=\"https://www.aclu.org/cases/new-hampshire-indonesian-community-support-v-donald-j-trump?document=Complaint\">filed\u003c/a> in federal court in New Hampshire. In February, that judge also issued \u003ca href=\"https://www.aclu.org/documents/nh-indonesian-community-support-preliminary-injunction\">an injunction\u003c/a> — not a nationwide one — and the Trump administration is appealing the stay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“To any pregnant woman out there, please do not worry and stress about this,” said Aarti Kohli, executive director of the Asian Law Caucus. “We are here. We are fighting very hard. There’s a large community of legal experts who really believe that this executive order has no teeth and that we will find a way to persevere.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/jlara\">\u003cem>Juan Carlos Lara\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 9:25 a.m. Friday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Supreme Court, in a 6-3 decision along ideological lines on Friday, sided with the Trump administration’s request to limit universal injunctions issued by federal courts. The opinion in the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/birthright-citizenship\">birthright citizenship\u003c/a> case was highly anticipated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At issue was \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/05/15/nx-s1-5395840/birthright-citizenship-supreme-court\">how the lower courts should handle\u003c/a> President Trump’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/presidential-actions/2025/01/protecting-the-meaning-and-value-of-american-citizenship/\">executive order\u003c/a>, which declared that the children of parents who enter the U.S. illegally or on a temporary visa are not entitled to automatic citizenship.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The majority opinion, written by Justice Amy Coney Barrett, didn’t rule on whether President Trump’s executive order violates the 14th Amendment or the Nationality Act. Instead, it focused on whether federal courts have the power to issue nationwide blocks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Universal injunctions likely exceed the equitable authority that Congress has given to federal courts,” the conservative majority said. “The Court grants the Government’s applications for a partial stay of the injunctions entered below, but only to the extent that the injunctions are broader than necessary to provide complete relief to each plaintiff with standing to sue.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Friday’s opinion asked the lower courts to reconsider their broad rulings in light of the Supreme Court’s opinion and otherwise “with principles of equity.” However, the opinion also said Trump’s birthright citizenship order can’t take effect for 30 days from Friday’s opinion, giving more time for legal challenges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12045683\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12045683\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GettyImages-2220642625-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1707\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GettyImages-2220642625-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GettyImages-2220642625-2000x1333.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GettyImages-2220642625-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GettyImages-2220642625-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GettyImages-2220642625-2048x1365.jpg 2048w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">President Donald Trump addresses the nation, alongside Vice President JD Vance (left), Secretary of State Marco Rubio (second, right) and Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth (right), from the White House in Washington, D.C. on June 21, 2025. \u003ccite>(Carlos Barria/Pool/AFP via Getty Images )\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Dissenting from Friday’s decision were the court’s three liberal justices. Writing for the three of them, Justice Sonia Sotomayor said the government’s rush to limit nationwide injunctions “disregards basic principles of equity as well as the long history of injunctive relief granted to nonparties.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Immigrant rights groups and 22 states had sued over Trump’s birthright citizenship order, and three different federal district court judges invalidated Trump’s order, issuing what are called universal injunctions barring the administration from enforcing the Trump policy anywhere in the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When the courts of appeal refused to intervene while the litigation proceeded, the Trump administration asked the Supreme Court to block universal injunctions altogether.[aside postID=news_12046217 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2030/01/GettyImages-1314541146.jpg']While Friday’s decision is procedural, the issue at the center of the case is \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/01/23/nx-s1-5270572/birthright-citizenship-trump-executive-order\">Trump’s long-held, but fringe view\u003c/a> that there is no such thing as automatic citizenship for people born in the U.S. On his first day in office this year, he signed an executive order declaring that babies born in the U.S. may not be citizens if their parents were not here legally or if the parents were here legally but on a temporary basis like a work visa. Trump’s view, however, is directly contradicted by a Supreme Court ruling 127 years ago — a decision that has never been disturbed, and is based on the text of the 14th Amendment to the Constitution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The amendment says: “All persons born or naturalized in the United States, and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the United States.” It was enacted in 1866 after the Civil War and aimed at reversing the Supreme Court’s infamous Dred Scott decision, which had declared that Black people, enslaved or free, could not be citizens. It has always been applied to anyone born in the U.S. And the Supreme Court on Friday did nothing to change that 150-year understanding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>President Trump \u003ca href=\"https://truthsocial.com/@realDonaldTrump/posts/114755893176827573\">responded to the decision on Truth Social\u003c/a>, calling it a “giant win.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He implied that immigrants were trying to scam the process to get U.S. citizenship and that the 14th Amendment was only meant to give citizenship to “babies of slaves (same year!)”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 9:25 a.m. Friday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Supreme Court, in a 6-3 decision along ideological lines on Friday, sided with the Trump administration’s request to limit universal injunctions issued by federal courts. The opinion in the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/birthright-citizenship\">birthright citizenship\u003c/a> case was highly anticipated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At issue was \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/05/15/nx-s1-5395840/birthright-citizenship-supreme-court\">how the lower courts should handle\u003c/a> President Trump’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/presidential-actions/2025/01/protecting-the-meaning-and-value-of-american-citizenship/\">executive order\u003c/a>, which declared that the children of parents who enter the U.S. illegally or on a temporary visa are not entitled to automatic citizenship.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The majority opinion, written by Justice Amy Coney Barrett, didn’t rule on whether President Trump’s executive order violates the 14th Amendment or the Nationality Act. Instead, it focused on whether federal courts have the power to issue nationwide blocks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Universal injunctions likely exceed the equitable authority that Congress has given to federal courts,” the conservative majority said. “The Court grants the Government’s applications for a partial stay of the injunctions entered below, but only to the extent that the injunctions are broader than necessary to provide complete relief to each plaintiff with standing to sue.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Friday’s opinion asked the lower courts to reconsider their broad rulings in light of the Supreme Court’s opinion and otherwise “with principles of equity.” However, the opinion also said Trump’s birthright citizenship order can’t take effect for 30 days from Friday’s opinion, giving more time for legal challenges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12045683\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12045683\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GettyImages-2220642625-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1707\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GettyImages-2220642625-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GettyImages-2220642625-2000x1333.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GettyImages-2220642625-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GettyImages-2220642625-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GettyImages-2220642625-2048x1365.jpg 2048w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">President Donald Trump addresses the nation, alongside Vice President JD Vance (left), Secretary of State Marco Rubio (second, right) and Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth (right), from the White House in Washington, D.C. on June 21, 2025. \u003ccite>(Carlos Barria/Pool/AFP via Getty Images )\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Dissenting from Friday’s decision were the court’s three liberal justices. Writing for the three of them, Justice Sonia Sotomayor said the government’s rush to limit nationwide injunctions “disregards basic principles of equity as well as the long history of injunctive relief granted to nonparties.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Immigrant rights groups and 22 states had sued over Trump’s birthright citizenship order, and three different federal district court judges invalidated Trump’s order, issuing what are called universal injunctions barring the administration from enforcing the Trump policy anywhere in the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When the courts of appeal refused to intervene while the litigation proceeded, the Trump administration asked the Supreme Court to block universal injunctions altogether.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>While Friday’s decision is procedural, the issue at the center of the case is \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/01/23/nx-s1-5270572/birthright-citizenship-trump-executive-order\">Trump’s long-held, but fringe view\u003c/a> that there is no such thing as automatic citizenship for people born in the U.S. On his first day in office this year, he signed an executive order declaring that babies born in the U.S. may not be citizens if their parents were not here legally or if the parents were here legally but on a temporary basis like a work visa. Trump’s view, however, is directly contradicted by a Supreme Court ruling 127 years ago — a decision that has never been disturbed, and is based on the text of the 14th Amendment to the Constitution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The amendment says: “All persons born or naturalized in the United States, and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the United States.” It was enacted in 1866 after the Civil War and aimed at reversing the Supreme Court’s infamous Dred Scott decision, which had declared that Black people, enslaved or free, could not be citizens. It has always been applied to anyone born in the U.S. And the Supreme Court on Friday did nothing to change that 150-year understanding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>President Trump \u003ca href=\"https://truthsocial.com/@realDonaldTrump/posts/114755893176827573\">responded to the decision on Truth Social\u003c/a>, calling it a “giant win.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He implied that immigrants were trying to scam the process to get U.S. citizenship and that the 14th Amendment was only meant to give citizenship to “babies of slaves (same year!)”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "unprecedented-ice-officers-operating-inside-bay-area-immigration-courts-lawyers-say",
"title": "‘Unprecedented’: ICE Officers Operating Inside Bay Area Immigration Courts, Lawyers Say",
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"headTitle": "‘Unprecedented’: ICE Officers Operating Inside Bay Area Immigration Courts, Lawyers Say | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>In a move Bay Area immigrant advocates say is a first, federal immigration agents are conducting enforcement operations inside \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11975904/new-bay-area-immigration-court-opens-aims-to-tackle-deportation-backlog\">immigration courthouses\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement officers showed up in the halls and waiting rooms of immigration courts in San Francisco, Concord and Sacramento this week, according to attorneys and others at the courts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates reported just one local arrest — of a man at the Concord court. But multiple \u003ca href=\"https://www.kpbs.org/news/border-immigration/2025/05/22/ice-agents-swarm-san-diego-immigration-court-arresting-people-after-their-hearings\">arrests have occurred in San Diego\u003c/a>, Phoenix and elsewhere.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s outrageous and unprecedented,” said Sean McMahon, a senior attorney with the California Collaborative for Immigrant Justice. “People have the right to apply for asylum. They have the right to be heard if the government’s asserting that they’re deportable. And ICE is scaring people away from doing that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If an immigrant fails to appear for a hearing, they automatically lose their case and are ordered deported in absentia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>McMahon said ICE officers were at the San Francisco courthouse every day this week, questioning people entering or leaving courtrooms, and appeared at the Sacramento and Concord courts on at least one day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Attorneys say they’ve observed ICE prosecutors moving to dismiss charges against immigrants who could be subject to a fast-track removal process. McMahon said they believe the prosecutors are coordinating with ICE officers in the corridors to conduct arrests as people leave the courtrooms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ICE officials acknowledged the courthouse operations in a statement that read, in part: “Secretary Noem is reversing Biden’s catch and release policy that allowed millions of unvetted illegal aliens to be let loose on American streets. This Administration is once again implementing the rule of law.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ICE went on to say that it considers immigrants who entered the U.S. illegally within the past two years to be subject to the fast-track deportation process — called \u003ca href=\"https://www.congress.gov/crs-product/IF11357\">expedited removal\u003c/a> — that does not require an immigration court hearing. Since expedited removal was enacted by Congress in 1996, it has been primarily applied to people at the border or who recently entered the country and are encountered within 100 miles of the border. The Trump administration has \u003ca href=\"https://www.federalregister.gov/documents/2025/01/24/2025-01720/designating-aliens-for-expedited-removal\">expanded its interpretation of the law\u003c/a> to cover people anywhere in the U.S. who can’t prove they’ve been here for at least two years.[aside postID=news_12039137 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/TravisAirForceBaseGetty2-1020x680.jpg']ICE said it will screen people it arrests under the statute for a “credible fear” of persecution in their home country, which would allow them to apply for asylum here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If no valid claim is found, aliens will be subject to a swift deportation,” the statement said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>President Donald Trump pledged “mass deportations” of at least a million people in the first year of his term. In an effort to carry that out, the administration has stripped away a variety of due process protections, and the Republican-controlled House of\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Representatives just approved a \u003ca href=\"https://www.wola.org/analysis/160-billion-to-detain-and-deport-congresss-reconciliation-bill-is-a-betrayal-of-priorities-and-will-harm-the-most-vulnerable/\">massive budget increase\u003c/a> for immigration enforcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In January, the Department of Homeland Security \u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/about-ice/ero/protected-areas\">revoked\u003c/a> a \u003ca href=\"https://www.dhs.gov/archive/news/2021/04/27/dhs-announces-new-guidance-limit-ice-and-cbp-civil-enforcement-actions-or-near\">Biden-era policy\u003c/a> limiting ICE enforcement in or near courthouses, as well as other “sensitive areas,” such as schools, hospitals and places of worship.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For ICE officers to be in the courthouses, advocates say they must receive permission from the Executive Office of Immigration Review, as the immigration court system is formally known.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’re certainly allowing it,” McMahon said. “There’s not just an awareness, but basically a tolerance of ICE’s presence at the court currently.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said that when volunteers who witnessed the arrest at the Concord immigration court on Wednesday began informing people of their legal rights, the court’s private security guards asked them to leave the facility.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When asked about ICE enforcement inside courthouses, EOIR spokeswoman Kathryn Mattingly declined to comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sergio Lopez, a volunteer coordinator with the Contra Costa Immigrant Rights Alliance, was at the Concord court on Wednesday and observed the arrest. He said ICE agents in plain clothes approached him and asked for identification.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They were kind of aggressive,” he said. “It is a tactic to terrify people. I’ve been receiving texts and calls from a lot of people asking questions about if it’s safe to go to the court. ‘Is it OK, or I could be arrested?’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lopez said his organization plans to deploy legal observers to monitor ICE’s actions at the Concord courthouse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates also called on elected officials to speak up for immigrants’ due process rights and to increase funding for legal services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>In a move Bay Area immigrant advocates say is a first, federal immigration agents are conducting enforcement operations inside \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11975904/new-bay-area-immigration-court-opens-aims-to-tackle-deportation-backlog\">immigration courthouses\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement officers showed up in the halls and waiting rooms of immigration courts in San Francisco, Concord and Sacramento this week, according to attorneys and others at the courts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates reported just one local arrest — of a man at the Concord court. But multiple \u003ca href=\"https://www.kpbs.org/news/border-immigration/2025/05/22/ice-agents-swarm-san-diego-immigration-court-arresting-people-after-their-hearings\">arrests have occurred in San Diego\u003c/a>, Phoenix and elsewhere.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s outrageous and unprecedented,” said Sean McMahon, a senior attorney with the California Collaborative for Immigrant Justice. “People have the right to apply for asylum. They have the right to be heard if the government’s asserting that they’re deportable. And ICE is scaring people away from doing that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If an immigrant fails to appear for a hearing, they automatically lose their case and are ordered deported in absentia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>McMahon said ICE officers were at the San Francisco courthouse every day this week, questioning people entering or leaving courtrooms, and appeared at the Sacramento and Concord courts on at least one day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Attorneys say they’ve observed ICE prosecutors moving to dismiss charges against immigrants who could be subject to a fast-track removal process. McMahon said they believe the prosecutors are coordinating with ICE officers in the corridors to conduct arrests as people leave the courtrooms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ICE officials acknowledged the courthouse operations in a statement that read, in part: “Secretary Noem is reversing Biden’s catch and release policy that allowed millions of unvetted illegal aliens to be let loose on American streets. This Administration is once again implementing the rule of law.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ICE went on to say that it considers immigrants who entered the U.S. illegally within the past two years to be subject to the fast-track deportation process — called \u003ca href=\"https://www.congress.gov/crs-product/IF11357\">expedited removal\u003c/a> — that does not require an immigration court hearing. Since expedited removal was enacted by Congress in 1996, it has been primarily applied to people at the border or who recently entered the country and are encountered within 100 miles of the border. The Trump administration has \u003ca href=\"https://www.federalregister.gov/documents/2025/01/24/2025-01720/designating-aliens-for-expedited-removal\">expanded its interpretation of the law\u003c/a> to cover people anywhere in the U.S. who can’t prove they’ve been here for at least two years.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>ICE said it will screen people it arrests under the statute for a “credible fear” of persecution in their home country, which would allow them to apply for asylum here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If no valid claim is found, aliens will be subject to a swift deportation,” the statement said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>President Donald Trump pledged “mass deportations” of at least a million people in the first year of his term. In an effort to carry that out, the administration has stripped away a variety of due process protections, and the Republican-controlled House of\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Representatives just approved a \u003ca href=\"https://www.wola.org/analysis/160-billion-to-detain-and-deport-congresss-reconciliation-bill-is-a-betrayal-of-priorities-and-will-harm-the-most-vulnerable/\">massive budget increase\u003c/a> for immigration enforcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In January, the Department of Homeland Security \u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/about-ice/ero/protected-areas\">revoked\u003c/a> a \u003ca href=\"https://www.dhs.gov/archive/news/2021/04/27/dhs-announces-new-guidance-limit-ice-and-cbp-civil-enforcement-actions-or-near\">Biden-era policy\u003c/a> limiting ICE enforcement in or near courthouses, as well as other “sensitive areas,” such as schools, hospitals and places of worship.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For ICE officers to be in the courthouses, advocates say they must receive permission from the Executive Office of Immigration Review, as the immigration court system is formally known.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’re certainly allowing it,” McMahon said. “There’s not just an awareness, but basically a tolerance of ICE’s presence at the court currently.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said that when volunteers who witnessed the arrest at the Concord immigration court on Wednesday began informing people of their legal rights, the court’s private security guards asked them to leave the facility.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When asked about ICE enforcement inside courthouses, EOIR spokeswoman Kathryn Mattingly declined to comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sergio Lopez, a volunteer coordinator with the Contra Costa Immigrant Rights Alliance, was at the Concord court on Wednesday and observed the arrest. He said ICE agents in plain clothes approached him and asked for identification.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They were kind of aggressive,” he said. “It is a tactic to terrify people. I’ve been receiving texts and calls from a lot of people asking questions about if it’s safe to go to the court. ‘Is it OK, or I could be arrested?’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lopez said his organization plans to deploy legal observers to monitor ICE’s actions at the Concord courthouse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates also called on elected officials to speak up for immigrants’ due process rights and to increase funding for legal services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "supreme-court-weighs-whether-birthright-citizenship-can-remain-law-in-america",
"title": "Supreme Court Weighs Whether Birthright Citizenship Can Remain Law in America",
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"content": "\u003cp>At the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12033789/lets-fight-back-127-years-after-momentous-supreme-court-ruling-san-francisco-honors-wong-kim-ark\">U.S. Supreme Court\u003c/a> Thursday, the justices heard a case that challenges the constitutional provision guaranteeing automatic \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12023126/california-leaders-to-sue-trump-over-birthright-citizenship-border-policies\">citizenship to all babies\u003c/a> born in the United States, but the arguments focused on a separate question: Can federal district court judges rule against the administration on a nationwide basis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The justices appeared divided on the issue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several seemed skeptical of the Trump administration’s argument that lower courts should not have the right to issue nationwide injunctions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What do hospitals do with a newborn? What do states do with a newborn?” Justice Brett Kavanaugh asked Solicitor General D. John Sauer, the government’s lawyer, about how the federal government would enforce Trump’s order.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Justice Brown Jackson was more pointed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Your argument seems to turn our justice system, in my view at least, into a catch me if you can kind of regime … where everybody has to have a lawyer and file a lawsuit in order for the government to stop violating people’s rights,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Justice Clarence Thomas seemed more receptive to Sauer’s argument, noting the U.S. had “survived” without nationwide injunctions until the 1960s.[aside postID=news_12024082 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2030/01/GettyImages-1314541146-1020x690.jpg']New Jersey Solicitor General Jeremy Feigenbaum, who represented the 22 states suing the government, told the court that nationwide injunctions should be available in “narrow circumstances” — like this case involving birthright citizenship.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kelsi Corkran, who represented pregnant women and immigrant rights groups in the case, suggested allowing nationwide injunctions only when the government action is deemed by plaintiffs to be violating the Constitution. She argued that an injunction limited to only the parties in the case would not be “administratively workable.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>President Trump has long maintained that the Constitution does \u003cem>not \u003c/em>guarantee \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12015449/a-129-year-old-san-francisco-lawsuit-could-stop-trump-from-ending-birthright-citizenship\">birthright citizenship\u003c/a>. So, on Day One of his second presidential term, \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/presidential-actions/2025/01/protecting-the-meaning-and-value-of-american-citizenship/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">he issued an executive order\u003c/a> barring automatic citizenship for any baby born in the U.S. whose parents entered the country illegally, or who were here legally but on a temporary visa.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Thursday, \u003ca href=\"https://truthsocial.com/@realDonaldTrump/114511762010659631\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">he posted on Truth social\u003c/a> that “it all started right after the Civil War ended, it had nothing to do with current day Immigration Policy!” — and \u003ca href=\"https://truthsocial.com/@realDonaldTrump/114511710554568353\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">repeated\u003c/a> incorrect \u003ca href=\"https://www.bbc.com/news/articles/c983g6zpz28o\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">claims\u003c/a> that the U.S. is the only country with birthright citizenship.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12036845/she-grew-up-believing-she-was-a-us-citizen-then-she-applied-for-a-passport\">Immigrant rights groups\u003c/a> and 22 states promptly challenged the Trump order in court. Since then, three federal judges, conservative and liberal, have ruled that the Trump executive order is, as one put it, “blatantly unconstitutional.” And three separate appeals courts have refused to unblock those orders while appeals are ongoing. Meanwhile, Trump’s legal claim has few supporters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nonetheless, the Trump administration took its case to the Supreme Court on an emergency basis. But instead of asking the court to rule on the legality of Trump’s executive order, the administration focused its argument on the power of federal district court judges to do what they did here — rule against the administration on a nationwide basis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What do hospitals do with a newborn? What do states do with a newborn?” Justice Brett Kavanaugh asked Solicitor General D. John Sauer, the government’s lawyer, about how the federal government would enforce Trump’s order.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Justice Brown Jackson was more pointed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Your argument seems to turn our justice system, in my view at least, into a catch me if you can kind of regime … where everybody has to have a lawyer and file a lawsuit in order for the government to stop violating people’s rights,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Justice Clarence Thomas seemed more receptive to Sauer’s argument, noting the U.S. had “survived” without nationwide injunctions until the 1960s.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>New Jersey Solicitor General Jeremy Feigenbaum, who represented the 22 states suing the government, told the court that nationwide injunctions should be available in “narrow circumstances” — like this case involving birthright citizenship.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kelsi Corkran, who represented pregnant women and immigrant rights groups in the case, suggested allowing nationwide injunctions only when the government action is deemed by plaintiffs to be violating the Constitution. She argued that an injunction limited to only the parties in the case would not be “administratively workable.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>President Trump has long maintained that the Constitution does \u003cem>not \u003c/em>guarantee \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12015449/a-129-year-old-san-francisco-lawsuit-could-stop-trump-from-ending-birthright-citizenship\">birthright citizenship\u003c/a>. So, on Day One of his second presidential term, \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/presidential-actions/2025/01/protecting-the-meaning-and-value-of-american-citizenship/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">he issued an executive order\u003c/a> barring automatic citizenship for any baby born in the U.S. whose parents entered the country illegally, or who were here legally but on a temporary visa.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Thursday, \u003ca href=\"https://truthsocial.com/@realDonaldTrump/114511762010659631\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">he posted on Truth social\u003c/a> that “it all started right after the Civil War ended, it had nothing to do with current day Immigration Policy!” — and \u003ca href=\"https://truthsocial.com/@realDonaldTrump/114511710554568353\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">repeated\u003c/a> incorrect \u003ca href=\"https://www.bbc.com/news/articles/c983g6zpz28o\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">claims\u003c/a> that the U.S. is the only country with birthright citizenship.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12036845/she-grew-up-believing-she-was-a-us-citizen-then-she-applied-for-a-passport\">Immigrant rights groups\u003c/a> and 22 states promptly challenged the Trump order in court. Since then, three federal judges, conservative and liberal, have ruled that the Trump executive order is, as one put it, “blatantly unconstitutional.” And three separate appeals courts have refused to unblock those orders while appeals are ongoing. Meanwhile, Trump’s legal claim has few supporters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nonetheless, the Trump administration took its case to the Supreme Court on an emergency basis. But instead of asking the court to rule on the legality of Trump’s executive order, the administration focused its argument on the power of federal district court judges to do what they did here — rule against the administration on a nationwide basis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "'Let’s Fight Back': 127 Years After Momentous Supreme Court Ruling, San Francisco Honors Wong Kim Ark",
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"content": "\u003cp>On Friday, the corner of Grant Avenue and Sacramento Street in San Francisco’s Chinatown — usually packed with tourists and residents moving through the narrow sidewalks — saw a different crowd: organizers, lawmakers and historians gathered to honor the 127th anniversary of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12015449/a-129-year-old-san-francisco-lawsuit-could-stop-trump-from-ending-birthright-citizenship\">\u003cem>United States v. Wong Kim Ark\u003c/em>\u003c/a>, the landmark Supreme Court ruling that set the precedent for birthright citizenship.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Friday’s event was the culmination of a week of programming titled “\u003ca href=\"https://caasf.org/2025/03/born-in-the-usa-wong-kim-ark-and-the-fight-for-citizenship/\">Born in the USA: Wong Kim Ark & The Fight for Citizenship\u003c/a>,” organized by the nonprofit Chinese for Affirmative Action. As the Trump administration continues its fights in the courts to limit who gets to be a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12023740/federal-judge-temporarily-blocks-trumps-executive-order-ending-birthright-citizenship\">U.S. citizen at birth\u003c/a>, Chinese and Chinese American organizers and lawmakers in San Francisco are stepping up to honor the legacy of Wong Kim Ark by mobilizing to defend birthright citizenship on the national stage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Attacks on our constitutional rights are only meant to divide us further in an already fractured world,” Norman Wong, Wong Kim Ark’s great-grandson, said on Friday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Next to him stood officials from across the state, including San Francisco City Attorney David Chiu, who has filed multiple lawsuits for the city against the federal government, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfcityattorney.org/2025/01/21/san-francisco-city-attorney-and-attorneys-general-file-suit-to-protect-birthright-citizenship/\">including one over birthright citizenship\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wong Kim Ark was born right on that same block on Sacramento Street in the 1870s to Chinese immigrants. In 1894, he traveled to China to visit his family. During his trip, he \u003ca href=\"https://theamericanscholar.org/birthright-citizens-and-paper-sons/\">married a woman and had a child with her\u003c/a>. On his way back to the U.S., he was detained in San Francisco. Customs officials claimed that he was not a U.S. citizen but rather a Chinese national through his parents, blocking him from entering the country due to the Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12033800\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/20250328_WONG-KIM-ARK_DB_00062-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12033800\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/20250328_WONG-KIM-ARK_DB_00062-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/20250328_WONG-KIM-ARK_DB_00062-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/20250328_WONG-KIM-ARK_DB_00062-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/20250328_WONG-KIM-ARK_DB_00062-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/20250328_WONG-KIM-ARK_DB_00062-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/20250328_WONG-KIM-ARK_DB_00062-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/20250328_WONG-KIM-ARK_DB_00062-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A press conference marking the conclusion of Wong Kim Ark week in San Francisco’s Chinatown on the corner of Grant Avenue and Sacramento Street, at the birthplace of Wong Kim Ark, March 28, 2025. Honoring his legacy and the fight for birthright citizenship, this event featured a plaque rendering of Wong Kim Ark celebrating his enduring impact on birthright citizenship and the ongoing efforts to protect this fundamental right. \u003ccite>(David M Barreda/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Wong Kim Ark sued the U.S. government in order to be recognized as an American citizen. His case went all the way to the Supreme Court, which affirmed that the Constitution \u003ca href=\"https://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt/text/169/649\">recognized Wong as a U.S. citizen\u003c/a> because he was born on American soil. The ruling established birthright citizenship as a constitutional principle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Wong Kim Ark was not a hero alone,” said Norman Wong, noting that his great-grandfather had the financial and legal support of San Francisco’s Chinese community. “Now we need each of us to find the hero inside to make our world right.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wong Kim Ark’s case is what could stop President Donald Trump from fulfilling one of his biggest campaign promises: ending birthright citizenship for the U.S.-born children of undocumented immigrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On his first day back in the White House, Trump \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12024082/qa-what-to-know-about-birthright-citizenship\">signed an executive order\u003c/a> that would radically transform who gets to be a U.S. citizen at birth. The order goes further than what Trump \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/TrumpWarRoom/status/1663537082633953282\">promised on the campaign trail\u003c/a>: It denies birthright citizenship to babies born on or after Feb. 19, 2025, who don’t have at least one parent who is a citizen or a lawful permanent resident.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, multiple federal judges have already \u003ca href=\"https://abcnews.go.com/US/judge-future-trumps-order-blocking-birthright-citizenship/story?id=118460936\">issued injunctions against the executive order\u003c/a>, blocking the federal government from moving forward with Trump’s plans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last month, the Trump administration asked the Supreme Court to lift the pause on his policy in some \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2025/03/13/us/politics/trump-birthright-citizenship-supreme-court.html\">parts of the country\u003c/a>. During a March 24 event dedicated to Wong Kim Ark, Chiu described this idea as chaotic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12015449 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/20241119_BirthrightCitizenshipExplainer_GC-16_qed-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We could have an entire generation of babies, newborns, kids, who were born here in the United States who are literally classless,” Chiu said. “It would create a permanent generation of folks who have never lived anywhere else but are considered undocumented. And we’re talking about kids who would not be able to naturalize or obtain citizenship elsewhere because they’re born here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re talking about casting an entire underclass of babies to lifelong immigration purgatory.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco Mayor Daniel Lurie proclaimed March 28, 2025, as Wong Kim Ark Day in the city, while California Attorney General Rob Bonta mentioned Wong multiple times when he announced that the state \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/news/press-releases/attorney-general-bonta-sues-trump-administration-over-unconstitutional\">would sue the federal government over Trump’s birthright executive order\u003c/a>. And earlier in March, state legislators — including Bay Area Reps. Alex Lee, Matt Haney and Ash Kalra — introduced a joint Assembly resolution which, if passed, would reinforce California’s “commitment to birthright citizenship” in honor of Wong Kim Ark’s legal battle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Annie Lee, managing director of policy at Chinese for Affirmative Action, said getting the resolution passed is an important step to protect California’s immigrant communities. “For those of us who were born citizens, we take for granted what it means to be a citizen,” she said. “But there is so much tied to citizenship.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Similar to Wong Kim Ark, Lee was born in San Francisco and grew up traveling between the U.S. and China to visit family. Having American citizenship allowed her to seek more financial aid for her education and express her beliefs via the ballot box.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The important thing about Wong Kim Ark’s case is not that it happened 127 years ago — it’s that it matters today,” she said. “It matters today because every child born in the United States is a citizen, and we cannot allow that fundamental constitutional right to change.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12033798\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/20250328_WONG-KIM-ARK_DB_00021-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12033798\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/20250328_WONG-KIM-ARK_DB_00021-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/20250328_WONG-KIM-ARK_DB_00021-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/20250328_WONG-KIM-ARK_DB_00021-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/20250328_WONG-KIM-ARK_DB_00021-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/20250328_WONG-KIM-ARK_DB_00021-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/20250328_WONG-KIM-ARK_DB_00021-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/20250328_WONG-KIM-ARK_DB_00021-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A plaque rendering of Wong Kim Ark is unveiled at the conclusion of Wong Kim Ark week in San Francisco’s Chinatown on the corner of Grant Avenue and Sacramento Street on March 28, 2025. \u003ccite>(David M Barreda/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>When Wong Kim Ark took the federal government to court, his legal argument was based on \u003ca href=\"https://constitution.congress.gov/constitution/amendment-14/\">the Fourteenth Amendment\u003c/a>, which protects rights like birthright citizenship, due process and equal protection. Congress originally passed the Fourteenth Amendment in response to the laws many Southern states instituted after the Civil War that severely restricted the rights of formerly enslaved Black Americans and their children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m so proud of this community, the Chinatown community, because Asian Americans have been in the fight for civil rights for a really long time,” Lee said. “And we don’t just do it for ourselves, we do it in collaboration with other communities of color.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Norman Wong, a San Francisco native like his great-grandfather, defending birthright citizenship is also about his father and \u003ca href=\"https://theamericanscholar.org/birthright-citizens-and-paper-sons/\">the family’s complex history\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Late into his life, Norman Wong’s father was interviewed by local press and even taken to events on Angel Island where Wong Kim Ark was detained. His father started taking pride in the Wong Kim Ark story.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He did these things without our knowledge,” Wong said. “I was well into my adulthood, probably middle-aged, before I ever heard the name Wong Kim Ark. My father didn’t talk about his past. It’s because my father had a very painful childhood when he came over [from China.]”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12021919 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250115_JapaneseAmericanActivism_GC-47-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His father began sharing more with him and his wife, pulling out articles and talking about the reporters who visited him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Parents of our generation, it was different. You did what you were told, and you didn’t really ask questions,” Wong said. “Now, we have all these young people that wanna bring up these questions. I’d like to be part of this, [for] my grandchildren … I think it’s really important to know who your ancestors are.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I want my children and my grandchildren and their children to have a better life … I don’t see them having a better life in this country if everything turns draconian.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the story equally involves his mother’s side. The Trump administration recently invoked the Alien Enemies Act of 1798 to \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/trump-venezuela-el-salvador-immigration-dd4f61999f85c4dd8bcaba7d4fc7c9af\">detain and deport hundreds of immigrants\u003c/a> to El Salvador. The last time the act was used was 84 years ago, after the bombing of Pearl Harbor. It led to the detention of Japanese, German and Italian nationals and was the precursor to the incarceration of over 120,000 people with Japanese ancestry during World War II, including Wong’s mother.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Threats to birthright citizenship will only divide us,” Norman Wong said during the March 24 event. “We need to come together to continue the impact of my great-grandfather and to remember the history of my mother.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Let’s fight back.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>On Friday, the corner of Grant Avenue and Sacramento Street in San Francisco’s Chinatown — usually packed with tourists and residents moving through the narrow sidewalks — saw a different crowd: organizers, lawmakers and historians gathered to honor the 127th anniversary of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12015449/a-129-year-old-san-francisco-lawsuit-could-stop-trump-from-ending-birthright-citizenship\">\u003cem>United States v. Wong Kim Ark\u003c/em>\u003c/a>, the landmark Supreme Court ruling that set the precedent for birthright citizenship.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Friday’s event was the culmination of a week of programming titled “\u003ca href=\"https://caasf.org/2025/03/born-in-the-usa-wong-kim-ark-and-the-fight-for-citizenship/\">Born in the USA: Wong Kim Ark & The Fight for Citizenship\u003c/a>,” organized by the nonprofit Chinese for Affirmative Action. As the Trump administration continues its fights in the courts to limit who gets to be a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12023740/federal-judge-temporarily-blocks-trumps-executive-order-ending-birthright-citizenship\">U.S. citizen at birth\u003c/a>, Chinese and Chinese American organizers and lawmakers in San Francisco are stepping up to honor the legacy of Wong Kim Ark by mobilizing to defend birthright citizenship on the national stage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Attacks on our constitutional rights are only meant to divide us further in an already fractured world,” Norman Wong, Wong Kim Ark’s great-grandson, said on Friday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Next to him stood officials from across the state, including San Francisco City Attorney David Chiu, who has filed multiple lawsuits for the city against the federal government, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfcityattorney.org/2025/01/21/san-francisco-city-attorney-and-attorneys-general-file-suit-to-protect-birthright-citizenship/\">including one over birthright citizenship\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wong Kim Ark was born right on that same block on Sacramento Street in the 1870s to Chinese immigrants. In 1894, he traveled to China to visit his family. During his trip, he \u003ca href=\"https://theamericanscholar.org/birthright-citizens-and-paper-sons/\">married a woman and had a child with her\u003c/a>. On his way back to the U.S., he was detained in San Francisco. Customs officials claimed that he was not a U.S. citizen but rather a Chinese national through his parents, blocking him from entering the country due to the Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12033800\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/20250328_WONG-KIM-ARK_DB_00062-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12033800\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/20250328_WONG-KIM-ARK_DB_00062-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/20250328_WONG-KIM-ARK_DB_00062-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/20250328_WONG-KIM-ARK_DB_00062-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/20250328_WONG-KIM-ARK_DB_00062-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/20250328_WONG-KIM-ARK_DB_00062-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/20250328_WONG-KIM-ARK_DB_00062-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/20250328_WONG-KIM-ARK_DB_00062-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A press conference marking the conclusion of Wong Kim Ark week in San Francisco’s Chinatown on the corner of Grant Avenue and Sacramento Street, at the birthplace of Wong Kim Ark, March 28, 2025. Honoring his legacy and the fight for birthright citizenship, this event featured a plaque rendering of Wong Kim Ark celebrating his enduring impact on birthright citizenship and the ongoing efforts to protect this fundamental right. \u003ccite>(David M Barreda/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Wong Kim Ark sued the U.S. government in order to be recognized as an American citizen. His case went all the way to the Supreme Court, which affirmed that the Constitution \u003ca href=\"https://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt/text/169/649\">recognized Wong as a U.S. citizen\u003c/a> because he was born on American soil. The ruling established birthright citizenship as a constitutional principle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Wong Kim Ark was not a hero alone,” said Norman Wong, noting that his great-grandfather had the financial and legal support of San Francisco’s Chinese community. “Now we need each of us to find the hero inside to make our world right.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wong Kim Ark’s case is what could stop President Donald Trump from fulfilling one of his biggest campaign promises: ending birthright citizenship for the U.S.-born children of undocumented immigrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On his first day back in the White House, Trump \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12024082/qa-what-to-know-about-birthright-citizenship\">signed an executive order\u003c/a> that would radically transform who gets to be a U.S. citizen at birth. The order goes further than what Trump \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/TrumpWarRoom/status/1663537082633953282\">promised on the campaign trail\u003c/a>: It denies birthright citizenship to babies born on or after Feb. 19, 2025, who don’t have at least one parent who is a citizen or a lawful permanent resident.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, multiple federal judges have already \u003ca href=\"https://abcnews.go.com/US/judge-future-trumps-order-blocking-birthright-citizenship/story?id=118460936\">issued injunctions against the executive order\u003c/a>, blocking the federal government from moving forward with Trump’s plans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last month, the Trump administration asked the Supreme Court to lift the pause on his policy in some \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2025/03/13/us/politics/trump-birthright-citizenship-supreme-court.html\">parts of the country\u003c/a>. During a March 24 event dedicated to Wong Kim Ark, Chiu described this idea as chaotic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We could have an entire generation of babies, newborns, kids, who were born here in the United States who are literally classless,” Chiu said. “It would create a permanent generation of folks who have never lived anywhere else but are considered undocumented. And we’re talking about kids who would not be able to naturalize or obtain citizenship elsewhere because they’re born here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re talking about casting an entire underclass of babies to lifelong immigration purgatory.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco Mayor Daniel Lurie proclaimed March 28, 2025, as Wong Kim Ark Day in the city, while California Attorney General Rob Bonta mentioned Wong multiple times when he announced that the state \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/news/press-releases/attorney-general-bonta-sues-trump-administration-over-unconstitutional\">would sue the federal government over Trump’s birthright executive order\u003c/a>. And earlier in March, state legislators — including Bay Area Reps. Alex Lee, Matt Haney and Ash Kalra — introduced a joint Assembly resolution which, if passed, would reinforce California’s “commitment to birthright citizenship” in honor of Wong Kim Ark’s legal battle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Annie Lee, managing director of policy at Chinese for Affirmative Action, said getting the resolution passed is an important step to protect California’s immigrant communities. “For those of us who were born citizens, we take for granted what it means to be a citizen,” she said. “But there is so much tied to citizenship.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Similar to Wong Kim Ark, Lee was born in San Francisco and grew up traveling between the U.S. and China to visit family. Having American citizenship allowed her to seek more financial aid for her education and express her beliefs via the ballot box.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The important thing about Wong Kim Ark’s case is not that it happened 127 years ago — it’s that it matters today,” she said. “It matters today because every child born in the United States is a citizen, and we cannot allow that fundamental constitutional right to change.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12033798\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/20250328_WONG-KIM-ARK_DB_00021-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12033798\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/20250328_WONG-KIM-ARK_DB_00021-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/20250328_WONG-KIM-ARK_DB_00021-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/20250328_WONG-KIM-ARK_DB_00021-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/20250328_WONG-KIM-ARK_DB_00021-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/20250328_WONG-KIM-ARK_DB_00021-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/20250328_WONG-KIM-ARK_DB_00021-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/20250328_WONG-KIM-ARK_DB_00021-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A plaque rendering of Wong Kim Ark is unveiled at the conclusion of Wong Kim Ark week in San Francisco’s Chinatown on the corner of Grant Avenue and Sacramento Street on March 28, 2025. \u003ccite>(David M Barreda/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>When Wong Kim Ark took the federal government to court, his legal argument was based on \u003ca href=\"https://constitution.congress.gov/constitution/amendment-14/\">the Fourteenth Amendment\u003c/a>, which protects rights like birthright citizenship, due process and equal protection. Congress originally passed the Fourteenth Amendment in response to the laws many Southern states instituted after the Civil War that severely restricted the rights of formerly enslaved Black Americans and their children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m so proud of this community, the Chinatown community, because Asian Americans have been in the fight for civil rights for a really long time,” Lee said. “And we don’t just do it for ourselves, we do it in collaboration with other communities of color.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Norman Wong, a San Francisco native like his great-grandfather, defending birthright citizenship is also about his father and \u003ca href=\"https://theamericanscholar.org/birthright-citizens-and-paper-sons/\">the family’s complex history\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Late into his life, Norman Wong’s father was interviewed by local press and even taken to events on Angel Island where Wong Kim Ark was detained. His father started taking pride in the Wong Kim Ark story.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He did these things without our knowledge,” Wong said. “I was well into my adulthood, probably middle-aged, before I ever heard the name Wong Kim Ark. My father didn’t talk about his past. It’s because my father had a very painful childhood when he came over [from China.]”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His father began sharing more with him and his wife, pulling out articles and talking about the reporters who visited him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Parents of our generation, it was different. You did what you were told, and you didn’t really ask questions,” Wong said. “Now, we have all these young people that wanna bring up these questions. I’d like to be part of this, [for] my grandchildren … I think it’s really important to know who your ancestors are.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I want my children and my grandchildren and their children to have a better life … I don’t see them having a better life in this country if everything turns draconian.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the story equally involves his mother’s side. The Trump administration recently invoked the Alien Enemies Act of 1798 to \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/trump-venezuela-el-salvador-immigration-dd4f61999f85c4dd8bcaba7d4fc7c9af\">detain and deport hundreds of immigrants\u003c/a> to El Salvador. The last time the act was used was 84 years ago, after the bombing of Pearl Harbor. It led to the detention of Japanese, German and Italian nationals and was the precursor to the incarceration of over 120,000 people with Japanese ancestry during World War II, including Wong’s mother.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Threats to birthright citizenship will only divide us,” Norman Wong said during the March 24 event. “We need to come together to continue the impact of my great-grandfather and to remember the history of my mother.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Let’s fight back.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "legal-showdown-over-sanctuary-laws-tests-federal-vs-state-power-again",
"title": "Legal Showdown Over Sanctuary Laws Tests Federal vs. State Power Again",
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"headTitle": "Legal Showdown Over Sanctuary Laws Tests Federal vs. State Power Again | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/donald-trump\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">President Donald Trump\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> has made no secret of his disdain for sanctuary laws, but the first time he was president, his administration repeatedly ended up on the losing side of legal cases over whether states, cities and counties can be forced to participate in immigration enforcement.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">In 2017, courts of appeals \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/thetwo-way/2017/11/21/565678707/enter-title\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">sided\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> with San Francisco and Santa Clara counties, as well as the city of Chicago, in two cases challenging Trump’s attempts to withhold federal law enforcement funds from sanctuary jurisdictions. An appeals court also \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.scotusblog.com/2020/06/court-turns-down-governments-sanctuary-state-petition/\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">ruled\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> that California’s statewide sanctuary law was legal in a suit brought by the Trump administration. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">However, none of the cases went to the U.S. Supreme Court. Eight years later, the legal battle is being reprised. San Francisco and Santa Clara counties, along with 14 other jurisdictions, \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12026179/san-francisco-leads-lawsuit-against-trumps-threats-to-punish-sanctuary-cities\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">are suing again\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> over Trump’s expanded order to strip sanctuary jurisdictions of all federal funding, not just law enforcement grants. The Trump administration has filed two lawsuits — one against the state of Illinois and one against the state of New York — over laws limiting cooperation with federal immigration enforcement officials.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Trump and the Department of Justice are also threatening to investigate and prosecute state and local officials who impede or interfere with the enforcement of federal immigration laws. Defenders of sanctuary laws argue that they do not obstruct immigration enforcement but simply prevent local police from carrying out the federal government’s responsibilities.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“This is the federal government coercing local officials to bend to their will or face defunding or prosecution and that is illegal,” San Francisco City Attorney David Chiu said as he introduced the latest San Francisco lawsuit last month. “Last I checked, we still live in a democracy under the rule of law.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12024429\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12024429\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/250128-SFImmigration-05-BL.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/250128-SFImmigration-05-BL.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/250128-SFImmigration-05-BL-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/250128-SFImmigration-05-BL-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/250128-SFImmigration-05-BL-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/250128-SFImmigration-05-BL-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/250128-SFImmigration-05-BL-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Francisco City Attorney David Chiu speaks during a press conference with elected and public safety officials and labor leaders in front of City Hall in San Francisco on Jan. 28, 2025, to reaffirm San Francisco’s commitment to being a Sanctuary City. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">At issue are decades-old policies that supporters say encourage immigrant communities to cooperate with police, as well as fundamental disagreements over the separation of powers between federal and state governments.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Backers of sanctuary laws say they exist to enhance public safety and they point to \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.pnas.org/doi/10.1073/pnas.2014673117\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">studies\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> showing no negative effects on crime rates. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“We are striving to create a culture of trust and security within our communities so that our residents know that they can come to the county when they are in need,” Santa Clara County Counsel Tony LoPresti said. “That includes feeling safe, coming to local law enforcement to report crimes or to participate in investigations without fearing that they or their loved ones face deportation.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">LoPresti and other local officials argue that immigration enforcement is the purview of the federal government and that state and local officials cannot be forced or coerced into doing that job. Chiu said the purpose of sanctuary laws is not to interfere with Immigration and Customs Enforcement, or ICE.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12024430\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12024430\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/250128-SFImmigration-08-BL.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/250128-SFImmigration-08-BL.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/250128-SFImmigration-08-BL-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/250128-SFImmigration-08-BL-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/250128-SFImmigration-08-BL-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/250128-SFImmigration-08-BL-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/250128-SFImmigration-08-BL-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A group of elected and public safety officials, labor leaders, and community members fill the steps in front of City Hall in San Francisco on Jan. 28, 2025, during a press conference to reaffirm San Francisco’s commitment to being a Sanctuary City. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“ICE agents can come to all of our cities and states and enforce immigration law lawfully,” Chiu said. “What we are saying is under the Constitution, under the law, immigration enforcement is squarely a responsibility of the federal government, not a responsibility of state and local government … and we have a right to use our scarce law enforcement resources to actually solve crimes and promote public safety, not to be forced to have our law enforcement officers commandeered as ICE agents.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Critics maintain sanctuary laws make people less safe.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“The main objection that I have to sanctuary policies is that they undermine public safety because they inevitably result in criminal aliens that ICE is trying to take custody of for removal being released back into the community,” said Jessica Vaughan, director of policy studies at the Center for Immigration Studies, which advocates for less immigration into the U.S.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12030930 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/250312-RICHMOND-CITY-HALL-MD-02-KQED-1-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Vaughan was referring to the limits sanctuary policies place on prison and jail officials’ ability to communicate with ICE about people in their custody. While federal officials are automatically notified about every inmate booked into a jail or prison and sent their fingerprints, many sanctuary policies prohibit local and state officials from cooperating further, such as by providing a release date or holding someone in custody beyond that release date for ICE.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“ICE isn’t asking [local officials] to enforce immigration laws,” Vaughan said. “They’re asking them to give the kind of cooperation that these local agencies would give to any other — and every other — law enforcement agency.” \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Vaughan rejects the argument that immigration communities will be scared to come forward and report crimes in the absence of sanctuary policies, saying federal surveys of victims show immigrants are actually \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://cis.org/Report/Are-Immigrants-Less-Willing-Report-Crime\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">more likely than citizens\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> to report crimes. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">However, the legal cases do not focus on public safety; they largely center on how much power the federal government has to compel state and local governments to act — or to punish them for refusing to comply.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Liberal and conservative scholars agree that the Tenth Amendment of the Constitution, which divides power between the federal and state governments, offers sanctuary jurisdictions some legal protection.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12024757\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12024757 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250125_Immigration-Forum_DB_00985.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250125_Immigration-Forum_DB_00985.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250125_Immigration-Forum_DB_00985-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250125_Immigration-Forum_DB_00985-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250125_Immigration-Forum_DB_00985-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250125_Immigration-Forum_DB_00985-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250125_Immigration-Forum_DB_00985-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">People wait in line to register and enter an informational session about immigration services at Willow Cove Elementary in Pittsburg, California, on Jan. 29, 2025. More than 300 people attended the event organized by Stand Together Contra Costa and the Pittsburg Unified School District, which offered free, private consultation with immigration attorneys, medical services and a resource fair. \u003ccite>(David M. Barreda/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“The federal government can’t force the states to enforce immigration law,” said Josh Blackman, a constitutional law professor at the South Texas College of Law Houston. “That’s called commandeering.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Blackman, an adjunct scholar at the conservative Cato Institute, said that the constitutional principle — that the federal government cannot force state and local governments to use their resources for federal purposes — was the basis of court rulings in favor of sanctuary jurisdictions during Trump’s first term.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Trump’s first administration tried to cut off law enforcement grant funding, but the courts found that cooperation with immigration enforcement was not a condition Congress had placed on the grants. Trump’s recent executive order goes even further, threatening to cut off all federal funding to sanctuary jurisdictions. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The broadness of the executive order is giving some sanctuary supporters hope that they will prevail again. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12024505\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12024505\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/05162019_Trump_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1316\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/05162019_Trump_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/05162019_Trump_qed-800x526.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/05162019_Trump_qed-1020x671.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/05162019_Trump_qed-160x105.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/05162019_Trump_qed-1536x1011.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/05162019_Trump_qed-1920x1263.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">U.S. President Donald Trump gestures as he delivers remarks on immigration at the Rose Garden of the White House in Washington, D.C. on May 16, 2019. \u003ccite>(Mandel Ngan/AFP/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Fred Tsao, senior policy counsel with the Illinois Coalition for Immigrants and Refugee Rights, said even if Congress were to pass a law similar to the executive order, “they’re still going to run afoul of the 10th Amendment issue.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Tsao noted that the current Supreme Court precedent on federal overreach was established through a lawsuit brought by Republican-led states challenging the Affordable Care Act’s requirement to expand Medicaid or risk losing funding. The court ruled in favor of the states.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Tsao helped write the Illinois and Chicago sanctuary laws, which the Trump administration is suing to overturn. He said the suit relies on another constitutional principle: the Supremacy Clause, which establishes that federal law takes precedence over state law if the two conflict. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">But UCLA School of Law professor Hiroshi Motomura\u003c/span> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">said it’s not clear that sanctuary laws actually conflict with federal immigration laws because they’ve been narrowly crafted to specify only what local officials cannot do.[aside postID=news_12026179 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250128-SFImmigration-04-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Motomura, a scholar of immigration and citizenship, argued that the Trump administration’s goal in pursuing litigation likely goes beyond just winning the legal case: The suits are forcing sanctuary cities, counties and states to use their resources to mount costly legal battles.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">UC Berkeley’s Caitlin Patler agreed, noting that the lawsuits send a message to other local and state officials who may be considering enacting their own sanctuary laws. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“I think there is some element of the federal government right now trying to put pressure on local governments,” said Patler, an associate professor at the Goldman School of Public Policy. “Litigation is costly. Litigation is time-consuming. Litigation can be politically detrimental for, say, an elected sheriff. And so, it could have a chilling effect on other jurisdictions.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“It’s bullying.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Vaughan said litigation and funding threats may be the only tools at the federal government’s disposal to push local officials to change policies she believes “cross a line and undermine public safety.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“We didn’t get any real (legal) impact on the sanctuary cities in the last administration,” Blackman said. “I think to the extent you have a different story now, it might actually be political more than legal.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">There have been several unsuccessful attempts in Chicago to repeal that city’s sanctuary laws. And in California, Republican lawmakers recently introduced legislation to \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12028147/republicans-seek-to-weaken-californias-sanctuary-law\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">weaken the state’s sanctuary law\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The bill has not yet received a hearing. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/donald-trump\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">President Donald Trump\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> has made no secret of his disdain for sanctuary laws, but the first time he was president, his administration repeatedly ended up on the losing side of legal cases over whether states, cities and counties can be forced to participate in immigration enforcement.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">In 2017, courts of appeals \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/thetwo-way/2017/11/21/565678707/enter-title\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">sided\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> with San Francisco and Santa Clara counties, as well as the city of Chicago, in two cases challenging Trump’s attempts to withhold federal law enforcement funds from sanctuary jurisdictions. An appeals court also \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.scotusblog.com/2020/06/court-turns-down-governments-sanctuary-state-petition/\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">ruled\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> that California’s statewide sanctuary law was legal in a suit brought by the Trump administration. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">However, none of the cases went to the U.S. Supreme Court. Eight years later, the legal battle is being reprised. San Francisco and Santa Clara counties, along with 14 other jurisdictions, \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12026179/san-francisco-leads-lawsuit-against-trumps-threats-to-punish-sanctuary-cities\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">are suing again\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> over Trump’s expanded order to strip sanctuary jurisdictions of all federal funding, not just law enforcement grants. The Trump administration has filed two lawsuits — one against the state of Illinois and one against the state of New York — over laws limiting cooperation with federal immigration enforcement officials.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Trump and the Department of Justice are also threatening to investigate and prosecute state and local officials who impede or interfere with the enforcement of federal immigration laws. Defenders of sanctuary laws argue that they do not obstruct immigration enforcement but simply prevent local police from carrying out the federal government’s responsibilities.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“This is the federal government coercing local officials to bend to their will or face defunding or prosecution and that is illegal,” San Francisco City Attorney David Chiu said as he introduced the latest San Francisco lawsuit last month. “Last I checked, we still live in a democracy under the rule of law.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12024429\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12024429\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/250128-SFImmigration-05-BL.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/250128-SFImmigration-05-BL.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/250128-SFImmigration-05-BL-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/250128-SFImmigration-05-BL-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/250128-SFImmigration-05-BL-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/250128-SFImmigration-05-BL-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/250128-SFImmigration-05-BL-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Francisco City Attorney David Chiu speaks during a press conference with elected and public safety officials and labor leaders in front of City Hall in San Francisco on Jan. 28, 2025, to reaffirm San Francisco’s commitment to being a Sanctuary City. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">At issue are decades-old policies that supporters say encourage immigrant communities to cooperate with police, as well as fundamental disagreements over the separation of powers between federal and state governments.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Backers of sanctuary laws say they exist to enhance public safety and they point to \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.pnas.org/doi/10.1073/pnas.2014673117\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">studies\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> showing no negative effects on crime rates. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“We are striving to create a culture of trust and security within our communities so that our residents know that they can come to the county when they are in need,” Santa Clara County Counsel Tony LoPresti said. “That includes feeling safe, coming to local law enforcement to report crimes or to participate in investigations without fearing that they or their loved ones face deportation.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">LoPresti and other local officials argue that immigration enforcement is the purview of the federal government and that state and local officials cannot be forced or coerced into doing that job. Chiu said the purpose of sanctuary laws is not to interfere with Immigration and Customs Enforcement, or ICE.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12024430\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12024430\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/250128-SFImmigration-08-BL.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/250128-SFImmigration-08-BL.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/250128-SFImmigration-08-BL-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/250128-SFImmigration-08-BL-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/250128-SFImmigration-08-BL-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/250128-SFImmigration-08-BL-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/250128-SFImmigration-08-BL-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A group of elected and public safety officials, labor leaders, and community members fill the steps in front of City Hall in San Francisco on Jan. 28, 2025, during a press conference to reaffirm San Francisco’s commitment to being a Sanctuary City. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“ICE agents can come to all of our cities and states and enforce immigration law lawfully,” Chiu said. “What we are saying is under the Constitution, under the law, immigration enforcement is squarely a responsibility of the federal government, not a responsibility of state and local government … and we have a right to use our scarce law enforcement resources to actually solve crimes and promote public safety, not to be forced to have our law enforcement officers commandeered as ICE agents.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Critics maintain sanctuary laws make people less safe.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“The main objection that I have to sanctuary policies is that they undermine public safety because they inevitably result in criminal aliens that ICE is trying to take custody of for removal being released back into the community,” said Jessica Vaughan, director of policy studies at the Center for Immigration Studies, which advocates for less immigration into the U.S.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Vaughan was referring to the limits sanctuary policies place on prison and jail officials’ ability to communicate with ICE about people in their custody. While federal officials are automatically notified about every inmate booked into a jail or prison and sent their fingerprints, many sanctuary policies prohibit local and state officials from cooperating further, such as by providing a release date or holding someone in custody beyond that release date for ICE.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“ICE isn’t asking [local officials] to enforce immigration laws,” Vaughan said. “They’re asking them to give the kind of cooperation that these local agencies would give to any other — and every other — law enforcement agency.” \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Vaughan rejects the argument that immigration communities will be scared to come forward and report crimes in the absence of sanctuary policies, saying federal surveys of victims show immigrants are actually \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://cis.org/Report/Are-Immigrants-Less-Willing-Report-Crime\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">more likely than citizens\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> to report crimes. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">However, the legal cases do not focus on public safety; they largely center on how much power the federal government has to compel state and local governments to act — or to punish them for refusing to comply.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Liberal and conservative scholars agree that the Tenth Amendment of the Constitution, which divides power between the federal and state governments, offers sanctuary jurisdictions some legal protection.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12024757\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12024757 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250125_Immigration-Forum_DB_00985.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250125_Immigration-Forum_DB_00985.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250125_Immigration-Forum_DB_00985-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250125_Immigration-Forum_DB_00985-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250125_Immigration-Forum_DB_00985-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250125_Immigration-Forum_DB_00985-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250125_Immigration-Forum_DB_00985-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">People wait in line to register and enter an informational session about immigration services at Willow Cove Elementary in Pittsburg, California, on Jan. 29, 2025. More than 300 people attended the event organized by Stand Together Contra Costa and the Pittsburg Unified School District, which offered free, private consultation with immigration attorneys, medical services and a resource fair. \u003ccite>(David M. Barreda/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“The federal government can’t force the states to enforce immigration law,” said Josh Blackman, a constitutional law professor at the South Texas College of Law Houston. “That’s called commandeering.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Blackman, an adjunct scholar at the conservative Cato Institute, said that the constitutional principle — that the federal government cannot force state and local governments to use their resources for federal purposes — was the basis of court rulings in favor of sanctuary jurisdictions during Trump’s first term.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Trump’s first administration tried to cut off law enforcement grant funding, but the courts found that cooperation with immigration enforcement was not a condition Congress had placed on the grants. Trump’s recent executive order goes even further, threatening to cut off all federal funding to sanctuary jurisdictions. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The broadness of the executive order is giving some sanctuary supporters hope that they will prevail again. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12024505\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12024505\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/05162019_Trump_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1316\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/05162019_Trump_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/05162019_Trump_qed-800x526.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/05162019_Trump_qed-1020x671.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/05162019_Trump_qed-160x105.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/05162019_Trump_qed-1536x1011.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/05162019_Trump_qed-1920x1263.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">U.S. President Donald Trump gestures as he delivers remarks on immigration at the Rose Garden of the White House in Washington, D.C. on May 16, 2019. \u003ccite>(Mandel Ngan/AFP/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Fred Tsao, senior policy counsel with the Illinois Coalition for Immigrants and Refugee Rights, said even if Congress were to pass a law similar to the executive order, “they’re still going to run afoul of the 10th Amendment issue.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Tsao noted that the current Supreme Court precedent on federal overreach was established through a lawsuit brought by Republican-led states challenging the Affordable Care Act’s requirement to expand Medicaid or risk losing funding. The court ruled in favor of the states.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Tsao helped write the Illinois and Chicago sanctuary laws, which the Trump administration is suing to overturn. He said the suit relies on another constitutional principle: the Supremacy Clause, which establishes that federal law takes precedence over state law if the two conflict. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">But UCLA School of Law professor Hiroshi Motomura\u003c/span> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">said it’s not clear that sanctuary laws actually conflict with federal immigration laws because they’ve been narrowly crafted to specify only what local officials cannot do.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Motomura, a scholar of immigration and citizenship, argued that the Trump administration’s goal in pursuing litigation likely goes beyond just winning the legal case: The suits are forcing sanctuary cities, counties and states to use their resources to mount costly legal battles.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">UC Berkeley’s Caitlin Patler agreed, noting that the lawsuits send a message to other local and state officials who may be considering enacting their own sanctuary laws. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“I think there is some element of the federal government right now trying to put pressure on local governments,” said Patler, an associate professor at the Goldman School of Public Policy. “Litigation is costly. Litigation is time-consuming. Litigation can be politically detrimental for, say, an elected sheriff. And so, it could have a chilling effect on other jurisdictions.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“It’s bullying.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Vaughan said litigation and funding threats may be the only tools at the federal government’s disposal to push local officials to change policies she believes “cross a line and undermine public safety.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“We didn’t get any real (legal) impact on the sanctuary cities in the last administration,” Blackman said. “I think to the extent you have a different story now, it might actually be political more than legal.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">There have been several unsuccessful attempts in Chicago to repeal that city’s sanctuary laws. And in California, Republican lawmakers recently introduced legislation to \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12028147/republicans-seek-to-weaken-californias-sanctuary-law\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">weaken the state’s sanctuary law\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The bill has not yet received a hearing. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>California Democrats were among 201 members of Congress to reintroduce a bill on Wednesday that would provide a path to citizenship for an estimated 2.7 million undocumented immigrants — most of them so-called Dreamers, who were \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11917125/bay-area-daca-recipients-have-mixed-emotions-on-10-year-anniversary\">brought to the U.S. as children\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://sylviagarcia.house.gov/sites/evo-subsites/sylviagarcia.house.gov/files/evo-media-document/garctx_001_xml.pdf\">American Dream and Promise Act\u003c/a> would also offer that path to roughly 400,000 people with Temporary Protected Status who have been in the U.S. since 2017. The bill would exclude TPS holders who arrived more recently.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a press conference on Wednesday on Capitol Hill, Rep. Pete Aguilar (D–Redlands) said the successes of the 800,000 Dreamers who have been able to work legally under the Obama-era Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals program are evidence that immigrants who’ve come of age in the U.S. deserve the security of becoming fully American.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’re our friends, our neighbors. They’re teachers, doctors, nurses, essential workers, business owners, service members in our military and much more,” said Aguilar, who chairs the House Democratic Caucus. “They pay taxes, some of them own homes. And they have contributed $108 billion in our local economy. And yet, these are the same individuals who live in fear.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There is overwhelming public support for establishing a path to citizenship for people who were brought to the U.S. illegally as children, but despite \u003ca href=\"https://www.americanimmigrationcouncil.org/research/dream-act-overview\">bipartisan backing\u003c/a>, several versions of such a bill have failed to become law over the last two decades since the original Development, Relief, and Education for Alien Minors (DREAM) Act was introduced in 2001.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12026832\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12026832\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/GettyImages-2197914000-scaled-e1740613370625.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A protester waves the national flags of Mexico during a demonstration for immigrants’ rights outside of Los Angeles City Hall on Feb. 5, 2025. \u003ccite>(Qian Weizhong/VCG via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://news.gallup.com/poll/647123/sharply-americans-curb-immigration.aspx\">July 2024 Gallup poll\u003c/a> found that 55% of Americans wanted to curb immigration overall, a sharp increase from the year before. But the same poll showed that 70% favored allowing immigrants who entered the country illegally a chance to become U.S. citizens if they meet certain requirements over a period of time — and that figure jumped to 81% for those who were brought as children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rep. Sylvia Garcia (D–Texas), who introduced the current bill, said she anticipated being questioned about why she would do so when President Donald Trump and Republicans have been attacking immigrants as threats to the country and vowing mass deportations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Well, why not now? Now is the time to double down,” she said, adding that Trump is on record saying he supports Dreamers. “So Congress must act now and deliver this bill to the president’s desk.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12028303 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/ap20085537395007_custom-ecee50ce392cd8fa5d32a2063cb73d5bd1c02722-1020x679.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a \u003ca href=\"https://www.nbcnews.com/politics/donald-trump/trump-interview-meet-press-kristen-welker-election-president-rcna182857\">December interview\u003c/a> with NBC “Meet the Press” moderator Kristen Welker, Trump said he wanted to allow Dreamers to stay in the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have to do something about the Dreamers because these are people that have been brought here at a very young age,” he told Welker. “I want to be able to work something out. … I think we can work with the Democrats and work something out.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill currently has 201 cosponsors, comprising the vast majority of House Democrats — including the San Francisco Bay Area’s delegation — plus one Republican, Florida Rep. Maria Elvira Salazar.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://immigrationforum.org/article/american-dream-and-promise-act-of-2023-bill-summary/\">In 2023, the same bill had four Republican cosponsors\u003c/a>, but Republican leadership didn’t allow the bill to go to a vote. In 2021, the bill passed the House 228 to 197, with nine Republicans voting for it, including one Californian, Central Valley Rep. David Valadao.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Valadao’s office did not respond to a request for comment by press time on whether he currently supports the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://theimmigrationhub.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/02/Fact-Sheet-Dream-and-Promise-Act.pdf\">current bill\u003c/a> would create a “conditional permanent resident” status for eligible Dreamers who have not been convicted of certain crimes. While they have that, they would need to show they’ve completed at least two years of higher education or military service or have worked for at least three years. From there, they could obtain a green card as lawful permanent residents, which would make them eligible to apply for citizenship after five years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12015403\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12015403\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/AP24319624163000-scaled-e1738263690738.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The U.S. Capitol, including the House of Representatives, left, are seen on Thursday, Nov. 14, 2024, in Washington. \u003ccite>(AP Photo/Mariam Zuhaib)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The bill would also cover TPS holders who can show they’ve been continuously in the country for three years and were eligible for or had TPS in 2017 and meet other requirements.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the press conference for the bill outside the Capitol building, Orange County Rep. Lou Correa said he believes his district has more Dreamers than any other.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Let me tell you who they are,” he said. “The local police department has police officers that are Dreamers. Does it make sense to deport them? Absolutely not.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As supporters of the bill chanted “Si, se puede,” Garcia told the crowd that Dreamers should not be penalized for being in the country without lawful status because they came as children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>“\u003c/strong>Like any other child, they lived where their parents told them to live. Many of them were just 6 years old. Six-year-old children do not violate laws,” she said. “If an adult is pulled over for speeding, we don’t turn around and give the adult a ticket and then give a ticket to the child in the back seat. Doesn’t work that way.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill is likely to be referred to the immigration subcommittee in the House Judiciary Committee. The subcommittee’s chair is California Rep. Tom McClintock, a Republican who voted against the bill in 2021. His office did not respond by press time as to whether he would allow the bill to go to a vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>California Democrats were among 201 members of Congress to reintroduce a bill on Wednesday that would provide a path to citizenship for an estimated 2.7 million undocumented immigrants — most of them so-called Dreamers, who were \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11917125/bay-area-daca-recipients-have-mixed-emotions-on-10-year-anniversary\">brought to the U.S. as children\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://sylviagarcia.house.gov/sites/evo-subsites/sylviagarcia.house.gov/files/evo-media-document/garctx_001_xml.pdf\">American Dream and Promise Act\u003c/a> would also offer that path to roughly 400,000 people with Temporary Protected Status who have been in the U.S. since 2017. The bill would exclude TPS holders who arrived more recently.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a press conference on Wednesday on Capitol Hill, Rep. Pete Aguilar (D–Redlands) said the successes of the 800,000 Dreamers who have been able to work legally under the Obama-era Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals program are evidence that immigrants who’ve come of age in the U.S. deserve the security of becoming fully American.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’re our friends, our neighbors. They’re teachers, doctors, nurses, essential workers, business owners, service members in our military and much more,” said Aguilar, who chairs the House Democratic Caucus. “They pay taxes, some of them own homes. And they have contributed $108 billion in our local economy. And yet, these are the same individuals who live in fear.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There is overwhelming public support for establishing a path to citizenship for people who were brought to the U.S. illegally as children, but despite \u003ca href=\"https://www.americanimmigrationcouncil.org/research/dream-act-overview\">bipartisan backing\u003c/a>, several versions of such a bill have failed to become law over the last two decades since the original Development, Relief, and Education for Alien Minors (DREAM) Act was introduced in 2001.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12026832\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12026832\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/GettyImages-2197914000-scaled-e1740613370625.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A protester waves the national flags of Mexico during a demonstration for immigrants’ rights outside of Los Angeles City Hall on Feb. 5, 2025. \u003ccite>(Qian Weizhong/VCG via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://news.gallup.com/poll/647123/sharply-americans-curb-immigration.aspx\">July 2024 Gallup poll\u003c/a> found that 55% of Americans wanted to curb immigration overall, a sharp increase from the year before. But the same poll showed that 70% favored allowing immigrants who entered the country illegally a chance to become U.S. citizens if they meet certain requirements over a period of time — and that figure jumped to 81% for those who were brought as children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rep. Sylvia Garcia (D–Texas), who introduced the current bill, said she anticipated being questioned about why she would do so when President Donald Trump and Republicans have been attacking immigrants as threats to the country and vowing mass deportations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Well, why not now? Now is the time to double down,” she said, adding that Trump is on record saying he supports Dreamers. “So Congress must act now and deliver this bill to the president’s desk.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a \u003ca href=\"https://www.nbcnews.com/politics/donald-trump/trump-interview-meet-press-kristen-welker-election-president-rcna182857\">December interview\u003c/a> with NBC “Meet the Press” moderator Kristen Welker, Trump said he wanted to allow Dreamers to stay in the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have to do something about the Dreamers because these are people that have been brought here at a very young age,” he told Welker. “I want to be able to work something out. … I think we can work with the Democrats and work something out.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill currently has 201 cosponsors, comprising the vast majority of House Democrats — including the San Francisco Bay Area’s delegation — plus one Republican, Florida Rep. Maria Elvira Salazar.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://immigrationforum.org/article/american-dream-and-promise-act-of-2023-bill-summary/\">In 2023, the same bill had four Republican cosponsors\u003c/a>, but Republican leadership didn’t allow the bill to go to a vote. In 2021, the bill passed the House 228 to 197, with nine Republicans voting for it, including one Californian, Central Valley Rep. David Valadao.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Valadao’s office did not respond to a request for comment by press time on whether he currently supports the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://theimmigrationhub.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/02/Fact-Sheet-Dream-and-Promise-Act.pdf\">current bill\u003c/a> would create a “conditional permanent resident” status for eligible Dreamers who have not been convicted of certain crimes. While they have that, they would need to show they’ve completed at least two years of higher education or military service or have worked for at least three years. From there, they could obtain a green card as lawful permanent residents, which would make them eligible to apply for citizenship after five years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12015403\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12015403\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/AP24319624163000-scaled-e1738263690738.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The U.S. Capitol, including the House of Representatives, left, are seen on Thursday, Nov. 14, 2024, in Washington. \u003ccite>(AP Photo/Mariam Zuhaib)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The bill would also cover TPS holders who can show they’ve been continuously in the country for three years and were eligible for or had TPS in 2017 and meet other requirements.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the press conference for the bill outside the Capitol building, Orange County Rep. Lou Correa said he believes his district has more Dreamers than any other.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Let me tell you who they are,” he said. “The local police department has police officers that are Dreamers. Does it make sense to deport them? Absolutely not.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As supporters of the bill chanted “Si, se puede,” Garcia told the crowd that Dreamers should not be penalized for being in the country without lawful status because they came as children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>“\u003c/strong>Like any other child, they lived where their parents told them to live. Many of them were just 6 years old. Six-year-old children do not violate laws,” she said. “If an adult is pulled over for speeding, we don’t turn around and give the adult a ticket and then give a ticket to the child in the back seat. Doesn’t work that way.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill is likely to be referred to the immigration subcommittee in the House Judiciary Committee. The subcommittee’s chair is California Rep. Tom McClintock, a Republican who voted against the bill in 2021. His office did not respond by press time as to whether he would allow the bill to go to a vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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