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Gavin Newsom vetoed Senate Bill 1050, a bill that would’ve created a state process for reviewing claims from people who believe they lost property through the racially motivated use of eminent domain.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The final version of the bill, authored by state Sen. Steven Bradford (D-Gardena), arrived on Newsom’s desk after passing both houses in the state Legislature without opposition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I thank the author for his commitment to redressing past racial injustices,” Newsom wrote in his veto message on Wednesday. “However, this bill tasks a nonexistent state agency to carry out its various provisions and requirements, making it impossible to implement.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In February, the California Legislative Black Caucus announced the 14 reparations bills it was prioritizing. CLBC members curated the list to test the limits of the Legislature’s commitment to racial justice while seeking to avoid a wholesale rejection that could derail the quest for reparations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bills were drawn from two years of work by the California Reparations Task Force, which \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/reparations\">KQED has reported on since its inception\u003c/a>. The task force’s final report, published in June 2023, includes over 100 policy proposals, as well as a plan to provide direct cash payments to eligible residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>None of the introduced bills include cash payments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11981271 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/AP24032786348814-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The movement to reclaim land taken by racist government action has found some success in California, most notably with the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11890613/california-moves-to-return-stolen-land-to-heirs-of-couple-who-built-socal-black-beach-resort-in-early-1900s\">2021 return of Bruce’s Beach\u003c/a> in Southern California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since then, former residents of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11922175/remembering-russell-city-a-thriving-east-bay-town-razed-by-racist-government\">Russell City\u003c/a> in Alameda County, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101885839/why-the-history-of-chavez-ravine-still-haunts-dodger-stadium\">Los Angeles\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11991098/burned-displaced-and-fighting-back-a-battle-for-reparations-in-palm-springs\">Palm Springs\u003c/a> have launched campaigns for the return of land — or fair compensation for properties they believe were improperly razed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SB 1050 would have created a standardized state process to review claims. However, the bill was dependent on the passage of SB 1403 and SB 1331, neither of which made it through the Legislature.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SB 1403 sought to establish the California American Freedmen Affairs Agency to implement the recommendations of the state task force. The agency would, among other duties, determine how an individual’s status as a descendant of an enslaved person would be confirmed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SB 1403 was considered the centerpiece of this year’s reparations bills. Last-minute pressure from Newsom’s staff to make amendments divided Black lawmakers and stalled the bill. Instead of creating the agency, the amendments proposed earmarking $6 million for the California State University system to lead a study of reparations, according to Bradford, a member of the state’s reparations task force and author of SB 1403 and SB 1331, in addition to SB 1050.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last month, Bradford told KQED \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12002804/centerpiece-reparations-bill-derailed-by-newsoms-late-request-heres-why\">SB 1403’s failure was a “great disappointment.”\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve had bills vetoed, and you dust yourself off, and you move forward, but the nation was watching this one,” he said. “We had to strike when the iron was hot. We were at the finish line, the votes were there. And I just wish we would have had the opportunity to vote it up or down.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Sept. 21, Newsom vetoed a state bill that would have established a task force to study reparations for families forced out of Chavez Ravine in the 1950s to make room for Dodger Stadium.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n","blocks":[],"excerpt":"The movement to return land taken by racist government action has found some success in California, but Gov. Gavin Newsom's vetoed the creation of a state process for reviewing claims.","status":"publish","parent":0,"modified":1727388137,"stats":{"hasAudio":false,"hasVideo":false,"hasChartOrMap":false,"iframeSrcs":[],"hasGoogleForm":false,"hasGallery":false,"hasHearkenModule":false,"hasPolis":false,"paragraphCount":19,"wordCount":591},"headData":{"title":"California Reparations Bill for Racist Land Seizures Vetoed by Newsom | KQED","description":"The movement to return land taken by racist government action has found some success in California, but Gov. Gavin Newsom's vetoed the creation of a state process for reviewing claims.","ogTitle":"","ogDescription":"","ogImgId":"","twTitle":"","twDescription":"","twImgId":"","schema":{"@context":"http://schema.org","@type":"NewsArticle","headline":"California Reparations Bill for Racist Land Seizures Vetoed by Newsom","datePublished":"2024-09-26T14:43:26-07:00","dateModified":"2024-09-26T15:02:17-07:00","image":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png","isAccessibleForFree":"True","publisher":{"@type":"NewsMediaOrganization","@id":"https://www.kqed.org/#organization","name":"KQED","url":"https://www.kqed.org","logo":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png"}}},"sticky":false,"nprStoryId":"kqed-11999415","excludeFromSiteSearch":"Include","articleAge":"0","path":"/news/11999415/california-reparations-bill-for-racist-land-seizures-advances-to-newsoms-desk","audioTrackLength":null,"parsedContent":[{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 2:30 p.m. Thursday, Sept. 26\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Are you curious about which reparations in California? \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/reparations\">Learn more here\u003c/a>. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom vetoed Senate Bill 1050, a bill that would’ve created a state process for reviewing claims from people who believe they lost property through the racially motivated use of eminent domain.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The final version of the bill, authored by state Sen. Steven Bradford (D-Gardena), arrived on Newsom’s desk after passing both houses in the state Legislature without opposition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I thank the author for his commitment to redressing past racial injustices,” Newsom wrote in his veto message on Wednesday. “However, this bill tasks a nonexistent state agency to carry out its various provisions and requirements, making it impossible to implement.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"fullwidth"},"numeric":["fullwidth"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In February, the California Legislative Black Caucus announced the 14 reparations bills it was prioritizing. CLBC members curated the list to test the limits of the Legislature’s commitment to racial justice while seeking to avoid a wholesale rejection that could derail the quest for reparations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bills were drawn from two years of work by the California Reparations Task Force, which \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/reparations\">KQED has reported on since its inception\u003c/a>. The task force’s final report, published in June 2023, includes over 100 policy proposals, as well as a plan to provide direct cash payments to eligible residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>None of the introduced bills include cash payments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"aside","attributes":{"named":{"postid":"news_11981271","hero":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/AP24032786348814-1020x680.jpg","label":""},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The movement to reclaim land taken by racist government action has found some success in California, most notably with the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11890613/california-moves-to-return-stolen-land-to-heirs-of-couple-who-built-socal-black-beach-resort-in-early-1900s\">2021 return of Bruce’s Beach\u003c/a> in Southern California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since then, former residents of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11922175/remembering-russell-city-a-thriving-east-bay-town-razed-by-racist-government\">Russell City\u003c/a> in Alameda County, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101885839/why-the-history-of-chavez-ravine-still-haunts-dodger-stadium\">Los Angeles\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11991098/burned-displaced-and-fighting-back-a-battle-for-reparations-in-palm-springs\">Palm Springs\u003c/a> have launched campaigns for the return of land — or fair compensation for properties they believe were improperly razed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SB 1050 would have created a standardized state process to review claims. However, the bill was dependent on the passage of SB 1403 and SB 1331, neither of which made it through the Legislature.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SB 1403 sought to establish the California American Freedmen Affairs Agency to implement the recommendations of the state task force. The agency would, among other duties, determine how an individual’s status as a descendant of an enslaved person would be confirmed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SB 1403 was considered the centerpiece of this year’s reparations bills. Last-minute pressure from Newsom’s staff to make amendments divided Black lawmakers and stalled the bill. Instead of creating the agency, the amendments proposed earmarking $6 million for the California State University system to lead a study of reparations, according to Bradford, a member of the state’s reparations task force and author of SB 1403 and SB 1331, in addition to SB 1050.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last month, Bradford told KQED \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12002804/centerpiece-reparations-bill-derailed-by-newsoms-late-request-heres-why\">SB 1403’s failure was a “great disappointment.”\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve had bills vetoed, and you dust yourself off, and you move forward, but the nation was watching this one,” he said. “We had to strike when the iron was hot. We were at the finish line, the votes were there. And I just wish we would have had the opportunity to vote it up or down.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Sept. 21, Newsom vetoed a state bill that would have established a task force to study reparations for families forced out of Chavez Ravine in the 1950s to make room for Dodger Stadium.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}}],"link":"/news/11999415/california-reparations-bill-for-racist-land-seizures-advances-to-newsoms-desk","authors":["11772"],"series":["news_34369"],"categories":["news_31795","news_8","news_34199"],"tags":["news_30652","news_2923"],"featImg":"news_11942566","label":"news_34369"},"news_12002804":{"type":"posts","id":"news_12002804","meta":{"index":"posts_1716263798","site":"news","id":"12002804","score":null,"sort":[1725458448000]},"guestAuthors":[],"slug":"centerpiece-reparations-bill-derailed-by-newsoms-late-request-heres-why","title":"Centerpiece Reparations Bill Derailed by Newsom's Late Request. Here's Why","publishDate":1725458448,"format":"standard","headTitle":"Centerpiece Reparations Bill Derailed by Newsom’s Late Request. Here’s Why | KQED","labelTerm":{"term":34369,"site":"news"},"content":"\u003cp>Why did a bill to create a state reparations agency, the centerpiece of California’s initial attempt to introduce legislation to repair harm endured by \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/black-californians\">Black Californians\u003c/a>, fail?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SB 1403 would have formed the California American Freedman’s Affairs Agency to administer reparations programs. The bill faced little opposition from lawmakers as it moved through committees earlier in the session.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But last-minute pressure from Gov. Gavin Newsom’s staff to change SB 1403 divided Black lawmakers and stalled the bill. Instead of creating the agency, the amendments proposed earmarking $6 million for the California State University system to lead a study of reparations, according to state Sen. Steven Bradford (D-Gardena), the bill’s author.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SB 1403 was one of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11981271/track-the-success-of-californias-14-reparations-bills-for-black-residents\">14 bills prioritized by the California Legislative Black Caucus\u003c/a> that were drawn from two years of work by the California Reparations Task Force. The first statewide body to study reparations issued its \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/ab3121/report\">final report\u003c/a> in June 2023. KQED has been \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/reparations\">following the state’s reparations work\u003c/a> since the task force’s inception, and creating a state agency to house reparations programs was one of the task force’s first policy recommendations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was the bedrock,” Bradford said. “If you don’t have the agency that stands up all of this, it’s for nothing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This was the first year that bills explicitly labeled as part of the reparations effort were introduced. Nine of the CLBC’s priority bills passed, including requiring a formal apology from the state for perpetuating harmful racial prejudice and discrimination.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A 10th bill — a companion measure to a proposal placed on the November ballot that seeks to remove language from the state constitution that allows involuntary servitude as punishment for criminal offenses — has already been signed by Newsom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Last session, that was like trying to lift an elephant, right?” said Assemblymember Lori Wilson (D-Fairfield), the chair of the CLBC. “This session, it was trying to lift the elephant as well, but we actually got the elephant on the ball. And so, we’ve had wins after wins after wins as it relates to our policy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many of the bills were significantly watered down, and proposals for more direct relief to Black Californians were either shelved or, in the case of direct cash payments, were never formally introduced.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11981271 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/AP24032786348814-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SB 1403 was a late addition to the CLBC’s priority package. It had the support of advocates who believed an agency, which would determine eligibility, was necessary to establish a viable reparations program.\u003cu>\u003cbr>\n\u003c/u>\u003cbr>\n“I don’t know of any other effort for reparations that did not come with some kind of new state or some kind of governmental institution that was set up to do all of the things,” said Chris Lodgson, lead organizer with the Coalition for a Just and Equitable California, pointing to the creation of the Office of Redress Administration to identify the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11906015/how-japanese-americans-in-the-bay-area-are-carrying-forward-the-legacy-of-reparations\">Japanese Americans who were incarcerated during World War II\u003c/a> and eligible for reparations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SB 1331, which would have created a fund to implement reparations policies, found the same fate as SB 1403. SB 1050, which would have developed a state process for reviewing claims of racially motivated uses of eminent domain and providing compensation to eligible former property owners, passed without opposition and is awaiting Newsom’s signature. The fate of the bill, which was reliant on SB 1403 passing, is uncertain.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to Bradford, Newsom was concerned that creating an agency would create a difficult, ongoing financial commitment. California managed to close a roughly $47 billion budget shortfall this year, but according to analysis by the Legislative Analyst’s Office, the General Fund faces a structural deficit in the tens of billions of dollars over the next several fiscal years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cost was not the only barrier. Lawmakers in the Democratic-controlled Legislature showed little appetite for measures specifically benefitting Black residents. Bills aimed at targeting state grants toward Black Californians were abandoned, as was a proposal to prioritize Black applicants to state licensing boards.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Changes aimed at state prisons also proved challenging. While voters will have a chance to change prison labor rules in November, a bill to ban solitary confinement did not move forward. And Assembly Bill 1986 would have initially given the Office of the Inspector General the power to reverse book bans in state prisons. The bill now lets the Inspector General publicize the bans and voice disapproval.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Much like this bill, that [reparations] package was designed to be the first step,” said AB 1986’s author Assemblymember Isaac Bryan (D-Los Angeles). “We know that reparations, repair for the harm that’s happened across California is going to take many, many years. It didn’t happen overnight and it’s not going to be solved in a single legislative session.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11997359\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11997359\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/GavinNewsomGetty.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1388\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/GavinNewsomGetty.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/GavinNewsomGetty-800x555.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/GavinNewsomGetty-1020x708.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/GavinNewsomGetty-160x111.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/GavinNewsomGetty-1536x1066.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/GavinNewsomGetty-1920x1332.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gov. Gavin Newsom speaks during a press conference in Sacramento, on Feb. 1, 2023. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Attention now turns to Newsom, who has to sign or veto the nine reparations bills on his desk before Sept. 30.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom signed the bill creating the reparations task force in 2020, and has spoken supportively of the CLBC’s early efforts to turn task force recommendations into the law. Earlier this year, he set aside $12 million in the budget for reparations programs, though the money is currently not designated for any specific fund or program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I haven’t read [the Reparations report] — I’ve devoured it,” Newsom said during his Jan. 10 state budget proposal presentation. “I’ve analyzed it. I’ve stress tested [the ideas] against things we’ve done, things we’re doing, things that we’d like to do but can’t do because of constitutional constraints. And I’ve been working closely with the Black Caucus.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dr. Marcus Anthony Hunter, a UCLA professor of African American studies and sociology, said Newsom’s continued engagement will be a crucial factor in determining the success of reparations efforts in California moving forward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He could have disengaged at the very beginning,” Hunter said. “So now we’re in it to see: How far is he willing to go?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hunter said he’ll be watching to see if Newsom uses his national platform and connections with a potential Kamala Harris administration to tout California’s reparations process nationally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I would like to see a push by the governor toward as many things that are possible in a package of reparative justice,” he added. “But also for that push to be a national call on the president to join and lock arms in this and see what is possible across the country.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To reparations advocates, Newsom’s proposal to amend SB 1403 was an indication that his support for reparations had faltered.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to an analysis by the Government Operations Agency, the agency would cost $3 million to $5 million annually to operate. In a letter sent on Aug. 20 to the Black legislative caucus by CJEC, the group advocated for using some of the $12 million to start the agency. SB 1403 was added to the CLBC’s priority list after the $12 million set aside made the agency financially feasible.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We felt like at that time, with the early commitment from the governor and the pro tem and the speaker of this house of allocating $12 million to reparations, that we could potentially get it across the finish line,” Wilson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11909591\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11909591\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS54515_007_KQED_LoriWilson_03172022-qut.jpg\" alt=\"A woman wearing glasses and a yellow dress stands outside.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS54515_007_KQED_LoriWilson_03172022-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS54515_007_KQED_LoriWilson_03172022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS54515_007_KQED_LoriWilson_03172022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS54515_007_KQED_LoriWilson_03172022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS54515_007_KQED_LoriWilson_03172022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Assemblymember Lori Wilson (D-Fairfield), the chair of the California Legislative Black Caucus. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>During the Democratic National Convention, Bradford said he began to hear that the Newsom administration had concerns about the cost of a reparations agency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Aug. 26, Newsom’s staff asked Bradford to pivot. Instead of creating a reparations agency, Newsom’s staff suggested creating a second study, according to Bradford, who will term out of the Legislature this year and is currently running for lieutenant governor. The study would have further researched the task force recommendations and produced a report designing a process to determine eligibility for state reparations programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom’s office said he does not comment on proposals in the Legislature.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bradford, who also authored SB 1331 and SB 1050, rejected Newsom’s amendment request.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I spent two years of my life studying reparations,” he said. “We didn’t need any more study and it was now time for action. It was now time for implementation,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under SB 1403, a genealogy unit within the agency would have established standards for proving eligibility, something the task force recommended. There was concern within the caucus that Newsom might veto SB 1403 if the bill was sent to his desk without the amendments, according to Bradford.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill was awaiting a final vote in the Assembly, where Bradford is not a member. It was assigned to Assemblymember Reggie Jones-Sawyer (D-Los Angeles), a CLBC member who served on the state’s reparations task force, to present the bill for a vote.[aside postID=news_11999415 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63355_048_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForceSac_03032023-qut-1020x680.jpg']He stalled for days.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wilson stressed the importance of continuing the CLBC’s historically collaborative relationship on reparations with the governor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have to be strategic about it and ensure there are the votes on the floor and that it will be signed by the governor,” she said about SB 1403.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bradford, who said it was him against the caucus, disputed the assertion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The governor’s administration at no time in meeting with me on this bill ever threatened to veto,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the final hours of the session, reparations advocates protested outside the Assembly chambers. And in a surprising move, Assemblymember Bill Essayli (R-Riverside) attempted to present the bill, prompting a confrontation with Bryan on the Assembly Floor. \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/ozprattboxing/status/1830138968785993751\">A video of the interaction\u003c/a> filmed by Essayli has garnered more than 35,000 views.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To some members of CJEC, who have been active in the state’s reparations process since the inception of the reparations task force, SB 1403’s demise is a worrying indication that, despite Newsom’s statements in support of reparations, he might be hesitant to take the bold steps they believe are required to move reparations forward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bradford, the CLBC’s vice chair, called the bill’s failure a “great disappointment.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve had bills vetoed and you dust yourself off and you move forward, but the nation was watching this one,” he said, adding he’d received phone calls from legislators across the country wanting to emulate the language of the bill. “We had to strike when the iron was hot. We were at the finish line, the votes were there. And I just wish we would have had the opportunity to vote it up or down.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n","blocks":[],"excerpt":"Many reparations bills were watered down, and proposals for more direct relief were either shelved or, in the case of direct cash payments, were never formally introduced.","status":"publish","parent":0,"modified":1725920177,"stats":{"hasAudio":false,"hasVideo":false,"hasChartOrMap":false,"iframeSrcs":[],"hasGoogleForm":false,"hasGallery":false,"hasHearkenModule":false,"hasPolis":false,"paragraphCount":43,"wordCount":1906},"headData":{"title":"Centerpiece Reparations Bill Derailed by Newsom's Late Request. Here's Why | KQED","description":"Many reparations bills were watered down, and proposals for more direct relief were either shelved or, in the case of direct cash payments, were never formally introduced.","ogTitle":"","ogDescription":"","ogImgId":"","twTitle":"","twDescription":"","twImgId":"","schema":{"@context":"http://schema.org","@type":"NewsArticle","headline":"Centerpiece Reparations Bill Derailed by Newsom's Late Request. Here's Why","datePublished":"2024-09-04T07:00:48-07:00","dateModified":"2024-09-09T15:16:17-07:00","image":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png","isAccessibleForFree":"True","publisher":{"@type":"NewsMediaOrganization","@id":"https://www.kqed.org/#organization","name":"KQED","url":"https://www.kqed.org","logo":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png"}}},"sticky":false,"excludeFromSiteSearch":"Include","articleAge":"0","path":"/news/12002804/centerpiece-reparations-bill-derailed-by-newsoms-late-request-heres-why","audioTrackLength":null,"parsedContent":[{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Why did a bill to create a state reparations agency, the centerpiece of California’s initial attempt to introduce legislation to repair harm endured by \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/black-californians\">Black Californians\u003c/a>, fail?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SB 1403 would have formed the California American Freedman’s Affairs Agency to administer reparations programs. The bill faced little opposition from lawmakers as it moved through committees earlier in the session.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But last-minute pressure from Gov. Gavin Newsom’s staff to change SB 1403 divided Black lawmakers and stalled the bill. Instead of creating the agency, the amendments proposed earmarking $6 million for the California State University system to lead a study of reparations, according to state Sen. Steven Bradford (D-Gardena), the bill’s author.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SB 1403 was one of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11981271/track-the-success-of-californias-14-reparations-bills-for-black-residents\">14 bills prioritized by the California Legislative Black Caucus\u003c/a> that were drawn from two years of work by the California Reparations Task Force. The first statewide body to study reparations issued its \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/ab3121/report\">final report\u003c/a> in June 2023. KQED has been \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/reparations\">following the state’s reparations work\u003c/a> since the task force’s inception, and creating a state agency to house reparations programs was one of the task force’s first policy recommendations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"fullwidth"},"numeric":["fullwidth"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was the bedrock,” Bradford said. “If you don’t have the agency that stands up all of this, it’s for nothing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This was the first year that bills explicitly labeled as part of the reparations effort were introduced. Nine of the CLBC’s priority bills passed, including requiring a formal apology from the state for perpetuating harmful racial prejudice and discrimination.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A 10th bill — a companion measure to a proposal placed on the November ballot that seeks to remove language from the state constitution that allows involuntary servitude as punishment for criminal offenses — has already been signed by Newsom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Last session, that was like trying to lift an elephant, right?” said Assemblymember Lori Wilson (D-Fairfield), the chair of the CLBC. “This session, it was trying to lift the elephant as well, but we actually got the elephant on the ball. And so, we’ve had wins after wins after wins as it relates to our policy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many of the bills were significantly watered down, and proposals for more direct relief to Black Californians were either shelved or, in the case of direct cash payments, were never formally introduced.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"aside","attributes":{"named":{"postid":"news_11981271","hero":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/AP24032786348814-1020x680.jpg","label":""},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SB 1403 was a late addition to the CLBC’s priority package. It had the support of advocates who believed an agency, which would determine eligibility, was necessary to establish a viable reparations program.\u003cu>\u003cbr>\n\u003c/u>\u003cbr>\n“I don’t know of any other effort for reparations that did not come with some kind of new state or some kind of governmental institution that was set up to do all of the things,” said Chris Lodgson, lead organizer with the Coalition for a Just and Equitable California, pointing to the creation of the Office of Redress Administration to identify the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11906015/how-japanese-americans-in-the-bay-area-are-carrying-forward-the-legacy-of-reparations\">Japanese Americans who were incarcerated during World War II\u003c/a> and eligible for reparations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SB 1331, which would have created a fund to implement reparations policies, found the same fate as SB 1403. SB 1050, which would have developed a state process for reviewing claims of racially motivated uses of eminent domain and providing compensation to eligible former property owners, passed without opposition and is awaiting Newsom’s signature. The fate of the bill, which was reliant on SB 1403 passing, is uncertain.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to Bradford, Newsom was concerned that creating an agency would create a difficult, ongoing financial commitment. California managed to close a roughly $47 billion budget shortfall this year, but according to analysis by the Legislative Analyst’s Office, the General Fund faces a structural deficit in the tens of billions of dollars over the next several fiscal years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cost was not the only barrier. Lawmakers in the Democratic-controlled Legislature showed little appetite for measures specifically benefitting Black residents. Bills aimed at targeting state grants toward Black Californians were abandoned, as was a proposal to prioritize Black applicants to state licensing boards.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Changes aimed at state prisons also proved challenging. While voters will have a chance to change prison labor rules in November, a bill to ban solitary confinement did not move forward. And Assembly Bill 1986 would have initially given the Office of the Inspector General the power to reverse book bans in state prisons. The bill now lets the Inspector General publicize the bans and voice disapproval.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Much like this bill, that [reparations] package was designed to be the first step,” said AB 1986’s author Assemblymember Isaac Bryan (D-Los Angeles). “We know that reparations, repair for the harm that’s happened across California is going to take many, many years. It didn’t happen overnight and it’s not going to be solved in a single legislative session.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11997359\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11997359\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/GavinNewsomGetty.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1388\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/GavinNewsomGetty.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/GavinNewsomGetty-800x555.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/GavinNewsomGetty-1020x708.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/GavinNewsomGetty-160x111.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/GavinNewsomGetty-1536x1066.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/GavinNewsomGetty-1920x1332.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gov. Gavin Newsom speaks during a press conference in Sacramento, on Feb. 1, 2023. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Attention now turns to Newsom, who has to sign or veto the nine reparations bills on his desk before Sept. 30.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom signed the bill creating the reparations task force in 2020, and has spoken supportively of the CLBC’s early efforts to turn task force recommendations into the law. Earlier this year, he set aside $12 million in the budget for reparations programs, though the money is currently not designated for any specific fund or program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I haven’t read [the Reparations report] — I’ve devoured it,” Newsom said during his Jan. 10 state budget proposal presentation. “I’ve analyzed it. I’ve stress tested [the ideas] against things we’ve done, things we’re doing, things that we’d like to do but can’t do because of constitutional constraints. And I’ve been working closely with the Black Caucus.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dr. Marcus Anthony Hunter, a UCLA professor of African American studies and sociology, said Newsom’s continued engagement will be a crucial factor in determining the success of reparations efforts in California moving forward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He could have disengaged at the very beginning,” Hunter said. “So now we’re in it to see: How far is he willing to go?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hunter said he’ll be watching to see if Newsom uses his national platform and connections with a potential Kamala Harris administration to tout California’s reparations process nationally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I would like to see a push by the governor toward as many things that are possible in a package of reparative justice,” he added. “But also for that push to be a national call on the president to join and lock arms in this and see what is possible across the country.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To reparations advocates, Newsom’s proposal to amend SB 1403 was an indication that his support for reparations had faltered.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to an analysis by the Government Operations Agency, the agency would cost $3 million to $5 million annually to operate. In a letter sent on Aug. 20 to the Black legislative caucus by CJEC, the group advocated for using some of the $12 million to start the agency. SB 1403 was added to the CLBC’s priority list after the $12 million set aside made the agency financially feasible.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We felt like at that time, with the early commitment from the governor and the pro tem and the speaker of this house of allocating $12 million to reparations, that we could potentially get it across the finish line,” Wilson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11909591\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11909591\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS54515_007_KQED_LoriWilson_03172022-qut.jpg\" alt=\"A woman wearing glasses and a yellow dress stands outside.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS54515_007_KQED_LoriWilson_03172022-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS54515_007_KQED_LoriWilson_03172022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS54515_007_KQED_LoriWilson_03172022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS54515_007_KQED_LoriWilson_03172022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS54515_007_KQED_LoriWilson_03172022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Assemblymember Lori Wilson (D-Fairfield), the chair of the California Legislative Black Caucus. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>During the Democratic National Convention, Bradford said he began to hear that the Newsom administration had concerns about the cost of a reparations agency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Aug. 26, Newsom’s staff asked Bradford to pivot. Instead of creating a reparations agency, Newsom’s staff suggested creating a second study, according to Bradford, who will term out of the Legislature this year and is currently running for lieutenant governor. The study would have further researched the task force recommendations and produced a report designing a process to determine eligibility for state reparations programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom’s office said he does not comment on proposals in the Legislature.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bradford, who also authored SB 1331 and SB 1050, rejected Newsom’s amendment request.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I spent two years of my life studying reparations,” he said. “We didn’t need any more study and it was now time for action. It was now time for implementation,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under SB 1403, a genealogy unit within the agency would have established standards for proving eligibility, something the task force recommended. There was concern within the caucus that Newsom might veto SB 1403 if the bill was sent to his desk without the amendments, according to Bradford.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill was awaiting a final vote in the Assembly, where Bradford is not a member. It was assigned to Assemblymember Reggie Jones-Sawyer (D-Los Angeles), a CLBC member who served on the state’s reparations task force, to present the bill for a vote.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"aside","attributes":{"named":{"postid":"news_11999415","hero":"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63355_048_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForceSac_03032023-qut-1020x680.jpg","label":""},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>He stalled for days.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wilson stressed the importance of continuing the CLBC’s historically collaborative relationship on reparations with the governor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have to be strategic about it and ensure there are the votes on the floor and that it will be signed by the governor,” she said about SB 1403.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bradford, who said it was him against the caucus, disputed the assertion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The governor’s administration at no time in meeting with me on this bill ever threatened to veto,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the final hours of the session, reparations advocates protested outside the Assembly chambers. And in a surprising move, Assemblymember Bill Essayli (R-Riverside) attempted to present the bill, prompting a confrontation with Bryan on the Assembly Floor. \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/ozprattboxing/status/1830138968785993751\">A video of the interaction\u003c/a> filmed by Essayli has garnered more than 35,000 views.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To some members of CJEC, who have been active in the state’s reparations process since the inception of the reparations task force, SB 1403’s demise is a worrying indication that, despite Newsom’s statements in support of reparations, he might be hesitant to take the bold steps they believe are required to move reparations forward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bradford, the CLBC’s vice chair, called the bill’s failure a “great disappointment.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve had bills vetoed and you dust yourself off and you move forward, but the nation was watching this one,” he said, adding he’d received phone calls from legislators across the country wanting to emulate the language of the bill. “We had to strike when the iron was hot. We were at the finish line, the votes were there. And I just wish we would have had the opportunity to vote it up or down.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"floatright"},"numeric":["floatright"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}}],"link":"/news/12002804/centerpiece-reparations-bill-derailed-by-newsoms-late-request-heres-why","authors":["227","11772"],"series":["news_34369"],"categories":["news_31795","news_8","news_34199"],"tags":["news_33461","news_18538","news_22307","news_30345","news_30652","news_33935","news_27626","news_19216","news_2923"],"featImg":"news_12002903","label":"news_34369"},"news_11999322":{"type":"posts","id":"news_11999322","meta":{"index":"posts_1716263798","site":"news","id":"11999322","score":null,"sort":[1724958614000]},"guestAuthors":[],"slug":"california-bill-banning-discrimination-based-on-hair-texture-and-style-passes","title":"California Bill Banning Discrimination Based on Hair Texture and Style Passes","publishDate":1724958614,"format":"standard","headTitle":"California Bill Banning Discrimination Based on Hair Texture and Style Passes | KQED","labelTerm":{"term":34369,"site":"news"},"content":"\u003cp>\u003cem>Are you curious about which reparations bills have passed the state Legislature? \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11981271/track-the-success-of-californias-14-reparations-bills-for-black-residents\">Check out KQED’s reparations bill tracker\u003c/a>. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assembly Bill 1815 now heads to Gov. Gavin Newsom’s desk after passing the state Legislature.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill expands California’s civil rights law to include protections based on hair texture or hair styles associated with race, such as locs, braids and twists. In 2019, California became the first state to provide protection from discrimination in schools and employment with the passage of the CROWN Act.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In February, the California Legislative Black Caucus announced the 14 reparations bills it was prioritizing. CLBC members curated the list to test the limits of the Legislature’s commitment to racial justice while seeking to avoid a wholesale rejection that could derail the quest for reparations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bills were drawn from two years of work by the California Reparations Task Force, which \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/reparations\">KQED has reported on since its inception\u003c/a>. The task force’s final report, published in June 2023, includes over 100 policy proposals, as well as a plan to provide direct cash payments to eligible residents. None of the introduced bills include cash payments. During task force hearings, members emphasized that addressing racism is a requirement of reparations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11981271 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/AP24032786348814-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have changed a harm that has been given to people for generations that stated that beauty only occurs if you look a certain way if your hair is only a certain way,” said Assemblymember Akilah Weber (D-San Diego), the bill’s author, after it passed. “This particular bill repairs that harm.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AB 1815 was one of the least controversial in the CLBC’s reparations package. Though the bill was amended a few times, it sailed through the Legislature without notable opposition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We had significant support with the CROWN Act and we felt like we would be able to have significant enough support for this one to be able to get it through the first, one-year legislative cycle,” Weber said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here’s a brief recap of AB 1815. For more information on reparations bills, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11981271/track-the-success-of-californias-14-reparations-bills-for-black-residents\">visit our tracker\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>What it wanted to do:\u003c/strong> Prohibit discrimination based on hair texture or hairstyles like braids, locs and twists. When introduced, the bill focused on preventing discrimination in amateur sports leagues and later broadened.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Why is AB 1815 reparations?\u003c/strong> According to a 2023 study by Dove, Black women with coiled or textured hair are twice as likely to experience microaggressions at work compared to those with straight hair. Up until 2017, the United States military did not allow men to wear their hair in dreadlocks, and Black women were required to straighten their hair or wear wigs to comply with military regulations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Why now?\u003c/strong> AB 1815 expands the 2019 California CROWN Act, which outlawed discrimination based on hairstyle in schools and workplaces. The law is part of a nationwide CROWN Act campaign to protect and celebrate natural Black hairstyles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill was amended on March 21 to remove the focus on amateur sports leagues and instead changed the definition of “race” used in state civil rights laws to include characteristics associated with race, such as hair textures and stylings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In arguing support of the bill in the Assembly Judiciary Committee on April 2, Weber pointed to cases of hair-based discrimination in \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/sports/2019/04/17/wrestler-was-forced-cut-his-dreadlocks-before-match-his-town-is-still-looking-answers/\">New Jersey\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/nation/2021/05/14/softball-hair-beads-discrimination-pyles/\">North Carolina\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our hair is a symbol of who we are,” she said. “These cases around the country are exactly why the California Reparations Task Force made this expansion one of their policy recommendations to the Legislature.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AB 1815 passed the Assembly Appropriations Committee with unanimous support on April 24. The bill passed the Assembly in a 71–0 vote on May 2. It unanimously passed the Senate Judicial Committee with minor amendments on June 4.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n","blocks":[],"excerpt":"Assembly Bill 1815 cements protections for hair styles associated with race, such as locs, braids and twists.","status":"publish","parent":0,"modified":1725920187,"stats":{"hasAudio":false,"hasVideo":false,"hasChartOrMap":false,"iframeSrcs":[],"hasGoogleForm":false,"hasGallery":false,"hasHearkenModule":false,"hasPolis":false,"paragraphCount":19,"wordCount":666},"headData":{"title":"California Bill Banning Discrimination Based on Hair Texture and Style Passes | KQED","description":"Assembly Bill 1815 cements protections for hair styles associated with race, such as locs, braids and twists.","ogTitle":"","ogDescription":"","ogImgId":"","twTitle":"","twDescription":"","twImgId":"","schema":{"@context":"http://schema.org","@type":"NewsArticle","headline":"California Bill Banning Discrimination Based on Hair Texture and Style Passes","datePublished":"2024-08-29T12:10:14-07:00","dateModified":"2024-09-09T15:16:27-07:00","image":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png","isAccessibleForFree":"True","publisher":{"@type":"NewsMediaOrganization","@id":"https://www.kqed.org/#organization","name":"KQED","url":"https://www.kqed.org","logo":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png"}}},"sticky":false,"nprStoryId":"kqed-11999322","excludeFromSiteSearch":"Include","articleAge":"0","path":"/news/11999322/california-bill-banning-discrimination-based-on-hair-texture-and-style-passes","audioTrackLength":null,"parsedContent":[{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Are you curious about which reparations bills have passed the state Legislature? \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11981271/track-the-success-of-californias-14-reparations-bills-for-black-residents\">Check out KQED’s reparations bill tracker\u003c/a>. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assembly Bill 1815 now heads to Gov. Gavin Newsom’s desk after passing the state Legislature.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill expands California’s civil rights law to include protections based on hair texture or hair styles associated with race, such as locs, braids and twists. In 2019, California became the first state to provide protection from discrimination in schools and employment with the passage of the CROWN Act.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"fullwidth"},"numeric":["fullwidth"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In February, the California Legislative Black Caucus announced the 14 reparations bills it was prioritizing. CLBC members curated the list to test the limits of the Legislature’s commitment to racial justice while seeking to avoid a wholesale rejection that could derail the quest for reparations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bills were drawn from two years of work by the California Reparations Task Force, which \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/reparations\">KQED has reported on since its inception\u003c/a>. The task force’s final report, published in June 2023, includes over 100 policy proposals, as well as a plan to provide direct cash payments to eligible residents. None of the introduced bills include cash payments. During task force hearings, members emphasized that addressing racism is a requirement of reparations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"aside","attributes":{"named":{"postid":"news_11981271","hero":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/AP24032786348814-1020x680.jpg","label":""},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have changed a harm that has been given to people for generations that stated that beauty only occurs if you look a certain way if your hair is only a certain way,” said Assemblymember Akilah Weber (D-San Diego), the bill’s author, after it passed. “This particular bill repairs that harm.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AB 1815 was one of the least controversial in the CLBC’s reparations package. Though the bill was amended a few times, it sailed through the Legislature without notable opposition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We had significant support with the CROWN Act and we felt like we would be able to have significant enough support for this one to be able to get it through the first, one-year legislative cycle,” Weber said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here’s a brief recap of AB 1815. For more information on reparations bills, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11981271/track-the-success-of-californias-14-reparations-bills-for-black-residents\">visit our tracker\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>What it wanted to do:\u003c/strong> Prohibit discrimination based on hair texture or hairstyles like braids, locs and twists. When introduced, the bill focused on preventing discrimination in amateur sports leagues and later broadened.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Why is AB 1815 reparations?\u003c/strong> According to a 2023 study by Dove, Black women with coiled or textured hair are twice as likely to experience microaggressions at work compared to those with straight hair. Up until 2017, the United States military did not allow men to wear their hair in dreadlocks, and Black women were required to straighten their hair or wear wigs to comply with military regulations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Why now?\u003c/strong> AB 1815 expands the 2019 California CROWN Act, which outlawed discrimination based on hairstyle in schools and workplaces. The law is part of a nationwide CROWN Act campaign to protect and celebrate natural Black hairstyles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill was amended on March 21 to remove the focus on amateur sports leagues and instead changed the definition of “race” used in state civil rights laws to include characteristics associated with race, such as hair textures and stylings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In arguing support of the bill in the Assembly Judiciary Committee on April 2, Weber pointed to cases of hair-based discrimination in \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/sports/2019/04/17/wrestler-was-forced-cut-his-dreadlocks-before-match-his-town-is-still-looking-answers/\">New Jersey\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/nation/2021/05/14/softball-hair-beads-discrimination-pyles/\">North Carolina\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our hair is a symbol of who we are,” she said. “These cases around the country are exactly why the California Reparations Task Force made this expansion one of their policy recommendations to the Legislature.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AB 1815 passed the Assembly Appropriations Committee with unanimous support on April 24. The bill passed the Assembly in a 71–0 vote on May 2. It unanimously passed the Senate Judicial Committee with minor amendments on June 4.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}}],"link":"/news/11999322/california-bill-banning-discrimination-based-on-hair-texture-and-style-passes","authors":["11772"],"series":["news_34369"],"categories":["news_31795","news_8","news_13"],"tags":["news_22307","news_2704","news_30345","news_26650","news_30652","news_4750","news_17968","news_2923"],"featImg":"news_11982735","label":"news_34369"},"news_11999317":{"type":"posts","id":"news_11999317","meta":{"index":"posts_1716263798","site":"news","id":"11999317","score":null,"sort":[1724098600000]},"guestAuthors":[],"slug":"a-push-to-curb-solitary-confinement-in-california-prisons-hits-a-wall","title":"A Push to Curb Solitary Confinement in California Prisons Hits a Wall","publishDate":1724098600,"format":"standard","headTitle":"A Push to Curb Solitary Confinement in California Prisons Hits a Wall | KQED","labelTerm":{"term":34369,"site":"news"},"content":"\u003cp>On Monday, the communications director of Assemblymember Chris Holden (D-Pasadena) sent a press release with the news that AB 280, a bill that sought to limit the use of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/solitary-confinement\">solitary confinement\u003c/a> in state prisons, was not moving forward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Last year, we decided to leave the bill on the Assembly Floor to allow more time for all of the stakeholders involved to work toward a solution and during that time, new regulations were put forth to address some of the issues related to solitary confinement,” Holden, the bill’s author, said in the press release.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Without a doubt, more change is needed, and I believe holding the bill on the Assembly Floor will allow the Legislature and advocates to review the results of these regulations and use new data to implement the most effective plan of action.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In February, the California Legislative Black Caucus announced the 14 reparations bills it was prioritizing. CLBC members curated the list to test the limits of the Legislature’s commitment to racial justice while seeking to avoid a wholesale rejection that could derail the quest for reparations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bills were drawn from two years of work by the California Reparations Task Force, which \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/reparations\">KQED has reported on since its inception\u003c/a>. The task force’s final report, published in June 2023, includes over 100 policy proposals, as well as a plan to provide direct cash payments to eligible residents. None of the introduced bills include cash payments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nine reparations bills remain alive, including one requiring the list of books banned inside California prisons to be publicly displayed. And in November, Californians will vote on a measure that seeks to remove language from the state’s constitution allowing involuntary servitude “as punishment to a crime.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here’s a brief recap of AB 280. For more information on reparations bills, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11981271/track-the-success-of-californias-14-reparations-bills-for-black-residents\">please check out our tracker\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>What AB 280 wanted to do:\u003c/strong> Limit the use of solitary confinement in state prisons.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>How is limiting solitary confinement reparations?\u003c/strong> Black men make up 28% of the state’s prison population and 18.5% of the population in restricted housing. Meanwhile, Black women account for 25.4% of the prison population, and four out of five women in restricted housing are Black, \u003ca href=\"https://law.yale.edu/centers-workshops/arthur-liman-center-public-interest-law/liman-center-publications/time-cell-2021\">according to a 2022 report\u003c/a> by the Correctional Leaders Association and the Arthur Liman Center for Public Interest Law at Yale Law School.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11981271 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/AP24032786348814-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Why isn’t AB 280 moving forward?\u003c/strong> Gov. Gavin Newsom vetoed a similar proposal in 2022, arguing that the bill’s exclusion of certain groups from segregated housing — such as inmates younger than 26 or older than 59 — was too broad. After vetoing the bill, Newsom ordered state prison officials to “develop regulations that would restrict the use of segregated confinement except in limited situations, such as where the individual has been found to have engaged in violence in the prison.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While AB 280 was pending in the state Assembly, a spokesperson told KQED that Holden was waiting for advice from the governor’s office about how to amend the bill to avoid a second veto.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Monday’s press release from Holden’s office cited the support for AB 280 as a reason the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation released new solitary confinement guidelines in 2023 because the bill brought heightened awareness to issues with solitary confinement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The legislation is there. The language is written. I believe that it is important to move on this with urgency once the new information has been considered,” Holden said. “My hope is that AB 280 is the seed that will sprout into actionable change next session and that with a new fiscal year, this bill can make it to the finish line.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n","blocks":[],"excerpt":"Nine reparations bills remain alive, including one requiring the list of books banned inside California prisons to be publicly displayed. ","status":"publish","parent":0,"modified":1725920194,"stats":{"hasAudio":false,"hasVideo":false,"hasChartOrMap":false,"iframeSrcs":[],"hasGoogleForm":false,"hasGallery":false,"hasHearkenModule":false,"hasPolis":false,"paragraphCount":16,"wordCount":660},"headData":{"title":"A Push to Curb Solitary Confinement in California Prisons Hits a Wall | KQED","description":"Nine reparations bills remain alive, including one requiring the list of books banned inside California prisons to be publicly displayed. ","ogTitle":"","ogDescription":"","ogImgId":"","twTitle":"","twDescription":"","twImgId":"","schema":{"@context":"http://schema.org","@type":"NewsArticle","headline":"A Push to Curb Solitary Confinement in California Prisons Hits a Wall","datePublished":"2024-08-19T13:16:40-07:00","dateModified":"2024-09-09T15:16:34-07:00","image":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png","isAccessibleForFree":"True","publisher":{"@type":"NewsMediaOrganization","@id":"https://www.kqed.org/#organization","name":"KQED","url":"https://www.kqed.org","logo":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png"}}},"sticky":false,"nprStoryId":"kqed-11999317","excludeFromSiteSearch":"Include","articleAge":"0","path":"/news/11999317/a-push-to-curb-solitary-confinement-in-california-prisons-hits-a-wall","audioTrackLength":null,"parsedContent":[{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>On Monday, the communications director of Assemblymember Chris Holden (D-Pasadena) sent a press release with the news that AB 280, a bill that sought to limit the use of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/solitary-confinement\">solitary confinement\u003c/a> in state prisons, was not moving forward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Last year, we decided to leave the bill on the Assembly Floor to allow more time for all of the stakeholders involved to work toward a solution and during that time, new regulations were put forth to address some of the issues related to solitary confinement,” Holden, the bill’s author, said in the press release.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Without a doubt, more change is needed, and I believe holding the bill on the Assembly Floor will allow the Legislature and advocates to review the results of these regulations and use new data to implement the most effective plan of action.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"fullwidth"},"numeric":["fullwidth"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In February, the California Legislative Black Caucus announced the 14 reparations bills it was prioritizing. CLBC members curated the list to test the limits of the Legislature’s commitment to racial justice while seeking to avoid a wholesale rejection that could derail the quest for reparations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bills were drawn from two years of work by the California Reparations Task Force, which \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/reparations\">KQED has reported on since its inception\u003c/a>. The task force’s final report, published in June 2023, includes over 100 policy proposals, as well as a plan to provide direct cash payments to eligible residents. None of the introduced bills include cash payments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nine reparations bills remain alive, including one requiring the list of books banned inside California prisons to be publicly displayed. And in November, Californians will vote on a measure that seeks to remove language from the state’s constitution allowing involuntary servitude “as punishment to a crime.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here’s a brief recap of AB 280. For more information on reparations bills, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11981271/track-the-success-of-californias-14-reparations-bills-for-black-residents\">please check out our tracker\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>What AB 280 wanted to do:\u003c/strong> Limit the use of solitary confinement in state prisons.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>How is limiting solitary confinement reparations?\u003c/strong> Black men make up 28% of the state’s prison population and 18.5% of the population in restricted housing. Meanwhile, Black women account for 25.4% of the prison population, and four out of five women in restricted housing are Black, \u003ca href=\"https://law.yale.edu/centers-workshops/arthur-liman-center-public-interest-law/liman-center-publications/time-cell-2021\">according to a 2022 report\u003c/a> by the Correctional Leaders Association and the Arthur Liman Center for Public Interest Law at Yale Law School.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"aside","attributes":{"named":{"postid":"news_11981271","hero":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/AP24032786348814-1020x680.jpg","label":""},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Why isn’t AB 280 moving forward?\u003c/strong> Gov. Gavin Newsom vetoed a similar proposal in 2022, arguing that the bill’s exclusion of certain groups from segregated housing — such as inmates younger than 26 or older than 59 — was too broad. After vetoing the bill, Newsom ordered state prison officials to “develop regulations that would restrict the use of segregated confinement except in limited situations, such as where the individual has been found to have engaged in violence in the prison.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While AB 280 was pending in the state Assembly, a spokesperson told KQED that Holden was waiting for advice from the governor’s office about how to amend the bill to avoid a second veto.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Monday’s press release from Holden’s office cited the support for AB 280 as a reason the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation released new solitary confinement guidelines in 2023 because the bill brought heightened awareness to issues with solitary confinement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The legislation is there. The language is written. I believe that it is important to move on this with urgency once the new information has been considered,” Holden said. “My hope is that AB 280 is the seed that will sprout into actionable change next session and that with a new fiscal year, this bill can make it to the finish line.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}}],"link":"/news/11999317/a-push-to-curb-solitary-confinement-in-california-prisons-hits-a-wall","authors":["11770"],"series":["news_34369"],"categories":["news_8"],"tags":["news_616","news_30345","news_26650","news_30652","news_2923","news_3113"],"featImg":"news_11956678","label":"news_34369"},"news_11992329":{"type":"posts","id":"news_11992329","meta":{"index":"posts_1716263798","site":"news","id":"11992329","score":null,"sort":[1719531143000]},"guestAuthors":[],"slug":"californians-will-vote-on-whether-to-end-forced-prison-labor-this-november","title":"Californians Will Vote on Whether to End Forced Prison Labor This November","publishDate":1719531143,"format":"standard","headTitle":"Californians Will Vote on Whether to End Forced Prison Labor This November | KQED","labelTerm":{"term":34369,"site":"news"},"content":"\u003cp>California’s Senate voted Thursday to end forced labor in the state’s prisons and jails. The state constitutional amendment will go to voters for final approval in November. If passed, the change would mark \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11986615/state-assembly-passes-bill-apologizing-for-californias-role-in-supporting-slavery\">another win\u003c/a> for the state’s first-in-the-nation effort to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/reparations\">provide state-level reparations to Black residents\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assembly Constitutional Amendment 8 is one of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11981271/track-the-success-of-californias-14-reparations-bills-for-black-residents\">California Legislative Black Caucus’ 14 reparations bills\u003c/a> moving through the Legislature this year. The bills draw on recommendations made by the \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/ab3121/report\">state’s reparations task force last June\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Slavery takes a modern form in involuntary servitude, including forced labor in prisons,” former task force member Sen. Steven Bradford (D-Gardena) said on the Senate floor. “Slavery is wrong in all forms, and California should be clear in denouncing that in our Constitution.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The task force defined reparations not only as compensation for past discriminatory policies but also as efforts to end ongoing practices that disproportionately harm Black residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The amendment would close a loophole in the state constitution that bans involuntary servitude, except as punishment for a crime. Though only 5% of the state population, Black Californians make up 28% of the prison population, which means the state’s involuntary servitude exception disproportionately impacts Black Californians.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If approved, the amendment would prevent the Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation from disciplining an incarcerated person who refuses a work assignment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As we do the work of reparations, we refer to slavery as a relic of the past. But as I stand here today, we have thousands of indentured servants in our penal system,” caucus member Sen. Lola Smallwood-Cuevas (D-Los Angeles) said, speaking in support of the amendment before the vote on the Senate floor. “When you have folks in a prison who are making 2 and 5 and 8 cents an hour, it undermines everyone’s ability to earn a living wage in California.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the bill’s passage in the Senate on Thursday, applause and cheering broke out in the gallery, and Smallwood-Cuevas raised a fist in celebration. The amendment, endorsed by the California Democratic Party, received some bipartisan support in both houses. Republicans cast all votes against the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2022, a similar proposal was voted down, in part, over concerns that the \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/prisons-california-gavin-newsom-minimum-wage-slavery-a0aed840fc6dc54c7eb0da98d0f6bb05\">end of involuntary servitude would require wage increases\u003c/a> for prison labor, adding significant costs to the state prison system, according to analysts with the state Department of Finance. This year, the bill was amended to allow CDCR to provide credits instead of pay for voluntary work in state prisons.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last week, the state set aside \u003ca href=\"https://www.sacbee.com/news/politics-government/capitol-alert/article289463820.html\">$12 million in its budget\u003c/a> to support reparations programs passed by the Legislature this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California is one of only 16 states with an exception clause for involuntary servitude in its constitution. Most recently, voters in Alabama, Oregon, Tennessee and Vermont removed involuntary servitude language from their state’s constitution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n","blocks":[],"excerpt":"Assembly Constitutional Amendment 8 is one of the California Legislative Black Caucus’ 14 reparations bills moving through the Legislature this year. ","status":"publish","parent":0,"modified":1725920210,"stats":{"hasAudio":false,"hasVideo":false,"hasChartOrMap":false,"iframeSrcs":[],"hasGoogleForm":false,"hasGallery":false,"hasHearkenModule":false,"hasPolis":false,"paragraphCount":13,"wordCount":502},"headData":{"title":"Californians Will Vote on Whether to End Forced Prison Labor This November | KQED","description":"Assembly Constitutional Amendment 8 is one of the California Legislative Black Caucus’ 14 reparations bills moving through the Legislature this year. ","ogTitle":"","ogDescription":"","ogImgId":"","twTitle":"","twDescription":"","twImgId":"","schema":{"@context":"http://schema.org","@type":"NewsArticle","headline":"Californians Will Vote on Whether to End Forced Prison Labor This November","datePublished":"2024-06-27T16:32:23-07:00","dateModified":"2024-09-09T15:16:50-07:00","image":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png","isAccessibleForFree":"True","publisher":{"@type":"NewsMediaOrganization","@id":"https://www.kqed.org/#organization","name":"KQED","url":"https://www.kqed.org","logo":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png"}}},"sticky":false,"nprStoryId":"kqed-11992329","excludeFromSiteSearch":"Include","articleAge":"0","path":"/news/11992329/californians-will-vote-on-whether-to-end-forced-prison-labor-this-november","audioTrackLength":null,"parsedContent":[{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>California’s Senate voted Thursday to end forced labor in the state’s prisons and jails. The state constitutional amendment will go to voters for final approval in November. If passed, the change would mark \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11986615/state-assembly-passes-bill-apologizing-for-californias-role-in-supporting-slavery\">another win\u003c/a> for the state’s first-in-the-nation effort to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/reparations\">provide state-level reparations to Black residents\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assembly Constitutional Amendment 8 is one of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11981271/track-the-success-of-californias-14-reparations-bills-for-black-residents\">California Legislative Black Caucus’ 14 reparations bills\u003c/a> moving through the Legislature this year. The bills draw on recommendations made by the \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/ab3121/report\">state’s reparations task force last June\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Slavery takes a modern form in involuntary servitude, including forced labor in prisons,” former task force member Sen. Steven Bradford (D-Gardena) said on the Senate floor. “Slavery is wrong in all forms, and California should be clear in denouncing that in our Constitution.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The task force defined reparations not only as compensation for past discriminatory policies but also as efforts to end ongoing practices that disproportionately harm Black residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"fullwidth"},"numeric":["fullwidth"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The amendment would close a loophole in the state constitution that bans involuntary servitude, except as punishment for a crime. Though only 5% of the state population, Black Californians make up 28% of the prison population, which means the state’s involuntary servitude exception disproportionately impacts Black Californians.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If approved, the amendment would prevent the Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation from disciplining an incarcerated person who refuses a work assignment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As we do the work of reparations, we refer to slavery as a relic of the past. But as I stand here today, we have thousands of indentured servants in our penal system,” caucus member Sen. Lola Smallwood-Cuevas (D-Los Angeles) said, speaking in support of the amendment before the vote on the Senate floor. “When you have folks in a prison who are making 2 and 5 and 8 cents an hour, it undermines everyone’s ability to earn a living wage in California.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the bill’s passage in the Senate on Thursday, applause and cheering broke out in the gallery, and Smallwood-Cuevas raised a fist in celebration. The amendment, endorsed by the California Democratic Party, received some bipartisan support in both houses. Republicans cast all votes against the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2022, a similar proposal was voted down, in part, over concerns that the \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/prisons-california-gavin-newsom-minimum-wage-slavery-a0aed840fc6dc54c7eb0da98d0f6bb05\">end of involuntary servitude would require wage increases\u003c/a> for prison labor, adding significant costs to the state prison system, according to analysts with the state Department of Finance. This year, the bill was amended to allow CDCR to provide credits instead of pay for voluntary work in state prisons.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last week, the state set aside \u003ca href=\"https://www.sacbee.com/news/politics-government/capitol-alert/article289463820.html\">$12 million in its budget\u003c/a> to support reparations programs passed by the Legislature this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California is one of only 16 states with an exception clause for involuntary servitude in its constitution. Most recently, voters in Alabama, Oregon, Tennessee and Vermont removed involuntary servitude language from their state’s constitution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}}],"link":"/news/11992329/californians-will-vote-on-whether-to-end-forced-prison-labor-this-november","authors":["11772"],"series":["news_34369"],"categories":["news_6188","news_8","news_34199"],"tags":["news_30345","news_30652","news_28654","news_19904","news_2867","news_2923","news_22493"],"featImg":"news_11992341","label":"news_34369"},"news_11990928":{"type":"posts","id":"news_11990928","meta":{"index":"posts_1716263798","site":"news","id":"11990928","score":null,"sort":[1718888457000]},"guestAuthors":[],"slug":"californias-slow-progress-on-reparations-highlights-need-for-deeper-understanding","title":"California's Slow Progress on Reparations Highlights Need for Deeper Understanding","publishDate":1718888457,"format":"standard","headTitle":"California’s Slow Progress on Reparations Highlights Need for Deeper Understanding | KQED","labelTerm":{},"content":"\u003cp>The quest to understand reparations requires a studious scrutiny of American history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Let’s go back just two weeks. On June 7, \u003cstrong>Annelise Finney\u003c/strong> \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11989301/reparations-efforts-in-alameda-county-stumble-and-try-to-pick-themselves-up\">reported on how far behind the Alameda County commission\u003c/a>, designed to study anti-Black racism and come up with a plan to compensate harmed residents, is in completing its work. The commission, established in March 2023, has barely started and the work was due in July.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s because it took nine months for the \u003cstrong>Alameda County Board of Supervisors\u003c/strong> to appoint the reparations commissioners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We do want to have a sense of urgency, and that’s why I was kind of looking at a year and a half, but maybe I might have been a bit ambitious,” \u003cstrong>Nate Miley,\u003c/strong> the board’s president, told Finney, who has reported on reparations for KQED since 2022.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The idea of providing remuneration to Black people for centuries of enslavement and more than 150 years of systemic, post-emancipation racism reduces some people to blubbering bigots, like the person who emailed Finney the next day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Everything about the blacks is retarded and foul,” the person wrote. “Their extinction would make the world a better place. You can go with them, muggle filth.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those were the only printable lines from the person’s six-email screed that encapsulated the grievances of an uninformed person. They are not alone in needing to be enlightened.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Almost one year ago, the \u003cstrong>California Reparations Task Force\u003c/strong>, the first statewide body to study reparations for Black people, released a landmark report with 115 policy recommendations to address disparities in health and healthcare, education and housing, environmental and criminal justice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The task force did not recommend cash payments. Still, just 43% of Californians had a favorable opinion of the task force, according to \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/blog/californians-racial-attitudes-and-the-reparations-task-force/\">research\u003c/a> published in June 2023 by the \u003cstrong>Public Policy Institute of California\u003c/strong>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We have to change the way we frame reparations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Welcome to the debut of a regular column that will, hopefully, aid audiences in understanding reparations as more than a check. I’m curious to hear your thoughts. Please email me at \u003ca href=\"mailto:otaylor@kqed.org\">otaylor@kqed.org\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I’ll share KQED’s stories from my colleagues, including \u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati\u003c/strong>, \u003cstrong>Lakshmi Sarah\u003c/strong>, \u003cstrong>Manjula Varghese\u003c/strong>, \u003cstrong>Beth LaBerge\u003c/strong> and Finney, among others, who have been \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/reparations\">chronicling the reparations movement\u003c/a> for over two years. With our \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11981271/track-the-success-of-californias-14-reparations-bills-for-black-residents\">reparations tracker\u003c/a>, we’re keeping tabs on 14 reparations bills as they move through the Assembly and the Senate. In May, the state Assembly passed a bill \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11986615/state-assembly-passes-bill-apologizing-for-californias-role-in-supporting-slavery\">apologizing for California’s role in supporting slavery\u003c/a>. I’ll also link stories from other outlets publishing insightful reporting on reparations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11991108\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11991108\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-25_qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-25_qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-25_qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-25_qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-25_qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-25_qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Pearl Devers, Section 14 survivor. Palm Springs, California on May 30, 2024. \u003ccite>(Zaydee Sanchez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>For KQED’s latest coverage, \u003cstrong>Madi Bolanos\u003c/strong>, co-host of KQED’s \u003cstrong>\u003cem>The California Report\u003c/em>\u003c/strong>, traveled to a wealthy city known for its hot springs, luxurious hotels and casinos popular with tourists and snowbirds. But what is less known about is Palm Springs’ history of violent racism against a predominantly Black and Latino neighborhood. Now former residents are seeking reparations. Madi spoke with residents who lived in Section 14, a neighborhood near downtown where 235 structures were burned and 1,000 people were evicted in the 1960s. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11991098/burned-displaced-and-fighting-back-a-battle-for-reparations-in-palm-springs\">Check out Madi’s story, edited by \u003cstrong>Molly Solomon\u003c/strong>, our senior politics editor\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Kamilah Moore\u003c/strong>, who chaired California’s Reparations Task Force, was on the \u003cstrong>\u003cem>Political Breakdown\u003c/em>\u003c/strong> podcast to talk about the bills aimed at education, health care, criminal justice and the approaching deadline for bill passage. Listen to the episode \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11991004/california-reparations-task-force-chair-on-addressing-the-legacy-of-slavery-systemic-racism\">here. \u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>George Floyd’s\u003c/strong> death on May 25, 2020, sparked nationwide uprisings not seen in America since 1967 when outrage over racial injustices boiled over. Even though the social unrest was more than a half-century apart, the catalyst was the same: police brutality. LaBerge, KQED’s staff photographer, captured the protests. See her striking photos, accompanied by my essay, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11987911/how-george-floyds-murder-ignited-solidarity-in-the-streets-and-californias-reparations-movement\">here\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Reparations from Around the Country\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003cstrong>Mother Jones\u003c/strong>\u003c/em>, in collaboration with the \u003cem>\u003cstrong>Center for Public Integrity\u003c/strong>\u003c/em> and \u003cem>\u003cstrong>Reveal\u003c/strong>\u003c/em>, published an incredible project titled \u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"https://www.motherjones.com/politics/2024/06/40-acres-and-a-lie/?utm_source=substack&utm_medium=email\">\u003cem>40 Acres and a Lie\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>, which documents and examines the promise America broke. This is how the project begins: “Black Americans have been demanding compensation and restitution for their suffering since the end of the Civil War. 40 Acres and a Mule remains the nation’s most famous attempt to provide some form of reparations for American slavery. Today, it is largely remembered as a broken promise and an abandoned step toward multiracial democracy.” Read this work, please.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>\u003cem>The Washington Post\u003c/em>\u003c/strong> \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/nation/2024/06/04/evanston-reparations-lawsuit/\">reported\u003c/a> that a conservative advocacy group has filed a class-action lawsuit to kill the reparations program in Evanston, a Chicago suburb, that has paid out nearly $5 million to 193 of the town’s Black residents over the past two years. The lawsuit was inspired by the Supreme Court’s 2023 decision to strike down affirmative action in college admissions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11954302\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11954302\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS63563_008_KQED_DrShirleyWeber_03082023-qut.jpg\" alt=\"A woman with short, curly brown hair, dangly earrings and a red, blue and cream-patterned blouse sits as she poses for a portrait. A calm look on her face. She wears a simple gold pendant necklace.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS63563_008_KQED_DrShirleyWeber_03082023-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS63563_008_KQED_DrShirleyWeber_03082023-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS63563_008_KQED_DrShirleyWeber_03082023-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS63563_008_KQED_DrShirleyWeber_03082023-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS63563_008_KQED_DrShirleyWeber_03082023-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Assemblymember Dr. Shirley Weber poses for a portrait at the Commonwealth Club in San Francisco on March 8, 2023. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003cstrong>The Los Angeles Times\u003c/strong>\u003c/em> \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/la-influential/story/2024-06-09/shirley-weber-reparations-california\">profiled\u003c/a> \u003cstrong>California Secretary of State Shirley Weber\u003c/strong>, referring to her as the Godmother of reparations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Chicago, the \u003cstrong>\u003cem>New York Times\u003c/em>\u003c/strong> \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2024/06/17/us/brandon-johnson-chicago-mayor-reparations-task-force.html\">reported\u003c/a> that \u003cstrong>Mayor Brandon Johnson\u003c/strong> ordered the creation of a task force to study Chicago laws and policies from the enslavement era to today. Once the panel is established, it will have about a year to determine what reparations should look like in the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Members of the \u003cstrong>California Black Legislative Caucus\u003c/strong> are taking reparations on tour to promote reparations bills, \u003cem>\u003cstrong>CalMatters\u003c/strong>\u003c/em> \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2024/06/california-reparations-bills-2/\">reported\u003c/a>. One bill could end forced prison labor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Supreme Court of Oklahoma dismissed a lawsuit seeking reparations brought by the last known survivors of the 1921 \u003cstrong>Tulsa Race Massacre\u003c/strong>, the \u003cstrong>\u003cem>Washington Post\u003c/em>\u003c/strong> \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/history/2024/06/12/tulsa-reparations-lawsuitoklahoma-supreme-court/\">reported\u003c/a>. If you’re unfamiliar with the terrorist act, here’s a brief explanation: A white mob burned a prosperous neighborhood known as \u003cstrong>Black Wall Street\u003c/strong>, decimating a thriving community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003cstrong>Berkeleyside\u003c/strong>\u003c/em> \u003ca href=\"https://www.berkeleyside.org/2024/06/13/a-step-in-the-right-direction-berkeley-task-force-recommends-cash-payments-for-black-students\">reported\u003c/a> that \u003cstrong>Berkeley Unified School District’s\u003c/strong> reparations task force recommended cash payments for Black students. The task force also proposed a curriculum for teaching the history of enslavement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You knew this would happen: Reparations are being used to attack a Black candidate. It happened to \u003cstrong>Rep. Colin Allred (D-Texas)\u003c/strong>, who is challenging \u003cstrong>Sen. Ted Cruz (R-Texas)\u003c/strong>. According to \u003ca href=\"https://www.huffpost.com/entry/colin-allred-ted-cruz-reparations_n_66635e17e4b0bf0f81657967\">reporting\u003c/a> published by the \u003cstrong>\u003cem>Huffington Post\u003c/em>\u003c/strong>, a right-wing political action committee put an ad on TV that features a Latina woman “talking about how hard her family has always worked and how she would resent the government paying African Americans reparations for slavery.” Allred, who supports reparations, isn’t involved in the reparations legislation in Washington.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I wonder if we’ll see this in California because, as the article points out, “Latino residents make up 40% of the population in Texas and, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://www.pewresearch.org/short-reads/2022/11/28/black-and-white-americans-are-far-apart-in-their-views-of-reparations-for-slavery/\">2021 Pew survey\u003c/a>, a significant majority of Latino voters in America oppose reparations.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n","blocks":[],"excerpt":"Changing the framing of reparations.","status":"publish","parent":0,"modified":1725920214,"stats":{"hasAudio":false,"hasVideo":false,"hasChartOrMap":false,"iframeSrcs":[],"hasGoogleForm":false,"hasGallery":false,"hasHearkenModule":false,"hasPolis":false,"paragraphCount":26,"wordCount":1192},"headData":{"title":"California's Slow Progress on Reparations Highlights Need for Deeper Understanding | KQED","description":"Changing the framing of reparations.","ogTitle":"","ogDescription":"","ogImgId":"","twTitle":"","twDescription":"","twImgId":"","schema":{"@context":"http://schema.org","@type":"NewsArticle","headline":"California's Slow Progress on Reparations Highlights Need for Deeper Understanding","datePublished":"2024-06-20T06:00:57-07:00","dateModified":"2024-09-09T15:16:54-07:00","image":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png","isAccessibleForFree":"True","publisher":{"@type":"NewsMediaOrganization","@id":"https://www.kqed.org/#organization","name":"KQED","url":"https://www.kqed.org","logo":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png"}}},"source":"Commentary","sticky":false,"nprStoryId":"kqed-11990928","excludeFromSiteSearch":"Include","articleAge":"0","path":"/news/11990928/californias-slow-progress-on-reparations-highlights-need-for-deeper-understanding","audioTrackLength":null,"parsedContent":[{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The quest to understand reparations requires a studious scrutiny of American history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Let’s go back just two weeks. On June 7, \u003cstrong>Annelise Finney\u003c/strong> \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11989301/reparations-efforts-in-alameda-county-stumble-and-try-to-pick-themselves-up\">reported on how far behind the Alameda County commission\u003c/a>, designed to study anti-Black racism and come up with a plan to compensate harmed residents, is in completing its work. The commission, established in March 2023, has barely started and the work was due in July.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s because it took nine months for the \u003cstrong>Alameda County Board of Supervisors\u003c/strong> to appoint the reparations commissioners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We do want to have a sense of urgency, and that’s why I was kind of looking at a year and a half, but maybe I might have been a bit ambitious,” \u003cstrong>Nate Miley,\u003c/strong> the board’s president, told Finney, who has reported on reparations for KQED since 2022.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The idea of providing remuneration to Black people for centuries of enslavement and more than 150 years of systemic, post-emancipation racism reduces some people to blubbering bigots, like the person who emailed Finney the next day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Everything about the blacks is retarded and foul,” the person wrote. “Their extinction would make the world a better place. You can go with them, muggle filth.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those were the only printable lines from the person’s six-email screed that encapsulated the grievances of an uninformed person. They are not alone in needing to be enlightened.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"fullwidth"},"numeric":["fullwidth"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Almost one year ago, the \u003cstrong>California Reparations Task Force\u003c/strong>, the first statewide body to study reparations for Black people, released a landmark report with 115 policy recommendations to address disparities in health and healthcare, education and housing, environmental and criminal justice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The task force did not recommend cash payments. Still, just 43% of Californians had a favorable opinion of the task force, according to \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/blog/californians-racial-attitudes-and-the-reparations-task-force/\">research\u003c/a> published in June 2023 by the \u003cstrong>Public Policy Institute of California\u003c/strong>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We have to change the way we frame reparations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Welcome to the debut of a regular column that will, hopefully, aid audiences in understanding reparations as more than a check. I’m curious to hear your thoughts. Please email me at \u003ca href=\"mailto:otaylor@kqed.org\">otaylor@kqed.org\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I’ll share KQED’s stories from my colleagues, including \u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati\u003c/strong>, \u003cstrong>Lakshmi Sarah\u003c/strong>, \u003cstrong>Manjula Varghese\u003c/strong>, \u003cstrong>Beth LaBerge\u003c/strong> and Finney, among others, who have been \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/reparations\">chronicling the reparations movement\u003c/a> for over two years. With our \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11981271/track-the-success-of-californias-14-reparations-bills-for-black-residents\">reparations tracker\u003c/a>, we’re keeping tabs on 14 reparations bills as they move through the Assembly and the Senate. In May, the state Assembly passed a bill \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11986615/state-assembly-passes-bill-apologizing-for-californias-role-in-supporting-slavery\">apologizing for California’s role in supporting slavery\u003c/a>. I’ll also link stories from other outlets publishing insightful reporting on reparations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11991108\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11991108\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-25_qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-25_qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-25_qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-25_qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-25_qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-25_qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Pearl Devers, Section 14 survivor. Palm Springs, California on May 30, 2024. \u003ccite>(Zaydee Sanchez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>For KQED’s latest coverage, \u003cstrong>Madi Bolanos\u003c/strong>, co-host of KQED’s \u003cstrong>\u003cem>The California Report\u003c/em>\u003c/strong>, traveled to a wealthy city known for its hot springs, luxurious hotels and casinos popular with tourists and snowbirds. But what is less known about is Palm Springs’ history of violent racism against a predominantly Black and Latino neighborhood. Now former residents are seeking reparations. Madi spoke with residents who lived in Section 14, a neighborhood near downtown where 235 structures were burned and 1,000 people were evicted in the 1960s. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11991098/burned-displaced-and-fighting-back-a-battle-for-reparations-in-palm-springs\">Check out Madi’s story, edited by \u003cstrong>Molly Solomon\u003c/strong>, our senior politics editor\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Kamilah Moore\u003c/strong>, who chaired California’s Reparations Task Force, was on the \u003cstrong>\u003cem>Political Breakdown\u003c/em>\u003c/strong> podcast to talk about the bills aimed at education, health care, criminal justice and the approaching deadline for bill passage. Listen to the episode \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11991004/california-reparations-task-force-chair-on-addressing-the-legacy-of-slavery-systemic-racism\">here. \u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>George Floyd’s\u003c/strong> death on May 25, 2020, sparked nationwide uprisings not seen in America since 1967 when outrage over racial injustices boiled over. Even though the social unrest was more than a half-century apart, the catalyst was the same: police brutality. LaBerge, KQED’s staff photographer, captured the protests. See her striking photos, accompanied by my essay, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11987911/how-george-floyds-murder-ignited-solidarity-in-the-streets-and-californias-reparations-movement\">here\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Reparations from Around the Country\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003cstrong>Mother Jones\u003c/strong>\u003c/em>, in collaboration with the \u003cem>\u003cstrong>Center for Public Integrity\u003c/strong>\u003c/em> and \u003cem>\u003cstrong>Reveal\u003c/strong>\u003c/em>, published an incredible project titled \u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"https://www.motherjones.com/politics/2024/06/40-acres-and-a-lie/?utm_source=substack&utm_medium=email\">\u003cem>40 Acres and a Lie\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>, which documents and examines the promise America broke. This is how the project begins: “Black Americans have been demanding compensation and restitution for their suffering since the end of the Civil War. 40 Acres and a Mule remains the nation’s most famous attempt to provide some form of reparations for American slavery. Today, it is largely remembered as a broken promise and an abandoned step toward multiracial democracy.” Read this work, please.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>\u003cem>The Washington Post\u003c/em>\u003c/strong> \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/nation/2024/06/04/evanston-reparations-lawsuit/\">reported\u003c/a> that a conservative advocacy group has filed a class-action lawsuit to kill the reparations program in Evanston, a Chicago suburb, that has paid out nearly $5 million to 193 of the town’s Black residents over the past two years. The lawsuit was inspired by the Supreme Court’s 2023 decision to strike down affirmative action in college admissions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11954302\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11954302\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS63563_008_KQED_DrShirleyWeber_03082023-qut.jpg\" alt=\"A woman with short, curly brown hair, dangly earrings and a red, blue and cream-patterned blouse sits as she poses for a portrait. A calm look on her face. She wears a simple gold pendant necklace.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS63563_008_KQED_DrShirleyWeber_03082023-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS63563_008_KQED_DrShirleyWeber_03082023-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS63563_008_KQED_DrShirleyWeber_03082023-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS63563_008_KQED_DrShirleyWeber_03082023-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS63563_008_KQED_DrShirleyWeber_03082023-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Assemblymember Dr. Shirley Weber poses for a portrait at the Commonwealth Club in San Francisco on March 8, 2023. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003cstrong>The Los Angeles Times\u003c/strong>\u003c/em> \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/la-influential/story/2024-06-09/shirley-weber-reparations-california\">profiled\u003c/a> \u003cstrong>California Secretary of State Shirley Weber\u003c/strong>, referring to her as the Godmother of reparations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Chicago, the \u003cstrong>\u003cem>New York Times\u003c/em>\u003c/strong> \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2024/06/17/us/brandon-johnson-chicago-mayor-reparations-task-force.html\">reported\u003c/a> that \u003cstrong>Mayor Brandon Johnson\u003c/strong> ordered the creation of a task force to study Chicago laws and policies from the enslavement era to today. Once the panel is established, it will have about a year to determine what reparations should look like in the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Members of the \u003cstrong>California Black Legislative Caucus\u003c/strong> are taking reparations on tour to promote reparations bills, \u003cem>\u003cstrong>CalMatters\u003c/strong>\u003c/em> \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2024/06/california-reparations-bills-2/\">reported\u003c/a>. One bill could end forced prison labor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Supreme Court of Oklahoma dismissed a lawsuit seeking reparations brought by the last known survivors of the 1921 \u003cstrong>Tulsa Race Massacre\u003c/strong>, the \u003cstrong>\u003cem>Washington Post\u003c/em>\u003c/strong> \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/history/2024/06/12/tulsa-reparations-lawsuitoklahoma-supreme-court/\">reported\u003c/a>. If you’re unfamiliar with the terrorist act, here’s a brief explanation: A white mob burned a prosperous neighborhood known as \u003cstrong>Black Wall Street\u003c/strong>, decimating a thriving community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003cstrong>Berkeleyside\u003c/strong>\u003c/em> \u003ca href=\"https://www.berkeleyside.org/2024/06/13/a-step-in-the-right-direction-berkeley-task-force-recommends-cash-payments-for-black-students\">reported\u003c/a> that \u003cstrong>Berkeley Unified School District’s\u003c/strong> reparations task force recommended cash payments for Black students. The task force also proposed a curriculum for teaching the history of enslavement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You knew this would happen: Reparations are being used to attack a Black candidate. It happened to \u003cstrong>Rep. Colin Allred (D-Texas)\u003c/strong>, who is challenging \u003cstrong>Sen. Ted Cruz (R-Texas)\u003c/strong>. According to \u003ca href=\"https://www.huffpost.com/entry/colin-allred-ted-cruz-reparations_n_66635e17e4b0bf0f81657967\">reporting\u003c/a> published by the \u003cstrong>\u003cem>Huffington Post\u003c/em>\u003c/strong>, a right-wing political action committee put an ad on TV that features a Latina woman “talking about how hard her family has always worked and how she would resent the government paying African Americans reparations for slavery.” Allred, who supports reparations, isn’t involved in the reparations legislation in Washington.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I wonder if we’ll see this in California because, as the article points out, “Latino residents make up 40% of the population in Texas and, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://www.pewresearch.org/short-reads/2022/11/28/black-and-white-americans-are-far-apart-in-their-views-of-reparations-for-slavery/\">2021 Pew survey\u003c/a>, a significant majority of Latino voters in America oppose reparations.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"floatright"},"numeric":["floatright"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}}],"link":"/news/11990928/californias-slow-progress-on-reparations-highlights-need-for-deeper-understanding","authors":["11770"],"series":["news_34369"],"categories":["news_8"],"tags":["news_30345","news_30652","news_31116","news_27626","news_2923"],"featImg":"news_11991111","label":"source_news_11990928"},"news_11991098":{"type":"posts","id":"news_11991098","meta":{"index":"posts_1716263798","site":"news","id":"11991098","score":null,"sort":[1718816453000]},"guestAuthors":[],"slug":"burned-displaced-and-fighting-back-a-battle-for-reparations-in-palm-springs","title":"Burned, Displaced and Fighting Back: A Battle for Reparations in Palm Springs","publishDate":1718816453,"format":"standard","headTitle":"Burned, Displaced and Fighting Back: A Battle for Reparations in Palm Springs | KQED","labelTerm":{"term":34369,"site":"news"},"content":"\u003cp>The city of Palm Springs is negotiating a settlement deal that would provide reparations for the survivors and descendants of a predominantly Black and brown neighborhood that was burned to the ground by the city to make way for commercial development.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2021, the group filed a claim against the city alleging the evictions were illegal and amounted to a racially motivated attack. Later that year, the city of Palm Springs formally apologized for its role in the demolition of the working class neighborhood known as Section 14.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All the mental suffering and trauma, I still have it. I still feel the trauma and all that happened to us, it was awful,” Margaret Godinez-Genera, 85, said. She spent the first 28 years of her life in Section 14 before fleeing the neighborhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Negotiations were stalled soon after the city apologized, but picked up again this year. In April, the city offered $4.2 million to survivors and descendants in restitution to pay for 145 destroyed homes and damaged belongings. The city’s proposal also includes creating a healing center to honor the group and a community land trust to build affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A state push for reparations\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The offer from Palm Springs comes at a time when cities across the country are acknowledging their role in racist land grabs that displaced families of color and robbed them of generational wealth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California is currently leading a push for reparations for Black Americans who suffered from systemic racism and the legacy of slavery. Earlier this year, state lawmakers introduced a first-in-the nation package of reparations bills, based on two years of work from the California Reparations Task Force. The proposed bills,\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11981271/track-the-success-of-californias-14-reparations-bills-for-black-residents\"> currently moving through the state legislature\u003c/a>, stop just short of direct cash payments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11991111\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11991111\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-55_qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-55_qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-55_qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-55_qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-55_qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-55_qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Billboards about Section 14 can be seen off of freeway I-10 East towards Palm Springs, California. May 30, 2024. \u003ccite>(Zaydee Sanchez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Cities and counties across the state are taking action at a local level, too. In the Bay Area, the city of Hayward apologized for its role in \u003ca href=\"https://kqed.org/news/11897843/decades-after-cultural-genocide-residents-of-a-bulldozed-community-get-apology-from-hayward\">razing Russell City\u003c/a>. In Los Angeles County, the board of supervisors \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2022-07-20/ceremony-marks-official-return-of-bruces-beach\">voted to return Bruce’s Beach back\u003c/a> to the Bruce family, who created a safe haven in Manhattan Beach for Black beachgoers in 1912. The Bruce family later \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2023/01/04/1146879302/bruces-beach-la-county-california\">sold it back to the county for $20 million\u003c/a>. And earlier this year, a bill was introduced in the state Legislature that would provide reparations for Los Angeles \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2024/03/26/us/chavez-ravine-reparations-dodger-stadium.html\">families who were displaced by Dodgers Stadium in the 1950s.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The difference in Palms Springs is that the Section 14 neighborhood sits on tribal land owned by the Agua Caliente Band of Cahuilla Indians. The tribe still owns 31,000 acres of reservation land across Riverside County and is the \u003ca href=\"https://aguacaliente.org/documents/Cahuilla_Territory.pdf\">largest landowner (PDF)\u003c/a> in Palm Springs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in the 1940s, federal laws restricted tribes from leasing their land for more than five years. The short leasing agreement gave developers little reason to invest in that area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, the city’s growing tourism industry was attracting minority and lower-income families to the area. Like many cities across the country, Palm Springs implemented racial housing covenants that prevented non-white residents from living in communities near white residents. Section 14 was one of the only neighborhoods in Palm Springs where people of color could live.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a source of income, the tribe rented the land in Section 14 to the new wave of residents, many of whom were construction workers, gardeners and housekeepers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Black residents fleeing Jim Crow laws and segregation in the south poured into Palm Springs, looking for a fresh start and economic opportunities. Pearl Devers, 73, said her father was one of them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11991112\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11991112\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-52_qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-52_qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-52_qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-52_qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-52_qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-52_qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The city of Palm Springs California known for its resorts and vocational luxurious attractions. May 30, 2024. \u003ccite>(Zaydee Sanchez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“He was a carpenter who built the hospital where my two siblings and I were born in Palm Springs,” she said. “And he also built our home here in Section 14.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Section 14 neighborhood quickly became home to the city’s Black and Latino residents, who described it as a peaceful multicultural community.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A ‘city-engineered holocaust’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Things began to change around 1959, when a federal law opened up leasing agreements for certain tribes, including the Agua Caliente tribe, from five years to 99 years. The longer lease terms and centrally located land under Section 14 became more attractive to the city of Palm Springs and developers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By then, the city had begun \u003ca href=\"https://www.americanindianmagazine.org/story/section-14\">evicting people from the neighborhood\u003c/a> under a Conservatorship and Guardian program it had with members of the tribe, which forced tribe property owners to pay for court-appointed conservators to control the land, according to an article in the Smithsonian’s \u003cem>American Indian\u003c/em> magazine. The tribe did not respond to several requests for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11991120\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 1186px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11991120\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Image-6-19-24-at-7.48%E2%80%AFAM-scaled-e1718808624464.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1186\" height=\"942\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Image-6-19-24-at-7.48 AM-scaled-e1718808624464.jpg 1186w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Image-6-19-24-at-7.48 AM-scaled-e1718808624464-800x635.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Image-6-19-24-at-7.48 AM-scaled-e1718808624464-1020x810.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Image-6-19-24-at-7.48 AM-scaled-e1718808624464-160x127.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1186px) 100vw, 1186px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A church being bulldozed in the Section 14 neighborhood in Palm Springs that was destroyed during a controlled-burn abatement in the 1960s, displacing as many as 1,000 people. \u003ccite>(City of Palm Springs)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The city then directed its fire department to demolish homes and storefronts in the neighborhood. According to city documents, a total of 235 structures were bulldozed and burned to the ground from 1965 to 1967.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://thinkpunkgirl.com/wp-content/uploads/2022/09/Section-14_Palm-Springs.pdf\">1968 report (PDF)\u003c/a> from the state’s attorney general described it as a “city-engineered holocaust.” It found that the city did not give eviction notices to all the residents whose homes were burned down by the fire department. And in many cases when residents did receive an eviction notice, the city did not honor the 30-day eviction period. Nearly 1,000 residents were displaced and were never paid for their losses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Margaret Godinez-Genera, 85, grew up in Section 14.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her parents met in a neighboring town before moving to Palm Springs. They were part of the working class community that helped build Palm Springs into a luxurious vacation spot for Hollywood’s elite. Her father worked in construction, and her mother, a housekeeper, cleaned houses for celebrities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11991103\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11991103\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-22_qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-22_qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-22_qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-22_qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-22_qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-22_qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">‘When I am on these grounds my mind immediately recalls my mother’s house,’ says Section 14 survivor, Margaret Godinez-Genera. Palm Springs, California on May 30, 2024. \u003ccite>(Zaydee Sanchez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>After struggling to find housing anywhere else in the city, they moved into Section 14.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They bought a one bedroom and then my dad added the other bedrooms, and he made the kitchen bigger. He added a bathroom to it.” Godinez-Genera said. She lived there with her parents and two siblings. As a child, Gondinez-Genera said they would spend time in the city’s downtown and their local catholic church.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We used to have Mexican fiestas,” she said. “We would even have movie stars come to our fiestas. They were so big. And they would come to our church, too. Paul Newman, Trini Lopez.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11991114\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11991114\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-14_qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-14_qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-14_qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-14_qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-14_qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-14_qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A picture of Margaret and her husband, Eliberto, on their wedding day, along with Margaret’s parents. Palm Springs, California on May 30, 2024. \u003ccite>(Zaydee Sanchez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>That church is also where she met her husband. They married in 1961 before renting a home across the street from her parents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We were just living our lives and helping the city,” she said. “We were workers, babysitters, veterans, all kinds of essential workers here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But despite their efforts to become contributing members of the Palm Springs community, Godinez-Genera said they faced a lot of racism. In addition to being confined to one part of the city, she remembers being afraid to walk into certain restaurants, fearing she would get kicked out just for being Mexican.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Around 1967, Godinez-Genera had heard rumors that people were being evicted, but said she and her husband never received any type of notice. But then one day, she woke up to the smell of smoke. It was coming from her neighbor’s home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11991119\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 1173px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11991119\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Image-6-19-24-at-7.44%E2%80%AFAM-scaled-e1718808462793.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1173\" height=\"908\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Image-6-19-24-at-7.44 AM-scaled-e1718808462793.jpg 1173w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Image-6-19-24-at-7.44 AM-scaled-e1718808462793-800x619.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Image-6-19-24-at-7.44 AM-scaled-e1718808462793-1020x790.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Image-6-19-24-at-7.44 AM-scaled-e1718808462793-160x124.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1173px) 100vw, 1173px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A burnt house being bulldozed in the Section 14 neighborhood in Palm Springs. \u003ccite>(Courtesy City of Palm Springs)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“I saw my neighbor’s houses burning and the bulldozers that would come. You could hear that loud noise from them.” she said. “Children were crying, it was horrible. It was like a war movie.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Godinez-Genera and her husband packed their car with their belongings and their two young boys. To this day, she regrets leaving behind her son’s favorite rocking horse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pearl Devers, 73, also grew up in the neighborhood. Her mother was a domestic worker for celebrities like Lucille Ball and the Amelia Earhart family.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Devers said when the evictions started, she was too young to understand what was happening. But she does remember having to leave the neighborhood with her mom and two siblings. Her dad stayed behind in Section 14 to protect their home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It crushed him. He began to drink and literally succumbed to alcoholism,” Devers said. “He died a brokenhearted man and my mom ended up being a single mom to fend for the rest of us.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11991108\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11991108\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-25_qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-25_qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-25_qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-25_qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-25_qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-25_qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Pearl Devers, Section 14 survivor. Palm Springs, California on May 30, 2024. \u003ccite>(Zaydee Sanchez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Her father tried to get a loan to move their home to another area but was denied because he was Black.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Devers said the money from their family home could have helped pay for her and her sister’s college tuition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State Sen. Steven Bradford, a member of California’s Legislative Black Caucus, prioritized a package of bills, including one that would help compensate Black families who had property taken from them by the government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They have denied these families generational wealth. These families could have all these homes for over 60 years now on this property,” Bradford said. “l imagine the value that they would have, the equity that they’ll have in this property. And, they’ve been denied that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘Right the wrongs of the past’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Now in her 70s, Devers is leading the group of survivors and descendants seeking restitution for the generational wealth they say was stolen from them by the city of Palm Springs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The reality is we are very much focused on what happened in Palm Springs and how we can right the wrongs of the past, address the inequities of the time, and really move forward in a healing way,” said Palm Springs Mayor Jeffrey Bernstein.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_11990648,news_11980366,news_11975100\"]Still the city’s offer of $4.2 million is just a fraction of what they’re owed, said civil rights attorney Areva Martin, who represents the group. Her firm’s calculations are upward of $105 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At issue is the number and value of destroyed homes, and how many people were affected by the evictions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We know how many homes were abated. We have court records to show the value. We did estimate the value of personal property on the high end and then came up with the present day value. So we are very confident that our number is accurate,” Bernstein said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, Martin disputes the city’s analysis. Her law firm used oral testimonies from the survivors and descendants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There is well-established, data and proof that Black, brown, indigenous populations were undercounted. So if anything, my client’s statements are even far more credible than any documents that the city would produce,” Martin said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11991117\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11991117\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-48_qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-48_qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-48_qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-48_qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-48_qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-48_qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Our Lady of Guadalupe Catholic church in the Section 14 neighborhood in Palm Springs, California on May 30, 2024. \u003ccite>(Zaydee Sanchez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The city and the Section 14 Survivors group are still engaged in reaching a deal. But not everybody in Palm Springs supports the move toward compensation. A small group of residents known as Friends of Frank Bogert, have formed to protect Bogert’s reputation, who was mayor at the time of the evictions. They argue Bogert did make a concerted effort to provide resources and housing to the residents in Section 14. In 2022, the city removed a statue of the former mayor from outside city hall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You’re not going to make everybody 100% happy and get everything they want,” Mayor Bernstein said in response to the group’s concerns. “I think much of what the friends of the mayor at the time are really objecting to is the tarnishing of his name. So I think in my view, the more that we can do to address everybody’s healing and hurting, the better it will be for the city going forward.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Devers, moving forward means addressing the financial and emotional harm caused by the city. Harm that former residents like her still feel today.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We just want the city to make this right, heal the survivors, heal the descendants, heal the city and the reputation of the beautiful city, so that we can move forward,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n","blocks":[],"excerpt":"Negotiations continue over some type of compensation for Black and Latino residents who were burned out of their neighborhood 60 years ago. How the city of Palm Springs chooses to move forward could set a national precedent for reparations. ","status":"publish","parent":0,"modified":1725920218,"stats":{"hasAudio":false,"hasVideo":false,"hasChartOrMap":false,"iframeSrcs":[],"hasGoogleForm":false,"hasGallery":false,"hasHearkenModule":false,"hasPolis":false,"paragraphCount":49,"wordCount":2200},"headData":{"title":"Burned, Displaced and Fighting Back: A Battle for Reparations in Palm Springs | KQED","description":"Negotiations continue over some type of compensation for Black and Latino residents who were burned out of their neighborhood 60 years ago. How the city of Palm Springs chooses to move forward could set a national precedent for reparations. ","ogTitle":"","ogDescription":"","ogImgId":"","twTitle":"","twDescription":"","twImgId":"","schema":{"@context":"http://schema.org","@type":"NewsArticle","headline":"Burned, Displaced and Fighting Back: A Battle for Reparations in Palm Springs","datePublished":"2024-06-19T10:00:53-07:00","dateModified":"2024-09-09T15:16:58-07:00","image":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png","isAccessibleForFree":"True","publisher":{"@type":"NewsMediaOrganization","@id":"https://www.kqed.org/#organization","name":"KQED","url":"https://www.kqed.org","logo":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png"}}},"audioUrl":"https://traffic.omny.fm/d/clips/0af137ef-751e-4b19-a055-aaef00d2d578/ffca7e9f-6831-4[…]f-aaef00f5a073/72bbbc65-4295-4a84-8571-b19201079f4b/audio.mp3","sticky":false,"nprStoryId":"kqed-11991098","excludeFromSiteSearch":"Include","articleAge":"0","path":"/news/11991098/burned-displaced-and-fighting-back-a-battle-for-reparations-in-palm-springs","audioTrackLength":null,"parsedContent":[{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The city of Palm Springs is negotiating a settlement deal that would provide reparations for the survivors and descendants of a predominantly Black and brown neighborhood that was burned to the ground by the city to make way for commercial development.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2021, the group filed a claim against the city alleging the evictions were illegal and amounted to a racially motivated attack. Later that year, the city of Palm Springs formally apologized for its role in the demolition of the working class neighborhood known as Section 14.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All the mental suffering and trauma, I still have it. I still feel the trauma and all that happened to us, it was awful,” Margaret Godinez-Genera, 85, said. She spent the first 28 years of her life in Section 14 before fleeing the neighborhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"fullwidth"},"numeric":["fullwidth"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Negotiations were stalled soon after the city apologized, but picked up again this year. In April, the city offered $4.2 million to survivors and descendants in restitution to pay for 145 destroyed homes and damaged belongings. The city’s proposal also includes creating a healing center to honor the group and a community land trust to build affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A state push for reparations\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The offer from Palm Springs comes at a time when cities across the country are acknowledging their role in racist land grabs that displaced families of color and robbed them of generational wealth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California is currently leading a push for reparations for Black Americans who suffered from systemic racism and the legacy of slavery. Earlier this year, state lawmakers introduced a first-in-the nation package of reparations bills, based on two years of work from the California Reparations Task Force. The proposed bills,\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11981271/track-the-success-of-californias-14-reparations-bills-for-black-residents\"> currently moving through the state legislature\u003c/a>, stop just short of direct cash payments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11991111\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11991111\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-55_qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-55_qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-55_qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-55_qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-55_qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-55_qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Billboards about Section 14 can be seen off of freeway I-10 East towards Palm Springs, California. May 30, 2024. \u003ccite>(Zaydee Sanchez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Cities and counties across the state are taking action at a local level, too. In the Bay Area, the city of Hayward apologized for its role in \u003ca href=\"https://kqed.org/news/11897843/decades-after-cultural-genocide-residents-of-a-bulldozed-community-get-apology-from-hayward\">razing Russell City\u003c/a>. In Los Angeles County, the board of supervisors \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2022-07-20/ceremony-marks-official-return-of-bruces-beach\">voted to return Bruce’s Beach back\u003c/a> to the Bruce family, who created a safe haven in Manhattan Beach for Black beachgoers in 1912. The Bruce family later \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2023/01/04/1146879302/bruces-beach-la-county-california\">sold it back to the county for $20 million\u003c/a>. And earlier this year, a bill was introduced in the state Legislature that would provide reparations for Los Angeles \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2024/03/26/us/chavez-ravine-reparations-dodger-stadium.html\">families who were displaced by Dodgers Stadium in the 1950s.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The difference in Palms Springs is that the Section 14 neighborhood sits on tribal land owned by the Agua Caliente Band of Cahuilla Indians. The tribe still owns 31,000 acres of reservation land across Riverside County and is the \u003ca href=\"https://aguacaliente.org/documents/Cahuilla_Territory.pdf\">largest landowner (PDF)\u003c/a> in Palm Springs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in the 1940s, federal laws restricted tribes from leasing their land for more than five years. The short leasing agreement gave developers little reason to invest in that area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, the city’s growing tourism industry was attracting minority and lower-income families to the area. Like many cities across the country, Palm Springs implemented racial housing covenants that prevented non-white residents from living in communities near white residents. Section 14 was one of the only neighborhoods in Palm Springs where people of color could live.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a source of income, the tribe rented the land in Section 14 to the new wave of residents, many of whom were construction workers, gardeners and housekeepers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Black residents fleeing Jim Crow laws and segregation in the south poured into Palm Springs, looking for a fresh start and economic opportunities. Pearl Devers, 73, said her father was one of them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11991112\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11991112\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-52_qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-52_qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-52_qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-52_qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-52_qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-52_qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The city of Palm Springs California known for its resorts and vocational luxurious attractions. May 30, 2024. \u003ccite>(Zaydee Sanchez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“He was a carpenter who built the hospital where my two siblings and I were born in Palm Springs,” she said. “And he also built our home here in Section 14.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Section 14 neighborhood quickly became home to the city’s Black and Latino residents, who described it as a peaceful multicultural community.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A ‘city-engineered holocaust’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Things began to change around 1959, when a federal law opened up leasing agreements for certain tribes, including the Agua Caliente tribe, from five years to 99 years. The longer lease terms and centrally located land under Section 14 became more attractive to the city of Palm Springs and developers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By then, the city had begun \u003ca href=\"https://www.americanindianmagazine.org/story/section-14\">evicting people from the neighborhood\u003c/a> under a Conservatorship and Guardian program it had with members of the tribe, which forced tribe property owners to pay for court-appointed conservators to control the land, according to an article in the Smithsonian’s \u003cem>American Indian\u003c/em> magazine. The tribe did not respond to several requests for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11991120\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 1186px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11991120\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Image-6-19-24-at-7.48%E2%80%AFAM-scaled-e1718808624464.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1186\" height=\"942\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Image-6-19-24-at-7.48 AM-scaled-e1718808624464.jpg 1186w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Image-6-19-24-at-7.48 AM-scaled-e1718808624464-800x635.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Image-6-19-24-at-7.48 AM-scaled-e1718808624464-1020x810.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Image-6-19-24-at-7.48 AM-scaled-e1718808624464-160x127.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1186px) 100vw, 1186px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A church being bulldozed in the Section 14 neighborhood in Palm Springs that was destroyed during a controlled-burn abatement in the 1960s, displacing as many as 1,000 people. \u003ccite>(City of Palm Springs)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The city then directed its fire department to demolish homes and storefronts in the neighborhood. According to city documents, a total of 235 structures were bulldozed and burned to the ground from 1965 to 1967.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://thinkpunkgirl.com/wp-content/uploads/2022/09/Section-14_Palm-Springs.pdf\">1968 report (PDF)\u003c/a> from the state’s attorney general described it as a “city-engineered holocaust.” It found that the city did not give eviction notices to all the residents whose homes were burned down by the fire department. And in many cases when residents did receive an eviction notice, the city did not honor the 30-day eviction period. Nearly 1,000 residents were displaced and were never paid for their losses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Margaret Godinez-Genera, 85, grew up in Section 14.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her parents met in a neighboring town before moving to Palm Springs. They were part of the working class community that helped build Palm Springs into a luxurious vacation spot for Hollywood’s elite. Her father worked in construction, and her mother, a housekeeper, cleaned houses for celebrities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11991103\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11991103\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-22_qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-22_qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-22_qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-22_qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-22_qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-22_qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">‘When I am on these grounds my mind immediately recalls my mother’s house,’ says Section 14 survivor, Margaret Godinez-Genera. Palm Springs, California on May 30, 2024. \u003ccite>(Zaydee Sanchez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>After struggling to find housing anywhere else in the city, they moved into Section 14.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They bought a one bedroom and then my dad added the other bedrooms, and he made the kitchen bigger. He added a bathroom to it.” Godinez-Genera said. She lived there with her parents and two siblings. As a child, Gondinez-Genera said they would spend time in the city’s downtown and their local catholic church.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We used to have Mexican fiestas,” she said. “We would even have movie stars come to our fiestas. They were so big. And they would come to our church, too. Paul Newman, Trini Lopez.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11991114\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11991114\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-14_qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-14_qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-14_qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-14_qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-14_qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-14_qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A picture of Margaret and her husband, Eliberto, on their wedding day, along with Margaret’s parents. Palm Springs, California on May 30, 2024. \u003ccite>(Zaydee Sanchez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>That church is also where she met her husband. They married in 1961 before renting a home across the street from her parents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We were just living our lives and helping the city,” she said. “We were workers, babysitters, veterans, all kinds of essential workers here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But despite their efforts to become contributing members of the Palm Springs community, Godinez-Genera said they faced a lot of racism. In addition to being confined to one part of the city, she remembers being afraid to walk into certain restaurants, fearing she would get kicked out just for being Mexican.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Around 1967, Godinez-Genera had heard rumors that people were being evicted, but said she and her husband never received any type of notice. But then one day, she woke up to the smell of smoke. It was coming from her neighbor’s home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11991119\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 1173px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11991119\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Image-6-19-24-at-7.44%E2%80%AFAM-scaled-e1718808462793.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1173\" height=\"908\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Image-6-19-24-at-7.44 AM-scaled-e1718808462793.jpg 1173w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Image-6-19-24-at-7.44 AM-scaled-e1718808462793-800x619.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Image-6-19-24-at-7.44 AM-scaled-e1718808462793-1020x790.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Image-6-19-24-at-7.44 AM-scaled-e1718808462793-160x124.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1173px) 100vw, 1173px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A burnt house being bulldozed in the Section 14 neighborhood in Palm Springs. \u003ccite>(Courtesy City of Palm Springs)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“I saw my neighbor’s houses burning and the bulldozers that would come. You could hear that loud noise from them.” she said. “Children were crying, it was horrible. It was like a war movie.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Godinez-Genera and her husband packed their car with their belongings and their two young boys. To this day, she regrets leaving behind her son’s favorite rocking horse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pearl Devers, 73, also grew up in the neighborhood. Her mother was a domestic worker for celebrities like Lucille Ball and the Amelia Earhart family.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Devers said when the evictions started, she was too young to understand what was happening. But she does remember having to leave the neighborhood with her mom and two siblings. Her dad stayed behind in Section 14 to protect their home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It crushed him. He began to drink and literally succumbed to alcoholism,” Devers said. “He died a brokenhearted man and my mom ended up being a single mom to fend for the rest of us.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11991108\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11991108\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-25_qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-25_qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-25_qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-25_qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-25_qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-25_qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Pearl Devers, Section 14 survivor. Palm Springs, California on May 30, 2024. \u003ccite>(Zaydee Sanchez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Her father tried to get a loan to move their home to another area but was denied because he was Black.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Devers said the money from their family home could have helped pay for her and her sister’s college tuition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State Sen. Steven Bradford, a member of California’s Legislative Black Caucus, prioritized a package of bills, including one that would help compensate Black families who had property taken from them by the government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They have denied these families generational wealth. These families could have all these homes for over 60 years now on this property,” Bradford said. “l imagine the value that they would have, the equity that they’ll have in this property. And, they’ve been denied that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘Right the wrongs of the past’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Now in her 70s, Devers is leading the group of survivors and descendants seeking restitution for the generational wealth they say was stolen from them by the city of Palm Springs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The reality is we are very much focused on what happened in Palm Springs and how we can right the wrongs of the past, address the inequities of the time, and really move forward in a healing way,” said Palm Springs Mayor Jeffrey Bernstein.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"aside","attributes":{"named":{"label":"Related Stories ","postid":"news_11990648,news_11980366,news_11975100"},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Still the city’s offer of $4.2 million is just a fraction of what they’re owed, said civil rights attorney Areva Martin, who represents the group. Her firm’s calculations are upward of $105 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At issue is the number and value of destroyed homes, and how many people were affected by the evictions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We know how many homes were abated. We have court records to show the value. We did estimate the value of personal property on the high end and then came up with the present day value. So we are very confident that our number is accurate,” Bernstein said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, Martin disputes the city’s analysis. Her law firm used oral testimonies from the survivors and descendants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There is well-established, data and proof that Black, brown, indigenous populations were undercounted. So if anything, my client’s statements are even far more credible than any documents that the city would produce,” Martin said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11991117\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11991117\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-48_qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-48_qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-48_qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-48_qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-48_qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-48_qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Our Lady of Guadalupe Catholic church in the Section 14 neighborhood in Palm Springs, California on May 30, 2024. \u003ccite>(Zaydee Sanchez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The city and the Section 14 Survivors group are still engaged in reaching a deal. But not everybody in Palm Springs supports the move toward compensation. A small group of residents known as Friends of Frank Bogert, have formed to protect Bogert’s reputation, who was mayor at the time of the evictions. They argue Bogert did make a concerted effort to provide resources and housing to the residents in Section 14. In 2022, the city removed a statue of the former mayor from outside city hall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You’re not going to make everybody 100% happy and get everything they want,” Mayor Bernstein said in response to the group’s concerns. “I think much of what the friends of the mayor at the time are really objecting to is the tarnishing of his name. So I think in my view, the more that we can do to address everybody’s healing and hurting, the better it will be for the city going forward.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Devers, moving forward means addressing the financial and emotional harm caused by the city. Harm that former residents like her still feel today.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We just want the city to make this right, heal the survivors, heal the descendants, heal the city and the reputation of the beautiful city, so that we can move forward,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"floatright"},"numeric":["floatright"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}}],"link":"/news/11991098/burned-displaced-and-fighting-back-a-battle-for-reparations-in-palm-springs","authors":["11895"],"series":["news_34369"],"categories":["news_8"],"tags":["news_30652","news_27626","news_20086","news_17968","news_2923","news_21998"],"featImg":"news_11991101","label":"news_34369"},"news_11989301":{"type":"posts","id":"news_11989301","meta":{"index":"posts_1716263798","site":"news","id":"11989301","score":null,"sort":[1717768843000]},"guestAuthors":[],"slug":"reparations-efforts-in-alameda-county-stumble-and-try-to-pick-themselves-up","title":"Reparations Efforts in Alameda County Stumble and Try to Pick Themselves Up","publishDate":1717768843,"format":"standard","headTitle":"Reparations Efforts in Alameda County Stumble and Try to Pick Themselves Up | KQED","labelTerm":{"term":34369,"site":"news"},"content":"\u003cp>An Alameda County commission designed to study anti-Black racism and come up with a plan to compensate harmed residents was expected to complete its work by this July. Instead, it has hardly started.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Created in March 2023, the 15-member body is now asking for two more years and $5 million in funding to get the job done.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though county government moves slowly in a normal year, decisions kicked down the road during the COVID-19 pandemic and months spent handling the recall of the Alameda County District Attorney Pamela Price have slowed the county’s decision-making process to a crawl, according to Nate Miley, president of the Board of Supervisors and author of the resolution that created the Reparations Commission.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This resulted in glacial progress on some of the county’s most highly anticipated initiatives, including the launch of its Elections Commission, the creation of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11988941/alameda-county-again-delays-vote-to-create-civilian-oversight-of-sheriff\">civilian oversight of the county sheriff\u003c/a> and its Reparations Commission. For instance, it took nine months for county supervisors to appoint the reparations commissioners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I didn’t think it would take as long to get people appointed,” Miley told KQED. “We do want to have a sense of urgency, and that’s why I was kind of looking at a year and a half, but maybe I might have been a bit ambitious.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The commission was borne out of two Board of Supervisors resolutions — in \u003ca href=\"https://www.acgov.org/board/bos_calendar/documents/DocsAgendaReg_06_07_11/PROCLAMATIONS_COMMENDATIONS/Carson_Miley_Slavery_of_African_Americans.pdf\">2011\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://cao-94612.s3.amazonaws.com/documents/Supervisor-Miley_302233.pdf\">2020\u003c/a> — that apologized for the enslavement and racial segregation of Black Americans. The second vowed the county would examine the role it played in perpetuating discrimination against Black residents and come up with a plan to compensate them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alameda County wasn’t \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11987911/how-george-floyds-murder-ignited-solidarity-in-the-streets-and-californias-reparations-movement\">the only one to take up the idea of reparations at that time\u003c/a>, in the aftermath of the murder of George Floyd by a police officer in Minnesota. Its commission was designed to be a local facsimile of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11948198/examining-reparations-and-the-historical-harms-of-slavery-and-racism-in-california\">the statewide reparations task force\u003c/a>, which studied the history of state-sanctioned discrimination against Black residents for two years and submitted \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/ab3121/report\">a plan\u003c/a> including over 100 policy proposals to the state Legislature last June. When the Alameda County commissioners began meeting in December 2023, one of their first actions was to study the landscape of reparations efforts nationwide and define their scope within it.[aside postID=news_11981271 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/AP24032786348814-1020x680.jpg']“We are trying not to recreate the wheel,” Debra Gore-Mann, president and CEO of Oakland racial justice organization the Greenlining Institute, told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In looking at other reparations projects, Gore-Mann said the Alameda County Commission quickly realized it didn’t have sufficient support or time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a meeting on May 30, Gore-Mann asked supervisors for a dedicated staff, approval to make formal partnerships with Bay Area institutions, and a new deadline of June 30, 2026, to complete their work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The commission also asked for a budget of about $5 million, dwarfing the initial budget allocation of approximately $51,000. The requested budget would support research, public outreach and community listening sessions over the next two years. Commission members currently receive a $50 stipend for each meeting they attend.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think $5 million is a hefty amount of funding,” Miley said, pointing to the county’s budget deficit, projected to reach between $70 million to $100 million this year. He added that getting a board response to budget and other support requests could take months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the meantime, Gore-Mann is concerned the commission will lose its progress so far as faith in the county’s commitment to reparations falters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Without a sense of what resources might be available, it’s hard to keep commissioners engaged,” Gore-Mann said at the May meeting, adding the timeline extension alone might cause commissioners to drop off.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those concerned about the waning urgency for racial justice initiatives need only look as far as the Alameda County city of Hayward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11989386\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11989386\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/008_Hayward_RussellCity_12022021_qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/008_Hayward_RussellCity_12022021_qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/008_Hayward_RussellCity_12022021_qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/008_Hayward_RussellCity_12022021_qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/008_Hayward_RussellCity_12022021_qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/008_Hayward_RussellCity_12022021_qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A mural at A Street and Maple Court in Hayward on Dec. 2, 2021, pays tribute to Russell City. Mural artists are Joshua Powell, assisted by Wythe Bowart, Nicole Pierret and Brent McHugh. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>There, the \u003ca href=\"https://hayward-ca.gov/russell-city-reparative-justice-project\">Russell City Reparative Justice Project\u003c/a> steering committee set out to study the local government’s role in the destruction of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11897843/decades-after-cultural-genocide-residents-of-a-bulldozed-community-get-apology-from-hayward\">Russell City \u003c/a>— a bayside enclave of mostly Black and Latino residents who were forced from their homes in the 1960s using eminent domain. In March, the committee delivered \u003ca href=\"https://hayward.legistar.com/View.ashx?M=F&ID=12787993&GUID=35DDA5EF-2A11-41BE-BD42-04AEB8E2F94D\">a 26-part plan for reparations\u003c/a> to the city council, including guaranteed basic income for surviving former residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since then, there’s been little movement toward making those recommendations a reality. At a meeting on May 20, some former Russell City residents expressed concern that compensation from the city may not be found in their lifetimes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Steering committee chair Aisha Knowles is more optimistic. She said the committee may have disbanded, but their work is far from done.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Of course, people are going to be frustrated,” Knowles, whose father grew up in Russell City, told KQED. “But it also means people are listening. If nobody was saying anything, I would wonder what was going on. But because people are expressing joy, frustration, confusion, it means that work is in progress.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Knowles said she hopes the county commission might partner with Hayward to move the Russell City reparations project forward. If the pace of the Alameda County Commission’s work so far is any indication, she and Russell City’s former residents might be waiting a long time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n","blocks":[],"excerpt":"The Alameda County Reparations Commission is asking for two more years and $5 million in funding to get the job done after a slow start.","status":"publish","parent":0,"modified":1725920223,"stats":{"hasAudio":false,"hasVideo":false,"hasChartOrMap":false,"iframeSrcs":[],"hasGoogleForm":false,"hasGallery":false,"hasHearkenModule":false,"hasPolis":false,"paragraphCount":21,"wordCount":950},"headData":{"title":"Reparations Efforts in Alameda County Stumble and Try to Pick Themselves Up | KQED","description":"The Alameda County Reparations Commission is asking for two more years and $5 million in funding to get the job done after a slow start.","ogTitle":"","ogDescription":"","ogImgId":"","twTitle":"","twDescription":"","twImgId":"","schema":{"@context":"http://schema.org","@type":"NewsArticle","headline":"Reparations Efforts in Alameda County Stumble and Try to Pick Themselves Up","datePublished":"2024-06-07T07:00:43-07:00","dateModified":"2024-09-09T15:17:03-07:00","image":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png","isAccessibleForFree":"True","publisher":{"@type":"NewsMediaOrganization","@id":"https://www.kqed.org/#organization","name":"KQED","url":"https://www.kqed.org","logo":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png"}}},"sticky":false,"nprStoryId":"kqed-11989301","excludeFromSiteSearch":"Include","articleAge":"0","path":"/news/11989301/reparations-efforts-in-alameda-county-stumble-and-try-to-pick-themselves-up","audioTrackLength":null,"parsedContent":[{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>An Alameda County commission designed to study anti-Black racism and come up with a plan to compensate harmed residents was expected to complete its work by this July. Instead, it has hardly started.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Created in March 2023, the 15-member body is now asking for two more years and $5 million in funding to get the job done.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though county government moves slowly in a normal year, decisions kicked down the road during the COVID-19 pandemic and months spent handling the recall of the Alameda County District Attorney Pamela Price have slowed the county’s decision-making process to a crawl, according to Nate Miley, president of the Board of Supervisors and author of the resolution that created the Reparations Commission.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"fullwidth"},"numeric":["fullwidth"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This resulted in glacial progress on some of the county’s most highly anticipated initiatives, including the launch of its Elections Commission, the creation of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11988941/alameda-county-again-delays-vote-to-create-civilian-oversight-of-sheriff\">civilian oversight of the county sheriff\u003c/a> and its Reparations Commission. For instance, it took nine months for county supervisors to appoint the reparations commissioners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I didn’t think it would take as long to get people appointed,” Miley told KQED. “We do want to have a sense of urgency, and that’s why I was kind of looking at a year and a half, but maybe I might have been a bit ambitious.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The commission was borne out of two Board of Supervisors resolutions — in \u003ca href=\"https://www.acgov.org/board/bos_calendar/documents/DocsAgendaReg_06_07_11/PROCLAMATIONS_COMMENDATIONS/Carson_Miley_Slavery_of_African_Americans.pdf\">2011\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://cao-94612.s3.amazonaws.com/documents/Supervisor-Miley_302233.pdf\">2020\u003c/a> — that apologized for the enslavement and racial segregation of Black Americans. The second vowed the county would examine the role it played in perpetuating discrimination against Black residents and come up with a plan to compensate them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alameda County wasn’t \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11987911/how-george-floyds-murder-ignited-solidarity-in-the-streets-and-californias-reparations-movement\">the only one to take up the idea of reparations at that time\u003c/a>, in the aftermath of the murder of George Floyd by a police officer in Minnesota. Its commission was designed to be a local facsimile of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11948198/examining-reparations-and-the-historical-harms-of-slavery-and-racism-in-california\">the statewide reparations task force\u003c/a>, which studied the history of state-sanctioned discrimination against Black residents for two years and submitted \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/ab3121/report\">a plan\u003c/a> including over 100 policy proposals to the state Legislature last June. When the Alameda County commissioners began meeting in December 2023, one of their first actions was to study the landscape of reparations efforts nationwide and define their scope within it.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"aside","attributes":{"named":{"postid":"news_11981271","hero":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/AP24032786348814-1020x680.jpg","label":""},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“We are trying not to recreate the wheel,” Debra Gore-Mann, president and CEO of Oakland racial justice organization the Greenlining Institute, told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In looking at other reparations projects, Gore-Mann said the Alameda County Commission quickly realized it didn’t have sufficient support or time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a meeting on May 30, Gore-Mann asked supervisors for a dedicated staff, approval to make formal partnerships with Bay Area institutions, and a new deadline of June 30, 2026, to complete their work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The commission also asked for a budget of about $5 million, dwarfing the initial budget allocation of approximately $51,000. The requested budget would support research, public outreach and community listening sessions over the next two years. Commission members currently receive a $50 stipend for each meeting they attend.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think $5 million is a hefty amount of funding,” Miley said, pointing to the county’s budget deficit, projected to reach between $70 million to $100 million this year. He added that getting a board response to budget and other support requests could take months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the meantime, Gore-Mann is concerned the commission will lose its progress so far as faith in the county’s commitment to reparations falters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Without a sense of what resources might be available, it’s hard to keep commissioners engaged,” Gore-Mann said at the May meeting, adding the timeline extension alone might cause commissioners to drop off.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those concerned about the waning urgency for racial justice initiatives need only look as far as the Alameda County city of Hayward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11989386\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11989386\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/008_Hayward_RussellCity_12022021_qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/008_Hayward_RussellCity_12022021_qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/008_Hayward_RussellCity_12022021_qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/008_Hayward_RussellCity_12022021_qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/008_Hayward_RussellCity_12022021_qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/008_Hayward_RussellCity_12022021_qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A mural at A Street and Maple Court in Hayward on Dec. 2, 2021, pays tribute to Russell City. Mural artists are Joshua Powell, assisted by Wythe Bowart, Nicole Pierret and Brent McHugh. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>There, the \u003ca href=\"https://hayward-ca.gov/russell-city-reparative-justice-project\">Russell City Reparative Justice Project\u003c/a> steering committee set out to study the local government’s role in the destruction of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11897843/decades-after-cultural-genocide-residents-of-a-bulldozed-community-get-apology-from-hayward\">Russell City \u003c/a>— a bayside enclave of mostly Black and Latino residents who were forced from their homes in the 1960s using eminent domain. In March, the committee delivered \u003ca href=\"https://hayward.legistar.com/View.ashx?M=F&ID=12787993&GUID=35DDA5EF-2A11-41BE-BD42-04AEB8E2F94D\">a 26-part plan for reparations\u003c/a> to the city council, including guaranteed basic income for surviving former residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since then, there’s been little movement toward making those recommendations a reality. At a meeting on May 20, some former Russell City residents expressed concern that compensation from the city may not be found in their lifetimes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Steering committee chair Aisha Knowles is more optimistic. She said the committee may have disbanded, but their work is far from done.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Of course, people are going to be frustrated,” Knowles, whose father grew up in Russell City, told KQED. “But it also means people are listening. If nobody was saying anything, I would wonder what was going on. But because people are expressing joy, frustration, confusion, it means that work is in progress.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Knowles said she hopes the county commission might partner with Hayward to move the Russell City reparations project forward. If the pace of the Alameda County Commission’s work so far is any indication, she and Russell City’s former residents might be waiting a long time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}}],"link":"/news/11989301/reparations-efforts-in-alameda-county-stumble-and-try-to-pick-themselves-up","authors":["11772"],"series":["news_34369"],"categories":["news_8"],"tags":["news_260","news_33461","news_30652","news_24461","news_2923","news_30320"],"featImg":"news_11989385","label":"news_34369"},"news_11987911":{"type":"posts","id":"news_11987911","meta":{"index":"posts_1716263798","site":"news","id":"11987911","score":null,"sort":[1716980446000]},"guestAuthors":[],"slug":"how-george-floyds-murder-ignited-solidarity-in-the-streets-and-californias-reparations-movement","title":"How George Floyd's Murder Ignited Solidarity in the Streets and California's Reparations Movement","publishDate":1716980446,"format":"standard","headTitle":"How George Floyd’s Murder Ignited Solidarity in the Streets and California’s Reparations Movement | KQED","labelTerm":{"term":34369,"site":"news"},"content":"\u003cp>Four years ago, I was sitting on a bench in downtown Oakland when sign-carrying people began gathering at Frank H. Ogawa Plaza near Oakland City Hall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To some, the plaza, symbolically renamed for Oscar Grant during the 2011 Occupy Oakland demonstrations, is a place of resistance. Grant, a Black man who was fatally shot by a BART police officer on the Fruitvale Station platform on Jan. 1, 2009, wasn’t the first Black person brutalized by police officers in a video that played on an inescapable loop.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That ignominious distinction belongs to Rodney King, whose vicious beating by baton-swinging Los Angeles police officers was captured by a camcorder and became a nightly presence on the news. Grant was the first of the social media era.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11987038\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11987038\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/200529-GeorgeFloyd-03-BL.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/200529-GeorgeFloyd-03-BL.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/200529-GeorgeFloyd-03-BL-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/200529-GeorgeFloyd-03-BL-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/200529-GeorgeFloyd-03-BL-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/200529-GeorgeFloyd-03-BL-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/200529-GeorgeFloyd-03-BL-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Demonstrators march on Broadway in Oakland on May 29, 2020, during a protest over the Minneapolis police murder of George Floyd. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>On May 29, 2020, the people came to protest the death of George Floyd, a Black man murdered by police in Minneapolis on May 25, 2020. The agonizing final minutes of his life, recorded by a bystander and shared on social media, sparked nationwide uprisings not seen in America since 1967 when outrage over racial injustices boiled over.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even though the social unrest was more than a half-century apart, the catalyst was the same: police brutality.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the Bay Area, the protests began peacefully.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11987069\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11987069 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/009_KQED_Oakland_BriannaNoble_05292020.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/009_KQED_Oakland_BriannaNoble_05292020.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/009_KQED_Oakland_BriannaNoble_05292020-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/009_KQED_Oakland_BriannaNoble_05292020-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/009_KQED_Oakland_BriannaNoble_05292020-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/009_KQED_Oakland_BriannaNoble_05292020-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Brianna Noble rides her horse, Dapper Dan, alongside demonstrators on Broadway in Oakland on May 29, 2020. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In Oakland four years ago, the energy was palpable. And that was before \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11822227/oaklands-protest-rider-on-why-she-took-to-horseback-for-george-floyd\">Brianna Noble showed up in style on a horse\u003c/a>. My colleague, Beth LaBerge, took one of the photos of Noble that went viral as Noble led the march down Broadway. Anchored by LaBerge’s photos, this commentary documents the Oakland protests and examines what resulted from the weeks of racial uprisings that swept the Bay Area, California and America.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Highways were shut down as peaceful protesters voiced their frustrations. People shouted, “Hands up, don’t shoot,” and “I can’t breathe” as they marched. They demanded a portion of city budgets reserved for policing be instead earmarked for community programs to address systemic issues such as poor schools, income inequality and the lack of opportunities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most people wore masks because the pandemic was raging. But get this: the crowds were a representation of America, as Black, white, Latino and Asian people marched shoulder-to-shoulder for racial justice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The response by police — pepper spray, rubber bullets and baton swipes — caused frustration to erupt into vandalism and theft. Storefront windows were broken, and buildings and cars were set on fire. This was the racial reckoning America needed, I thought.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11987040\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11987040\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/200529-GeorgeFloyd-30-BL.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/200529-GeorgeFloyd-30-BL.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/200529-GeorgeFloyd-30-BL-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/200529-GeorgeFloyd-30-BL-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/200529-GeorgeFloyd-30-BL-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/200529-GeorgeFloyd-30-BL-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/200529-GeorgeFloyd-30-BL-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Police fire tear gas to disperse demonstrators on Broadway near the Oakland police headquarters on May 29, 2020. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11987041\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11987041\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/200529-GeorgeFloyd-13-BL.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1331\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/200529-GeorgeFloyd-13-BL.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/200529-GeorgeFloyd-13-BL-800x532.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/200529-GeorgeFloyd-13-BL-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/200529-GeorgeFloyd-13-BL-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/200529-GeorgeFloyd-13-BL-1536x1022.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/200529-GeorgeFloyd-13-BL-1920x1278.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Demonstrators break the windows of a Walgreens in downtown Oakland on May 29, 2020. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11987042\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1990px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11987042\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/200529-GeorgeFloyd-21-BL.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1990\" height=\"1326\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/200529-GeorgeFloyd-21-BL.jpg 1990w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/200529-GeorgeFloyd-21-BL-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/200529-GeorgeFloyd-21-BL-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/200529-GeorgeFloyd-21-BL-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/200529-GeorgeFloyd-21-BL-1536x1023.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/200529-GeorgeFloyd-21-BL-1920x1279.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1990px) 100vw, 1990px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Left: A fire burns during protests in downtown Oakland on May 29, 2020. Right: Police clash with protesters in downtown Oakland during a protest over the Minneapolis police murder of George Floyd. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Instead of reserving ire for looters, I urge you to question the system that’s historically refused to acknowledge human rights violations until property is damaged,” \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/bayarea/otisrtaylorjr/article/Angry-about-looters-Redirect-rage-toward-15323248.php\">I wrote in a column\u003c/a> for the \u003cem>San Francisco Chronicle\u003c/em>, my employer then. “Sadly, the brutalization of Black and brown people doesn’t get the same attention as looting does. But when cities burn, elected officials listen.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One elected official did more than listen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The social upheaval from four years ago provided the legislative support for Assembly Bill 3121, which created a task force to study and develop reparation proposals for African Americans. It was introduced by then-Assemblymember Shirley Weber in February 2020. The bill was enacted on Sept. 30, 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I just knew that we had had enough conversation in the nation about reparations at the federal level that it wasn’t going to happen immediately,” Weber, who was appointed secretary of state in December 2020, told me in 2022. “I didn’t ask permission from anybody. I didn’t coordinate and collaborate. I informed the Black Caucus what I was doing. I didn’t even ask their permission.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11948198/examining-reparations-and-the-historical-harms-of-slavery-and-racism-in-california\">The California Reparations Task Force\u003c/a>, the first statewide body to study reparations, wasn’t a performative gesture.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We know the damage has been done,” Weber said. “So I didn’t want to spend my years talking about whether there was or not damage. We needed to talk about how much was done and what we need to do to rectify it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Weber continued: “I knew I could get it through California. And I knew once I got it on the governor’s desk, we could get the necessary people to basically support it. And he would, too.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11987942\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11987942\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/010_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForce_04132022_qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1278\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/010_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForce_04132022_qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/010_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForce_04132022_qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/010_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForce_04132022_qut-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/010_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForce_04132022_qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/010_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForce_04132022_qut-1536x1022.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Members of the California Reparations Task Force listen to public comment during their first in-person meeting on April 14, 2022, at the Third Baptist Church in San Francisco’s Fillmore District. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11987941\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11987941\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/014_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForceSac_03032023-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1707\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/014_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForceSac_03032023-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/014_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForceSac_03032023-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/014_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForceSac_03032023-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/014_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForceSac_03032023-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/014_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForceSac_03032023-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/014_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForceSac_03032023-2048x1365.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/014_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForceSac_03032023-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">People line up to speak during public comment during a California Reparations Task Force meeting in Sacramento on March 3, 2023. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Last June, the task force released a \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/ab3121/report\">1,000-page report\u003c/a> on how the state government had supported slavery and dozens of discriminatory laws. The report included more than 100 recommendations to right the wrongs instituted in the past and continue today. In January, the California Legislative Black Caucus introduced \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11976617/state-lawmakers-propose-14-bills-to-provide-reparations-for-black-californians\">14 reparations bills\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this month, the state Assembly passed a bill \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11986615/state-assembly-passes-bill-apologizing-for-californias-role-in-supporting-slavery\">apologizing for California’s role in supporting slavery\u003c/a>. We need more than an apology, but I’ll save the argument for another column.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At KQED, my colleagues, including Guy Marzorati, Annelise Finney, Lakshmi Sarah, Manjula Varghese, LaBerge and others, have been chronicling the reparations movement. With our \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11981271/track-the-success-of-californias-14-reparations-bills-for-black-residents\">reparations tracker\u003c/a>, we’re keeping tabs on the bills as they move through the Assembly and the Senate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2021, the state passed historic legislation that provided financial reparations to people who were forcibly or involuntarily sterilized while incarcerated in state prisons after 1979 or at state-run hospitals, homes and institutions during the eugenics era between 1909 and 1979. While the legislation had nothing to do with the reparations task force, it does offer a window into how reparations might be widely provided.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s why we’re investigating how the state is rolling out reparations for people who were \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11965926/survivors-of-californias-forced-sterilization-denied-reparations\">forcibly sterilized\u003c/a>. Among the applicants who volunteered their demographic information, the majority self-identified as Black or African American. Of the almost 600 people who applied, roughly \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11965926/survivors-of-californias-forced-sterilization-denied-reparations\">70% were denied reparations\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In February, a Contra Costa County superior court judge \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11975584/californias-groundbreaking-racial-justice-act-cuts-its-teeth-in-contra-costa\">threw out sentence enhancements in a criminal case\u003c/a> where Antioch police officers sent racist text messages about four men accused of murder. It was the second time the judge ruled that anti-Black bias had shaped elements of the case, which Antioch officers investigated. The defendants used the Racial Justice Act, a state law enacted in 2020 that was designed to eliminate racial bias by empowering defendants to challenge racism in the justice system. Strengthening the act was part of the state reparations task force’s recommendations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It seems like Floyd’s death indeed sparked a national reckoning on racism — until we look at the backlash.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11987054\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11987054\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/032_KQED_Oakland_Juneteenth_06192020_qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/032_KQED_Oakland_Juneteenth_06192020_qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/032_KQED_Oakland_Juneteenth_06192020_qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/032_KQED_Oakland_Juneteenth_06192020_qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/032_KQED_Oakland_Juneteenth_06192020_qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/032_KQED_Oakland_Juneteenth_06192020_qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Adrianna Mitchell speaks into a megaphone while marching with friends Akilah Walker and Kadeem Ali Harris during a Juneteenth rally in Oakland on June 19, 2020. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11987055\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11987055\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/200619-GeorgeFloyd-02-BL.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1125\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/200619-GeorgeFloyd-02-BL.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/200619-GeorgeFloyd-02-BL-800x450.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/200619-GeorgeFloyd-02-BL-1020x574.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/200619-GeorgeFloyd-02-BL-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/200619-GeorgeFloyd-02-BL-1536x864.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/200619-GeorgeFloyd-02-BL-1920x1080.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Left: Political activist, scholar and author Angela Davis speaks at a Juneteenth demonstration near the Port of Oakland on June 19, 2020. Right: Paul Williams’ five children, ages 4 to 13, sit on the hood of a car during a Juneteenth rally in Oakland. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Critical Race Theory, an academic concept that posits race as a social concept embedded in legal systems and policies, has been villainized. So has DEI, the programs and strategies that promote diversity, equity and inclusion. In some states, the teaching of Black history has come under fire. In so-called progressive cities like Oakland, tough-on-crime rhetoric has handcuffed political races and spread fear even as \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/eastbay/article/oakland-crime-rate-down-19429327.php\">crime is declining\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sarah Jackson, a professor at the University of Pennsylvania’s Annenberg School for Communication who studies how media, journalism and technology are used by and represent marginalized people, told me that a propagandistic success of people clinging desperately to white supremacy was labeling people who want to talk about race as racist.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is the responsibility of folks that are committed to those ideals to be having hard conversations about issues that affect everyone dearly,” she told me in 2022.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As Jackson pointed out to me, the issues that affect Black Americans are often the same that affect others, including white people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We want good schools. We want good jobs. Everybody wants that stuff,” she said. “But some of those things are unique, like police brutality, like reparations, like some of these other issues that many media institutions and many members of the public just aren’t used to having to talk about.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Four years after Floyd’s death, I’m still waiting for America to have a lasting, open discussion about race that goes beyond apologies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11987043\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11987043\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/200603-GeorgeFloyd-01-BL.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/200603-GeorgeFloyd-01-BL.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/200603-GeorgeFloyd-01-BL-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/200603-GeorgeFloyd-01-BL-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/200603-GeorgeFloyd-01-BL-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/200603-GeorgeFloyd-01-BL-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/200603-GeorgeFloyd-01-BL-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Ashley Williams and Dujuanna Archable stand during a protest against police violence at 14th and Broadway in Oakland on June 3, 2020. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11987050\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11987050\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/029_KQED_Oakland_Juneteenth_06192020-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1707\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/029_KQED_Oakland_Juneteenth_06192020-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/029_KQED_Oakland_Juneteenth_06192020-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/029_KQED_Oakland_Juneteenth_06192020-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/029_KQED_Oakland_Juneteenth_06192020-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/029_KQED_Oakland_Juneteenth_06192020-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/029_KQED_Oakland_Juneteenth_06192020-2048x1365.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/029_KQED_Oakland_Juneteenth_06192020-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Demonstrators mark Juneteenth with a march from the Port of Oakland to Downtown Oakland on June 19, 2020. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Editor’s note: Because of an editing error, an earlier version misstated when AB 3121 was introduced to the state Assembly. It was before the death of George Floyd. The subsequent uprising spurred the passage of the legislation. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n","blocks":[],"excerpt":"Through personal essay and striking photography, KQED’s Otis R. Taylor Jr. and Beth LaBerge reflect on the Bay Area and nationwide protests that led to the creation of California’s reparations task force following George Floyd's murder in May 2020.","status":"publish","parent":0,"modified":1725920228,"stats":{"hasAudio":false,"hasVideo":false,"hasChartOrMap":false,"iframeSrcs":[],"hasGoogleForm":false,"hasGallery":false,"hasHearkenModule":false,"hasPolis":false,"paragraphCount":33,"wordCount":1695},"headData":{"title":"How George Floyd's Murder Ignited Solidarity in the Streets and California's Reparations Movement | KQED","description":"Through personal essay and striking photography, KQED’s Otis R. Taylor Jr. and Beth LaBerge reflect on the Bay Area and nationwide protests that led to the creation of California’s reparations task force following George Floyd's murder in May 2020.","ogTitle":"","ogDescription":"","ogImgId":"","twTitle":"","twDescription":"","twImgId":"","schema":{"@context":"http://schema.org","@type":"NewsArticle","headline":"How George Floyd's Murder Ignited Solidarity in the Streets and California's Reparations Movement","datePublished":"2024-05-29T04:00:46-07:00","dateModified":"2024-09-09T15:17:08-07:00","image":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png","isAccessibleForFree":"True","publisher":{"@type":"NewsMediaOrganization","@id":"https://www.kqed.org/#organization","name":"KQED","url":"https://www.kqed.org","logo":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png"}}},"sticky":false,"nprStoryId":"kqed-11987911","excludeFromSiteSearch":"Include","articleAge":"0","path":"/news/11987911/how-george-floyds-murder-ignited-solidarity-in-the-streets-and-californias-reparations-movement","audioTrackLength":null,"parsedContent":[{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Four years ago, I was sitting on a bench in downtown Oakland when sign-carrying people began gathering at Frank H. Ogawa Plaza near Oakland City Hall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To some, the plaza, symbolically renamed for Oscar Grant during the 2011 Occupy Oakland demonstrations, is a place of resistance. Grant, a Black man who was fatally shot by a BART police officer on the Fruitvale Station platform on Jan. 1, 2009, wasn’t the first Black person brutalized by police officers in a video that played on an inescapable loop.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That ignominious distinction belongs to Rodney King, whose vicious beating by baton-swinging Los Angeles police officers was captured by a camcorder and became a nightly presence on the news. Grant was the first of the social media era.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11987038\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11987038\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/200529-GeorgeFloyd-03-BL.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/200529-GeorgeFloyd-03-BL.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/200529-GeorgeFloyd-03-BL-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/200529-GeorgeFloyd-03-BL-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/200529-GeorgeFloyd-03-BL-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/200529-GeorgeFloyd-03-BL-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/200529-GeorgeFloyd-03-BL-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Demonstrators march on Broadway in Oakland on May 29, 2020, during a protest over the Minneapolis police murder of George Floyd. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>On May 29, 2020, the people came to protest the death of George Floyd, a Black man murdered by police in Minneapolis on May 25, 2020. The agonizing final minutes of his life, recorded by a bystander and shared on social media, sparked nationwide uprisings not seen in America since 1967 when outrage over racial injustices boiled over.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"fullwidth"},"numeric":["fullwidth"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even though the social unrest was more than a half-century apart, the catalyst was the same: police brutality.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the Bay Area, the protests began peacefully.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11987069\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11987069 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/009_KQED_Oakland_BriannaNoble_05292020.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/009_KQED_Oakland_BriannaNoble_05292020.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/009_KQED_Oakland_BriannaNoble_05292020-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/009_KQED_Oakland_BriannaNoble_05292020-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/009_KQED_Oakland_BriannaNoble_05292020-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/009_KQED_Oakland_BriannaNoble_05292020-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Brianna Noble rides her horse, Dapper Dan, alongside demonstrators on Broadway in Oakland on May 29, 2020. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In Oakland four years ago, the energy was palpable. And that was before \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11822227/oaklands-protest-rider-on-why-she-took-to-horseback-for-george-floyd\">Brianna Noble showed up in style on a horse\u003c/a>. My colleague, Beth LaBerge, took one of the photos of Noble that went viral as Noble led the march down Broadway. Anchored by LaBerge’s photos, this commentary documents the Oakland protests and examines what resulted from the weeks of racial uprisings that swept the Bay Area, California and America.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Highways were shut down as peaceful protesters voiced their frustrations. People shouted, “Hands up, don’t shoot,” and “I can’t breathe” as they marched. They demanded a portion of city budgets reserved for policing be instead earmarked for community programs to address systemic issues such as poor schools, income inequality and the lack of opportunities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most people wore masks because the pandemic was raging. But get this: the crowds were a representation of America, as Black, white, Latino and Asian people marched shoulder-to-shoulder for racial justice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The response by police — pepper spray, rubber bullets and baton swipes — caused frustration to erupt into vandalism and theft. Storefront windows were broken, and buildings and cars were set on fire. This was the racial reckoning America needed, I thought.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11987040\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11987040\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/200529-GeorgeFloyd-30-BL.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/200529-GeorgeFloyd-30-BL.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/200529-GeorgeFloyd-30-BL-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/200529-GeorgeFloyd-30-BL-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/200529-GeorgeFloyd-30-BL-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/200529-GeorgeFloyd-30-BL-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/200529-GeorgeFloyd-30-BL-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Police fire tear gas to disperse demonstrators on Broadway near the Oakland police headquarters on May 29, 2020. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11987041\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11987041\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/200529-GeorgeFloyd-13-BL.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1331\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/200529-GeorgeFloyd-13-BL.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/200529-GeorgeFloyd-13-BL-800x532.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/200529-GeorgeFloyd-13-BL-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/200529-GeorgeFloyd-13-BL-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/200529-GeorgeFloyd-13-BL-1536x1022.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/200529-GeorgeFloyd-13-BL-1920x1278.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Demonstrators break the windows of a Walgreens in downtown Oakland on May 29, 2020. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11987042\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1990px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11987042\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/200529-GeorgeFloyd-21-BL.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1990\" height=\"1326\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/200529-GeorgeFloyd-21-BL.jpg 1990w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/200529-GeorgeFloyd-21-BL-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/200529-GeorgeFloyd-21-BL-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/200529-GeorgeFloyd-21-BL-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/200529-GeorgeFloyd-21-BL-1536x1023.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/200529-GeorgeFloyd-21-BL-1920x1279.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1990px) 100vw, 1990px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Left: A fire burns during protests in downtown Oakland on May 29, 2020. Right: Police clash with protesters in downtown Oakland during a protest over the Minneapolis police murder of George Floyd. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Instead of reserving ire for looters, I urge you to question the system that’s historically refused to acknowledge human rights violations until property is damaged,” \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/bayarea/otisrtaylorjr/article/Angry-about-looters-Redirect-rage-toward-15323248.php\">I wrote in a column\u003c/a> for the \u003cem>San Francisco Chronicle\u003c/em>, my employer then. “Sadly, the brutalization of Black and brown people doesn’t get the same attention as looting does. But when cities burn, elected officials listen.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One elected official did more than listen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The social upheaval from four years ago provided the legislative support for Assembly Bill 3121, which created a task force to study and develop reparation proposals for African Americans. It was introduced by then-Assemblymember Shirley Weber in February 2020. The bill was enacted on Sept. 30, 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I just knew that we had had enough conversation in the nation about reparations at the federal level that it wasn’t going to happen immediately,” Weber, who was appointed secretary of state in December 2020, told me in 2022. “I didn’t ask permission from anybody. I didn’t coordinate and collaborate. I informed the Black Caucus what I was doing. I didn’t even ask their permission.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11948198/examining-reparations-and-the-historical-harms-of-slavery-and-racism-in-california\">The California Reparations Task Force\u003c/a>, the first statewide body to study reparations, wasn’t a performative gesture.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We know the damage has been done,” Weber said. “So I didn’t want to spend my years talking about whether there was or not damage. We needed to talk about how much was done and what we need to do to rectify it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Weber continued: “I knew I could get it through California. And I knew once I got it on the governor’s desk, we could get the necessary people to basically support it. And he would, too.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11987942\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11987942\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/010_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForce_04132022_qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1278\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/010_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForce_04132022_qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/010_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForce_04132022_qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/010_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForce_04132022_qut-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/010_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForce_04132022_qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/010_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForce_04132022_qut-1536x1022.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Members of the California Reparations Task Force listen to public comment during their first in-person meeting on April 14, 2022, at the Third Baptist Church in San Francisco’s Fillmore District. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11987941\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11987941\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/014_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForceSac_03032023-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1707\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/014_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForceSac_03032023-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/014_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForceSac_03032023-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/014_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForceSac_03032023-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/014_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForceSac_03032023-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/014_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForceSac_03032023-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/014_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForceSac_03032023-2048x1365.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/014_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForceSac_03032023-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">People line up to speak during public comment during a California Reparations Task Force meeting in Sacramento on March 3, 2023. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Last June, the task force released a \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/ab3121/report\">1,000-page report\u003c/a> on how the state government had supported slavery and dozens of discriminatory laws. The report included more than 100 recommendations to right the wrongs instituted in the past and continue today. In January, the California Legislative Black Caucus introduced \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11976617/state-lawmakers-propose-14-bills-to-provide-reparations-for-black-californians\">14 reparations bills\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this month, the state Assembly passed a bill \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11986615/state-assembly-passes-bill-apologizing-for-californias-role-in-supporting-slavery\">apologizing for California’s role in supporting slavery\u003c/a>. We need more than an apology, but I’ll save the argument for another column.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At KQED, my colleagues, including Guy Marzorati, Annelise Finney, Lakshmi Sarah, Manjula Varghese, LaBerge and others, have been chronicling the reparations movement. With our \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11981271/track-the-success-of-californias-14-reparations-bills-for-black-residents\">reparations tracker\u003c/a>, we’re keeping tabs on the bills as they move through the Assembly and the Senate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2021, the state passed historic legislation that provided financial reparations to people who were forcibly or involuntarily sterilized while incarcerated in state prisons after 1979 or at state-run hospitals, homes and institutions during the eugenics era between 1909 and 1979. While the legislation had nothing to do with the reparations task force, it does offer a window into how reparations might be widely provided.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s why we’re investigating how the state is rolling out reparations for people who were \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11965926/survivors-of-californias-forced-sterilization-denied-reparations\">forcibly sterilized\u003c/a>. Among the applicants who volunteered their demographic information, the majority self-identified as Black or African American. Of the almost 600 people who applied, roughly \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11965926/survivors-of-californias-forced-sterilization-denied-reparations\">70% were denied reparations\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In February, a Contra Costa County superior court judge \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11975584/californias-groundbreaking-racial-justice-act-cuts-its-teeth-in-contra-costa\">threw out sentence enhancements in a criminal case\u003c/a> where Antioch police officers sent racist text messages about four men accused of murder. It was the second time the judge ruled that anti-Black bias had shaped elements of the case, which Antioch officers investigated. The defendants used the Racial Justice Act, a state law enacted in 2020 that was designed to eliminate racial bias by empowering defendants to challenge racism in the justice system. Strengthening the act was part of the state reparations task force’s recommendations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It seems like Floyd’s death indeed sparked a national reckoning on racism — until we look at the backlash.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11987054\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11987054\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/032_KQED_Oakland_Juneteenth_06192020_qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/032_KQED_Oakland_Juneteenth_06192020_qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/032_KQED_Oakland_Juneteenth_06192020_qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/032_KQED_Oakland_Juneteenth_06192020_qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/032_KQED_Oakland_Juneteenth_06192020_qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/032_KQED_Oakland_Juneteenth_06192020_qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Adrianna Mitchell speaks into a megaphone while marching with friends Akilah Walker and Kadeem Ali Harris during a Juneteenth rally in Oakland on June 19, 2020. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11987055\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11987055\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/200619-GeorgeFloyd-02-BL.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1125\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/200619-GeorgeFloyd-02-BL.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/200619-GeorgeFloyd-02-BL-800x450.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/200619-GeorgeFloyd-02-BL-1020x574.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/200619-GeorgeFloyd-02-BL-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/200619-GeorgeFloyd-02-BL-1536x864.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/200619-GeorgeFloyd-02-BL-1920x1080.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Left: Political activist, scholar and author Angela Davis speaks at a Juneteenth demonstration near the Port of Oakland on June 19, 2020. Right: Paul Williams’ five children, ages 4 to 13, sit on the hood of a car during a Juneteenth rally in Oakland. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Critical Race Theory, an academic concept that posits race as a social concept embedded in legal systems and policies, has been villainized. So has DEI, the programs and strategies that promote diversity, equity and inclusion. In some states, the teaching of Black history has come under fire. In so-called progressive cities like Oakland, tough-on-crime rhetoric has handcuffed political races and spread fear even as \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/eastbay/article/oakland-crime-rate-down-19429327.php\">crime is declining\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sarah Jackson, a professor at the University of Pennsylvania’s Annenberg School for Communication who studies how media, journalism and technology are used by and represent marginalized people, told me that a propagandistic success of people clinging desperately to white supremacy was labeling people who want to talk about race as racist.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is the responsibility of folks that are committed to those ideals to be having hard conversations about issues that affect everyone dearly,” she told me in 2022.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As Jackson pointed out to me, the issues that affect Black Americans are often the same that affect others, including white people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We want good schools. We want good jobs. Everybody wants that stuff,” she said. “But some of those things are unique, like police brutality, like reparations, like some of these other issues that many media institutions and many members of the public just aren’t used to having to talk about.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Four years after Floyd’s death, I’m still waiting for America to have a lasting, open discussion about race that goes beyond apologies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11987043\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11987043\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/200603-GeorgeFloyd-01-BL.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/200603-GeorgeFloyd-01-BL.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/200603-GeorgeFloyd-01-BL-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/200603-GeorgeFloyd-01-BL-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/200603-GeorgeFloyd-01-BL-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/200603-GeorgeFloyd-01-BL-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/200603-GeorgeFloyd-01-BL-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Ashley Williams and Dujuanna Archable stand during a protest against police violence at 14th and Broadway in Oakland on June 3, 2020. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11987050\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11987050\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/029_KQED_Oakland_Juneteenth_06192020-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1707\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/029_KQED_Oakland_Juneteenth_06192020-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/029_KQED_Oakland_Juneteenth_06192020-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/029_KQED_Oakland_Juneteenth_06192020-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/029_KQED_Oakland_Juneteenth_06192020-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/029_KQED_Oakland_Juneteenth_06192020-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/029_KQED_Oakland_Juneteenth_06192020-2048x1365.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/029_KQED_Oakland_Juneteenth_06192020-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Demonstrators mark Juneteenth with a march from the Port of Oakland to Downtown Oakland on June 19, 2020. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Editor’s note: Because of an editing error, an earlier version misstated when AB 3121 was introduced to the state Assembly. It was before the death of George Floyd. The subsequent uprising spurred the passage of the legislation. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"floatright"},"numeric":["floatright"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}}],"link":"/news/11987911/how-george-floyds-murder-ignited-solidarity-in-the-streets-and-californias-reparations-movement","authors":["11770","11667"],"series":["news_34369"],"categories":["news_8"],"tags":["news_30345","news_30652","news_27626","news_28031","news_28248","news_2672","news_22050","news_2923"],"featImg":"news_11987039","label":"news_34369"}},"programsReducer":{"possible":{"id":"possible","title":"Possible","info":"Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. 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Michel Martin hosts on the weekends.","airtime":"MON-FRI 1pm-2pm, 4:30pm-6:30pm\u003cbr />SAT-SUN 5pm-6pm","imageSrc":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/All-Things-Considered-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg","officialWebsiteLink":"https://www.npr.org/programs/all-things-considered/","meta":{"site":"news","source":"npr"},"link":"/radio/program/all-things-considered"},"american-suburb-podcast":{"id":"american-suburb-podcast","title":"American Suburb: The Podcast","tagline":"The flip side of gentrification, told through one town","info":"Gentrification is changing cities across America, forcing people from neighborhoods they have long called home. Call them the displaced. Now those priced out of the Bay Area are looking for a better life in an unlikely place. American Suburb follows this migration to one California town along the Delta, 45 miles from San Francisco. But is this once sleepy suburb ready for them?","imageSrc":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/American-Suburb-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg","officialWebsiteLink":"/news/series/american-suburb-podcast","meta":{"site":"news","source":"kqed","order":"13"},"link":"/news/series/american-suburb-podcast/","subscribe":{"npr":"https://rpb3r.app.goo.gl/RBrW","apple":"https://itunes.apple.com/WebObjects/MZStore.woa/wa/viewPodcast?mt=2&id=1287748328","tuneIn":"https://tunein.com/radio/American-Suburb-p1086805/","rss":"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/series/american-suburb-podcast/feed/podcast","google":"https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkMzMDExODgxNjA5"}},"baycurious":{"id":"baycurious","title":"Bay Curious","tagline":"Exploring the Bay Area, one question at a time","info":"KQED’s new podcast, Bay Curious, gets to the bottom of the mysteries — both profound and peculiar — that give the Bay Area its unique identity. And we’ll do it with your help! You ask the questions. You decide what Bay Curious investigates. And you join us on the journey to find the answers.","imageSrc":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Bay-Curious-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg","imageAlt":"\"KQED Bay Curious","officialWebsiteLink":"/news/series/baycurious","meta":{"site":"news","source":"kqed","order":"4"},"link":"/podcasts/baycurious","subscribe":{"apple":"https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/bay-curious/id1172473406","npr":"https://www.npr.org/podcasts/500557090/bay-curious","rss":"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/category/bay-curious-podcast/feed/podcast","google":"https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly93dzIua3FlZC5vcmcvbmV3cy9jYXRlZ29yeS9iYXktY3VyaW91cy1wb2RjYXN0L2ZlZWQvcG9kY2FzdA","stitcher":"https://www.stitcher.com/podcast/kqed/bay-curious","spotify":"https://open.spotify.com/show/6O76IdmhixfijmhTZLIJ8k"}},"bbc-world-service":{"id":"bbc-world-service","title":"BBC World Service","info":"The day's top stories from BBC News compiled twice daily in the week, once at weekends.","airtime":"MON-FRI 9pm-10pm, TUE-FRI 1am-2am","imageSrc":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/BBC-World-Service-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg","officialWebsiteLink":"https://www.bbc.co.uk/sounds/play/live:bbc_world_service","meta":{"site":"news","source":"BBC World Service"},"link":"/radio/program/bbc-world-service","subscribe":{"apple":"https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/global-news-podcast/id135067274?mt=2","tuneIn":"https://tunein.com/radio/BBC-World-Service-p455581/","rss":"https://podcasts.files.bbci.co.uk/p02nq0gn.rss"}},"code-switch-life-kit":{"id":"code-switch-life-kit","title":"Code Switch / Life Kit","info":"\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em>, which listeners will hear in the first part of the hour, has fearless and much-needed conversations about race. Hosted by journalists of color, the show tackles the subject of race head-on, exploring how it impacts every part of society — from politics and pop culture to history, sports and more.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em>, which will be in the second part of the hour, guides you through spaces and feelings no one prepares you for — from finances to mental health, from workplace microaggressions to imposter syndrome, from relationships to parenting. The show features experts with real world experience and shares their knowledge. Because everyone needs a little help being human.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/podcasts/510312/codeswitch\">\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/lifekit\">\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />","airtime":"SUN 9pm-10pm","imageSrc":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Code-Switch-Life-Kit-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg","meta":{"site":"radio","source":"npr"},"link":"/radio/program/code-switch-life-kit","subscribe":{"apple":"https://podcasts.apple.com/podcast/1112190608?mt=2&at=11l79Y&ct=nprdirectory","google":"https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly93d3cubnByLm9yZy9yc3MvcG9kY2FzdC5waHA_aWQ9NTEwMzEy","spotify":"https://open.spotify.com/show/3bExJ9JQpkwNhoHvaIIuyV","rss":"https://feeds.npr.org/510312/podcast.xml"}},"commonwealth-club":{"id":"commonwealth-club","title":"Commonwealth Club of California Podcast","info":"The Commonwealth Club of California is the nation's oldest and largest public affairs forum. As a non-partisan forum, The Club brings to the public airwaves diverse viewpoints on important topics. The Club's weekly radio broadcast - the oldest in the U.S., dating back to 1924 - is carried across the nation on public radio stations and is now podcasting. Our website archive features audio of our recent programs, as well as selected speeches from our long and distinguished history. This podcast feed is usually updated twice a week and is always un-edited.","airtime":"THU 10pm, FRI 1am","imageSrc":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Commonwealth-Club-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg","officialWebsiteLink":"https://www.commonwealthclub.org/podcasts","meta":{"site":"news","source":"Commonwealth Club of California"},"link":"/radio/program/commonwealth-club","subscribe":{"apple":"https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/commonwealth-club-of-california-podcast/id976334034?mt=2","google":"https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cDovL3d3dy5jb21tb253ZWFsdGhjbHViLm9yZy9hdWRpby9wb2RjYXN0L3dlZWtseS54bWw","tuneIn":"https://tunein.com/radio/Commonwealth-Club-of-California-p1060/"}},"considerthis":{"id":"considerthis","title":"Consider This","tagline":"Make sense of the day","info":"Make sense of the day. Every weekday afternoon, Consider This helps you consider the major stories of the day in less than 15 minutes, featuring the reporting and storytelling resources of NPR. Plus, KQED’s Bianca Taylor brings you the local KQED news you need to know.","imageSrc":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Consider-This-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg","imageAlt":"Consider This from NPR and KQED","officialWebsiteLink":"/podcasts/considerthis","meta":{"site":"news","source":"kqed","order":"7"},"link":"/podcasts/considerthis","subscribe":{"apple":"https://podcasts.apple.com/podcast/id1503226625?mt=2&at=11l79Y&ct=nprdirectory","npr":"https://rpb3r.app.goo.gl/coronavirusdaily","google":"https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5ucHIub3JnLzUxMDM1NS9wb2RjYXN0LnhtbA","spotify":"https://open.spotify.com/show/3Z6JdCS2d0eFEpXHKI6WqH"}},"forum":{"id":"forum","title":"Forum","tagline":"The conversation starts here","info":"KQED’s live call-in program discussing local, state, national and international issues, as well as in-depth interviews.","airtime":"MON-FRI 9am-11am, 10pm-11pm","imageSrc":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Forum-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg","imageAlt":"KQED Forum with Mina Kim and Alexis Madrigal","officialWebsiteLink":"/forum","meta":{"site":"news","source":"kqed","order":"8"},"link":"/forum","subscribe":{"apple":"https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/kqeds-forum/id73329719","google":"https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM5NTU3MzgxNjMz","npr":"https://www.npr.org/podcasts/432307980/forum","stitcher":"https://www.stitcher.com/podcast/kqedfm-kqeds-forum-podcast","rss":"https://feeds.megaphone.fm/KQINC9557381633"}},"freakonomics-radio":{"id":"freakonomics-radio","title":"Freakonomics Radio","info":"Freakonomics Radio is a one-hour award-winning podcast and public-radio project hosted by Stephen Dubner, with co-author Steve Levitt as a regular guest. 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Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. 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