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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Lime scooters detect those differences and can identify with 95 percent accuracy whether someone is riding on the sidewalk or the road. Riders who spend more than half of their journey on a sidewalk get a reminder on their phone that riding on the sidewalk is illegal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And for more habitual offenders, we can send them a more stern warning and we can experiment with different educational ways in which we can try to alter rider behavior,” Kang said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://gruv.app\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Grüv\u003c/a>, another electric scooter company, plans to go a step further with their new software, according to co-founder Alex Nesic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Rather than simply informing riders of bad behavior with the hope of nudging them toward better behavior, our approach is designed to decrease the vehicle speed to five miles per hour on sidewalks in real-time while alerting the rider simultaneously of the reason why,” Nesic said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Colin Heyne, a public information manager with the San Jose Department of Transportation, said he has yet to see a company in San Jose that incorporates all of the e-scooter safety technologies available — one that detects sidewalk riding and one that reduces an e-scooter’s speed when on the sidewalk.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our next step will be to limit deployment of the [scooter] devices in the area defined in our regulations until companies are ready to deploy devices that meet our regulatory requirements,” Heyne said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city hopes to eventually require companies to incorporate the safety technologies that will encourage riders to stay away from sidewalks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rakhra, the SJSU student, said she rides her scooter on the sidewalk because she doesn’t always feel safe riding on the road. As she stands on 2nd street in downtown San Jose, she said, “If I’m trying to cross here, there is no bike lane … so it just depends on where you’re at.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom made homelessness the focus of his State of the State address Wednesday, reflecting not only \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/press-release/sanders-biden-and-warren-lead-in-californias-primary/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Californians’ top concern\u003c/a> but also nearly 20 years of wrangling on an issue that’s followed him from San Francisco City Hall to the Capitol.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No amount of progress can camouflage the most pernicious crisis in our midst,” Newsom said, “the ultimate manifestation of poverty: homelessness.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://priceschool.usc.edu/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/Press-Release-USC-Price-USC-Schwarzenegger-Institute-Homelessness-Poll.pdf\">recent statewide poll\u003c/a> showed homelessness and housing are top of mind for likely California voters ahead of the state’s March 3 primary election. About 42% of those surveyed said they see many tents and encampments in the public places and streets where they live.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In his address, Newsom called for new and ongoing revenue sources to pay for homeless services and new housing. He warned that cities and counties would be held accountable to ensure they spend state health care dollars on homeless people suffering from mental illnesses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Social services advocate Jennifer Friedenbach with the San Francisco Coalition on Homelessness said she’s thrilled Newsom is taking the issue seriously, but that the state must focus deeply on investment or else these will only be temporary fixes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Folks with severe mental health issues that are out on the streets are victims of a system,” she said. “They feel that the system is resistant to helping them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a San Francisco supervisor in 2002, Newsom drew national attention with his “Care Not Cash” ballot initiative that diverted public assistance from homeless residents to pay landlords for shelter, instead. The program rankled advocates and challenged the city’s status as a progressive stronghold. It also helped get him elected mayor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Seventeen years later, Newsom has again made homelessness one of his top priorities as the number of people experiencing homelessness in California \u003ca href=\"https://files.hudexchange.info/resources/documents/2019-AHAR-Part-1.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">grew to more than 151,000\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While some people who followed Newsom’s early career are optimistic about his willingness to attach his name to such a thorny issue — going so far as to say he’ll “own homelessness” in California, a state with more than a quarter of the nation’s unhoused people — others aren’t sure he’ll focus on the kind of solutions needed to right this societal wrong.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Care Not Cash\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>When Care Not Cash went to the ballot in 2002, homelessness had reached peak levels. There were 8,640 residents without homes on a given night in San Francisco, \u003ca href=\"http://hsh.sfgov.org/wp-content/uploads/2017/02/San_Francisco_Homeless_Count_2005_Final_Report.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">according to a biennial survey\u003c/a> for the Department of Housing and Urban Development. That’s about 8 percent more than the 8,011 homeless residents counted during the \u003ca href=\"https://sfgov.org/scorecards/safety-net/homeless-population\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">same survey in 2019\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the start of the decade, Dot-Com companies were swarming San Francisco’s South of Market neighborhood, while elsewhere in the city, rents rose and evictions spiked. The average two-bedroom apartment in 2001 was going for about $3,500 in today’s dollars, \u003ca href=\"https://sfrb.org/sites/default/files/FileCenter/Documents/1862-sfhousingdatabook.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">according to a 2002 report\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A majority of progressive politicians, many without prior political experience, had swept the Board of Supervisors in 2000 — a citizen revolt to the pro-development Mayor Willie Brown, said Richard DeLeon, professor emeritus of political science at San Francisco State University. Newsom was seen then as somewhat of a pariah, DeLeon said, a centrist who had been hand-picked by Brown to fill a mid-term vacancy on the board in 1997.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then the Dot Com bubble burst and office spaces in the city’s South of Market neighborhood started becoming vacant. Care Not Cash, Newsom’s signature issue, became a test of the city’s values.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom and other city officials claimed out-of-towners were coming into San Francisco to get public assistance checks. And those that were here were \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=FM-ewEmPwhY\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">likely using that money for drugs and alcohol\u003c/a>. In one \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Usyn5yg6ejk\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">television ad\u003c/a> for Care Not Cash, a series of disheveled men speak directly into the camera.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I take your cash, and I buy drugs,” the commercial begins, “crack, heroin, alcohol.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Usyn5yg6ejk\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That was pretty harmful to public sentiment around supporting real solutions,” said Jennifer Friedenbach, executive director of the Coalition on Homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Voters sided with Newsom, and the measure won with \u003ca href=\"http://www.smartvoter.org/2002/11/05/ca/sf/meas/N/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">60 percent\u003c/a> approval. It was the boost Newsom needed to launch his mayoral campaign a few months later, De Leon said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It put him on the map, politically,” DeLeon said. “It certainly put a spotlight on him.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trent Rhorer, who has served as the executive director of San Francisco’s Human Services Agency since 2000 and oversaw the implementation of Care Not Cash, remembers a young supervisor and later mayor who seemed to genuinely care about the plight of homeless residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rhorer received so many requests for information from Supervisor Newsom that he set up weekly meetings. Reports that Rhorer gave him would return dog-eared and highlighted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We would have these two-hour sessions … and the meetings would just go on and on and on,” Rhorer recalled. “When he left the office, [Newsom] knew more about homelessness than I did, honestly.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11802395\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11802395\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/SF-Homeless-2002-800x528.jpg\" alt=\"Dozens of homeless people line up for a meal at St. Anthony's Church on Dec. 6, 2002 in San Francisco.\" width=\"800\" height=\"528\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/SF-Homeless-2002-800x528.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/SF-Homeless-2002-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/SF-Homeless-2002-1020x673.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/SF-Homeless-2002.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Dozens of homeless people line up for a meal at St. Anthony’s Church on Dec. 6, 2002 in San Francisco. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Care Not Cash officially launched in May 2004, reducing the amount of money homeless residents received from a maximum of $410 per month to $59. In exchange, program enrollees got food and a guaranteed bed at a shelter or in a single-room occupancy hotel.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When the city updated its homeless survey in 2005, it saw a 2\u003ca href=\"http://hsh.sfgov.org/wp-content/uploads/2017/02/San_Francisco_Homeless_Count_2005_Final_Report.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">8 percent reduction\u003c/a> in the number of homeless people compared to 2002. Friedenbach believes it’s unlikely Care Not Cash contributed to that reduction since the program didn’t create any new housing. Newsom’s predecessor, Mayor Brown, approved \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11765010/timeline-the-frustrating-political-history-of-homelessness-in-san-francisco\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">thousands of new affordable housing units\u003c/a>, which Friedenbach said had just finished construction around that time and probably made more of a difference.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Rhorer says ending homelessness was never the goal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was about welfare reform,” Rhorer said. And in that way, it worked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Once Care Not Cash began in the spring of 2004, the city immediately saw a reduction in the number of homeless people claiming benefits. In December 2003, there were 2,632 people who received assistance, which dropped to 642 in December 2007.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>In Newsom’s Wake\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The number of people experiencing homelessness then remained relatively stable during Newsom’s tenure until it began to increase again in 2011, right around the time he left to become lieutenant governor, growing from nearly 5,700 people to more than 8,000 in 2019.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Whether Newsom’s leadership would have helped stem the increase is impossible to know, but Bevan Dufty thinks it would have helped. Dufty, now a BART board director, served on San Francisco’s Board of Supervisors with Newsom. He later served as Mayor Ed Lee’s head of homeless policy.[aside label='Related Coverage' postID=news_11801313,news_11796428,news_11795888 ]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Gavin was mayor during a lot of years when the cupboard was dry,” when the Great Recession hit, Dufty said. “I think San Francisco’s homeless problem would seem very different because he wouldn’t be afraid, if he had had the resources, to put them to use to house people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Not much has changed about Care Not Cash since its inception, Rhorer said, except that now, the city uses a more sophisticated screening matrix to prioritize people who are disabled, chronically homeless or have other special needs — and the amount of public assistance has grown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As mayor, Newsom had also launched an ambitious 10-year plan in 2004 to end chronic homelessness and pledged to build 3,000 new units of supportive housing. By 2014, San Francisco built 2,669 of the units that Newsom pledged as mayor but homelessness still rose — climbing to 6,775 people by 2015.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And it continues to grow.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A decade after Newsom left the mayor’s office, homelessness is a bigger issue than ever, with solutions seeming more out of reach than ever before.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He kicked off the year with a proposal to direct \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2020/01/08/794687084/california-governor-pushes-1-4-billion-plan-to-tackle-homelessness\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">$1.4 billion of the state budget\u003c/a> to pay for rent subsidies, board and care homes, health services and affordable housing, and then went on a statewide tour of emergency shelters and mental health care centers. And he started distributing the first two dozen of 100 former \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11796428/newsom-to-unveil-travel-trailers-for-homeless-in-oakland\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">FEMA trailers and tents\u003c/a> to provide immediate housing for people experiencing homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Wednesday, Newsom said the state would make available 286 state-owed properties such as vacant lots, fairgrounds, armories and other state buildings for potential shelter options that local governments can use for free.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To speed up construction of affordable housing and shelters, Newsom said he would like to bypass state environmental reviews, which are sometimes used to block and delay projects. He also urged the Legislature to reform land use laws to eliminate delays on affordable housing projects around transit hubs and downtown areas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I respect local control, but not at the cost of creating a two-class California,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Friedenbach, a staunch critic of Newsom’s tenure in San Francisco, is hopeful. She was pleased to see Newsom’s executive order to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11801313/newsom-offers-vacant-land-for-homeless-shelters-but-local-officials-worry-who-will-pay\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">use surplus state land for emergency shelters\u003c/a> and his push to provide significant one-time funds to address homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m a big believer in redemption,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom made homelessness the focus of his State of the State address Wednesday, reflecting not only \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/press-release/sanders-biden-and-warren-lead-in-californias-primary/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Californians’ top concern\u003c/a> but also nearly 20 years of wrangling on an issue that’s followed him from San Francisco City Hall to the Capitol.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No amount of progress can camouflage the most pernicious crisis in our midst,” Newsom said, “the ultimate manifestation of poverty: homelessness.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://priceschool.usc.edu/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/Press-Release-USC-Price-USC-Schwarzenegger-Institute-Homelessness-Poll.pdf\">recent statewide poll\u003c/a> showed homelessness and housing are top of mind for likely California voters ahead of the state’s March 3 primary election. About 42% of those surveyed said they see many tents and encampments in the public places and streets where they live.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In his address, Newsom called for new and ongoing revenue sources to pay for homeless services and new housing. He warned that cities and counties would be held accountable to ensure they spend state health care dollars on homeless people suffering from mental illnesses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Social services advocate Jennifer Friedenbach with the San Francisco Coalition on Homelessness said she’s thrilled Newsom is taking the issue seriously, but that the state must focus deeply on investment or else these will only be temporary fixes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Folks with severe mental health issues that are out on the streets are victims of a system,” she said. “They feel that the system is resistant to helping them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a San Francisco supervisor in 2002, Newsom drew national attention with his “Care Not Cash” ballot initiative that diverted public assistance from homeless residents to pay landlords for shelter, instead. The program rankled advocates and challenged the city’s status as a progressive stronghold. It also helped get him elected mayor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Seventeen years later, Newsom has again made homelessness one of his top priorities as the number of people experiencing homelessness in California \u003ca href=\"https://files.hudexchange.info/resources/documents/2019-AHAR-Part-1.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">grew to more than 151,000\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While some people who followed Newsom’s early career are optimistic about his willingness to attach his name to such a thorny issue — going so far as to say he’ll “own homelessness” in California, a state with more than a quarter of the nation’s unhoused people — others aren’t sure he’ll focus on the kind of solutions needed to right this societal wrong.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Care Not Cash\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>When Care Not Cash went to the ballot in 2002, homelessness had reached peak levels. There were 8,640 residents without homes on a given night in San Francisco, \u003ca href=\"http://hsh.sfgov.org/wp-content/uploads/2017/02/San_Francisco_Homeless_Count_2005_Final_Report.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">according to a biennial survey\u003c/a> for the Department of Housing and Urban Development. That’s about 8 percent more than the 8,011 homeless residents counted during the \u003ca href=\"https://sfgov.org/scorecards/safety-net/homeless-population\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">same survey in 2019\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the start of the decade, Dot-Com companies were swarming San Francisco’s South of Market neighborhood, while elsewhere in the city, rents rose and evictions spiked. The average two-bedroom apartment in 2001 was going for about $3,500 in today’s dollars, \u003ca href=\"https://sfrb.org/sites/default/files/FileCenter/Documents/1862-sfhousingdatabook.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">according to a 2002 report\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A majority of progressive politicians, many without prior political experience, had swept the Board of Supervisors in 2000 — a citizen revolt to the pro-development Mayor Willie Brown, said Richard DeLeon, professor emeritus of political science at San Francisco State University. Newsom was seen then as somewhat of a pariah, DeLeon said, a centrist who had been hand-picked by Brown to fill a mid-term vacancy on the board in 1997.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then the Dot Com bubble burst and office spaces in the city’s South of Market neighborhood started becoming vacant. Care Not Cash, Newsom’s signature issue, became a test of the city’s values.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom and other city officials claimed out-of-towners were coming into San Francisco to get public assistance checks. And those that were here were \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=FM-ewEmPwhY\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">likely using that money for drugs and alcohol\u003c/a>. In one \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Usyn5yg6ejk\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">television ad\u003c/a> for Care Not Cash, a series of disheveled men speak directly into the camera.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I take your cash, and I buy drugs,” the commercial begins, “crack, heroin, alcohol.”\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/Usyn5yg6ejk'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/Usyn5yg6ejk'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>“That was pretty harmful to public sentiment around supporting real solutions,” said Jennifer Friedenbach, executive director of the Coalition on Homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Voters sided with Newsom, and the measure won with \u003ca href=\"http://www.smartvoter.org/2002/11/05/ca/sf/meas/N/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">60 percent\u003c/a> approval. It was the boost Newsom needed to launch his mayoral campaign a few months later, De Leon said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It put him on the map, politically,” DeLeon said. “It certainly put a spotlight on him.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trent Rhorer, who has served as the executive director of San Francisco’s Human Services Agency since 2000 and oversaw the implementation of Care Not Cash, remembers a young supervisor and later mayor who seemed to genuinely care about the plight of homeless residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rhorer received so many requests for information from Supervisor Newsom that he set up weekly meetings. Reports that Rhorer gave him would return dog-eared and highlighted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We would have these two-hour sessions … and the meetings would just go on and on and on,” Rhorer recalled. “When he left the office, [Newsom] knew more about homelessness than I did, honestly.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11802395\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11802395\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/SF-Homeless-2002-800x528.jpg\" alt=\"Dozens of homeless people line up for a meal at St. Anthony's Church on Dec. 6, 2002 in San Francisco.\" width=\"800\" height=\"528\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/SF-Homeless-2002-800x528.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/SF-Homeless-2002-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/SF-Homeless-2002-1020x673.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/SF-Homeless-2002.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Dozens of homeless people line up for a meal at St. Anthony’s Church on Dec. 6, 2002 in San Francisco. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Care Not Cash officially launched in May 2004, reducing the amount of money homeless residents received from a maximum of $410 per month to $59. In exchange, program enrollees got food and a guaranteed bed at a shelter or in a single-room occupancy hotel.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When the city updated its homeless survey in 2005, it saw a 2\u003ca href=\"http://hsh.sfgov.org/wp-content/uploads/2017/02/San_Francisco_Homeless_Count_2005_Final_Report.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">8 percent reduction\u003c/a> in the number of homeless people compared to 2002. Friedenbach believes it’s unlikely Care Not Cash contributed to that reduction since the program didn’t create any new housing. Newsom’s predecessor, Mayor Brown, approved \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11765010/timeline-the-frustrating-political-history-of-homelessness-in-san-francisco\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">thousands of new affordable housing units\u003c/a>, which Friedenbach said had just finished construction around that time and probably made more of a difference.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Rhorer says ending homelessness was never the goal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was about welfare reform,” Rhorer said. And in that way, it worked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Once Care Not Cash began in the spring of 2004, the city immediately saw a reduction in the number of homeless people claiming benefits. In December 2003, there were 2,632 people who received assistance, which dropped to 642 in December 2007.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>In Newsom’s Wake\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The number of people experiencing homelessness then remained relatively stable during Newsom’s tenure until it began to increase again in 2011, right around the time he left to become lieutenant governor, growing from nearly 5,700 people to more than 8,000 in 2019.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Whether Newsom’s leadership would have helped stem the increase is impossible to know, but Bevan Dufty thinks it would have helped. Dufty, now a BART board director, served on San Francisco’s Board of Supervisors with Newsom. He later served as Mayor Ed Lee’s head of homeless policy.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Gavin was mayor during a lot of years when the cupboard was dry,” when the Great Recession hit, Dufty said. “I think San Francisco’s homeless problem would seem very different because he wouldn’t be afraid, if he had had the resources, to put them to use to house people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Not much has changed about Care Not Cash since its inception, Rhorer said, except that now, the city uses a more sophisticated screening matrix to prioritize people who are disabled, chronically homeless or have other special needs — and the amount of public assistance has grown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As mayor, Newsom had also launched an ambitious 10-year plan in 2004 to end chronic homelessness and pledged to build 3,000 new units of supportive housing. By 2014, San Francisco built 2,669 of the units that Newsom pledged as mayor but homelessness still rose — climbing to 6,775 people by 2015.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And it continues to grow.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A decade after Newsom left the mayor’s office, homelessness is a bigger issue than ever, with solutions seeming more out of reach than ever before.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He kicked off the year with a proposal to direct \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2020/01/08/794687084/california-governor-pushes-1-4-billion-plan-to-tackle-homelessness\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">$1.4 billion of the state budget\u003c/a> to pay for rent subsidies, board and care homes, health services and affordable housing, and then went on a statewide tour of emergency shelters and mental health care centers. And he started distributing the first two dozen of 100 former \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11796428/newsom-to-unveil-travel-trailers-for-homeless-in-oakland\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">FEMA trailers and tents\u003c/a> to provide immediate housing for people experiencing homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Wednesday, Newsom said the state would make available 286 state-owed properties such as vacant lots, fairgrounds, armories and other state buildings for potential shelter options that local governments can use for free.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To speed up construction of affordable housing and shelters, Newsom said he would like to bypass state environmental reviews, which are sometimes used to block and delay projects. He also urged the Legislature to reform land use laws to eliminate delays on affordable housing projects around transit hubs and downtown areas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I respect local control, but not at the cost of creating a two-class California,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Friedenbach, a staunch critic of Newsom’s tenure in San Francisco, is hopeful. She was pleased to see Newsom’s executive order to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11801313/newsom-offers-vacant-land-for-homeless-shelters-but-local-officials-worry-who-will-pay\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">use surplus state land for emergency shelters\u003c/a> and his push to provide significant one-time funds to address homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m a big believer in redemption,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>It’s been about a month since California rolled out the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11792899/the-california-consumer-privacy-act-mandates-what-again-exactly\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">toughest consumer data privacy law\u003c/a> in the nation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As of January, you can demand that any company detail what information it collects about you, tell it to stop selling that information to other companies, or even delete the data altogether. And if a company negligently allows itself to be hacked, exposing your data, you can sue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But already, there’s talk of another law: The \u003ca href=\"https://uploads-ssl.webflow.com/5aa18a452485b60001c301de/5d8bc3342a72fc8145920a32_CPREA_2020_092519_Annotated_.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">California Privacy Rights Act\u003c/a> would add clarifying language to the newly enacted \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180AB375\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">California Consumer Privacy Act (CCPA)\u003c/a>, stipulating, among other things, that businesses:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Should not collect the personal information of children without consent.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Should only collect consumers’ personal information for specific purposes.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Should provide consumers with easily accessible tools to obtain their personal information, correct or delete it, and to opt‐out of its sale to other parties.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Perhaps most dramatically, the new initiative would create a new regulatory agency in California that would enforce protections in addition to the Attorney General’s Office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We should have more privacy professionals in this agency, once it gets funded, up and operating if the initiative passes, than right now exists in the FTC [Federal Trade Commission] in the entire country,” said the man behind the existing law and the proposed initiative, \u003ca href=\"https://www.caprivacy.org/about-us\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Alastair Mactaggart\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That said, he added, “Sensible companies realize this regulation is coming. This is not a burn-down-the-whole-world law. This is not a law that, you know, puts anybody out of business.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The real estate developer turned data privacy advocate has given a lot of thought in recent years to the surveillance economy that’s sprung up around consumer data. And he recognizes he’s not alone in feeling concerned about it: About 81% of the public say they feel “the potential risks they face because of data collection by companies outweigh the benefits,” \u003ca href=\"https://www.pewresearch.org/internet/2019/11/15/americans-and-privacy-concerned-confused-and-feeling-lack-of-control-over-their-personal-information/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">according to the Pew Research Center\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But unlike most of us, Mactaggart had the money to launch a political and legal conversation in California, although “conversation” is perhaps too polite a term.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2018, Mactaggart launched a ballot initiative to tackle consumer data privacy. Business interests, data privacy advocates and members of the state Legislature were able to persuade him to drop it in favor of hastily written — and passed — legislation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At that point, all sides declared open season on “fixing” it as the legislative year progressed. More than a couple dozen bills were launched, some trying to tighten the language of the CCPA to favor consumers, more trying to loosen the law to favor businesses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I expected some pushing and shoving, but I didn’t expect this wholesale assault to try to like wipe it out,” Mactaggart said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most of the measures failed to pass, thanks in large part to state Sen. Hannah-Beth Jackson, D-Santa Barbara, who chairs the Senate Judiciary Committee in Sacramento. After the smoke cleared, what was left of the CCPA was still the strongest law of its kind in the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That may be because “it’s the only privacy act in the country,” said Jackson.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said she appreciates that Mactaggart now wants to make the law even tougher, although she hasn’t had the chance to comprehensively review the fine print.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is such a new area. There are probably going to be a lot of different interpretations to it,” Jackson said.[aside label=\"Related stories\" tag=\"data-privacy\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But a number of other data privacy advocates like Mary Stone Ross with the \u003ca href=\"https://epic.org\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Electronic Privacy Information Center\u003c/a> in Washington, D.C., are concerned about the fine print. Ross co-authored the earlier initiative, but says the new one includes giveaways to business interests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For example, there’s this definition of ‘de-identified information,’ ” she said. “It’s actually a really big deal because by definition, de-identified information is not personal information, and so if that definition is weakened, then it weakens the scope of the entire law.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Sure enough, in this new initiative is a weakened definition of de-identified,” Ross added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In other areas of the fine print, the Act raises the threshold for when the rules apply: only companies that buy, sell or share the personal information of more than 100,000 consumers or households need comply. The current standard kicks in for 50,000 consumers or more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And yet more fine print: A business is exempt from disclosing information in response to rights requests if it requires disclosing “trade secrets.” The definition of a trade secret is very broad and could create a significant hurdle for prosecutors, regulators, or consumers trying to exercise their rights under CCPA.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s hard for data privacy advocates to ignore these provisions, even amid other language that tightens other elements of CCPA in favor of consumers. Last October, 11 privacy groups wrote an \u003ca href=\"https://www.eff.org/files/2019/10/29/2019-10-23_-_privacy_coalition_comments_on_cprea.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">open letter\u003c/a> to Mactaggart, urging 45 ways to strengthen the language of his new initiative. Only seven of their suggestions were incorporated into the final version.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are steps forward. There are steps back. There are missed opportunities,” said Hayley Tsukayama, a legislative activist for the \u003ca href=\"https://www.eff.org/deeplinks/2019/10/strengthen-californias-next-consumer-data-privacy-initiative\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Electronic Frontier Foundation\u003c/a>. Noting that EFF has not officially come out against the new initiative, she added, “We have publicly pointed out the flaws that we see in the initiative. He didn’t take all of our suggestions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Beyond California\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In the absence of federal data privacy law, Ross says other states are looking to California for direction. “There’s legislation that’s going to be introduced in Florida, in Colorado, potentially in New York,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Jim Halpert, a corporate attorney with DLA Piper who advises companies about data privacy, the new initiative is a step in the right direction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new language, he said, is “addressing some of the practical compliance issues that drove efforts to amend the law by the business community in 2019.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s groundbreaking data privacy regulation constitutes “a sea change in regulation of privacy in the U.S.,” Halpert added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Few data privacy advocates expect Silicon Valley to lobby against the new initiative as Mactaggart gathers signatures, because they’re getting at least some of what they want. And given growing public concerns about data privacy, people on both sides expect voters to find the basic idea of the California Privacy Rights Act of 2020 appealing.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>It’s been about a month since California rolled out the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11792899/the-california-consumer-privacy-act-mandates-what-again-exactly\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">toughest consumer data privacy law\u003c/a> in the nation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As of January, you can demand that any company detail what information it collects about you, tell it to stop selling that information to other companies, or even delete the data altogether. And if a company negligently allows itself to be hacked, exposing your data, you can sue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But already, there’s talk of another law: The \u003ca href=\"https://uploads-ssl.webflow.com/5aa18a452485b60001c301de/5d8bc3342a72fc8145920a32_CPREA_2020_092519_Annotated_.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">California Privacy Rights Act\u003c/a> would add clarifying language to the newly enacted \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180AB375\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">California Consumer Privacy Act (CCPA)\u003c/a>, stipulating, among other things, that businesses:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Should not collect the personal information of children without consent.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Should only collect consumers’ personal information for specific purposes.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Should provide consumers with easily accessible tools to obtain their personal information, correct or delete it, and to opt‐out of its sale to other parties.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Perhaps most dramatically, the new initiative would create a new regulatory agency in California that would enforce protections in addition to the Attorney General’s Office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We should have more privacy professionals in this agency, once it gets funded, up and operating if the initiative passes, than right now exists in the FTC [Federal Trade Commission] in the entire country,” said the man behind the existing law and the proposed initiative, \u003ca href=\"https://www.caprivacy.org/about-us\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Alastair Mactaggart\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That said, he added, “Sensible companies realize this regulation is coming. This is not a burn-down-the-whole-world law. This is not a law that, you know, puts anybody out of business.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The real estate developer turned data privacy advocate has given a lot of thought in recent years to the surveillance economy that’s sprung up around consumer data. And he recognizes he’s not alone in feeling concerned about it: About 81% of the public say they feel “the potential risks they face because of data collection by companies outweigh the benefits,” \u003ca href=\"https://www.pewresearch.org/internet/2019/11/15/americans-and-privacy-concerned-confused-and-feeling-lack-of-control-over-their-personal-information/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">according to the Pew Research Center\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But unlike most of us, Mactaggart had the money to launch a political and legal conversation in California, although “conversation” is perhaps too polite a term.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2018, Mactaggart launched a ballot initiative to tackle consumer data privacy. Business interests, data privacy advocates and members of the state Legislature were able to persuade him to drop it in favor of hastily written — and passed — legislation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At that point, all sides declared open season on “fixing” it as the legislative year progressed. More than a couple dozen bills were launched, some trying to tighten the language of the CCPA to favor consumers, more trying to loosen the law to favor businesses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I expected some pushing and shoving, but I didn’t expect this wholesale assault to try to like wipe it out,” Mactaggart said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most of the measures failed to pass, thanks in large part to state Sen. Hannah-Beth Jackson, D-Santa Barbara, who chairs the Senate Judiciary Committee in Sacramento. After the smoke cleared, what was left of the CCPA was still the strongest law of its kind in the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That may be because “it’s the only privacy act in the country,” said Jackson.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said she appreciates that Mactaggart now wants to make the law even tougher, although she hasn’t had the chance to comprehensively review the fine print.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is such a new area. There are probably going to be a lot of different interpretations to it,” Jackson said.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But a number of other data privacy advocates like Mary Stone Ross with the \u003ca href=\"https://epic.org\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Electronic Privacy Information Center\u003c/a> in Washington, D.C., are concerned about the fine print. Ross co-authored the earlier initiative, but says the new one includes giveaways to business interests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For example, there’s this definition of ‘de-identified information,’ ” she said. “It’s actually a really big deal because by definition, de-identified information is not personal information, and so if that definition is weakened, then it weakens the scope of the entire law.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Sure enough, in this new initiative is a weakened definition of de-identified,” Ross added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In other areas of the fine print, the Act raises the threshold for when the rules apply: only companies that buy, sell or share the personal information of more than 100,000 consumers or households need comply. The current standard kicks in for 50,000 consumers or more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And yet more fine print: A business is exempt from disclosing information in response to rights requests if it requires disclosing “trade secrets.” The definition of a trade secret is very broad and could create a significant hurdle for prosecutors, regulators, or consumers trying to exercise their rights under CCPA.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s hard for data privacy advocates to ignore these provisions, even amid other language that tightens other elements of CCPA in favor of consumers. Last October, 11 privacy groups wrote an \u003ca href=\"https://www.eff.org/files/2019/10/29/2019-10-23_-_privacy_coalition_comments_on_cprea.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">open letter\u003c/a> to Mactaggart, urging 45 ways to strengthen the language of his new initiative. Only seven of their suggestions were incorporated into the final version.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are steps forward. There are steps back. There are missed opportunities,” said Hayley Tsukayama, a legislative activist for the \u003ca href=\"https://www.eff.org/deeplinks/2019/10/strengthen-californias-next-consumer-data-privacy-initiative\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Electronic Frontier Foundation\u003c/a>. Noting that EFF has not officially come out against the new initiative, she added, “We have publicly pointed out the flaws that we see in the initiative. He didn’t take all of our suggestions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Beyond California\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In the absence of federal data privacy law, Ross says other states are looking to California for direction. “There’s legislation that’s going to be introduced in Florida, in Colorado, potentially in New York,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Jim Halpert, a corporate attorney with DLA Piper who advises companies about data privacy, the new initiative is a step in the right direction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new language, he said, is “addressing some of the practical compliance issues that drove efforts to amend the law by the business community in 2019.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s groundbreaking data privacy regulation constitutes “a sea change in regulation of privacy in the U.S.,” Halpert added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Few data privacy advocates expect Silicon Valley to lobby against the new initiative as Mactaggart gathers signatures, because they’re getting at least some of what they want. And given growing public concerns about data privacy, people on both sides expect voters to find the basic idea of the California Privacy Rights Act of 2020 appealing.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "trumps-changes-to-immigration-could-take-years-to-undo-experts-say",
"title": "Trump's Changes to Immigration Could Take Years to Undo — Even With a New President",
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"headTitle": "Trump’s Changes to Immigration Could Take Years to Undo — Even With a New President | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>As the 2020 presidential contest ramps up, President Trump is doubling down on restricting immigration to the U.S. — a key campaign pledge he made during his first run for the White House and one that he is hoping will earn him a second term. For many voters, immigration could be a defining issue in November — whether they support or oppose his policies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In his first week in office in January 2017, Trump issued a series of directives to dramatically increase border enforcement, expand detention and deportation of immigrants and halt refugee resettlement. The president often speaks of immigrants as “dangerous” and a threat to Americans, using words like “criminals” and calling a migrant caravan an “invasion.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, three years on, the transformation of federal immigration policy has been far-reaching, touching legal immigrants and asylum-seekers as well as immigrants in the country without authorization.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump’s antagonists, including California political leaders, have filed \u003ca href=\"https://www.forbes.com/sites/stuartanderson/2019/11/05/all-the-presidents-immigration-lawsuits/#68e55c6a7d8e\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">scores of lawsuits\u003c/a> blocking many of the administration’s immigration moves — at least temporarily. But judges have \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2019/09/11/759981451/supreme-court-allows-government-to-curtail-asylum-requests-during-legal-fight\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">allowed\u003c/a> other policies to take effect, even as legal challenges work their way through federal courts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11801948\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11801948 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/02142020_ICE-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/02142020_ICE-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/02142020_ICE-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/02142020_ICE-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/02142020_ICE-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement provided this handout of an ICE enforcement operation it said was targeting immigration fugitives and re-entrants, among others, on Feb. 9, 2017, in Atlanta, Georgia. (Photo by Bryan Cox/U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement via Getty Images)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Trump’s harsh rhetoric and restrictive policies present a stark contrast with the Democratic field of presidential candidates. But analysts say the scope of the changes made by the Trump administration is so broad that the effects are likely to endure for years, even if the president is not reelected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The administration’s enforcement push comes at a time when illegal immigration at the U.S.-Mexico border is \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbp.gov/sites/default/files/assets/documents/2020-Jan/U.S.%20Border%20Patrol%20Total%20Apprehensions%20%28FY%201925%20-%20FY%202019%29.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">far lower\u003c/a> than it was 20 years ago. And most undocumented immigrants have lived in the U.S. for a decade or more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, just 577,000 immigrants were granted lawful permanent residence last year, far fewer than any time in the past two decades, when the U.S. issued roughly 1 million \u003ca href=\"https://www.dhs.gov/immigration-statistics/yearbook/2018/table1\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">green cards\u003c/a> annually.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘One of the Major Eras of Xenophobia?’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Some immigration scholars say this presidency is more hostile to immigrants than any in modern history, while advocates who favor tougher immigration policies applaud Trump’s approach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>UC Davis School of Law Dean Kevin R. Johnson contrasted the current era with the 1950s, when more than 1 million Mexicans were rounded up in a mass deportation campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Even when he put in place Operation Wetback, President Eisenhower didn’t talk about immigrants the way this president does,” Johnson said. “The talk about race, and the fear created in immigrant communities, are what differentiates this president.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation='Jessica Vaughan, the Center for Immigration Studies']‘Almost every part of our immigration system has been touched.’[/pullquote]“In a historical sense, it represents one of the major eras of xenophobia,” said University of San Francisco law professor Bill Ong Hing, comparing this period to the 1920s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jessica Vaughan, director of policy studies at the Center for Immigration Studies, said that while Trump’s language is “coarse,” she gives him high marks for clamping down “to de-incentivize people streaming up to the border, thinking they’d be released into the interior.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Almost every part of our immigration system has been touched,” added Vaughn, whose center favors reducing immigration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, \u003ca href=\"https://news.gallup.com/poll/1660/immigration.aspx\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">public\u003c/a> \u003ca href=\"https://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2019/11/12/americans-immigration-policy-priorities-divisions-between-and-within-the-two-parties/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">opinion\u003c/a> polls show that most Americans \u003ca href=\"https://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2019/11/12/americans-immigration-policy-priorities-divisions-between-and-within-the-two-parties/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">support\u003c/a> border security as well as a path to citizenship for undocumented immigrants, and they favor taking in refugees of war and violence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11757637\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11757637\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/ap_19126782050207_wide-926c85f779a71eddf5da6a166e583dd036c4cd76-800x450.jpg\" alt='Cuban migrants cross a bridge in Mexico to be processed as asylum-seekers in the U.S. The labor union representing asylum officers claims the policy formally known as the Migrant Protection Protocols is a \"widespread violation\" of international and domestic la' width=\"800\" height=\"450\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Cuban migrants cross a bridge in Mexico to be processed as asylum-seekers in the U.S. \u003ccite>(Christian Torres/AP )\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>Little Tweaks, Huge Policy Implications\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>So far, immigration changes under Trump have not been enshrined in new laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, he has used his executive authority, like other presidents before him, to accomplish his goals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11801856 label='the lasting impact of trump' hero=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/02142020_immigration_girl-qut-1020x642.jpg\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Little tweaks have huge policy implications,” said Sarah Pierce, an immigration policy analyst at the nonpartisan Migration Policy Institute in Washington, D.C. “So any future administration that’s more friendly to immigration is going to require decades to reverse this.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here’s a look at what those changes add up to:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>— Trying to build a border wall\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>President Trump’s pledge to build a wall on the Mexican border galvanized enthusiasm among his supporters, but it has proven difficult — and costly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Congress approved much less money than Trump requested — $1.3 billion in the 2020 spending bill, rather than $8.6 billion. Despite legal challenges, conservative court majorities have recently \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2020/01/09/794969121/appeals-court-allows-trump-to-divert-3-6-billion-in-military-funds-for-border-wa\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">allowed construction\u003c/a> to move ahead.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As of January, the government had built one mile of new barrier and 100 miles of replacement or secondary fencing — at a cost of almost $20 million per mile, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2020/01/17/797410228/at-11-billion-and-counting-trumps-border-wall-would-be-the-worlds-most-expensive\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">NPR reported\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>— Restricting access to asylum\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The administration may not have gotten far with a physical wall, but it has succeeded in erecting a virtual wall of regulations, blocking tens of thousands of migrants from being considered for asylum at the U.S.-Mexico border.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For example: Over the past year, border officials sent about 60,000 non-Mexicans back to Mexico to wait while their asylum cases are decided in U.S. immigration courts. It’s next to impossible for migrants in the so-called Remain in Mexico program to find U.S. immigration lawyers, and fewer than 200 have won their cases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And last year, a \u003ca href=\"https://www.federalregister.gov/documents/2019/07/16/2019-15246/asylum-eligibility-and-procedural-modifications\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">new rule\u003c/a> shut out all asylum-seekers who crossed a “third country” en route to the U.S. but didn’t ask for protection there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Federal courts have \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2019/09/11/759981451/supreme-court-allows-government-to-curtail-asylum-requests-during-legal-fight\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">allowed both policies\u003c/a> to take effect while lower courts hear legal challenges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>— Separating families and zero tolerance\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Removing migrant children from their parents at the U.S.-Mexico border was one of the Trump administration’s most controversial steps — and prompted a broad, bipartisan backlash.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The separations began after then-Attorney General Jeff Sessions announced a “zero tolerance” policy aimed at criminally prosecuting all adults — including parents — who cross the border illegally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2018, a federal judge in San Diego halted the separations and ordered the reunification of families. More than 18 months later, perhaps as many as 2,000 of the more than 5,500 separated children still have not been reunited with their parents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11798878\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11798878\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-986359448-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-986359448-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-986359448-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-986359448-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-986359448.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">People demonstrate in Washington, DC, on June 28, 2018, demanding an end to the separation of migrant children from their parents. (Photo credit should read NICHOLAS KAMM/AFP via Getty Images)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>— Pushing to end DACA \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since 2012, Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals has granted temporary protection from deportation — and permission to work — to \u003ca href=\"https://www.uscis.gov/tools/reports-studies/immigration-forms-data\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">more than 800,000\u003c/a> young undocumented immigrants brought to the U.S. as children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2017, the Trump administration moved to end DACA, calling it an \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/opa/speech/attorney-general-sessions-delivers-remarks-daca\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">overreach\u003c/a> of President Barack Obama’s executive power. The University of California and others sued, and federal judges have kept the program in place while the case is appealed. The U.S. Supreme Court is \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11785839/u-s-supreme-court-takes-on-daca-and-the-fate-of-nearly-200000-california-dreamers\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">expected\u003c/a> to rule this spring.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are currently about 650,000 DACA recipients and nearly 200,000 of them live in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>— Broadening immigration enforcement\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With an \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/presidential-actions/executive-order-enhancing-public-safety-interior-united-states/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">executive order\u003c/a> in his first days in office, Trump wiped away Obama’s deportation priorities, which had focused on violent criminals and recent border crossers. Instead, Trump made just about any “removable alien” a priority.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a result, the share of immigrants arrested by U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement who had no criminal record grew — from 14% in 2016 to 36% last year, according to Pierce of the Migration Policy Institute.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>— Restricting legal immigration \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In January, the U.S. Supreme Court ruled that the administration may expand the so-called “public charge” rule, even as that’s being challenged in court. The rule is a sweeping effort to restrict lower-income immigrants from becoming permanent U.S. residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The government has long denied green cards to people who used substantial cash assistance from the government. Now the rule applies to immigrants who have used, or might use, many more non-cash benefits, including food stamps and MediCal — even for short periods. San Francisco and Santa Clara counties filed the first challenge to the rule, saying it could hurt the U.S. citizen children of immigrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>— Refugee and humanitarian restrictions\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>President Trump has \u003ca href=\"https://www.migrationpolicy.org/programs/data-hub/charts/us-annual-refugee-resettlement-ceilings-and-number-refugees-admitted-united\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">slashed\u003c/a> the number of refugees the U.S. will admit annually — from 85,000 when he was elected, to a historic low of 18,000 for 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation='Sarah Pierce, Migration Policy Institute']‘Little tweaks have huge policy implications. So any future administration that’s more friendly to immigration is going to require decades to reverse this.’[/pullquote]The administration has also tried to terminate Temporary Protected Status for citizens of six countries allowed to stay in the U.S. following war or natural disaster. Roughly \u003ca href=\"https://www.everycrsreport.com/files/20190329_RS20844_40bba737bf5e4440ac7bebb19757db87fe994fa4.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">400,000 TPS holders\u003c/a> could face deportation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A federal judge in San Francisco has \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11783511/trump-administration-extends-protections-for-many-salvadorans-living-in-u-s\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">temporarily blocked\u003c/a> the administration from ending TPS for people from El Salvador, Haiti, Nicaragua, Sudan, Honduras and Nepal. The 9th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals is deciding whether to allow that injunction to stand.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>— Aiming to expand detention of children\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Children in immigration custody are protected by the \u003ca href=\"https://www.aila.org/infonet/flores-v-reno-settlement-agreement\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Flores settlement agreement\u003c/a>. It says children should be released to an adult sponsor — but if they remain in custody, it must be in a licensed child care facility, not a jail-like setting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2015, a federal judge in Los Angeles ruled that kids must be released promptly from ICE family detention centers, generally within 20 days. Last year, the Trump administration published \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11769437/whats-in-new-trump-immigration-rule-overriding-flores-agreement-3-key-changes\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">federal rules aimed\u003c/a> at replacing Flores and permitting long-term family detention, which the L.A. judge blocked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, six migrant children \u003ca href=\"https://www.propublica.org/article/six-children-died-in-border-patrol-care-democrats-in-congress-want-to-know-why\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">died\u003c/a> of illness in federal custody between September 2018 and May 2019.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>— Tightening pressure on immigration courts\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Justice Department, which oversees immigration courts, has tried to speed up deportations by setting a quota requiring judges to complete 700 cases a year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then-Attorney General Sessions also stripped authority from immigration judges, barring them from dismissing or suspending low-priority cases. Sessions also ordered judges to reopen more than 300,000 cases that had been administratively closed. That’s on top of a historic backlog of more than 1 million cases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Immigration judges say their limited discretion and the pressure to close cases faster is creating an “\u003ca href=\"https://thehill.com/changing-america/well-being/mental-health/480165-immigration-judges-are-retiring-and-quitting-early\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">unbearable\u003c/a>” work environment and threatening due process for immigrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11796924\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11796924\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/01172020_asylum-seeker_mexico-qut-800x532.jpg\" alt=\"A woman waits to hear her place on a list of people waiting in Tijuana, Mexico, on Nov. 18, 2018, to seek asylum in the U.S.\" width=\"800\" height=\"532\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/01172020_asylum-seeker_mexico-qut-800x532.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/01172020_asylum-seeker_mexico-qut-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/01172020_asylum-seeker_mexico-qut-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/01172020_asylum-seeker_mexico-qut.jpg 1800w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A woman waits to hear her place on a list of people waiting in Tijuana, Mexico, on Nov. 18, 2018, to seek asylum in the U.S. \u003ccite>(David Maung/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Political Implications\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>How lasting President Trump’s immigration restrictions prove will largely depend on the 2020 election, and who wins not just the presidency but also control of Congress.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In his State of the Union speech in early February, Trump emphasized his push to build a border wall, his opposition to sanctuary cities and his agreements that turn back asylum-seekers at the border.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s a strategy that Jessica Vaughan, with the conservative Center for Immigration Studies, believes will be popular.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People are insistent that the laws be enforced. That’s a strength for him going into this election and he knows it,” she said. “We’re going to see him keep doing things he thinks are going to play well with voters.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11797878,news_11796825,news_11785839]But others believe Trump’s tough-on-immigrants approach could backfire this year, even though it worked for him in 2016.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Matt Barreto, a professor of political science at UCLA and co-founder of the Latino Decisions polling firm, said \u003ca href=\"http://publications.unidosus.org/bitstream/handle/123456789/1996/TheStateoftheLatinoVote.pdf?sequence=1&isAllowed=y\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">polls show Latino\u003c/a> and immigrant voters are angry over the president’s racially polarizing language, family separations and the deaths of migrant children in federal custody.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No one’s in favor of putting kids in cages and giving them space blankets,” Barreto said. “It’s a hard thing to sell.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Robust Latino turnout in 2018 helped flip at least a dozen congressional seats from Republican to Democrat, according to Barreto’s research, and it could play a big role in this year’s general election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think on Super Tuesday we’ll get a really big clue,” he said. “We’ll have [primaries in] Texas and California both. If the turnout is really robust we’ll see that people are amped up and ready to participate.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If Trump is reelected, Vaughan and others expect him to put forward a major immigration bill crafted by presidential adviser and son-in-law Jared Kushner. The proposal codifies many restrictive enforcement measures and favors high-skilled immigrants over family-based immigration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For advocates and politicians, immigration is intensely polarizing, said Theresa Cardinal Brown, director of immigration policy at the centrist Bipartisan Policy Center in Washington, D.C.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Immigration is now ranking up amongst those insoluble, intractable issues like abortion and gun control,” she said. “There’s no middle ground that people will admit to … And that’s highly problematic for an issue like immigration that has to be legislated.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But she believes that public opinion is more nuanced.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People believe in a middle ground,” she said. “They say, ‘Sure we can secure our borders, but we can also have compassion for immigrants. Sure we can tighten our legal immigration system, but that doesn’t mean we have to break up families.’ ”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"title": "Trump's Changes to Immigration Could Take Years to Undo — Even With a New President | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>As the 2020 presidential contest ramps up, President Trump is doubling down on restricting immigration to the U.S. — a key campaign pledge he made during his first run for the White House and one that he is hoping will earn him a second term. For many voters, immigration could be a defining issue in November — whether they support or oppose his policies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In his first week in office in January 2017, Trump issued a series of directives to dramatically increase border enforcement, expand detention and deportation of immigrants and halt refugee resettlement. The president often speaks of immigrants as “dangerous” and a threat to Americans, using words like “criminals” and calling a migrant caravan an “invasion.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, three years on, the transformation of federal immigration policy has been far-reaching, touching legal immigrants and asylum-seekers as well as immigrants in the country without authorization.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump’s antagonists, including California political leaders, have filed \u003ca href=\"https://www.forbes.com/sites/stuartanderson/2019/11/05/all-the-presidents-immigration-lawsuits/#68e55c6a7d8e\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">scores of lawsuits\u003c/a> blocking many of the administration’s immigration moves — at least temporarily. But judges have \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2019/09/11/759981451/supreme-court-allows-government-to-curtail-asylum-requests-during-legal-fight\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">allowed\u003c/a> other policies to take effect, even as legal challenges work their way through federal courts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11801948\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11801948 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/02142020_ICE-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/02142020_ICE-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/02142020_ICE-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/02142020_ICE-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/02142020_ICE-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement provided this handout of an ICE enforcement operation it said was targeting immigration fugitives and re-entrants, among others, on Feb. 9, 2017, in Atlanta, Georgia. (Photo by Bryan Cox/U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement via Getty Images)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Trump’s harsh rhetoric and restrictive policies present a stark contrast with the Democratic field of presidential candidates. But analysts say the scope of the changes made by the Trump administration is so broad that the effects are likely to endure for years, even if the president is not reelected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The administration’s enforcement push comes at a time when illegal immigration at the U.S.-Mexico border is \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbp.gov/sites/default/files/assets/documents/2020-Jan/U.S.%20Border%20Patrol%20Total%20Apprehensions%20%28FY%201925%20-%20FY%202019%29.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">far lower\u003c/a> than it was 20 years ago. And most undocumented immigrants have lived in the U.S. for a decade or more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, just 577,000 immigrants were granted lawful permanent residence last year, far fewer than any time in the past two decades, when the U.S. issued roughly 1 million \u003ca href=\"https://www.dhs.gov/immigration-statistics/yearbook/2018/table1\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">green cards\u003c/a> annually.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘One of the Major Eras of Xenophobia?’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Some immigration scholars say this presidency is more hostile to immigrants than any in modern history, while advocates who favor tougher immigration policies applaud Trump’s approach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>UC Davis School of Law Dean Kevin R. Johnson contrasted the current era with the 1950s, when more than 1 million Mexicans were rounded up in a mass deportation campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Even when he put in place Operation Wetback, President Eisenhower didn’t talk about immigrants the way this president does,” Johnson said. “The talk about race, and the fear created in immigrant communities, are what differentiates this president.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘Almost every part of our immigration system has been touched.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“In a historical sense, it represents one of the major eras of xenophobia,” said University of San Francisco law professor Bill Ong Hing, comparing this period to the 1920s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jessica Vaughan, director of policy studies at the Center for Immigration Studies, said that while Trump’s language is “coarse,” she gives him high marks for clamping down “to de-incentivize people streaming up to the border, thinking they’d be released into the interior.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Almost every part of our immigration system has been touched,” added Vaughn, whose center favors reducing immigration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, \u003ca href=\"https://news.gallup.com/poll/1660/immigration.aspx\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">public\u003c/a> \u003ca href=\"https://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2019/11/12/americans-immigration-policy-priorities-divisions-between-and-within-the-two-parties/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">opinion\u003c/a> polls show that most Americans \u003ca href=\"https://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2019/11/12/americans-immigration-policy-priorities-divisions-between-and-within-the-two-parties/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">support\u003c/a> border security as well as a path to citizenship for undocumented immigrants, and they favor taking in refugees of war and violence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11757637\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11757637\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/ap_19126782050207_wide-926c85f779a71eddf5da6a166e583dd036c4cd76-800x450.jpg\" alt='Cuban migrants cross a bridge in Mexico to be processed as asylum-seekers in the U.S. The labor union representing asylum officers claims the policy formally known as the Migrant Protection Protocols is a \"widespread violation\" of international and domestic la' width=\"800\" height=\"450\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Cuban migrants cross a bridge in Mexico to be processed as asylum-seekers in the U.S. \u003ccite>(Christian Torres/AP )\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>Little Tweaks, Huge Policy Implications\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>So far, immigration changes under Trump have not been enshrined in new laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, he has used his executive authority, like other presidents before him, to accomplish his goals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Little tweaks have huge policy implications,” said Sarah Pierce, an immigration policy analyst at the nonpartisan Migration Policy Institute in Washington, D.C. “So any future administration that’s more friendly to immigration is going to require decades to reverse this.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here’s a look at what those changes add up to:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>— Trying to build a border wall\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>President Trump’s pledge to build a wall on the Mexican border galvanized enthusiasm among his supporters, but it has proven difficult — and costly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Congress approved much less money than Trump requested — $1.3 billion in the 2020 spending bill, rather than $8.6 billion. Despite legal challenges, conservative court majorities have recently \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2020/01/09/794969121/appeals-court-allows-trump-to-divert-3-6-billion-in-military-funds-for-border-wa\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">allowed construction\u003c/a> to move ahead.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As of January, the government had built one mile of new barrier and 100 miles of replacement or secondary fencing — at a cost of almost $20 million per mile, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2020/01/17/797410228/at-11-billion-and-counting-trumps-border-wall-would-be-the-worlds-most-expensive\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">NPR reported\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>— Restricting access to asylum\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The administration may not have gotten far with a physical wall, but it has succeeded in erecting a virtual wall of regulations, blocking tens of thousands of migrants from being considered for asylum at the U.S.-Mexico border.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For example: Over the past year, border officials sent about 60,000 non-Mexicans back to Mexico to wait while their asylum cases are decided in U.S. immigration courts. It’s next to impossible for migrants in the so-called Remain in Mexico program to find U.S. immigration lawyers, and fewer than 200 have won their cases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And last year, a \u003ca href=\"https://www.federalregister.gov/documents/2019/07/16/2019-15246/asylum-eligibility-and-procedural-modifications\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">new rule\u003c/a> shut out all asylum-seekers who crossed a “third country” en route to the U.S. but didn’t ask for protection there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Federal courts have \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2019/09/11/759981451/supreme-court-allows-government-to-curtail-asylum-requests-during-legal-fight\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">allowed both policies\u003c/a> to take effect while lower courts hear legal challenges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>— Separating families and zero tolerance\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Removing migrant children from their parents at the U.S.-Mexico border was one of the Trump administration’s most controversial steps — and prompted a broad, bipartisan backlash.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The separations began after then-Attorney General Jeff Sessions announced a “zero tolerance” policy aimed at criminally prosecuting all adults — including parents — who cross the border illegally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2018, a federal judge in San Diego halted the separations and ordered the reunification of families. More than 18 months later, perhaps as many as 2,000 of the more than 5,500 separated children still have not been reunited with their parents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11798878\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11798878\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-986359448-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-986359448-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-986359448-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-986359448-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-986359448.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">People demonstrate in Washington, DC, on June 28, 2018, demanding an end to the separation of migrant children from their parents. (Photo credit should read NICHOLAS KAMM/AFP via Getty Images)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>— Pushing to end DACA \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since 2012, Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals has granted temporary protection from deportation — and permission to work — to \u003ca href=\"https://www.uscis.gov/tools/reports-studies/immigration-forms-data\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">more than 800,000\u003c/a> young undocumented immigrants brought to the U.S. as children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2017, the Trump administration moved to end DACA, calling it an \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/opa/speech/attorney-general-sessions-delivers-remarks-daca\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">overreach\u003c/a> of President Barack Obama’s executive power. The University of California and others sued, and federal judges have kept the program in place while the case is appealed. The U.S. Supreme Court is \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11785839/u-s-supreme-court-takes-on-daca-and-the-fate-of-nearly-200000-california-dreamers\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">expected\u003c/a> to rule this spring.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are currently about 650,000 DACA recipients and nearly 200,000 of them live in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>— Broadening immigration enforcement\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With an \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/presidential-actions/executive-order-enhancing-public-safety-interior-united-states/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">executive order\u003c/a> in his first days in office, Trump wiped away Obama’s deportation priorities, which had focused on violent criminals and recent border crossers. Instead, Trump made just about any “removable alien” a priority.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a result, the share of immigrants arrested by U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement who had no criminal record grew — from 14% in 2016 to 36% last year, according to Pierce of the Migration Policy Institute.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>— Restricting legal immigration \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In January, the U.S. Supreme Court ruled that the administration may expand the so-called “public charge” rule, even as that’s being challenged in court. The rule is a sweeping effort to restrict lower-income immigrants from becoming permanent U.S. residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The government has long denied green cards to people who used substantial cash assistance from the government. Now the rule applies to immigrants who have used, or might use, many more non-cash benefits, including food stamps and MediCal — even for short periods. San Francisco and Santa Clara counties filed the first challenge to the rule, saying it could hurt the U.S. citizen children of immigrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>— Refugee and humanitarian restrictions\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>President Trump has \u003ca href=\"https://www.migrationpolicy.org/programs/data-hub/charts/us-annual-refugee-resettlement-ceilings-and-number-refugees-admitted-united\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">slashed\u003c/a> the number of refugees the U.S. will admit annually — from 85,000 when he was elected, to a historic low of 18,000 for 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The administration has also tried to terminate Temporary Protected Status for citizens of six countries allowed to stay in the U.S. following war or natural disaster. Roughly \u003ca href=\"https://www.everycrsreport.com/files/20190329_RS20844_40bba737bf5e4440ac7bebb19757db87fe994fa4.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">400,000 TPS holders\u003c/a> could face deportation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A federal judge in San Francisco has \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11783511/trump-administration-extends-protections-for-many-salvadorans-living-in-u-s\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">temporarily blocked\u003c/a> the administration from ending TPS for people from El Salvador, Haiti, Nicaragua, Sudan, Honduras and Nepal. The 9th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals is deciding whether to allow that injunction to stand.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>— Aiming to expand detention of children\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Children in immigration custody are protected by the \u003ca href=\"https://www.aila.org/infonet/flores-v-reno-settlement-agreement\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Flores settlement agreement\u003c/a>. It says children should be released to an adult sponsor — but if they remain in custody, it must be in a licensed child care facility, not a jail-like setting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2015, a federal judge in Los Angeles ruled that kids must be released promptly from ICE family detention centers, generally within 20 days. Last year, the Trump administration published \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11769437/whats-in-new-trump-immigration-rule-overriding-flores-agreement-3-key-changes\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">federal rules aimed\u003c/a> at replacing Flores and permitting long-term family detention, which the L.A. judge blocked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, six migrant children \u003ca href=\"https://www.propublica.org/article/six-children-died-in-border-patrol-care-democrats-in-congress-want-to-know-why\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">died\u003c/a> of illness in federal custody between September 2018 and May 2019.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>— Tightening pressure on immigration courts\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Justice Department, which oversees immigration courts, has tried to speed up deportations by setting a quota requiring judges to complete 700 cases a year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then-Attorney General Sessions also stripped authority from immigration judges, barring them from dismissing or suspending low-priority cases. Sessions also ordered judges to reopen more than 300,000 cases that had been administratively closed. That’s on top of a historic backlog of more than 1 million cases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Immigration judges say their limited discretion and the pressure to close cases faster is creating an “\u003ca href=\"https://thehill.com/changing-america/well-being/mental-health/480165-immigration-judges-are-retiring-and-quitting-early\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">unbearable\u003c/a>” work environment and threatening due process for immigrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11796924\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11796924\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/01172020_asylum-seeker_mexico-qut-800x532.jpg\" alt=\"A woman waits to hear her place on a list of people waiting in Tijuana, Mexico, on Nov. 18, 2018, to seek asylum in the U.S.\" width=\"800\" height=\"532\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/01172020_asylum-seeker_mexico-qut-800x532.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/01172020_asylum-seeker_mexico-qut-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/01172020_asylum-seeker_mexico-qut-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/01172020_asylum-seeker_mexico-qut.jpg 1800w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A woman waits to hear her place on a list of people waiting in Tijuana, Mexico, on Nov. 18, 2018, to seek asylum in the U.S. \u003ccite>(David Maung/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Political Implications\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>How lasting President Trump’s immigration restrictions prove will largely depend on the 2020 election, and who wins not just the presidency but also control of Congress.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In his State of the Union speech in early February, Trump emphasized his push to build a border wall, his opposition to sanctuary cities and his agreements that turn back asylum-seekers at the border.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s a strategy that Jessica Vaughan, with the conservative Center for Immigration Studies, believes will be popular.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People are insistent that the laws be enforced. That’s a strength for him going into this election and he knows it,” she said. “We’re going to see him keep doing things he thinks are going to play well with voters.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>But others believe Trump’s tough-on-immigrants approach could backfire this year, even though it worked for him in 2016.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Matt Barreto, a professor of political science at UCLA and co-founder of the Latino Decisions polling firm, said \u003ca href=\"http://publications.unidosus.org/bitstream/handle/123456789/1996/TheStateoftheLatinoVote.pdf?sequence=1&isAllowed=y\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">polls show Latino\u003c/a> and immigrant voters are angry over the president’s racially polarizing language, family separations and the deaths of migrant children in federal custody.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No one’s in favor of putting kids in cages and giving them space blankets,” Barreto said. “It’s a hard thing to sell.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Robust Latino turnout in 2018 helped flip at least a dozen congressional seats from Republican to Democrat, according to Barreto’s research, and it could play a big role in this year’s general election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think on Super Tuesday we’ll get a really big clue,” he said. “We’ll have [primaries in] Texas and California both. If the turnout is really robust we’ll see that people are amped up and ready to participate.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If Trump is reelected, Vaughan and others expect him to put forward a major immigration bill crafted by presidential adviser and son-in-law Jared Kushner. The proposal codifies many restrictive enforcement measures and favors high-skilled immigrants over family-based immigration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For advocates and politicians, immigration is intensely polarizing, said Theresa Cardinal Brown, director of immigration policy at the centrist Bipartisan Policy Center in Washington, D.C.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Immigration is now ranking up amongst those insoluble, intractable issues like abortion and gun control,” she said. “There’s no middle ground that people will admit to … And that’s highly problematic for an issue like immigration that has to be legislated.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But she believes that public opinion is more nuanced.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People believe in a middle ground,” she said. “They say, ‘Sure we can secure our borders, but we can also have compassion for immigrants. Sure we can tighten our legal immigration system, but that doesn’t mean we have to break up families.’ ”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Judge Denies Gig Worker Law Exemption for Uber, Postmates During Lawsuit",
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"content": "\u003cp>A federal judge on Monday refused to exempt ride-hailing company Uber and on-demand meal delivery service Postmates from \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11794049/as-new-california-law-tries-to-make-contract-workers-employees-industries-push-back\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Assembly Bill 5\u003c/a>, a broad new California labor law, while she considers their lawsuit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. District Judge Dolly Gee in Los Angeles denied the companies’ request for a preliminary injunction protecting them from the law, which aims to give wage and benefit protections to people who work as independent contractors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With that decision, “it is now the responsibility of California to enforce the law on behalf of these workers,” Democratic Assemblywoman Lorena Gonzalez of San Diego, who wrote the law, said in a tweet after the ruling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The companies contend that the law that took effect Jan. 1 violates federal and state constitutional guarantees of equal protection and due process. It created the nation’s strictest test by which workers must be considered employees, which could set a precedent for other states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Uber said it is considering whether to appeal. The two companies are among those also collecting signatures for a measure on the November ballot that would exempt them while giving drivers new benefits like health care and an earnings guarantee of 120% of minimum wage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State lawmakers passed the law “using a biased and overtly political process that ignored the voices of the workers most affected by the law and granted preferential treatment to an arbitrary group of industries,” Uber said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lawsuit argues that the law exempts some industries but includes ride-hail and delivery companies without a rational basis for distinguishing between them. It says that the law also infringes on workers’ rights to choose how they make a living and could void their existing contracts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gee rejected all those arguments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside tag=\"ab-5\" label=\"related coverage\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The judge agreed that there is evidence that the law “targeted” the companies and that some state lawmakers “specifically complained about Uber.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But such targeting, even if it rises to the level of animus toward gig economy companies, does not establish an Equal Protection violation,” Gee wrote, given that the law also “addresses legitimate concerns” about the harmful misclassification of workers “in many industries, not just the gig economy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The law is intended to extend employee rights to more than a million California workers who lack benefits like a minimum wage, mileage reimbursements, paid sick leave, medical coverage and disability pay for on-the-job injuries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another judge blocked the law from applying to independent truckers on the grounds that the state law is preempted by federal law when it comes to their profession.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A third judge is scheduled to consider next month whether to temporarily block the law from applying to freelance writers and photographers. But Gonzalez last week said she intends to seek changes to the law as it applies to freelancers and is considering changes for musicians.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A federal judge on Monday refused to exempt ride-hailing company Uber and on-demand meal delivery service Postmates from \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11794049/as-new-california-law-tries-to-make-contract-workers-employees-industries-push-back\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Assembly Bill 5\u003c/a>, a broad new California labor law, while she considers their lawsuit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. District Judge Dolly Gee in Los Angeles denied the companies’ request for a preliminary injunction protecting them from the law, which aims to give wage and benefit protections to people who work as independent contractors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With that decision, “it is now the responsibility of California to enforce the law on behalf of these workers,” Democratic Assemblywoman Lorena Gonzalez of San Diego, who wrote the law, said in a tweet after the ruling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The companies contend that the law that took effect Jan. 1 violates federal and state constitutional guarantees of equal protection and due process. It created the nation’s strictest test by which workers must be considered employees, which could set a precedent for other states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Uber said it is considering whether to appeal. The two companies are among those also collecting signatures for a measure on the November ballot that would exempt them while giving drivers new benefits like health care and an earnings guarantee of 120% of minimum wage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State lawmakers passed the law “using a biased and overtly political process that ignored the voices of the workers most affected by the law and granted preferential treatment to an arbitrary group of industries,” Uber said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lawsuit argues that the law exempts some industries but includes ride-hail and delivery companies without a rational basis for distinguishing between them. It says that the law also infringes on workers’ rights to choose how they make a living and could void their existing contracts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gee rejected all those arguments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The judge agreed that there is evidence that the law “targeted” the companies and that some state lawmakers “specifically complained about Uber.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But such targeting, even if it rises to the level of animus toward gig economy companies, does not establish an Equal Protection violation,” Gee wrote, given that the law also “addresses legitimate concerns” about the harmful misclassification of workers “in many industries, not just the gig economy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The law is intended to extend employee rights to more than a million California workers who lack benefits like a minimum wage, mileage reimbursements, paid sick leave, medical coverage and disability pay for on-the-job injuries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another judge blocked the law from applying to independent truckers on the grounds that the state law is preempted by federal law when it comes to their profession.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A third judge is scheduled to consider next month whether to temporarily block the law from applying to freelance writers and photographers. But Gonzalez last week said she intends to seek changes to the law as it applies to freelancers and is considering changes for musicians.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "protesters-say-trumps-acquittal-in-impeachment-trial-is-a-coverup",
"title": "Protesters Say Trump's Acquittal in Impeachment Trial Is a 'Coverup'",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated Thursday, 9:50 a.m.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the Senate \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11800119/watch-live-trump-on-brink-of-acquittal-by-u-s-senate\">voted to acquit\u003c/a> President Trump on both articles of impeachment, abuse of power and obstruction of Congress, protesters took to the streets around the Bay Area early Wednesday evening.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rallies organized by Nobody Is Above the Law, a national coalition of progressive advocacy groups, \u003ca href=\"https://rejectthecoverup.org/\">were planned\u003c/a> in San Francisco, Oakland and Emeryville, among other places.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the cable car turnaround at the corner of Powell and Market streets in San Francisco, a group of about 100 people gathered, waving signs reading, “Reject the Coverup” and chanting, “The senate has failed, but the people will prevail.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11800386\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11800386\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS41156_005_KQED_TrumpProtest_02052020_1577-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Demonstrators gather at the corner of Powell and Market streets in San Francisco on Feb. 5, 2020, to protest the Senate's acquittal of President Trump in a historic impeachment trial.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS41156_005_KQED_TrumpProtest_02052020_1577-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS41156_005_KQED_TrumpProtest_02052020_1577-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS41156_005_KQED_TrumpProtest_02052020_1577-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS41156_005_KQED_TrumpProtest_02052020_1577-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Demonstrators gather at the corner of Powell and Market streets in San Francisco on Feb. 5, 2020, to protest the Senate’s acquittal of President Trump in a historic impeachment trial. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We will keep up the pressure on Republican lawmakers who enabled Trump’s corruption,” said Ryan Thomas, press secretary for Stand Up America, one of the members of the coalition behind the protests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Acquittal on the first article was 52-48, with Republican Sen. Mitt Romney of Utah becoming the only senator to cross party lines. Trump was cleared of the second charge on a straight party-line vote, 53-47.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11800341\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11800341\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS41147_003_KQED_TrumpProtest_02052020_1561-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Christine Diehl wears a Trump mask at a protest against the Senate's acquittal of President Trump on two impeachment charges.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS41147_003_KQED_TrumpProtest_02052020_1561-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS41147_003_KQED_TrumpProtest_02052020_1561-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS41147_003_KQED_TrumpProtest_02052020_1561-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS41147_003_KQED_TrumpProtest_02052020_1561-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Christine Diehl wears a Trump mask at a protest against the Senate’s acquittal of President Trump on two impeachment charges. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Christine Diehl, who wore a Trump face mask to the San Francisco rally, said, “As much as I disagree with Mitt Romney, I respect that he stuck with his principles.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11800385\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11800385\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS41155_004_KQED_TrumpProtest_02052020_1495-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Michael Kesselman hands out blindfolds at the Reject the Coverup protest at Powell and Market Streets in San Francisco on Feb. 5, 2020. He said that justice should be blind but not blinded.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS41155_004_KQED_TrumpProtest_02052020_1495-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS41155_004_KQED_TrumpProtest_02052020_1495-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS41155_004_KQED_TrumpProtest_02052020_1495-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS41155_004_KQED_TrumpProtest_02052020_1495-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Michael Kesselman hands out blindfolds at the Reject the Coverup protest at Powell and Market Streets in San Francisco on Feb. 5, 2020. He said that justice should be blind but not blinded. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Michael Kesselman handed out blindfolds, saying that justice should be blind but not blinded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other rallies were reportedly peaceful, like ones in San Rafael and Walnut Creek.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/SanRafaelPolice/status/1225287406753964032\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/rayinaction/status/1225280381915525121\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nobody Is Above the Law’s Thomas said that rallies were planned in 45 states and the District of Columbia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/JoshuaPotash/status/1225199316744187904\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Trump campaign immediately issued a statement after the Senate vote, saying the president had been “totally vindicated.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump is only the third U.S. president to be impeached by the House of Representatives. None has been removed from office by the Senate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>NPR contributed to this story.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Demonstrators took to the streets around the Bay Area Wednesday afternoon, saying they wanted to keep up the pressure on Republican lawmakers.",
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"title": "Protesters Say Trump's Acquittal in Impeachment Trial Is a 'Coverup' | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated Thursday, 9:50 a.m.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the Senate \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11800119/watch-live-trump-on-brink-of-acquittal-by-u-s-senate\">voted to acquit\u003c/a> President Trump on both articles of impeachment, abuse of power and obstruction of Congress, protesters took to the streets around the Bay Area early Wednesday evening.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rallies organized by Nobody Is Above the Law, a national coalition of progressive advocacy groups, \u003ca href=\"https://rejectthecoverup.org/\">were planned\u003c/a> in San Francisco, Oakland and Emeryville, among other places.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the cable car turnaround at the corner of Powell and Market streets in San Francisco, a group of about 100 people gathered, waving signs reading, “Reject the Coverup” and chanting, “The senate has failed, but the people will prevail.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11800386\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11800386\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS41156_005_KQED_TrumpProtest_02052020_1577-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Demonstrators gather at the corner of Powell and Market streets in San Francisco on Feb. 5, 2020, to protest the Senate's acquittal of President Trump in a historic impeachment trial.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS41156_005_KQED_TrumpProtest_02052020_1577-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS41156_005_KQED_TrumpProtest_02052020_1577-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS41156_005_KQED_TrumpProtest_02052020_1577-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS41156_005_KQED_TrumpProtest_02052020_1577-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Demonstrators gather at the corner of Powell and Market streets in San Francisco on Feb. 5, 2020, to protest the Senate’s acquittal of President Trump in a historic impeachment trial. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We will keep up the pressure on Republican lawmakers who enabled Trump’s corruption,” said Ryan Thomas, press secretary for Stand Up America, one of the members of the coalition behind the protests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Acquittal on the first article was 52-48, with Republican Sen. Mitt Romney of Utah becoming the only senator to cross party lines. Trump was cleared of the second charge on a straight party-line vote, 53-47.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11800341\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11800341\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS41147_003_KQED_TrumpProtest_02052020_1561-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Christine Diehl wears a Trump mask at a protest against the Senate's acquittal of President Trump on two impeachment charges.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS41147_003_KQED_TrumpProtest_02052020_1561-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS41147_003_KQED_TrumpProtest_02052020_1561-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS41147_003_KQED_TrumpProtest_02052020_1561-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS41147_003_KQED_TrumpProtest_02052020_1561-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Christine Diehl wears a Trump mask at a protest against the Senate’s acquittal of President Trump on two impeachment charges. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Christine Diehl, who wore a Trump face mask to the San Francisco rally, said, “As much as I disagree with Mitt Romney, I respect that he stuck with his principles.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11800385\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11800385\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS41155_004_KQED_TrumpProtest_02052020_1495-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Michael Kesselman hands out blindfolds at the Reject the Coverup protest at Powell and Market Streets in San Francisco on Feb. 5, 2020. He said that justice should be blind but not blinded.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS41155_004_KQED_TrumpProtest_02052020_1495-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS41155_004_KQED_TrumpProtest_02052020_1495-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS41155_004_KQED_TrumpProtest_02052020_1495-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS41155_004_KQED_TrumpProtest_02052020_1495-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Michael Kesselman hands out blindfolds at the Reject the Coverup protest at Powell and Market Streets in San Francisco on Feb. 5, 2020. He said that justice should be blind but not blinded. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Michael Kesselman handed out blindfolds, saying that justice should be blind but not blinded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other rallies were reportedly peaceful, like ones in San Rafael and Walnut Creek.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>Nobody Is Above the Law’s Thomas said that rallies were planned in 45 states and the District of Columbia.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>The Trump campaign immediately issued a statement after the Senate vote, saying the president had been “totally vindicated.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump is only the third U.S. president to be impeached by the House of Representatives. None has been removed from office by the Senate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>NPR contributed to this story.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "California Just Finished Counting Its Homeless — A Tally Sure to Be Inaccurate, and Politically Weaponized",
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"content": "\u003cp>With yellow vests and flashlights, over 200 volunteers fanned out across Fresno to count homeless people this past Tuesday night. Along the railway, one group walked by a freight container with a mattress and shoes inside, and past a dirt cot enclosed in a tarp pegged to a bush.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The people who likely slept there the night before were no longer present, and thus not counted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Continuing on, BNSF Railway agent Adam Garza led volunteers to where he last week spotted at least a half-dozen people living. Now there were none. “It’s kind of funny,” he said. “CHP cleared out everybody in the areas that we have problems with in these last few weeks.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside tag=\"homelessness\" label=\"more coverage\"]The Fresno area, by last year’s count, had the highest percentage of unsheltered people anywhere in the country. This year, volunteers are counting again — joining Los Angeles, San Diego and hundreds of cities and counties nationwide that will report their homeless counts to the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development. These “one night count” numbers will translate to state and federal dollars aimed at alleviating the problem.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, California’s cities and counties tallied more than 150,000 people living on the streets or in emergency shelters — a 17% uptick from the previous year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But as important as that 150,000 figure is, nearly everyone involved in one-night counts acknowledges that the volunteer-led process significantly underestimates the actual number of people without a safe place to call home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If we don’t use the right numbers for the homeless population, the political class are placing themselves in a situation where they are most likely going to fail,” said Christopher Weare, a UC Berkeley lecturer who researches homelessness. “They can spend billions of dollars, have very effective programs, get a lot of people housed, and we’re still going to have this very large [homeless] population.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates complain that the federal definition of homelessness is far too narrow — it excludes people who are doubled-up or couch surfing with relatives or friends, or paying for a cheap motel room. Even those living outdoors can be easily missed, especially if law enforcement has recently cleared encampments. Weare, who’s refining a more comprehensive point-in-time counting method, produced a Sacramento number nearly six times greater than the number of homeless people in the federal count.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Amid all the uncertainties about the accuracy of the count, one thing seems certain: California’s numbers will be big — and weaponized, politically.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Trump administration used the 2019 count to assail the state’s Democratic lawmakers and Gov. Gavin Newsom for what the president described as a tremendous failure. Last month, U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development Secretary Ben Carson singled out California no fewer than \u003ca href=\"https://www.hud.gov/press/press_releases_media_advisories/HUD_No_19_177\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">nine times\u003c/a> in his press release announcing national homelessness figures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If it wasn’t for California and Oregon, the administration noted, the country could boast a nationwide decline.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Every community in California is required by HUD to conduct a one-night count every other year, but some places such as Fresno and Los Angeles County opt to conduct theirs every year. The tabulations made this month will form the basis for the certified annual U.S. count that HUD will release next December.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom and other California mayors and legislators will be on the hook to show improvement — but that time lag is likely to work against them, and could spell real political problems for the governor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most of the $650 million in emergency homelessness funding he approved last year won’t materialize in shelters or emergency rental assistance until well after the one-night counts are concluded. The earliest this year’s $750 million proposal could be accessed by homeless service providers would be July, and that would require a two-thirds vote of state lawmakers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Technically, statewide homeless counts should only be compared every other year, as communities are required to conduct one night counts only in odd years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Why the count will fall short\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Only a handful of cities and counties across California actually try to send volunteers to every corner of their jurisdiction. Most send counters only to homeless “hot spots” — places known to service providers to have lots of unhoused residents sleeping outdoors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s also difficult for volunteers to identify on sight who is homeless and who isn’t.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If someone is just walking the street at night and doesn’t have a shopping cart, they may not be recognized as homeless, when they in fact have nowhere to go,” said Weare, the UC Berkeley lecturer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And encampment cleanups pose “a huge challenge,” said Jody Ketcheside, vice chair of the Fresno-Madera Continuum of Care, who coordinates the Fresno count. “Sometimes those will happen the day before, or the day of, and people are displaced and we can’t find them again, because we do our outreach during [the week prior] to determine where the encampments are.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another limitation of the one-night-count: timing. The snapshots don’t capture the much larger number of Californians who fall into homelessness over the course of an entire year. [pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation='Christopher Weare, UC Berkeley']‘If someone is just walking the street at night and doesn’t have a shopping cart, they may not be recognized as homeless, when they in fact have nowhere to go’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nonetheless, Ketcheside said she thinks the counts are getting more accurate, in part because of more volunteers. Over 300 people signed up to count heads or conduct surveys in Fresno this year, a record.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But a more comprehensive count now could distort how well homelessness can be tracked over time. Ironically, more volunteers identifying more people experiencing homelessness could overstate how much homelessness has grown significantly, when perhaps it was simply undercounted in the past.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Although a lot of us don’t like it, HUD doesn’t have another way right now,” said Doreen Eley, assisted housing manager at Fresno Housing Authority. “This is what they have, so this is what we do.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>How the numbers matter\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Point-in-time counts have guided much of the emergency funding state lawmakers have approved in recent years to fight homelessness — \u003ca href=\"https://bcsh.ca.gov/hcfc/documents/heap_overview.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">$500 million distributed in 2018\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.bcsh.ca.gov/hcfc/documents/hhap_allocations.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">$650 million distributed this year\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The more people counted in Los Angeles than Fresno, the larger the share Los Angeles got of that overall funding, according to Russ Heimerich, a spokesman for the Business, Consumer Services and Housing Agency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Federal funding is also tied to point-in-time counts, although that funding is set to maintain current local spending, according to Eley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom has asked the Legislature for an additional \u003ca href=\"https://www.sacbee.com/news/politics-government/capitol-alert/article239063373.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">$750 million in state emergency funds\u003c/a> for homelessness. Whether that money will also be allotted using the new point-in-time numbers remains up in the air, according to Alicia Sutton, deputy secretary for homelessness at the state Business, Consumer Services and Housing Agency. But there’s no better option in sight.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re all aware it’s not a perfect measure but it’s an agreed upon best measure for understanding the current scope of the problem,” Sutton said. “We’re using HUD’s system. They understand the limitations and we’re in conversations with them, but it’s really their system.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Is there a better way to do this?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>“Everybody uses these numbers as if they actually tell us something,” said Paul Boden, executive director of the \u003ca href=\"https://wraphome.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Western Regional Advocacy Project\u003c/a>. “And what they’re telling us lately is the numbers are going up, which means in reality, it’s probably 10 times worse — because they’re using a system that was artificially created to keep the numbers as low as possible.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For a more comprehensive count, Boden points to data from the U.S. Education Department. It includes kids who live doubled-up with other families and stay in motels, regardless of who funds their stay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Statewide, nearly 246,000 students from kindergarten through high school were homeless in 2018, according to the Department of Education’s more expansive definition. That’s nearly 100,000 more than California’s official homeless count of people of all ages last year and doesn’t include those homeless children’s parents, or children under age 5. [pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation='Paul Boden, executive director of the Western Regional Advocacy Project']‘Everybody uses these numbers as if they actually tell us something.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates also suggest a gaps analysis, which looks at how many people have tried to access a service and how many were accommodated in order to determine funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Fresno, where new shelter beds that opened last year fill within hours, \u003ca href=\"https://www.fresnobee.com/news/local/article234085097.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">the gap between supply and demand for homeless services is high\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The other thing that’s really hard when you do the count and surveys is, you’re counting more people than you can actually help today. That gets tough because it kind of makes our homeless population numb to the questions,” said Shawn Jenkins, vice chair of the Fresno-Madera Continuum of Care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For now, the state’s tallies are done, the numbers will wend their way to Washington D.C., and untold tens of thousands of Californians will remain without shelter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve been blessed by God, and Fresno police have been pretty understanding. They haven’t impounded my truck,” said one such man counted in his vehicle by Fresno volunteers, as a woman slept in the passenger seat. “You know, if they do, I’ll probably end up cuddling with that guy,” he quipped about his friend leaning on the other side of the truck.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But I’ll probably freeze to death.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Manuela Tobias is a reporter with the Fresno Bee and Matt Levin is the housing reporter at CalMatters. This article is done with \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/category/california-divide/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">The California Divide\u003c/a>, a collaboration among newsrooms examining income inequity and economic survival in California.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The Fresno area, by last year’s count, had the highest percentage of unsheltered people anywhere in the country. This year, volunteers are counting again — joining Los Angeles, San Diego and hundreds of cities and counties nationwide that will report their homeless counts to the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development. These “one night count” numbers will translate to state and federal dollars aimed at alleviating the problem.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, California’s cities and counties tallied more than 150,000 people living on the streets or in emergency shelters — a 17% uptick from the previous year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But as important as that 150,000 figure is, nearly everyone involved in one-night counts acknowledges that the volunteer-led process significantly underestimates the actual number of people without a safe place to call home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If we don’t use the right numbers for the homeless population, the political class are placing themselves in a situation where they are most likely going to fail,” said Christopher Weare, a UC Berkeley lecturer who researches homelessness. “They can spend billions of dollars, have very effective programs, get a lot of people housed, and we’re still going to have this very large [homeless] population.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates complain that the federal definition of homelessness is far too narrow — it excludes people who are doubled-up or couch surfing with relatives or friends, or paying for a cheap motel room. Even those living outdoors can be easily missed, especially if law enforcement has recently cleared encampments. Weare, who’s refining a more comprehensive point-in-time counting method, produced a Sacramento number nearly six times greater than the number of homeless people in the federal count.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Amid all the uncertainties about the accuracy of the count, one thing seems certain: California’s numbers will be big — and weaponized, politically.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Trump administration used the 2019 count to assail the state’s Democratic lawmakers and Gov. Gavin Newsom for what the president described as a tremendous failure. Last month, U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development Secretary Ben Carson singled out California no fewer than \u003ca href=\"https://www.hud.gov/press/press_releases_media_advisories/HUD_No_19_177\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">nine times\u003c/a> in his press release announcing national homelessness figures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If it wasn’t for California and Oregon, the administration noted, the country could boast a nationwide decline.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Every community in California is required by HUD to conduct a one-night count every other year, but some places such as Fresno and Los Angeles County opt to conduct theirs every year. The tabulations made this month will form the basis for the certified annual U.S. count that HUD will release next December.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom and other California mayors and legislators will be on the hook to show improvement — but that time lag is likely to work against them, and could spell real political problems for the governor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most of the $650 million in emergency homelessness funding he approved last year won’t materialize in shelters or emergency rental assistance until well after the one-night counts are concluded. The earliest this year’s $750 million proposal could be accessed by homeless service providers would be July, and that would require a two-thirds vote of state lawmakers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Technically, statewide homeless counts should only be compared every other year, as communities are required to conduct one night counts only in odd years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Why the count will fall short\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Only a handful of cities and counties across California actually try to send volunteers to every corner of their jurisdiction. Most send counters only to homeless “hot spots” — places known to service providers to have lots of unhoused residents sleeping outdoors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s also difficult for volunteers to identify on sight who is homeless and who isn’t.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If someone is just walking the street at night and doesn’t have a shopping cart, they may not be recognized as homeless, when they in fact have nowhere to go,” said Weare, the UC Berkeley lecturer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And encampment cleanups pose “a huge challenge,” said Jody Ketcheside, vice chair of the Fresno-Madera Continuum of Care, who coordinates the Fresno count. “Sometimes those will happen the day before, or the day of, and people are displaced and we can’t find them again, because we do our outreach during [the week prior] to determine where the encampments are.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another limitation of the one-night-count: timing. The snapshots don’t capture the much larger number of Californians who fall into homelessness over the course of an entire year. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nonetheless, Ketcheside said she thinks the counts are getting more accurate, in part because of more volunteers. Over 300 people signed up to count heads or conduct surveys in Fresno this year, a record.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But a more comprehensive count now could distort how well homelessness can be tracked over time. Ironically, more volunteers identifying more people experiencing homelessness could overstate how much homelessness has grown significantly, when perhaps it was simply undercounted in the past.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Although a lot of us don’t like it, HUD doesn’t have another way right now,” said Doreen Eley, assisted housing manager at Fresno Housing Authority. “This is what they have, so this is what we do.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>How the numbers matter\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Point-in-time counts have guided much of the emergency funding state lawmakers have approved in recent years to fight homelessness — \u003ca href=\"https://bcsh.ca.gov/hcfc/documents/heap_overview.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">$500 million distributed in 2018\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.bcsh.ca.gov/hcfc/documents/hhap_allocations.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">$650 million distributed this year\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The more people counted in Los Angeles than Fresno, the larger the share Los Angeles got of that overall funding, according to Russ Heimerich, a spokesman for the Business, Consumer Services and Housing Agency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Federal funding is also tied to point-in-time counts, although that funding is set to maintain current local spending, according to Eley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom has asked the Legislature for an additional \u003ca href=\"https://www.sacbee.com/news/politics-government/capitol-alert/article239063373.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">$750 million in state emergency funds\u003c/a> for homelessness. Whether that money will also be allotted using the new point-in-time numbers remains up in the air, according to Alicia Sutton, deputy secretary for homelessness at the state Business, Consumer Services and Housing Agency. But there’s no better option in sight.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re all aware it’s not a perfect measure but it’s an agreed upon best measure for understanding the current scope of the problem,” Sutton said. “We’re using HUD’s system. They understand the limitations and we’re in conversations with them, but it’s really their system.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Is there a better way to do this?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>“Everybody uses these numbers as if they actually tell us something,” said Paul Boden, executive director of the \u003ca href=\"https://wraphome.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Western Regional Advocacy Project\u003c/a>. “And what they’re telling us lately is the numbers are going up, which means in reality, it’s probably 10 times worse — because they’re using a system that was artificially created to keep the numbers as low as possible.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For a more comprehensive count, Boden points to data from the U.S. Education Department. It includes kids who live doubled-up with other families and stay in motels, regardless of who funds their stay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Statewide, nearly 246,000 students from kindergarten through high school were homeless in 2018, according to the Department of Education’s more expansive definition. That’s nearly 100,000 more than California’s official homeless count of people of all ages last year and doesn’t include those homeless children’s parents, or children under age 5. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates also suggest a gaps analysis, which looks at how many people have tried to access a service and how many were accommodated in order to determine funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Fresno, where new shelter beds that opened last year fill within hours, \u003ca href=\"https://www.fresnobee.com/news/local/article234085097.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">the gap between supply and demand for homeless services is high\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The other thing that’s really hard when you do the count and surveys is, you’re counting more people than you can actually help today. That gets tough because it kind of makes our homeless population numb to the questions,” said Shawn Jenkins, vice chair of the Fresno-Madera Continuum of Care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For now, the state’s tallies are done, the numbers will wend their way to Washington D.C., and untold tens of thousands of Californians will remain without shelter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve been blessed by God, and Fresno police have been pretty understanding. They haven’t impounded my truck,” said one such man counted in his vehicle by Fresno volunteers, as a woman slept in the passenger seat. “You know, if they do, I’ll probably end up cuddling with that guy,” he quipped about his friend leaning on the other side of the truck.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But I’ll probably freeze to death.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Manuela Tobias is a reporter with the Fresno Bee and Matt Levin is the housing reporter at CalMatters. This article is done with \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/category/california-divide/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">The California Divide\u003c/a>, a collaboration among newsrooms examining income inequity and economic survival in California.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>The Trump administration says it will not allow California to collect a key health care tax on managed care organizations, a decision that could cost the state nearly $2 billion a year for low-income benefits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The news does not immediately affect California’s budget because the state did not plan to receive that money this year or the budget year that begins July 1. But it could cost California $1.2 billion in the fiscal year that begins July 1, 2021, California Department of Finance spokesman H.D. Palmer said. That number increases to $1.9 billion after that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Administration will continue its ongoing discussions with federal Medicaid officials on this issue,” Palmer said. “Consistent with the federal government’s prior approvals of similar financing waivers, we believe and expect that we can reach an agreement that allows this type of financing to continue.”[aside tag='health-care' label='Related Coverage']The decision will likely further inflame tensions between the Trump administration and Gov. Gavin Newsom, who are fighting over money for a high-speed rail project and California’s authority to set its own vehicle emission standards.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The tax applies to managed care organizations that administer California’s Medicaid plans, the joint state and federal program that provides health benefits for the poor and people with disabilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California uses the money it gets from the taxes to pay its share of Medicaid costs, which then triggers payments from the federal government. It was expected to save the state about $1.2 billion in the 2021-22 budget year and $1.9 billion in the 2022-23 budget year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Losing the money likely won’t cripple California’s Medicaid program, the largest in the country with a budget of more than $100 billion, said John Baackes, CEO of LA Care Health Plan, the largest publicly-operated health plan in the country with nearly 2.2 million members.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For me, the bigger question is how [are] the Newsom administration and the Trump administration going to find a way to work together that doesn’t cause harm to the people here who depend on these programs?” Baackes said. “The Trump administration doesn’t seem to be as willing to talk.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While a small part of the overall Medicaid budget, the money is an important for number of benefits that would be eliminated without it, said Anthony Wright, executive director of Health Access, a consumer health care advocacy group. Plus, he said the Trump administration’s decision was surprising given that it has approved similar proposals from Ohio and Michigan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There should be no reason why California should not be able to get a revenue stream for our Medicaid program that other states are getting,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services says it won’t allow the tax because it only applies to managed care organizations that receive Medicaid payments. Organizations that don’t receive Medicaid payments would not be taxed. That is against federal rules, according to a letter from Calder Lynch, acting deputy administrator and director of the federal Center for Medicare and Medicaid Services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom had planned to use the money from the tax to extend the extension of 21 programs, including an 18-month extension of a sales tax exemption on diapers and tampons. Those tax exemptions are scheduled to expire in in 2022.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The Trump administration says it will not allow California to collect a key health care tax on managed care organizations, a decision that could cost the state nearly $2 billion a year for low-income benefits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The news does not immediately affect California’s budget because the state did not plan to receive that money this year or the budget year that begins July 1. But it could cost California $1.2 billion in the fiscal year that begins July 1, 2021, California Department of Finance spokesman H.D. Palmer said. That number increases to $1.9 billion after that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Administration will continue its ongoing discussions with federal Medicaid officials on this issue,” Palmer said. “Consistent with the federal government’s prior approvals of similar financing waivers, we believe and expect that we can reach an agreement that allows this type of financing to continue.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The decision will likely further inflame tensions between the Trump administration and Gov. Gavin Newsom, who are fighting over money for a high-speed rail project and California’s authority to set its own vehicle emission standards.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The tax applies to managed care organizations that administer California’s Medicaid plans, the joint state and federal program that provides health benefits for the poor and people with disabilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California uses the money it gets from the taxes to pay its share of Medicaid costs, which then triggers payments from the federal government. It was expected to save the state about $1.2 billion in the 2021-22 budget year and $1.9 billion in the 2022-23 budget year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Losing the money likely won’t cripple California’s Medicaid program, the largest in the country with a budget of more than $100 billion, said John Baackes, CEO of LA Care Health Plan, the largest publicly-operated health plan in the country with nearly 2.2 million members.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For me, the bigger question is how [are] the Newsom administration and the Trump administration going to find a way to work together that doesn’t cause harm to the people here who depend on these programs?” Baackes said. “The Trump administration doesn’t seem to be as willing to talk.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While a small part of the overall Medicaid budget, the money is an important for number of benefits that would be eliminated without it, said Anthony Wright, executive director of Health Access, a consumer health care advocacy group. Plus, he said the Trump administration’s decision was surprising given that it has approved similar proposals from Ohio and Michigan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There should be no reason why California should not be able to get a revenue stream for our Medicaid program that other states are getting,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services says it won’t allow the tax because it only applies to managed care organizations that receive Medicaid payments. Organizations that don’t receive Medicaid payments would not be taxed. That is against federal rules, according to a letter from Calder Lynch, acting deputy administrator and director of the federal Center for Medicare and Medicaid Services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom had planned to use the money from the tax to extend the extension of 21 programs, including an 18-month extension of a sales tax exemption on diapers and tampons. Those tax exemptions are scheduled to expire in in 2022.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Thursday is “\u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/kqed/status/1222916181910282241?s=21\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Fred Korematsu Day\u003c/a>,” a day set aside to commemorate Oakland-born Fred Korematsu, who resisted the internment of Japanese Americans all the way to the U.S. Supreme Court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It is also the day KQED’s Michelle Wiley and Tyche Hendricks published an \u003ca href=\"http://bit.ly/fiorefamilyseparationongoing\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">extensive account\u003c/a> of the Trump administration’s family separation policy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I wish I could say this is a cartoon wrap-up of the cruel policy that tore migrant families apart, but the ripple effects are far from wrapped-up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There will be more cartoons.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like the internment of Japanese Americans during World War II, recent family separations at the U.S.-Mexico border are a stain on the ongoing history of the United States.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11785848/still-searching-for-missing-family-pieces\">Still Searching for Missing Family Pieces\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\n\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"aligncenter size-medium wp-image-11799091\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/reunification_110819_final-800x569.jpg\" alt=\"Reunification by Mark Fiore\" width=\"800\" height=\"569\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/reunification_110819_final-800x569.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/reunification_110819_final-160x114.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/reunification_110819_final-1020x725.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/reunification_110819_final.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11769046/new-policy-would-allow-u-s-to-lock-up-kids-indefinitely-no-really\">New Policy Would Allow U.S. to Lock Up Kids Indefinitely. No, Really\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\n\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"aligncenter size-medium wp-image-11769054\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/preventing_082119_final-800x581.jpg\" alt=\"Preventing Abuse by Mark Fiore\" width=\"800\" height=\"581\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/preventing_082119_final-800x581.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/preventing_082119_final-160x116.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/preventing_082119_final-1020x741.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/preventing_082119_final-1200x872.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/preventing_082119_final.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11738609/sec-kirstjen-nielsens-inescapable-legacy\">Sec. Kirstjen Nielsen’s Inescapable Legacy\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\n\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"aligncenter size-medium wp-image-11738639\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/04/legacy_040819_final-800x527.jpg\" alt=\"Proud Legacy by Mark Fiore\" width=\"800\" height=\"527\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/04/legacy_040819_final-800x527.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/04/legacy_040819_final-160x105.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/04/legacy_040819_final-1020x672.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/04/legacy_040819_final-1200x791.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/04/legacy_040819_final.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>\u003ca 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\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11714145/migrant-children-across-the-u-s\">Migrant Children Across the U.S.\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\n\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"aligncenter size-medium wp-image-11714162\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/trauma_122018_final-800x518.jpg\" alt=\"Childhood Trauma by Mark Fiore\" width=\"800\" height=\"518\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/trauma_122018_final-800x518.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/trauma_122018_final-160x104.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/trauma_122018_final-1020x660.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/trauma_122018_final-1200x777.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/trauma_122018_final.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/trauma_122018_final-1180x764.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/trauma_122018_final-960x622.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/trauma_122018_final-240x155.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/trauma_122018_final-375x243.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/trauma_122018_final-520x337.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11710928/still-separating-families\">Still Separating Families\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\n\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"aligncenter size-medium wp-image-11710936\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/maintain_120718_final-800x509.jpg\" alt=\"Still Separating by Mark Fiore\" width=\"800\" height=\"509\" 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"title": "A Collection of Family Separation Cartoons on Fred Korematsu Day | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Thursday is “\u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/kqed/status/1222916181910282241?s=21\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Fred Korematsu Day\u003c/a>,” a day set aside to commemorate Oakland-born Fred Korematsu, who resisted the internment of Japanese Americans all the way to the U.S. Supreme Court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It is also the day KQED’s Michelle Wiley and Tyche Hendricks published an \u003ca href=\"http://bit.ly/fiorefamilyseparationongoing\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">extensive account\u003c/a> of the Trump administration’s family separation policy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I wish I could say this is a cartoon wrap-up of the cruel policy that tore migrant families apart, but the ripple effects are far from wrapped-up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There will be more cartoons.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like the internment of Japanese Americans during World War II, recent family separations at the U.S.-Mexico border are a stain on the ongoing history of the United States.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11785848/still-searching-for-missing-family-pieces\">Still Searching for Missing Family Pieces\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\n\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"aligncenter size-medium wp-image-11799091\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/reunification_110819_final-800x569.jpg\" alt=\"Reunification by Mark Fiore\" width=\"800\" height=\"569\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/reunification_110819_final-800x569.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/reunification_110819_final-160x114.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/reunification_110819_final-1020x725.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/reunification_110819_final.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11769046/new-policy-would-allow-u-s-to-lock-up-kids-indefinitely-no-really\">New Policy Would Allow U.S. to Lock Up Kids Indefinitely. No, Really\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\n\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"aligncenter size-medium wp-image-11769054\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/preventing_082119_final-800x581.jpg\" alt=\"Preventing Abuse by Mark Fiore\" width=\"800\" height=\"581\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/preventing_082119_final-800x581.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/preventing_082119_final-160x116.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/preventing_082119_final-1020x741.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/preventing_082119_final-1200x872.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/preventing_082119_final.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11738609/sec-kirstjen-nielsens-inescapable-legacy\">Sec. Kirstjen Nielsen’s Inescapable Legacy\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\n\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"aligncenter size-medium wp-image-11738639\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/04/legacy_040819_final-800x527.jpg\" alt=\"Proud Legacy by Mark Fiore\" width=\"800\" height=\"527\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/04/legacy_040819_final-800x527.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/04/legacy_040819_final-160x105.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/04/legacy_040819_final-1020x672.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/04/legacy_040819_final-1200x791.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/04/legacy_040819_final.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11776071/migrant-children-still-being-separated-from-their-parents\">Migrant Children Still Being Separated From Their Parents\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\n\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"aligncenter size-medium wp-image-11776079\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/09/still_092319_final-800x555.jpg\" alt=\"Still Separating by Mark Fiore\" width=\"800\" height=\"555\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/09/still_092319_final-800x555.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/09/still_092319_final-160x111.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/09/still_092319_final-1020x708.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/09/still_092319_final-1200x833.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/09/still_092319_final.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11714145/migrant-children-across-the-u-s\">Migrant Children Across the U.S.\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\n\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"aligncenter size-medium wp-image-11714162\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/trauma_122018_final-800x518.jpg\" alt=\"Childhood Trauma by Mark Fiore\" width=\"800\" height=\"518\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/trauma_122018_final-800x518.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/trauma_122018_final-160x104.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/trauma_122018_final-1020x660.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/trauma_122018_final-1200x777.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/trauma_122018_final.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/trauma_122018_final-1180x764.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/trauma_122018_final-960x622.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/trauma_122018_final-240x155.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/trauma_122018_final-375x243.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/trauma_122018_final-520x337.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11710928/still-separating-families\">Still Separating Families\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\n\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"aligncenter size-medium wp-image-11710936\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/maintain_120718_final-800x509.jpg\" alt=\"Still Separating by Mark Fiore\" width=\"800\" height=\"509\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/maintain_120718_final-800x509.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/maintain_120718_final-160x102.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/maintain_120718_final-1020x649.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/maintain_120718_final-1200x763.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/maintain_120718_final.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11667159/zero-tolerance-at-the-border\">‘Zero-tolerance’ at the Border\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\n\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"aligncenter size-medium wp-image-11667168\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/sessionsborder_050818_final-800x521.jpg\" alt=\"Child-smugglers by Mark Fiore\" width=\"800\" height=\"521\" 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"content": "\u003cp>A flurry of last-minute votes Thursday wasn’t enough to save Senate Bill 50, one of California’s most controversial and closely watched housing bills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The vote remained unchanged from Wednesday, when it failed to earn the majority 21 votes it needed to pass. Only 18 senators voted on Thursday in favor of the bill, 15 voted against and six were absent or abstained.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill’s sponsor, San Francisco state Sen. Scott Wiener, said he was “deeply disappointed” in the outcome of the bill but vowed to try again.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“SB 50 does represent an aggressive reform of the status quo and it signaled to a lot of people the state was serious about addressing the housing crisis,” Wiener told reporters Thursday following the vote. “But I also believe we will pivot quickly and get something big done this year.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wiener didn’t specify what he plans but said he would work with the governor’s office and legislative leadership to introduce new legislation to boost housing construction throughout the state. And just hours after the vote Thursday, he introduced two placeholder housing bills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/Scott_Wiener/status/1222995545452449792?s=20\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom took heat after the bill’s defeat for campaigning on the promise to stimulate more housing construction but declining to endorse a bill that could have helped address the housing shortage. Newsom said in a statement Thursday the Legislature must pass a “historic housing production bill.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State senators in opposition, many from Southern California, argued the legislation took too much power away from city and county governments, which typically have the final say in what gets built within their jurisdictions. Other legislators also argued the bill would encourage too much market-rate and luxury housing without assurances there would be enough affordable housing produced for rent-burdened, low- and middle-income residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democratic state Sen. Holly Mitchell of Los Angeles on Wednesday summarized in one sentence the equity concerns of many housing justice activists who opposed the bill: “Who has the privilege of living where?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SB 50 would have enabled more housing construction by forcing cities to authorize four- and five-story apartment buildings near train stations, along major bus lines and in job-rich neighborhoods. It would also allow duplexes and fourplexes where only single-family homes are currently permitted. Proponents of the bill saw it as one of the most significant ways to dramatically increase housing production throughout the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite the bill’s failure, Senate President Pro Tem Toni Atkins, D-San Diego, said California still needs to build more housing if it wants to tackle its housing affordability problem. A \u003ca href=\"https://www.mckinsey.com/~/media/McKinsey/Featured%20Insights/Urbanization/Closing%20Californias%20housing%20gap/Closing-Californias-housing-gap-Full-report.ashx\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">2016 McKinsey report\u003c/a> estimated California needs to build 3.5 million homes to keep pace with its population.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement following the vote, Atkins called out senators who voted against the bill but haven’t presented alternatives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The opponents of SB 50 have real concerns, but have offered no substantive alternative with the same kind of scope of SB 50,” she said. “Things have to change. We need to reset the conversation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This post has been updated.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Despite a series of last-minute votes, the closely watched and controversial housing bill failed Thursday, raising questions about what is next for housing policy in California.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A flurry of last-minute votes Thursday wasn’t enough to save Senate Bill 50, one of California’s most controversial and closely watched housing bills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The vote remained unchanged from Wednesday, when it failed to earn the majority 21 votes it needed to pass. Only 18 senators voted on Thursday in favor of the bill, 15 voted against and six were absent or abstained.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill’s sponsor, San Francisco state Sen. Scott Wiener, said he was “deeply disappointed” in the outcome of the bill but vowed to try again.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“SB 50 does represent an aggressive reform of the status quo and it signaled to a lot of people the state was serious about addressing the housing crisis,” Wiener told reporters Thursday following the vote. “But I also believe we will pivot quickly and get something big done this year.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wiener didn’t specify what he plans but said he would work with the governor’s office and legislative leadership to introduce new legislation to boost housing construction throughout the state. And just hours after the vote Thursday, he introduced two placeholder housing bills.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom took heat after the bill’s defeat for campaigning on the promise to stimulate more housing construction but declining to endorse a bill that could have helped address the housing shortage. Newsom said in a statement Thursday the Legislature must pass a “historic housing production bill.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State senators in opposition, many from Southern California, argued the legislation took too much power away from city and county governments, which typically have the final say in what gets built within their jurisdictions. Other legislators also argued the bill would encourage too much market-rate and luxury housing without assurances there would be enough affordable housing produced for rent-burdened, low- and middle-income residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democratic state Sen. Holly Mitchell of Los Angeles on Wednesday summarized in one sentence the equity concerns of many housing justice activists who opposed the bill: “Who has the privilege of living where?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SB 50 would have enabled more housing construction by forcing cities to authorize four- and five-story apartment buildings near train stations, along major bus lines and in job-rich neighborhoods. It would also allow duplexes and fourplexes where only single-family homes are currently permitted. Proponents of the bill saw it as one of the most significant ways to dramatically increase housing production throughout the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite the bill’s failure, Senate President Pro Tem Toni Atkins, D-San Diego, said California still needs to build more housing if it wants to tackle its housing affordability problem. A \u003ca href=\"https://www.mckinsey.com/~/media/McKinsey/Featured%20Insights/Urbanization/Closing%20Californias%20housing%20gap/Closing-Californias-housing-gap-Full-report.ashx\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">2016 McKinsey report\u003c/a> estimated California needs to build 3.5 million homes to keep pace with its population.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement following the vote, Atkins called out senators who voted against the bill but haven’t presented alternatives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The opponents of SB 50 have real concerns, but have offered no substantive alternative with the same kind of scope of SB 50,” she said. “Things have to change. We need to reset the conversation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This post has been updated.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Thousands took to downtown San Francisco on Saturday for an anti-abortion march, just one day after President Donald Trump \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11797736/trump-administration-threatens-california-over-insurance-abortion-mandate\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">threatened to withhold funds\u003c/a> from the state over requirements that insurance plans cover abortion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The event began with the National Anthem followed by a prayer. Attendees held signs saying, “Vote Life” and “Abortion Hurts Women” as they marched through downtown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://marchforlife.org/timeline-of-mfl-events/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">first event of this kind\u003c/a> took place in Washington D.C. in 1974, one year after the Supreme Court decided \u003ca href=\"https://www.oyez.org/cases/1971/70-18\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Roe vs. Wade\u003c/a> — the ruling that affirmed women’s legal right to have an abortion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A similar rally was held at the National Mall on Friday, where President Donald Trump became the first sitting president to speak during the march.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Unborn children have never had a stronger defender in the White House,” Trump told the crowd.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11798053\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11798053\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/IMG_0373-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Marilyn Hicks, 73, has attended San Francisco’s annual anti-abortion rally for over 15 years. \u003ccite>(Holly McDede/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Marilyn Hicks, 73, is a retired nurse from Murphys, California. She said she supports the president because of his stance on abortion, even if she disagrees with his conduct online.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think that our Lord gives everyone the opportunity to repent of whatever sin they’ve committed. I don’t judge where they are in their walk,” said Hicks. “But he’s very pro-life, and he’s done a great deal for our nation as far as pro-life and religious rights. So I’ll vote for him. I think it is our biggest issue today. We have to reverse Roe vs. Wade in order to renew our nation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many at the rally said they cast their ballots based on the candidate’s stance on abortion. White evangelicals and conservative Christians remain among Trump’s most loyal backers, according to an \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/8d3eb99934accc2ad795aca0183290a7\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">AP-NORC Poll\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11798052\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11798052\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/IMG_0372-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Hervey Ibarra traveled to the Walk for Life march from Sparks, Nevada with members of his church. \u003ccite>(Holly McDede/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“If they don’t vote for life, then I don’t vote for them,” said Hervey Ibarra, a resident of Sparks, Nevada who came with more than 50 people from his local church. “I was very proud of what the president was saying,” he said, referring to the rally in Washington. “He’s talking about this, while other people seem like they don’t want to take up the subject.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But others at the rally argued that the president’s voice isn’t needed on this issue. What is needed, instead, is more women.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11798054\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11798054\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/IMG_0374-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">From left to right: Nitza Alvarez, Chiedza Prickisie, Carla Martinez at the Walk For Life rally as it kicks off at Civic Center Plaza. \u003ccite>(Holly McDede/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“If more women were involved in making decisions for women, it would make it easier,” said 17-year old Chiedza Prickisie. “You can’t say, ‘Donald Trump, do you know the consequences of abortion?’ [Men] don’t know anything to do with a woman’s body.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While abortion is sometimes considered a “\u003ca href=\"https://www.vox.com/2019/4/10/18295513/abortion-2020-roe-joe-biden-democrats-republicans\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">single-issue\u003c/a>” for voters, some at the rally cautioned throwing support behind a single candidate because of their stance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Some people who are self-professed pro-lifers can have really controversial opinions about race, sex and religion. For me, it would be irresponsible to choose a candidate who was just pro-life, period,” said retired childcare provider Maria Delfino. “If he is the one who does his tweets, I wouldn’t vote for him. He’s leading the country. We need someone who has firmly established moral and ethics.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11798055\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11798055\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/IMG_0382-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Anti-abortion attendees gather at Civic Center before the march down Market Street. \u003ccite>(Holly McDede/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Thousands took to downtown San Francisco on Saturday for an anti-abortion march, just one day after President Donald Trump \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11797736/trump-administration-threatens-california-over-insurance-abortion-mandate\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">threatened to withhold funds\u003c/a> from the state over requirements that insurance plans cover abortion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The event began with the National Anthem followed by a prayer. Attendees held signs saying, “Vote Life” and “Abortion Hurts Women” as they marched through downtown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://marchforlife.org/timeline-of-mfl-events/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">first event of this kind\u003c/a> took place in Washington D.C. in 1974, one year after the Supreme Court decided \u003ca href=\"https://www.oyez.org/cases/1971/70-18\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Roe vs. Wade\u003c/a> — the ruling that affirmed women’s legal right to have an abortion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A similar rally was held at the National Mall on Friday, where President Donald Trump became the first sitting president to speak during the march.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Unborn children have never had a stronger defender in the White House,” Trump told the crowd.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11798053\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11798053\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/IMG_0373-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Marilyn Hicks, 73, has attended San Francisco’s annual anti-abortion rally for over 15 years. \u003ccite>(Holly McDede/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Marilyn Hicks, 73, is a retired nurse from Murphys, California. She said she supports the president because of his stance on abortion, even if she disagrees with his conduct online.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think that our Lord gives everyone the opportunity to repent of whatever sin they’ve committed. I don’t judge where they are in their walk,” said Hicks. “But he’s very pro-life, and he’s done a great deal for our nation as far as pro-life and religious rights. So I’ll vote for him. I think it is our biggest issue today. We have to reverse Roe vs. Wade in order to renew our nation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many at the rally said they cast their ballots based on the candidate’s stance on abortion. White evangelicals and conservative Christians remain among Trump’s most loyal backers, according to an \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/8d3eb99934accc2ad795aca0183290a7\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">AP-NORC Poll\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11798052\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11798052\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/IMG_0372-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Hervey Ibarra traveled to the Walk for Life march from Sparks, Nevada with members of his church. \u003ccite>(Holly McDede/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“If they don’t vote for life, then I don’t vote for them,” said Hervey Ibarra, a resident of Sparks, Nevada who came with more than 50 people from his local church. “I was very proud of what the president was saying,” he said, referring to the rally in Washington. “He’s talking about this, while other people seem like they don’t want to take up the subject.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But others at the rally argued that the president’s voice isn’t needed on this issue. What is needed, instead, is more women.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11798054\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11798054\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/IMG_0374-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">From left to right: Nitza Alvarez, Chiedza Prickisie, Carla Martinez at the Walk For Life rally as it kicks off at Civic Center Plaza. \u003ccite>(Holly McDede/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“If more women were involved in making decisions for women, it would make it easier,” said 17-year old Chiedza Prickisie. “You can’t say, ‘Donald Trump, do you know the consequences of abortion?’ [Men] don’t know anything to do with a woman’s body.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While abortion is sometimes considered a “\u003ca href=\"https://www.vox.com/2019/4/10/18295513/abortion-2020-roe-joe-biden-democrats-republicans\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">single-issue\u003c/a>” for voters, some at the rally cautioned throwing support behind a single candidate because of their stance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Some people who are self-professed pro-lifers can have really controversial opinions about race, sex and religion. For me, it would be irresponsible to choose a candidate who was just pro-life, period,” said retired childcare provider Maria Delfino. “If he is the one who does his tweets, I wouldn’t vote for him. He’s leading the country. We need someone who has firmly established moral and ethics.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11798055\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11798055\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/IMG_0382-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Anti-abortion attendees gather at Civic Center before the march down Market Street. \u003ccite>(Holly McDede/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>On stage, it’s the year 1981. A huddle of nerve-wracked teens waits to hear if state lawmakers will vote to pass \u003ca href=\"https://books.google.com/books?id=CBNWVWxKWgkC&pg=RA21-PA1&lpg=RA21-PA1&dq=Assembly+Bill+312+martin+luther+king+california&source=bl&ots=3WhsPPgZot&sig=ACfU3U0aa_t-CbUpXmCApmulIuw07MKNAw&hl=en&sa=X&ved=2ahUKEwjU7saj0IvnAhX2CjQIHVtqC1kQ6AEwAnoECAoQAQ#v=onepage&q=Assembly%20Bill%20312%20martin%20luther%20king%20california&f=false\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Assembly Bill 312\u003c/a>, the piece of legislation they’ve spent the last three years fighting for.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The votes come down in a cascade of “yays” and “nays,” as tense piano music bubbles underneath.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s close. Shoot! It could go either way,” says one student, in a state of high anxiety.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This is “The Apollos,” a new play written, produced and performed by students from \u003ca href=\"https://oaklandtech.com/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Oakland Technical High School \u003c/a>under the guidance of their drama teacher Ena Dallas. It’s based on the real-life story of an earlier generation of Oakland Tech students, who campaigned hard almost four decades ago to get Martin Luther King Jr. Day recognized as a California holiday — several years before the national holiday was signed into law in 1983.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11796642\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2020/01/17/oakland-tech-high-school-honors-its-own-role-in-mlk-day-40-years-on/rs40751_danae-thornton-and-karen-kennedy-qut/\" rel=\"attachment wp-att-11796642\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11796642\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/RS40751_Danae-Thornton-and-Karen-Kennedy-qut.jpg\" alt='Oakland tech student actor Danae Thornton (left) plays the real-life Apollo Karen Kennedy in \"The Apollos\".' width=\"1920\" height=\"1440\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/RS40751_Danae-Thornton-and-Karen-Kennedy-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/RS40751_Danae-Thornton-and-Karen-Kennedy-qut-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/RS40751_Danae-Thornton-and-Karen-Kennedy-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/RS40751_Danae-Thornton-and-Karen-Kennedy-qut-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/RS40751_Danae-Thornton-and-Karen-Kennedy-qut-1832x1374.jpg 1832w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/RS40751_Danae-Thornton-and-Karen-Kennedy-qut-1376x1032.jpg 1376w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/RS40751_Danae-Thornton-and-Karen-Kennedy-qut-1044x783.jpg 1044w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/RS40751_Danae-Thornton-and-Karen-Kennedy-qut-632x474.jpg 632w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/RS40751_Danae-Thornton-and-Karen-Kennedy-qut-536x402.jpg 536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Oakland Tech student actor Danae Thornton (left) plays the real-life Apollo Karen Kennedy in “The Apollos.” \u003ccite>(Ena Dallas)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>That class of students called themselves “The Apollos” after the NASA space program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Which means, ‘We who reach for the stars,’ ” says Karen Kennedy, one of the core group of five students who led the charge under the supervision of their teacher, Tay McArthur.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID='news_11796656,news_11796439' label='Martin Luther King Jr.']Kennedy, now a retired teacher herself, says the idea to push for the holiday came up one day in McArthur’s government class. It was 1978, and the students were learning about the legislative process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Mr. McArthur was going on with his long, long lectures,” Kennedy says. “And one of the questions came up was, ‘Why isn’t there a holiday for any people of color?'”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>McArthur remembers it being a chance for the students to learn a real life lesson. “The students asked, ‘What would it take to make it happen for the state?’ ” says McArthur now. “And I said, ‘Open your books up to the page on how a bill becomes a law.’ I said, ‘This is what is required. It’s not easy.’ ”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The conversation sent Kennedy and her fellow Apollos on a long and challenging journey, driven by their desire to honor Martin Luther King Jr., who was assassinated a decade earlier.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There weren’t very many African American figures to look up to that were strong leaders,” Kennedy says. “And he was one of the main positive role models in our time.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11796634\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 425px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11796634\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/RS40754_Tay-McArthur-qut.jpg\" alt=\"Oakland Tech teacher Tay McArthur\" width=\"425\" height=\"292\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/RS40754_Tay-McArthur-qut.jpg 425w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/RS40754_Tay-McArthur-qut-160x110.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 425px) 100vw, 425px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Oakland Tech teacher Tay McArthur \u003ccite>(Oakland Technical High School)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The Apollos spent the next three years writing letters to lawmakers, knocking on doors to drum up signatures for their petition and making many, many early morning trips to Sacramento in McArthur’s car.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He even had his license plate named ‘The Apollos,’ ” Kennedy says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some politicians were receptive to the teenage lobbyists. But others pushed back. “Every time we made a positive gain, there was a setback,” she says. “But we never gave up.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Besides being a lesson in the legislative process, McArthur also remembers how much it meant for the students to feel so empowered.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When the bill passed, they shrieked and cried,” McArthur says. “Those 16, 17 and 18 year olds had power they never dreamed of. That’s a biggie. They had so much satisfaction.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Forty years later, the current crop of Oakland Tech students are carrying on their spirit both on stage and off.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Senior Samuel Getachew, who co-wrote the new play and also performs in it, says Oakland Tech has a long history of student activism.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11796632\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2020/01/17/oakland-tech-high-school-honors-its-own-role-in-mlk-day-40-years-on/rs40757_the-apollos-scene-3-qut/\" rel=\"attachment wp-att-11796632\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11796632\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/RS40757_The-Apollos-scene-3-qut.jpg\" alt='The lead actors in \"The Apollos\", a new play written, performed and produced by Oakland Technical High School students.' width=\"1920\" height=\"1440\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/RS40757_The-Apollos-scene-3-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/RS40757_The-Apollos-scene-3-qut-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/RS40757_The-Apollos-scene-3-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/RS40757_The-Apollos-scene-3-qut-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/RS40757_The-Apollos-scene-3-qut-1832x1374.jpg 1832w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/RS40757_The-Apollos-scene-3-qut-1376x1032.jpg 1376w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/RS40757_The-Apollos-scene-3-qut-1044x783.jpg 1044w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/RS40757_The-Apollos-scene-3-qut-632x474.jpg 632w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/RS40757_The-Apollos-scene-3-qut-536x402.jpg 536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The lead actors in “The Apollos,” a new play written, performed and produced by Oakland Technical High School students. \u003ccite>(Chloe Veltman/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Huey P. Newton, one of the founders of the Black Panther Party, went here,” he says. “We’ve always loved a good protest.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Getachew is also a proud activist.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In my sophomore year, I was one of the lead organizers for a walkout in solidarity with the students from the Parkland shooting,” he says, reeling off a list of actions he’s undertaken. “We organized a voter registration drive in Tracy, California, which is a swing district for the upcoming midterm election.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Getachew hopes his fellow students will find The Apollos’ story as much of a call to action as he does.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Mr. McArthur always taught his students that there was no excuse that lay in their age for them being unable to do what they wanted to do,” he says. “And I want the parents in the audience to know their kids are more capable than they may think.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>“The Apollos” plays at Oakland Technical High School through Sunday, Jan 19. Tickets and information \u003ca href=\"https://m.bpt.me/event/4493246\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">here\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.sos.ca.gov/archives/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">California State Archives\u003c/a> contributed sourcing for this story.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>On stage, it’s the year 1981. A huddle of nerve-wracked teens waits to hear if state lawmakers will vote to pass \u003ca href=\"https://books.google.com/books?id=CBNWVWxKWgkC&pg=RA21-PA1&lpg=RA21-PA1&dq=Assembly+Bill+312+martin+luther+king+california&source=bl&ots=3WhsPPgZot&sig=ACfU3U0aa_t-CbUpXmCApmulIuw07MKNAw&hl=en&sa=X&ved=2ahUKEwjU7saj0IvnAhX2CjQIHVtqC1kQ6AEwAnoECAoQAQ#v=onepage&q=Assembly%20Bill%20312%20martin%20luther%20king%20california&f=false\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Assembly Bill 312\u003c/a>, the piece of legislation they’ve spent the last three years fighting for.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The votes come down in a cascade of “yays” and “nays,” as tense piano music bubbles underneath.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s close. Shoot! It could go either way,” says one student, in a state of high anxiety.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This is “The Apollos,” a new play written, produced and performed by students from \u003ca href=\"https://oaklandtech.com/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Oakland Technical High School \u003c/a>under the guidance of their drama teacher Ena Dallas. It’s based on the real-life story of an earlier generation of Oakland Tech students, who campaigned hard almost four decades ago to get Martin Luther King Jr. Day recognized as a California holiday — several years before the national holiday was signed into law in 1983.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11796642\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2020/01/17/oakland-tech-high-school-honors-its-own-role-in-mlk-day-40-years-on/rs40751_danae-thornton-and-karen-kennedy-qut/\" rel=\"attachment wp-att-11796642\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11796642\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/RS40751_Danae-Thornton-and-Karen-Kennedy-qut.jpg\" alt='Oakland tech student actor Danae Thornton (left) plays the real-life Apollo Karen Kennedy in \"The Apollos\".' width=\"1920\" height=\"1440\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/RS40751_Danae-Thornton-and-Karen-Kennedy-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/RS40751_Danae-Thornton-and-Karen-Kennedy-qut-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/RS40751_Danae-Thornton-and-Karen-Kennedy-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/RS40751_Danae-Thornton-and-Karen-Kennedy-qut-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/RS40751_Danae-Thornton-and-Karen-Kennedy-qut-1832x1374.jpg 1832w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/RS40751_Danae-Thornton-and-Karen-Kennedy-qut-1376x1032.jpg 1376w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/RS40751_Danae-Thornton-and-Karen-Kennedy-qut-1044x783.jpg 1044w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/RS40751_Danae-Thornton-and-Karen-Kennedy-qut-632x474.jpg 632w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/RS40751_Danae-Thornton-and-Karen-Kennedy-qut-536x402.jpg 536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Oakland Tech student actor Danae Thornton (left) plays the real-life Apollo Karen Kennedy in “The Apollos.” \u003ccite>(Ena Dallas)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>That class of students called themselves “The Apollos” after the NASA space program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Which means, ‘We who reach for the stars,’ ” says Karen Kennedy, one of the core group of five students who led the charge under the supervision of their teacher, Tay McArthur.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Kennedy, now a retired teacher herself, says the idea to push for the holiday came up one day in McArthur’s government class. It was 1978, and the students were learning about the legislative process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Mr. McArthur was going on with his long, long lectures,” Kennedy says. “And one of the questions came up was, ‘Why isn’t there a holiday for any people of color?'”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>McArthur remembers it being a chance for the students to learn a real life lesson. “The students asked, ‘What would it take to make it happen for the state?’ ” says McArthur now. “And I said, ‘Open your books up to the page on how a bill becomes a law.’ I said, ‘This is what is required. It’s not easy.’ ”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The conversation sent Kennedy and her fellow Apollos on a long and challenging journey, driven by their desire to honor Martin Luther King Jr., who was assassinated a decade earlier.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There weren’t very many African American figures to look up to that were strong leaders,” Kennedy says. “And he was one of the main positive role models in our time.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11796634\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 425px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11796634\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/RS40754_Tay-McArthur-qut.jpg\" alt=\"Oakland Tech teacher Tay McArthur\" width=\"425\" height=\"292\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/RS40754_Tay-McArthur-qut.jpg 425w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/RS40754_Tay-McArthur-qut-160x110.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 425px) 100vw, 425px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Oakland Tech teacher Tay McArthur \u003ccite>(Oakland Technical High School)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The Apollos spent the next three years writing letters to lawmakers, knocking on doors to drum up signatures for their petition and making many, many early morning trips to Sacramento in McArthur’s car.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He even had his license plate named ‘The Apollos,’ ” Kennedy says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some politicians were receptive to the teenage lobbyists. But others pushed back. “Every time we made a positive gain, there was a setback,” she says. “But we never gave up.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Besides being a lesson in the legislative process, McArthur also remembers how much it meant for the students to feel so empowered.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When the bill passed, they shrieked and cried,” McArthur says. “Those 16, 17 and 18 year olds had power they never dreamed of. That’s a biggie. They had so much satisfaction.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Forty years later, the current crop of Oakland Tech students are carrying on their spirit both on stage and off.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Senior Samuel Getachew, who co-wrote the new play and also performs in it, says Oakland Tech has a long history of student activism.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11796632\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2020/01/17/oakland-tech-high-school-honors-its-own-role-in-mlk-day-40-years-on/rs40757_the-apollos-scene-3-qut/\" rel=\"attachment wp-att-11796632\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11796632\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/RS40757_The-Apollos-scene-3-qut.jpg\" alt='The lead actors in \"The Apollos\", a new play written, performed and produced by Oakland Technical High School students.' width=\"1920\" height=\"1440\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/RS40757_The-Apollos-scene-3-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/RS40757_The-Apollos-scene-3-qut-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/RS40757_The-Apollos-scene-3-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/RS40757_The-Apollos-scene-3-qut-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/RS40757_The-Apollos-scene-3-qut-1832x1374.jpg 1832w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/RS40757_The-Apollos-scene-3-qut-1376x1032.jpg 1376w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/RS40757_The-Apollos-scene-3-qut-1044x783.jpg 1044w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/RS40757_The-Apollos-scene-3-qut-632x474.jpg 632w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/RS40757_The-Apollos-scene-3-qut-536x402.jpg 536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The lead actors in “The Apollos,” a new play written, performed and produced by Oakland Technical High School students. \u003ccite>(Chloe Veltman/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Huey P. Newton, one of the founders of the Black Panther Party, went here,” he says. “We’ve always loved a good protest.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Getachew is also a proud activist.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In my sophomore year, I was one of the lead organizers for a walkout in solidarity with the students from the Parkland shooting,” he says, reeling off a list of actions he’s undertaken. “We organized a voter registration drive in Tracy, California, which is a swing district for the upcoming midterm election.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Getachew hopes his fellow students will find The Apollos’ story as much of a call to action as he does.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Mr. McArthur always taught his students that there was no excuse that lay in their age for them being unable to do what they wanted to do,” he says. “And I want the parents in the audience to know their kids are more capable than they may think.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>“The Apollos” plays at Oakland Technical High School through Sunday, Jan 19. Tickets and information \u003ca href=\"https://m.bpt.me/event/4493246\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">here\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.sos.ca.gov/archives/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">California State Archives\u003c/a> contributed sourcing for this story.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"tagline": "Where conversation and cultura meet",
"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
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"info": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown brings listeners the wisdom of the former Governor, Mayor, and presidential candidate. Scott Shafer interviewed Brown for more than 40 hours, covering the former governor's life and half-century in the political game – and Brown has some lessons he'd like to share. ",
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"marketplace": {
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"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 4pm-4:30pm, MON-WED 6:30pm-7pm",
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"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
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"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
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"info": "Our weekly podcast explores how the media 'sausage' is made, casts an incisive eye on fluctuations in the marketplace of ideas, and examines threats to the freedom of information and expression in America and abroad. For one hour a week, the show tries to lift the veil from the process of \"making media,\" especially news media, because it's through that lens that we see the world and the world sees us",
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"planet-money": {
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"politicalbreakdown": {
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"title": "Political Breakdown",
"tagline": "Politics from a personal perspective",
"info": "Political Breakdown is a new series that explores the political intersection of California and the nation. Each week hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos are joined with a new special guest to unpack politics -- with personality — and offer an insider’s glimpse at how politics happens.",
"airtime": "THU 6:30pm-7pm",
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"possible": {
"id": "possible",
"title": "Possible",
"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
"airtime": "SUN 2pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Possible-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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"pri-the-world": {
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"title": "PRI's The World: Latest Edition",
"info": "Each weekday, host Marco Werman and his team of producers bring you the world's most interesting stories in an hour of radio that reminds us just how small our planet really is.",
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"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-World-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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},
"radiolab": {
"id": "radiolab",
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"info": "A two-time Peabody Award-winner, Radiolab is an investigation told through sounds and stories, and centered around one big idea. In the Radiolab world, information sounds like music and science and culture collide. Hosted by Jad Abumrad and Robert Krulwich, the show is designed for listeners who demand skepticism, but appreciate wonder. WNYC Studios is the producer of other leading podcasts including Freakonomics Radio, Death, Sex & Money, On the Media and many more.",
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"reveal": {
"id": "reveal",
"title": "Reveal",
"info": "Created by The Center for Investigative Reporting and PRX, Reveal is public radios first one-hour weekly radio show and podcast dedicated to investigative reporting. Credible, fact based and without a partisan agenda, Reveal combines the power and artistry of driveway moment storytelling with data-rich reporting on critically important issues. The result is stories that inform and inspire, arming our listeners with information to right injustices, hold the powerful accountable and improve lives.Reveal is hosted by Al Letson and showcases the award-winning work of CIR and newsrooms large and small across the nation. In a radio and podcast market crowded with choices, Reveal focuses on important and often surprising stories that illuminate the world for our listeners.",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.revealnews.org/episodes/",
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},
"rightnowish": {
"id": "rightnowish",
"title": "Rightnowish",
"tagline": "Art is where you find it",
"info": "Rightnowish digs into life in the Bay Area right now… ish. Journalist Pendarvis Harshaw takes us to galleries painted on the sides of liquor stores in West Oakland. We'll dance in warehouses in the Bayview, make smoothies with kids in South Berkeley, and listen to classical music in a 1984 Cutlass Supreme in Richmond. Every week, Pen talks to movers and shakers about how the Bay Area shapes what they create, and how they shape the place we call home.",
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"order": 16
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},
"science-friday": {
"id": "science-friday",
"title": "Science Friday",
"info": "Science Friday is a weekly science talk show, broadcast live over public radio stations nationwide. Each week, the show focuses on science topics that are in the news and tries to bring an educated, balanced discussion to bear on the scientific issues at hand. Panels of expert guests join host Ira Flatow, a veteran science journalist, to discuss science and to take questions from listeners during the call-in portion of the program.",
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},
"snap-judgment": {
"id": "snap-judgment",
"title": "Snap Judgment",
"tagline": "Real stories with killer beats",
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