Hwy 1 to Big Sur Reopens This Week — What to Know About Visiting from the Bay Area
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Now, there’s an answer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The affected portion of U.S. Highway 1 at Rocky Creek Bridge, around 17 miles south of Monterey, will reopen to traffic on Friday, May 17, at 6:30 a.m. — \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2024/05/03/highway-1-targeted-to-reopen-by-may-25-as-governor-takes-action-to-support-repairs-in-topanga-canyon-and-other-communities-damaged-by-storms/\">eight days earlier than previously announced\u003c/a> — and will allow 24/7 traffic south into Big Sur again. For the last two months, residents and visitors have only been allowed in and out of the region twice a day in convoys, using the still-intact northbound lane.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Rocky Creek closure came on the heels of \u003cem>another \u003c/em>Highway 1 closure further south around the town of Lucia — a longer stretch of the coastal highway closed by a similar rockslide over a year ago. But while that Lucia closure remains in place, Friday’s reopening means Bay Area residents can once again access Big Sur from the north.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you’ve been eagerly awaiting this Highway 1 reopening and want to plan a long-delayed trip to Big Sur this summer, there are several things that prospective visitors to the region should know. Keep reading for a number of updates about visiting Big Sur this year, even if you’ve been there before — and some advice on being the best tourist to Big Sur from the Bay you can possibly be.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>You still can’t drive Highway 1 all the way to L.A. — yet\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The Highway 1 closure at Paul’s Slide around the town of Lucia has been in effect since January 2023. And because it’s an entirely separate reopening operation to the Rocky Creek “slip-out” to the north, this southern stretch will remain closed after Friday even as that other part of Highway 1 reopens.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As of this week, there’s still no firm date for the Lucia highway closure to reopen, although \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2024-05-14/highway-1-in-big-sur-to-reopen\">CalTrans said they hope to open this stretch of Highway 1 sometime this summer\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11986500\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11986500\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/big-sur.png\" alt=\"A blue and green toned map of the California Central Coast showing the closures along Highway 1.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1409\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/big-sur.png 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/big-sur-800x587.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/big-sur-1020x749.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/big-sur-160x117.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/big-sur-1536x1127.png 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The current closures along this stretch of Highway 1 through Big Sur, as seen before Friday’s reopening at Rocky Creek. \u003ccite>(Courtesy CalTrans)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>That means until that reopening at Lucia occurs, there is simply no way to drive from the Bay Area on Highway 1 through Big Sur to the Central Coast and Southern California. And because no roads over the Santa Lucia mountains connect Highway 1 to Highway 101, anyone wanting to complete that journey from the Bay would have to double back at the Lucia closure and drive to at least Monterey for access to those other routes to Southern California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since \u003ca href=\"https://www.travelandleisure.com/trip-ideas/road-trips/pacific-coast-highway-itinerary\">the San-Francisco-to-LA Pacific Coast Highway \u003c/a>road trip is a longstanding tradition not just for state residents but for countless visitors to the West Coast, the fact that it remains physically impossible to drive right now is still catching folks by surprise, said Ben Perlmutter, managing partner at the Big Sur River Inn.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We see it all the time,” he said — attributing it at least, in part, to “just the nature of the way people are when they’re on vacation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Prepare for an already-slow drive to get even slower\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Just because Highway 1 reopens on Friday at Rocky Creek doesn’t mean it’s \u003cem>fully \u003c/em>reopening.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead,\u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2024/05/14/governor-newsom-announces-the-reopening-of-highway-1-ahead-of-schedule/\"> drivers approaching this area will be met with a 24/7 timed signal \u003c/a>allowing one-way alternating traffic through in both directions, using only the northbound lane that wasn’t impacted by the rockslide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11986441\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11986441\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/BigSur02.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/BigSur02.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/BigSur02-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/BigSur02-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/BigSur02-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/BigSur02-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Road workers from Treichert Construction finish creating a temporary one-way roadway on the site of the U.S. Highway 1 road collapse, called the Rocky Creek Slip in Big Sur, Calif., on Saturday, April 6, 2024. \u003ccite>(Melina Mara/The Washington Post via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Because the signal means one direction of traffic has to “wait its turn,” you should anticipate extra journey time traveling into Big Sur — added onto an already leisurely journey where the speed limit is 55 miles per hour maximum.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>(But hopefully, you already know that Big Sur is not the place to visit if you’re in a hurry.)\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Plan for an almost total lack of cellphone service\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Even for people excited to enjoy Big Sur’s remoteness, the complete lack of cellphone coverage in much of this region — and the unavailability of high-speed Wi-Fi in the region’s businesses — can still come as a surprise.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Big Sur River Inn’s Perlmutter, who was born and raised in Big Sur, said that the very first thing many visitors to his hotel and restaurant do after completing the winding drive south from Carmel is to “look for cell service: ‘I need to text mom … I need to tell my significant other that I’m still alive.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And of course, they don’t \u003cem>have\u003c/em> cell service — and a lot of them end up getting kind of frustrated,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Of course, for many visitors, the lack of connectivity is a plus rather than a drawback. But for those who really need to find signal, Perlmutter recommends asking workers in Big Sur’s local businesses for their advice. They’ll likely know the spots, turnouts and parking lots where you might find spots of coverage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But also, you’re here in Big Sur,” he noted. “Maybe take a couple of breaths, relax a little bit and soak it in — like hey, guess what? You’re not going to get a work email when you’re down here, and that could be really awesome for the next 24-48 hours.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you use Google Maps for navigation, consider downloading an offline map of Big Sur before you leave, which you can use without cellphone service. \u003ca href=\"https://support.google.com/maps/answer/6291838?hl=en&co=GENIE.Platform%3DiOS&oco=0\">Read a guide to downloading offline Google Maps on your iPhone or Android\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Don’t underestimate the challenging drive of Highway 1\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>If you’ve never driven Highway 1 through Big Sur before, the steep and winding nature of this road can come as a shock, especially if you’re more accustomed to city or freeway driving.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you need to take it slower on Highway 1’s curves, or simply don’t want to rush your way through the incredible ocean views, that’s OK — but remain mindful of any cars behind you.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11986444\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11986444\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/GettyImages-2134103658.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/GettyImages-2134103658.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/GettyImages-2134103658-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/GettyImages-2134103658-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/GettyImages-2134103658-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/GettyImages-2134103658-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A hole is visible where a section of southbound Highway 1 broke off and fell in the ocean at Rocky Creek Bridge on April 02, 2024 near Big Sur, California. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Highway 1 contains many turnouts for a reason, so just pull over to allow others to pass. Not only will you get to linger and enjoy the scenery from there — or as Perlmutter says, “any turnout would be a beautiful campsite if you were allowed to camp [there]” — but you’ll be avoiding an impatient driver behind you attempting to overtake you on Big Sur’s steep winding roads who might cause a potentially dangerous situation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And if you just want to pull over to take a picture? Make sure you’re parked in a safe place that’s \u003cem>completely \u003c/em>off the highway, totally within the white road markings — especially if you’re parked near a bend, where oncoming traffic can’t necessarily see you.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Double-check Highway 1 conditions \u003cem>before \u003c/em>you leave\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>To stay up-to-date on the latest road conditions, and to be sure your route isn’t impacted by any new closures or delays you weren’t anticipating, consider using \u003ca href=\"https://quickmap.dot.ca.gov/\">Caltrans’ own QuickMap site\u003c/a>, or \u003ca href=\"https://quickmap.dot.ca.gov/QM/app.htm\">the QuickMap app (available on the App Store and Google Play)\u003c/a>. This map uses Caltrans’ data to show you the latest road conditions and travel information, so you can be prepared ahead of your journey.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When first using QuickMap, hit “Options” on either the website or the app, and select all the options you want to see on the map, including “Full closures” and “Highway information.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Once you’ve done this, you can zoom into the Big Sur area on the map, just as you would using Google Maps. You can then tap on the icons you see on the map, to learn more about what they mean.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Remember: Given the lack of cellphone coverage that awaits you in Big Sur, you’ll want to do all of this \u003cem>before \u003c/em>you enter the region.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Leave no trace, pick up your trash\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Big Sur draws people from all around the globe for its beauty, so do your part in keeping it that way. Perlmutter says that reminding visitors to Big Sur not to litter the landscape is “first and foremost the most important thing” for residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Be sure to pick up all your trash, and consider keeping a trash bag or two in your car to aid you in that.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Finally: Be prepared for the unpredictable\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Big Sur’s stunning coastal landscape is the very thing that makes it so vulnerable to events like these highway slip-outs. [aside postID=news_11984496 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/IMG_0768-3-1020x765.jpg']“We’re talking about the steepest mountain range along the coast in the lower 48,” Jonathan Warrick, a research geologist based in Santa Cruz with the United States Geological Survey, told KQED Forum. “Most of the range of Big Sur is about a thousand feet high, and it plummets straight down into the ocean.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Big Sur, explained Warwick, gets a lot of rainfall — which combined with its steepness means the landscape “erodes quite quickly,” at a rate of “about a foot a year.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Perched right along this coast is the only road in and out of the region: Highway 1. And it’s accordingly vulnerable to “all kinds of things, from simple rock falls to massive, deep-seated landslides that are undermining the roadway,” Warwick said — and “these types of landslides that cause road closures increase during the wet winters.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So if you’re planning to visit Big Sur during or after a period of wet weather, remember that this kind of rainfall has historically increased the chances of a slip-out along the coast.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>If another Highway 1 closure strikes before your trip:\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s always frustrating when a much-anticipated vacation is affected by unforeseen circumstances. But don’t panic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>First, be sure to check if any highway closures will actually affect your route, using a resource like \u003ca href=\"https://quickmap.dot.ca.gov/\">Caltrans’ QuickMap site\u003c/a>. And if they do, and you have accommodation reserved that you’re unsure you’ll be able to physically reach, the Big Sur River Inn’s Perlmutter recommends giving that establishment a call straightaway to see what they know about access and what’s possible.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Slip-outs that force Highway 1 closures have hit local businesses hard by cutting off most tourist access — and Perlmutter suggests that travelers who want a way to keep supporting these local businesses might consider \u003cem>rescheduling\u003c/em> a reservation to a later month if they’re able, rather than canceling it outright.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/amadrigal\">\u003cem>Alexis Madrigal\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> and \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/avignet\">\u003cem>Anna Vignet\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> contributed to this story.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n","blocks":[],"excerpt":"US Highway 1 into Big Sur has been closed since a rockslide on March 30. With reopening set for Friday, here's what to know about visiting again.","status":"publish","parent":0,"modified":1715872948,"stats":{"hasAudio":false,"hasVideo":false,"hasChartOrMap":false,"iframeSrcs":[],"hasGoogleForm":false,"hasGallery":false,"hasHearkenModule":false,"hasPolis":false,"paragraphCount":41,"wordCount":1985},"headData":{"title":"Hwy 1 to Big Sur Reopens This Week — What to Know About Visiting from the Bay Area | KQED","description":"US Highway 1 into Big Sur has been closed since a rockslide on March 30. With reopening set for Friday, here's what to know about visiting again.","ogTitle":"","ogDescription":"","ogImgId":"","twTitle":"","twDescription":"","twImgId":"","schema":{"@context":"http://schema.org","@type":"NewsArticle","headline":"Hwy 1 to Big Sur Reopens This Week — What to Know About Visiting from the Bay Area","datePublished":"2024-05-16T14:30:50.000Z","dateModified":"2024-05-16T15:22:28.000Z","image":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png","isAccessibleForFree":"Y","publisher":{"@type":"NewsMediaOrganization","@id":"https://www.kqed.org/#organization","name":"KQED","url":"https://www.kqed.org","logo":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png"}}},"sticky":false,"nprStoryId":"kqed-11986383","excludeFromSiteSearch":"Include","articleAge":"0","path":"/news/11986383/when-will-highway-1-big-sur-reopen","audioTrackLength":null,"parsedContent":[{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>“When will Highway 1 reopen?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For months, that’s been the question for many Bay Area residents hoping to drive south to visit Big Sur — the remote coastal region cut off since March 30 — when \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101905691/the-uncertain-future-of-iconic-battered-highway-1\">a rockslide forced the closure of this iconic stretch of road\u003c/a>. Now, there’s an answer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The affected portion of U.S. Highway 1 at Rocky Creek Bridge, around 17 miles south of Monterey, will reopen to traffic on Friday, May 17, at 6:30 a.m. — \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2024/05/03/highway-1-targeted-to-reopen-by-may-25-as-governor-takes-action-to-support-repairs-in-topanga-canyon-and-other-communities-damaged-by-storms/\">eight days earlier than previously announced\u003c/a> — and will allow 24/7 traffic south into Big Sur again. For the last two months, residents and visitors have only been allowed in and out of the region twice a day in convoys, using the still-intact northbound lane.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Rocky Creek closure came on the heels of \u003cem>another \u003c/em>Highway 1 closure further south around the town of Lucia — a longer stretch of the coastal highway closed by a similar rockslide over a year ago. But while that Lucia closure remains in place, Friday’s reopening means Bay Area residents can once again access Big Sur from the north.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you’ve been eagerly awaiting this Highway 1 reopening and want to plan a long-delayed trip to Big Sur this summer, there are several things that prospective visitors to the region should know. Keep reading for a number of updates about visiting Big Sur this year, even if you’ve been there before — and some advice on being the best tourist to Big Sur from the Bay you can possibly be.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>You still can’t drive Highway 1 all the way to L.A. — yet\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The Highway 1 closure at Paul’s Slide around the town of Lucia has been in effect since January 2023. And because it’s an entirely separate reopening operation to the Rocky Creek “slip-out” to the north, this southern stretch will remain closed after Friday even as that other part of Highway 1 reopens.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As of this week, there’s still no firm date for the Lucia highway closure to reopen, although \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2024-05-14/highway-1-in-big-sur-to-reopen\">CalTrans said they hope to open this stretch of Highway 1 sometime this summer\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11986500\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11986500\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/big-sur.png\" alt=\"A blue and green toned map of the California Central Coast showing the closures along Highway 1.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1409\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/big-sur.png 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/big-sur-800x587.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/big-sur-1020x749.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/big-sur-160x117.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/big-sur-1536x1127.png 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The current closures along this stretch of Highway 1 through Big Sur, as seen before Friday’s reopening at Rocky Creek. \u003ccite>(Courtesy CalTrans)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>That means until that reopening at Lucia occurs, there is simply no way to drive from the Bay Area on Highway 1 through Big Sur to the Central Coast and Southern California. And because no roads over the Santa Lucia mountains connect Highway 1 to Highway 101, anyone wanting to complete that journey from the Bay would have to double back at the Lucia closure and drive to at least Monterey for access to those other routes to Southern California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since \u003ca href=\"https://www.travelandleisure.com/trip-ideas/road-trips/pacific-coast-highway-itinerary\">the San-Francisco-to-LA Pacific Coast Highway \u003c/a>road trip is a longstanding tradition not just for state residents but for countless visitors to the West Coast, the fact that it remains physically impossible to drive right now is still catching folks by surprise, said Ben Perlmutter, managing partner at the Big Sur River Inn.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We see it all the time,” he said — attributing it at least, in part, to “just the nature of the way people are when they’re on vacation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Prepare for an already-slow drive to get even slower\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Just because Highway 1 reopens on Friday at Rocky Creek doesn’t mean it’s \u003cem>fully \u003c/em>reopening.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead,\u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2024/05/14/governor-newsom-announces-the-reopening-of-highway-1-ahead-of-schedule/\"> drivers approaching this area will be met with a 24/7 timed signal \u003c/a>allowing one-way alternating traffic through in both directions, using only the northbound lane that wasn’t impacted by the rockslide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11986441\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11986441\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/BigSur02.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/BigSur02.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/BigSur02-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/BigSur02-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/BigSur02-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/BigSur02-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Road workers from Treichert Construction finish creating a temporary one-way roadway on the site of the U.S. Highway 1 road collapse, called the Rocky Creek Slip in Big Sur, Calif., on Saturday, April 6, 2024. \u003ccite>(Melina Mara/The Washington Post via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Because the signal means one direction of traffic has to “wait its turn,” you should anticipate extra journey time traveling into Big Sur — added onto an already leisurely journey where the speed limit is 55 miles per hour maximum.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>(But hopefully, you already know that Big Sur is not the place to visit if you’re in a hurry.)\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Plan for an almost total lack of cellphone service\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Even for people excited to enjoy Big Sur’s remoteness, the complete lack of cellphone coverage in much of this region — and the unavailability of high-speed Wi-Fi in the region’s businesses — can still come as a surprise.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Big Sur River Inn’s Perlmutter, who was born and raised in Big Sur, said that the very first thing many visitors to his hotel and restaurant do after completing the winding drive south from Carmel is to “look for cell service: ‘I need to text mom … I need to tell my significant other that I’m still alive.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And of course, they don’t \u003cem>have\u003c/em> cell service — and a lot of them end up getting kind of frustrated,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Of course, for many visitors, the lack of connectivity is a plus rather than a drawback. But for those who really need to find signal, Perlmutter recommends asking workers in Big Sur’s local businesses for their advice. They’ll likely know the spots, turnouts and parking lots where you might find spots of coverage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But also, you’re here in Big Sur,” he noted. “Maybe take a couple of breaths, relax a little bit and soak it in — like hey, guess what? You’re not going to get a work email when you’re down here, and that could be really awesome for the next 24-48 hours.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you use Google Maps for navigation, consider downloading an offline map of Big Sur before you leave, which you can use without cellphone service. \u003ca href=\"https://support.google.com/maps/answer/6291838?hl=en&co=GENIE.Platform%3DiOS&oco=0\">Read a guide to downloading offline Google Maps on your iPhone or Android\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Don’t underestimate the challenging drive of Highway 1\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>If you’ve never driven Highway 1 through Big Sur before, the steep and winding nature of this road can come as a shock, especially if you’re more accustomed to city or freeway driving.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you need to take it slower on Highway 1’s curves, or simply don’t want to rush your way through the incredible ocean views, that’s OK — but remain mindful of any cars behind you.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11986444\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11986444\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/GettyImages-2134103658.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/GettyImages-2134103658.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/GettyImages-2134103658-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/GettyImages-2134103658-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/GettyImages-2134103658-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/GettyImages-2134103658-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A hole is visible where a section of southbound Highway 1 broke off and fell in the ocean at Rocky Creek Bridge on April 02, 2024 near Big Sur, California. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Highway 1 contains many turnouts for a reason, so just pull over to allow others to pass. Not only will you get to linger and enjoy the scenery from there — or as Perlmutter says, “any turnout would be a beautiful campsite if you were allowed to camp [there]” — but you’ll be avoiding an impatient driver behind you attempting to overtake you on Big Sur’s steep winding roads who might cause a potentially dangerous situation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And if you just want to pull over to take a picture? Make sure you’re parked in a safe place that’s \u003cem>completely \u003c/em>off the highway, totally within the white road markings — especially if you’re parked near a bend, where oncoming traffic can’t necessarily see you.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Double-check Highway 1 conditions \u003cem>before \u003c/em>you leave\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>To stay up-to-date on the latest road conditions, and to be sure your route isn’t impacted by any new closures or delays you weren’t anticipating, consider using \u003ca href=\"https://quickmap.dot.ca.gov/\">Caltrans’ own QuickMap site\u003c/a>, or \u003ca href=\"https://quickmap.dot.ca.gov/QM/app.htm\">the QuickMap app (available on the App Store and Google Play)\u003c/a>. This map uses Caltrans’ data to show you the latest road conditions and travel information, so you can be prepared ahead of your journey.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When first using QuickMap, hit “Options” on either the website or the app, and select all the options you want to see on the map, including “Full closures” and “Highway information.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Once you’ve done this, you can zoom into the Big Sur area on the map, just as you would using Google Maps. You can then tap on the icons you see on the map, to learn more about what they mean.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Remember: Given the lack of cellphone coverage that awaits you in Big Sur, you’ll want to do all of this \u003cem>before \u003c/em>you enter the region.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"fullwidth"},"numeric":["fullwidth"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Leave no trace, pick up your trash\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Big Sur draws people from all around the globe for its beauty, so do your part in keeping it that way. Perlmutter says that reminding visitors to Big Sur not to litter the landscape is “first and foremost the most important thing” for residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Be sure to pick up all your trash, and consider keeping a trash bag or two in your car to aid you in that.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Finally: Be prepared for the unpredictable\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Big Sur’s stunning coastal landscape is the very thing that makes it so vulnerable to events like these highway slip-outs. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"aside","attributes":{"named":{"postid":"news_11984496","hero":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/IMG_0768-3-1020x765.jpg","label":""},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“We’re talking about the steepest mountain range along the coast in the lower 48,” Jonathan Warrick, a research geologist based in Santa Cruz with the United States Geological Survey, told KQED Forum. “Most of the range of Big Sur is about a thousand feet high, and it plummets straight down into the ocean.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Big Sur, explained Warwick, gets a lot of rainfall — which combined with its steepness means the landscape “erodes quite quickly,” at a rate of “about a foot a year.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Perched right along this coast is the only road in and out of the region: Highway 1. And it’s accordingly vulnerable to “all kinds of things, from simple rock falls to massive, deep-seated landslides that are undermining the roadway,” Warwick said — and “these types of landslides that cause road closures increase during the wet winters.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So if you’re planning to visit Big Sur during or after a period of wet weather, remember that this kind of rainfall has historically increased the chances of a slip-out along the coast.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>If another Highway 1 closure strikes before your trip:\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s always frustrating when a much-anticipated vacation is affected by unforeseen circumstances. But don’t panic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>First, be sure to check if any highway closures will actually affect your route, using a resource like \u003ca href=\"https://quickmap.dot.ca.gov/\">Caltrans’ QuickMap site\u003c/a>. And if they do, and you have accommodation reserved that you’re unsure you’ll be able to physically reach, the Big Sur River Inn’s Perlmutter recommends giving that establishment a call straightaway to see what they know about access and what’s possible.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Slip-outs that force Highway 1 closures have hit local businesses hard by cutting off most tourist access — and Perlmutter suggests that travelers who want a way to keep supporting these local businesses might consider \u003cem>rescheduling\u003c/em> a reservation to a later month if they’re able, rather than canceling it outright.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/amadrigal\">\u003cem>Alexis Madrigal\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> and \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/avignet\">\u003cem>Anna Vignet\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> contributed to this story.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"floatright"},"numeric":["floatright"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}}],"link":"/news/11986383/when-will-highway-1-big-sur-reopen","authors":["3243"],"categories":["news_31795","news_19906","news_8"],"tags":["news_32707","news_5369","news_18538","news_20116","news_566"],"featImg":"news_11986406","label":"news"},"news_11986380":{"type":"posts","id":"news_11986380","meta":{"index":"posts_1591205157","site":"news","id":"11986380","score":null,"sort":[1715864449000]},"guestAuthors":[],"slug":"a-landmark-criminal-justice-reform-has-saved-california-millions-these-are-the-programs-its-funded","title":"A Landmark Criminal Justice Reform Has Saved California Millions. These Are the Programs It's Funded","publishDate":1715864449,"format":"standard","headTitle":"A Landmark Criminal Justice Reform Has Saved California Millions. These Are the Programs It’s Funded | KQED","labelTerm":{"site":"news"},"content":"\u003cp>In 1997, Tommy Eugene Lewis III was \u003ca href=\"https://casetext.com/case/people-v-lewis-853\">sentenced\u003c/a> to 41 years to life in state prison for attempted murder after he shot and injured another driver. He was 18 years old.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Three years ago, at 43, Lewis was released from prison. He’d spent his entire adult life behind bars and wasn’t sure what was next.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A friend directed him to the Center for Employment Opportunity (CEO), a nonprofit located near Skid Row in Los Angeles, which, despite its proximity, feels like a world apart. Housed in a modern, light-filled office complex above boutiques and restaurants, CEO more closely resembles a tech office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Tinisch Hollins, executive director, Californians for Safety and Justice\"]‘Proposition 47 is clearly demonstrating that when we take a broad and shared approach to safety that isn’t overly reliant on enforcement and prison incarceration, we get better safety outcomes.’[/pullquote]Offering more than just employment, CEO provides housing assistance, support services like legal aid and helps connect people with behavioral health specialists or therapists. Participants also receive same-day payment for their work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They literally became like my side partner [and] my support network coming home,” said Lewis, who’s now employed as a peer navigator at CEO, helping other people as they enter the program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you come home from incarceration, it’s very important to know that you have some people in your corner that can really assist you in your day-to-day living. Because it’s a different thing when you can’t have somewhere to stay or some food in your stomach or clothes on your back,” he said. “These are the things that will immediately make a person go to criminal thinking, right?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CEO is a grantee of Project imPACT, a program run by the Los Angeles Mayor’s Office of Reentry. It’s funded through California’s Proposition 47, which diverts money from incarcerating lower-level drug users and thieves and redirects it to reentry and rehabilitation programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11986313\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-30-ZS-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11986313\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-30-ZS-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"An office building with chairs, computers, tables and pictures on the walls.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-30-ZS-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-30-ZS-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-30-ZS-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-30-ZS-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-30-ZS-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-30-ZS-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The CEO offices in downtown Los Angeles are adorned with art and motivational passages adorning the walls on May 14, 2024. \u003ccite>(Zaydee Sanchez for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>So far, the state has awarded more than $300 million in Proposition 47 savings to cities and counties around California with great success: Participants are far less likely to be convicted of a new crime and far more likely to have stable housing and employment, \u003ca href=\"https://www.bscc.ca.gov/s_bsccprop47/\">according to state data\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gilbert Johnson, director of strategic reentry initiatives for Los Angeles Mayor Karen Bass, highlighted the transformative impact of programs like CEO. The mayor’s office has been awarded $18 million so far in Proposition 47 grants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Johnson said the success of these programs is predicated on their holistic approach, the understanding that employment or housing isn’t enough if someone’s still struggling with mental health issues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Some of the folks have been out [of prison] for years, decades, but still continue to experience barriers to what they need to live a productive, healthy, successful life,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"news_11982070,news_11982393,news_11975692\" label=\"Related Stories\"]Having overcome his own struggles, Johnson understands the people he serves. He spent time in and out of jail and was homeless with a baby of his own on the way when he finally got help 15 years ago from a community nonprofit similar to those now funded by Proposition 47.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sometimes, the difference between success and failure is just having someone believe you can do it, Johnson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You continuously hear, “People gave me a shot. They gave me a chance, and they didn’t see me as my number … they didn’t see me as my worst mistake. They saw me as somebody working and really wanting to do the right thing”,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, Johnson and others are worried that a backlash to criminal justice reforms, including Proposition 47, could roll back the progress Project imPACT is making.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The campaign \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11982070/campaign-to-roll-back-prop-47-criminal-justice-reforms-could-head-to-voters\">for a ballot measure that would reverse some parts of Proposition 47 \u003c/a>recently turned in signatures to state election officials in the hopes of qualifying for the November ballot. A \u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/BallotAnalysis/Initiative/2023-017\">nonpartisan analysis of that initiative\u003c/a> found that it would likely increase state and local criminal justice costs by hundreds of millions of dollars and reduce the amount of money spent on Proposition 47 programs like Project imPACT.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A New Path to Rehabilitation\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Proposition 47 passed in 2014 as the state grappled with overcrowded prisons and a U.S. Supreme Court order to reduce its prison population. The idea was that nonviolent drug users and people accused of minor property crimes should be offered treatment instead of jail time — and that by keeping those lower-level offenders out of jails and prisons, public funds could be spent instead on tackling the root causes that were leading people to use drugs or steal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the past decade, the governor’s office said savings have topped $800 million. The bulk of those funds, 65%, is given to the Board of State and Community Corrections for programs that target mental health and substance abuse treatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One-quarter of the savings is given to the Department of Education to fund truancy and dropout prevention programs, and 10% is allocated to trauma recovery centers for victims of crimes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The BSCC grant program has been incredibly successful: An \u003ca href=\"https://www.bscc.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/2024/02/H-2-Proposition-47-Cohort-2-Final-Evaluation-Report-FINAL-1.pdf\">evaluation of the second round of grants\u003c/a>, which totaled almost $93 million and served nearly 22,000 people, found that homelessness among participants fell by 60%. Unemployment was cut in half. And only about 15% of participants were convicted of a new crime within three years of entering the Proposition 47-funded program, compared to 35 to 45% statewide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Project imPACT programs, that recidivism number was even lower: 7%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Johnson said those statistics illustrate the value of Proposition 47 in providing an alternate path to crime.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A young person can go get $1,000 easy off of a smash and grab. Well, what if we gave them a job or showed them how to create a business,” he said. “The more we address the root causes of crime and violence, the better outcomes we’ll see.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, critics said Proposition 47-funded programs, while successful, are not reaching the same number of people being prosecuted before its passage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re nibbling on the problem with these programs,” Yolo County District Attorney Jeff Reisig said, estimating that Yolo County’s Proposition 47-funded program only served about 15% of the people that drug courts would have before the ballot measure passed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Which means, you know, there’s hundreds and hundreds of people running around who are seriously addicted. They’re sick, they’re using, they’re stealing, they’re homeless,” Reisig added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Reisig also questioned whether the state’s recidivism data is accurate, noting that it is based on whether someone was convicted again only in the same county where they are receiving services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 47 supporters agree that the programs aren’t doing enough but said that’s an argument for increasing reentry and rehabilitation funding, not cutting it. They note that state prison spending topped $14 billion last fiscal year, compared to about $113 million in Proposition 47 savings in the same time period.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The promise of Proposition 47 has always been that we’d get a clear glimpse of what would be possible if ever we invested in crime and harm prevention to scale,” said Tinisch Hollins, executive director of Californians for Safety and Justice, which wrote the original ballot measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Proposition 47 is clearly demonstrating that when we take a broad and shared approach to safety that isn’t overly-reliant on enforcement and prison incarceration, we get better safety outcomes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Stories of Transformation: ‘It Instills Hope’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>For participants in the Proposition 47 programs, the benefits are clear.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11986307\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11986307 size-medium\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-4-ZS-KQED-800x1200.jpg\" alt=\"A headshot of a white man wearing glasses and a white shirt.\" width=\"800\" height=\"1200\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-4-ZS-KQED-800x1200.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-4-ZS-KQED-1020x1530.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-4-ZS-KQED-160x240.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-4-ZS-KQED-1024x1536.jpg 1024w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-4-ZS-KQED.jpg 1333w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Mitchell Kahn at the CEO offices in downtown Los Angeles on May 14, 2024. \u003ccite>(Zaydee Sanchez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Mitchell Kahn served 18 years in prison. Now 56 years old, he’s living in a transitional home and working to get his commercial driver’s license so he can drive trucks for a living.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a very different world,” Kahn said. “I went into prison at 36 years of age, coming out of working for a bank. …. And my first job out of prison was picking up things on the side of the freeway.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While Kahn is now working to build a career, he said it’s not the most important help CEO and other Project imPACT programs have offered.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the past year, he said, “I got the ability to talk. When I came home from prison in October of last year, I had an extreme amount of anxiety, and I couldn’t always talk.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He received help from a therapist and free acupuncture from a health care clinic funded by Project imPACT. It’s all given him the confidence to overcome his anxiety, he said, and figure out a sustainable career path.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He and others said it’s a process: The first job placement he received involved helping other people find employment at a different nonprofit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It wasn’t a good fit,” he said. “And I was able to come back and … share what happened. And I wasn’t blamed for it not working.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That flexibility and willingness to help participants find a job, housing, healthcare and other support is a key part of why Project imPACT programs are working, said Melanie Robledo, housing project manager at CEO. Robledo, like many CEO employees, started as a client.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I came home [from jail] in a black paper suit. I had nothing to my name. Being able to have my own income, I was able to do things that gave me a level of independence,” she said. “I bought my first pair of shoes. I was able to take my kids out to eat. I was able to contribute. So, it gives you that level of like, oh, my gosh, I’m doing this right. And it also instills hope.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11986308\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-11-ZS-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11986308\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-11-ZS-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A woman wearing a white polo shirt leans against a window.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-11-ZS-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-11-ZS-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-11-ZS-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-11-ZS-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-11-ZS-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-11-ZS-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Melanie Robledo at CEO on May 14, 2024. \u003ccite>(Zaydee Sanchez for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Robledo said she lost custody of her children, who are now 16 and 14, when she was cycling in and out of jail and struggling with mental illness, addiction and homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There was a level of disappointment, a level of shame, and a lot of other things that came with that. So, getting this job and going through the reentry process has been life-changing for me,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Robledo said it’s “empowering” to now model what change can look like, not just for her community but for her family, too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I see my kids regularly. I’m at every sporting event,” she said. “It changed the whole trajectory of my life.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11986323\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-23-ZS-KQED-1.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11986323\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-23-ZS-KQED-1.jpg\" alt=\"A Black man wearing a white hat, black vest and white shirt stands over a woman wearing a white shirt looking at a desktop screen in a building.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-23-ZS-KQED-1.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-23-ZS-KQED-1-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-23-ZS-KQED-1-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-23-ZS-KQED-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-23-ZS-KQED-1-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-23-ZS-KQED-1-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Tommy Eugene Lewis III (right) and Melanie work closely together at the CEO offices on May 14, 2024. \u003ccite>(Zaydee Sanchez for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Another Proposition 47-funded program in Los Angeles County is \u003ca href=\"https://www.shieldsforfamilies.org/\">SHIELDS for Families\u003c/a>, a reentry and workforce development program that largely receives client referrals from jails, probation agencies and community groups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Saun Hough is the vocational services manager at SHIELD; he’s also the partnerships manager at Californians for Safety and Justice, the group that sponsored Proposition 47. He said one of the reasons these programs are successful is that they stick with their clients: “We have a motto: you can’t outrun our love,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our goal is to stabilize, right? So, once you’re stable, and you’re earning, and you have readjusted, and you’re ready to go from reentry to reintegration, we still follow up with you. We still stay with you,” he said. “You get a job, and then you realize there’s a training that you need to move up to manager, come on back. Let’s work with you to see what it takes to get you there.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s also true for people who walk away before completing the program, Hough said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We see people that don’t stick it out,” he said, “and then six months later… somebody is waiting in the lobby.”\u003c/p>\n\n","blocks":[],"excerpt":"Programs funded by Proposition 47’s cost savings are showing success transitioning individuals out of incarceration — even amid a push to rollback parts of the landmark criminal justice reform.","status":"publish","parent":0,"modified":1715816439,"stats":{"hasAudio":false,"hasVideo":false,"hasChartOrMap":false,"iframeSrcs":[],"hasGoogleForm":false,"hasGallery":false,"hasHearkenModule":false,"hasPolis":false,"paragraphCount":51,"wordCount":2141},"headData":{"title":"A Landmark Criminal Justice Reform Has Saved California Millions. These Are the Programs It's Funded | KQED","description":"Programs funded by Proposition 47’s cost savings are showing success transitioning individuals out of incarceration — even amid a push to rollback parts of the landmark criminal justice reform.","ogTitle":"","ogDescription":"","ogImgId":"","twTitle":"","twDescription":"","twImgId":"","schema":{"@context":"http://schema.org","@type":"NewsArticle","headline":"A Landmark Criminal Justice Reform Has Saved California Millions. These Are the Programs It's Funded","datePublished":"2024-05-16T13:00:49.000Z","dateModified":"2024-05-15T23:40:39.000Z","image":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png","isAccessibleForFree":"Y","publisher":{"@type":"NewsMediaOrganization","@id":"https://www.kqed.org/#organization","name":"KQED","url":"https://www.kqed.org","logo":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png"}}},"sticky":false,"excludeFromSiteSearch":"Include","articleAge":"0","path":"/news/11986380/a-landmark-criminal-justice-reform-has-saved-california-millions-these-are-the-programs-its-funded","audioTrackLength":null,"parsedContent":[{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>In 1997, Tommy Eugene Lewis III was \u003ca href=\"https://casetext.com/case/people-v-lewis-853\">sentenced\u003c/a> to 41 years to life in state prison for attempted murder after he shot and injured another driver. He was 18 years old.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Three years ago, at 43, Lewis was released from prison. He’d spent his entire adult life behind bars and wasn’t sure what was next.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A friend directed him to the Center for Employment Opportunity (CEO), a nonprofit located near Skid Row in Los Angeles, which, despite its proximity, feels like a world apart. Housed in a modern, light-filled office complex above boutiques and restaurants, CEO more closely resembles a tech office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"‘Proposition 47 is clearly demonstrating that when we take a broad and shared approach to safety that isn’t overly reliant on enforcement and prison incarceration, we get better safety outcomes.’","name":"pullquote","attributes":{"named":{"size":"medium","align":"right","citation":"Tinisch Hollins, executive director, Californians for Safety and Justice","label":""},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Offering more than just employment, CEO provides housing assistance, support services like legal aid and helps connect people with behavioral health specialists or therapists. Participants also receive same-day payment for their work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They literally became like my side partner [and] my support network coming home,” said Lewis, who’s now employed as a peer navigator at CEO, helping other people as they enter the program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"fullwidth"},"numeric":["fullwidth"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you come home from incarceration, it’s very important to know that you have some people in your corner that can really assist you in your day-to-day living. Because it’s a different thing when you can’t have somewhere to stay or some food in your stomach or clothes on your back,” he said. “These are the things that will immediately make a person go to criminal thinking, right?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CEO is a grantee of Project imPACT, a program run by the Los Angeles Mayor’s Office of Reentry. It’s funded through California’s Proposition 47, which diverts money from incarcerating lower-level drug users and thieves and redirects it to reentry and rehabilitation programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11986313\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-30-ZS-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11986313\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-30-ZS-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"An office building with chairs, computers, tables and pictures on the walls.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-30-ZS-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-30-ZS-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-30-ZS-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-30-ZS-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-30-ZS-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-30-ZS-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The CEO offices in downtown Los Angeles are adorned with art and motivational passages adorning the walls on May 14, 2024. \u003ccite>(Zaydee Sanchez for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>So far, the state has awarded more than $300 million in Proposition 47 savings to cities and counties around California with great success: Participants are far less likely to be convicted of a new crime and far more likely to have stable housing and employment, \u003ca href=\"https://www.bscc.ca.gov/s_bsccprop47/\">according to state data\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gilbert Johnson, director of strategic reentry initiatives for Los Angeles Mayor Karen Bass, highlighted the transformative impact of programs like CEO. The mayor’s office has been awarded $18 million so far in Proposition 47 grants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Johnson said the success of these programs is predicated on their holistic approach, the understanding that employment or housing isn’t enough if someone’s still struggling with mental health issues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Some of the folks have been out [of prison] for years, decades, but still continue to experience barriers to what they need to live a productive, healthy, successful life,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"aside","attributes":{"named":{"postid":"news_11982070,news_11982393,news_11975692","label":"Related Stories "},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Having overcome his own struggles, Johnson understands the people he serves. He spent time in and out of jail and was homeless with a baby of his own on the way when he finally got help 15 years ago from a community nonprofit similar to those now funded by Proposition 47.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sometimes, the difference between success and failure is just having someone believe you can do it, Johnson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You continuously hear, “People gave me a shot. They gave me a chance, and they didn’t see me as my number … they didn’t see me as my worst mistake. They saw me as somebody working and really wanting to do the right thing”,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, Johnson and others are worried that a backlash to criminal justice reforms, including Proposition 47, could roll back the progress Project imPACT is making.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The campaign \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11982070/campaign-to-roll-back-prop-47-criminal-justice-reforms-could-head-to-voters\">for a ballot measure that would reverse some parts of Proposition 47 \u003c/a>recently turned in signatures to state election officials in the hopes of qualifying for the November ballot. A \u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/BallotAnalysis/Initiative/2023-017\">nonpartisan analysis of that initiative\u003c/a> found that it would likely increase state and local criminal justice costs by hundreds of millions of dollars and reduce the amount of money spent on Proposition 47 programs like Project imPACT.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A New Path to Rehabilitation\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Proposition 47 passed in 2014 as the state grappled with overcrowded prisons and a U.S. Supreme Court order to reduce its prison population. The idea was that nonviolent drug users and people accused of minor property crimes should be offered treatment instead of jail time — and that by keeping those lower-level offenders out of jails and prisons, public funds could be spent instead on tackling the root causes that were leading people to use drugs or steal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the past decade, the governor’s office said savings have topped $800 million. The bulk of those funds, 65%, is given to the Board of State and Community Corrections for programs that target mental health and substance abuse treatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One-quarter of the savings is given to the Department of Education to fund truancy and dropout prevention programs, and 10% is allocated to trauma recovery centers for victims of crimes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The BSCC grant program has been incredibly successful: An \u003ca href=\"https://www.bscc.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/2024/02/H-2-Proposition-47-Cohort-2-Final-Evaluation-Report-FINAL-1.pdf\">evaluation of the second round of grants\u003c/a>, which totaled almost $93 million and served nearly 22,000 people, found that homelessness among participants fell by 60%. Unemployment was cut in half. And only about 15% of participants were convicted of a new crime within three years of entering the Proposition 47-funded program, compared to 35 to 45% statewide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Project imPACT programs, that recidivism number was even lower: 7%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Johnson said those statistics illustrate the value of Proposition 47 in providing an alternate path to crime.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A young person can go get $1,000 easy off of a smash and grab. Well, what if we gave them a job or showed them how to create a business,” he said. “The more we address the root causes of crime and violence, the better outcomes we’ll see.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, critics said Proposition 47-funded programs, while successful, are not reaching the same number of people being prosecuted before its passage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re nibbling on the problem with these programs,” Yolo County District Attorney Jeff Reisig said, estimating that Yolo County’s Proposition 47-funded program only served about 15% of the people that drug courts would have before the ballot measure passed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Which means, you know, there’s hundreds and hundreds of people running around who are seriously addicted. They’re sick, they’re using, they’re stealing, they’re homeless,” Reisig added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Reisig also questioned whether the state’s recidivism data is accurate, noting that it is based on whether someone was convicted again only in the same county where they are receiving services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 47 supporters agree that the programs aren’t doing enough but said that’s an argument for increasing reentry and rehabilitation funding, not cutting it. They note that state prison spending topped $14 billion last fiscal year, compared to about $113 million in Proposition 47 savings in the same time period.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The promise of Proposition 47 has always been that we’d get a clear glimpse of what would be possible if ever we invested in crime and harm prevention to scale,” said Tinisch Hollins, executive director of Californians for Safety and Justice, which wrote the original ballot measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Proposition 47 is clearly demonstrating that when we take a broad and shared approach to safety that isn’t overly-reliant on enforcement and prison incarceration, we get better safety outcomes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Stories of Transformation: ‘It Instills Hope’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>For participants in the Proposition 47 programs, the benefits are clear.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11986307\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11986307 size-medium\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-4-ZS-KQED-800x1200.jpg\" alt=\"A headshot of a white man wearing glasses and a white shirt.\" width=\"800\" height=\"1200\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-4-ZS-KQED-800x1200.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-4-ZS-KQED-1020x1530.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-4-ZS-KQED-160x240.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-4-ZS-KQED-1024x1536.jpg 1024w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-4-ZS-KQED.jpg 1333w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Mitchell Kahn at the CEO offices in downtown Los Angeles on May 14, 2024. \u003ccite>(Zaydee Sanchez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Mitchell Kahn served 18 years in prison. Now 56 years old, he’s living in a transitional home and working to get his commercial driver’s license so he can drive trucks for a living.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a very different world,” Kahn said. “I went into prison at 36 years of age, coming out of working for a bank. …. And my first job out of prison was picking up things on the side of the freeway.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While Kahn is now working to build a career, he said it’s not the most important help CEO and other Project imPACT programs have offered.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the past year, he said, “I got the ability to talk. When I came home from prison in October of last year, I had an extreme amount of anxiety, and I couldn’t always talk.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He received help from a therapist and free acupuncture from a health care clinic funded by Project imPACT. It’s all given him the confidence to overcome his anxiety, he said, and figure out a sustainable career path.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He and others said it’s a process: The first job placement he received involved helping other people find employment at a different nonprofit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It wasn’t a good fit,” he said. “And I was able to come back and … share what happened. And I wasn’t blamed for it not working.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That flexibility and willingness to help participants find a job, housing, healthcare and other support is a key part of why Project imPACT programs are working, said Melanie Robledo, housing project manager at CEO. Robledo, like many CEO employees, started as a client.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I came home [from jail] in a black paper suit. I had nothing to my name. Being able to have my own income, I was able to do things that gave me a level of independence,” she said. “I bought my first pair of shoes. I was able to take my kids out to eat. I was able to contribute. So, it gives you that level of like, oh, my gosh, I’m doing this right. And it also instills hope.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11986308\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-11-ZS-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11986308\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-11-ZS-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A woman wearing a white polo shirt leans against a window.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-11-ZS-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-11-ZS-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-11-ZS-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-11-ZS-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-11-ZS-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-11-ZS-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Melanie Robledo at CEO on May 14, 2024. \u003ccite>(Zaydee Sanchez for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Robledo said she lost custody of her children, who are now 16 and 14, when she was cycling in and out of jail and struggling with mental illness, addiction and homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There was a level of disappointment, a level of shame, and a lot of other things that came with that. So, getting this job and going through the reentry process has been life-changing for me,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Robledo said it’s “empowering” to now model what change can look like, not just for her community but for her family, too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I see my kids regularly. I’m at every sporting event,” she said. “It changed the whole trajectory of my life.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11986323\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-23-ZS-KQED-1.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11986323\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-23-ZS-KQED-1.jpg\" alt=\"A Black man wearing a white hat, black vest and white shirt stands over a woman wearing a white shirt looking at a desktop screen in a building.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-23-ZS-KQED-1.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-23-ZS-KQED-1-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-23-ZS-KQED-1-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-23-ZS-KQED-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-23-ZS-KQED-1-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-23-ZS-KQED-1-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Tommy Eugene Lewis III (right) and Melanie work closely together at the CEO offices on May 14, 2024. \u003ccite>(Zaydee Sanchez for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Another Proposition 47-funded program in Los Angeles County is \u003ca href=\"https://www.shieldsforfamilies.org/\">SHIELDS for Families\u003c/a>, a reentry and workforce development program that largely receives client referrals from jails, probation agencies and community groups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Saun Hough is the vocational services manager at SHIELD; he’s also the partnerships manager at Californians for Safety and Justice, the group that sponsored Proposition 47. He said one of the reasons these programs are successful is that they stick with their clients: “We have a motto: you can’t outrun our love,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our goal is to stabilize, right? So, once you’re stable, and you’re earning, and you have readjusted, and you’re ready to go from reentry to reintegration, we still follow up with you. We still stay with you,” he said. “You get a job, and then you realize there’s a training that you need to move up to manager, come on back. Let’s work with you to see what it takes to get you there.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s also true for people who walk away before completing the program, Hough said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"floatright"},"numeric":["floatright"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We see people that don’t stick it out,” he said, “and then six months later… somebody is waiting in the lobby.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}}],"link":"/news/11986380/a-landmark-criminal-justice-reform-has-saved-california-millions-these-are-the-programs-its-funded","authors":["3239"],"categories":["news_6188","news_8"],"tags":["news_28202","news_28778","news_21749","news_27626","news_1775","news_19644","news_33814"],"featImg":"news_11986416","label":"news"},"news_11985946":{"type":"posts","id":"news_11985946","meta":{"index":"posts_1591205157","site":"news","id":"11985946","score":null,"sort":[1715857235000]},"guestAuthors":[],"slug":"the-hidden-history-of-water-rights-in-owens-valley","title":"California's Nuumu People Claim LA Stole Their Water, Now They're Fighting for Its Return","publishDate":1715857235,"format":"standard","headTitle":"California’s Nuumu People Claim LA Stole Their Water, Now They’re Fighting for Its Return | KQED","labelTerm":{},"content":"\u003cp>When Noah Williams was about a year old, his parents took him on a fateful drive through the endless desert sagebrush of the Owens Valley — which the Nüümü call Payahuunadü — in California’s Eastern Sierra. Noah was strapped into his car seat behind his mother, Teri Red Owl, and his father, Harry Williams, a Nüümü tribal elder with a sharp sense of humor who loved a teachable moment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Hey, look — that’s our water!” he liked to tell Noah whenever they drove past the riffling cascades of the Los Angeles Aqueduct.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As they sped toward their home on one of the Nüümü’s reservations in the valley, the family passed the dry lakebed of Patsiata, also known as Owens Lake. In the 19th century, Patsiata was a 110-square-mile behemoth more than twice the size of San Francisco, but in the decades since it’s been largely reduced to a brine pool ringed by a vast salt flat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the family sped on, the wind picked up, spinning dust from the lakebed into a volcanic gray cloud that quickly engulfed the car. Williams and Red Owl rolled up the windows and closed the vents, but the toxic dust seeped in any way, slowly clouding up the car. They could taste it, fine and metallic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11982597\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11982597 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-013-AR-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-013-AR-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-013-AR-KQED-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-013-AR-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-013-AR-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-013-AR-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-013-AR-KQED-1920x1281.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Family photos of Noah Williams with his father, Harry Williams, at Teri Red Owl’s home in Bishop on April 3, 2024. \u003ccite>(Alejandra Rubio for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Years later, Harry told Noah about that harrowing drive. “How do people live here?” he remembered asking himself. Then he answered his own question: \u003cem>Oh, right. We live here.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are a people who have experienced a tremendous amount of grief,” said Noah, who now works as a water program coordinator for one of the Nüümü tribes. “You’ve got to learn the history — and if you really want to get down into the details, it’ll really make your bones sort of chill.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a state shaped by water grabs, drought emergencies, and “pray for rain” billboards, Payahuunadü is the locus of California’s most infamous water war — the fight between Payahuunadü residents and the city of Los Angeles, about 270 miles away. In the early 1900s, Los Angeles was a small city that was running out of water, and Payahuunadü, which means “the land of flowing water,” had lots of it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Renamed the Owens Valley by white settlers — and nicknamed the “American Switzerland” — the valley was a snow-capped patchwork of pear farms and cattle ranches. Around 1904, Los Angeles city officials came up with a plan to take the valley’s water for themselves. Today, about a third of LA’s water supply comes from Payahuunadü and other parts of the Eastern Sierra, the city’s population has ballooned to nearly four million, and many of the valley’s streams and lakes — including Patsiata — have all but disappeared.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11982603\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11982603 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-040-AR-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"Wide shot of near empty lake with blue sky in the background. \" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-040-AR-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-040-AR-KQED-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-040-AR-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-040-AR-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-040-AR-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-040-AR-KQED-1920x1281.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Owens Lake in Owens Valley on April 3, 2024. \u003ccite>(Alejandra Rubio for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The saga has been told scores of times, most famously in the Academy Award-winning movie Chinatown, but the Nüümü (also known as the Owens Valley Paiute) are often treated as a footnote to the story. The tribes have been fighting to get their water back for the better part of 170 years. And by the time Harry Williams died in 2021, he was convinced he’d discovered a way for them to do it. His strategy, he believed, would help the Nüümü win back their water in one clever move — and upend California’s arcane and inequitable water rights system along the way.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 style=\"text-align: left\">‘Those Indians never got to be heard’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>For the Nüümü, the water war started in the 1800s, with the arrival of white people in their homeland. At the time, the valley was lush and green, its river banks lined with willows and cottonwoods. The occasional fur trapper and mountain man quickly gave way to a steady stream of sheep and cattle ranchers, and by the 1860s, a community of farmers and ranchers had seized tracts of Payahuunadü for themselves. The settlers used federal laws to consolidate control of the land and the state’s fledgling water laws, passed in the 1850s, to gain control of that vital resource.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s water laws govern a landowner’s legal right to divert and use water from a river, lake, or stream, and they broadly operate under three basic principles. Under “first in time, first in right,” water went to the first landowner who filed a claim to use it. Under the law’s second principle, claimants were required to make continuous use of that water, otherwise known as “use it or lose it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today, this system can still quietly determine who has power in California and who does not. “It may have made sense to the people in power at the time,” said Felicia Marcus, a visiting fellow at Stanford and the former chair of California’s State Water Board, which regulates water rights across the state. However, she argues that the system is fundamentally inequitable and long overdue for reform. “There’s a day of reckoning coming where we need to think about how we’re going to rectify this very obvious wrong.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the 19th century, a flurry of explicitly racist laws prevented many people of color from participating in California’s water rights system. While California was busy awarding water rights in the 1850s, it was also bankrolling a genocidal campaign against its Native communities; the legislature also legalized Native Californians’ enslavement and sanctioned the violent removal of tribes from their traditional lands. According to Noah’s mom, Red Owl — an expert in Nüümü history who has long served as executive director of the Owens Valley Indian Water Commission — it’s likely that the Nüümü were unaware of the finer points of state water law. And even if they had filed a water rights claim, many tribes would have run afoul of the law’s third principle, “beneficial use,” which held that a water rights owner had to use their water for something that California considered worthwhile. Diversions for agriculture were considered “beneficial,” but many California Native peoples did not farm. Before they knew it, the Nüümü had no legal right to the water they’d always relied on for basic survival.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11982596\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11982596 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-006-AR-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A woman sits at a table with decorations behind her. \" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-006-AR-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-006-AR-KQED-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-006-AR-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-006-AR-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-006-AR-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-006-AR-KQED-1920x1281.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Teri Red Owl, Executive Director of Owens Valley Indian Water Commission, at her home in Bishop on April 3, 2024. \u003ccite>(Alejandra Rubio for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Tensions in the valley continued to intensify, and war broke out between the Nüümü and the white settlers in 1861. In 1863, the U.S. Cavalry and a group of settlers drove more than thirty Nüümü into Owens Lake, then shot them as they tried to swim to safety. Later that year, the military forcibly marched nearly 1,000 Nüümü out of Payahuunadü to Fort El Tejon, more than 200 miles to the south. Many tribal members died of thirst or starvation along the way.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By the time many Nüümü returned to their valley, the settlers had turned it into a constellation of cattle ranches and orchards. Some Nüümü found jobs as farm laborers and ranch hands, and by the early 1900s, a small group of tribal members had used the federal government’s Indian allotment system to recover some of the land and water they’d lost.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But by then, a new power player had entered the valley. Through a series of technically legal maneuvers, Los Angeles officials began buying up land in Payahuunadü, and along with that land came its associated water rights. Next, they built an aqueduct to carry that water to the city — a move that would effectively drain the valley dry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By the early 1930s, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.ladwp.com/&sa=D&source=docs&ust=1715802841175784&usg=AOvVaw0ZU-3FlpSxASlMh0X5Vt2a\">Los Angeles Department of Water and Power\u003c/a> (LADWP) owned nearly all of the valley’s farmland and water rights. It was during this period that the utility authored a report, the “Owens Valley Indian Problem,” which suggested removing the Nüümü from the valley — or, if that failed, containing them on reservations. According to both Red Owl and Sophia Borgias — an assistant professor at Boise State University and \u003ca href=\"https://www.tandfonline.com/share/IUTPXUXS6GNSMFNNTSPA?target=10.1080/24694452.2024.2332649\">expert in this\u003c/a> period of Payahuunadü history — the federal government stepped in on the city’s behalf, and in the late 1930s, Congress created several Nüümü reservations in Payahuunadü. Through this flurry of legislation and years of political maneuvering, LADWP further consolidated its control of the valley’s land and water, including the water that flowed through the Nüümü reservations. To this day, LADWP holds the rights to the drinking water on the Bishop Paiute Reservation, where Noah grew up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t like to consider myself [part of] a resource colony of Los Angeles, but I’m afraid that is how they view us,” Red Owl said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Nüümü did not quietly accept this situation. They refused to leave Payahuunadü, even when LADWP and federal officials pressured them to relocate; at one point, LADWP even hired armed guards to prevent some Nüümü landowners from using the water they had rights to. In 1937, several Nüümü tribal members traveled to Washington to plead the tribes’ case, but Congress refused to let them speak before the legislature.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Those Indians never ever got to be heard,” Red Owl said. “When I think about it, it always hurts my heart.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘David and Goliath’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Harry Williams wasn’t a particularly patient person, and the Nüümü’s endless fights against LADWP infuriated him. So, sometime in the late 1990s, he started working on an ambitious new strategy. By the time Noah was in middle school, Harry was obsessed with a network of narrow channels that crisscross, according to one estimate, at least 60 square miles of the valley’s low, rocky hills. As a kid, Harry used to play in these channels, which looked like dry, overgrown creek beds 2-to-3 feet deep. “I don’t think that he quite realized what it was at the time,” Noah said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To an untrained eye, the ditches don’t look like much, but Noah said they sometimes follow a pattern, branching off of the valley’s former creeks like veins from a leaf’s midrib. According to Harry, there’s a reason for that: the shallow ditches were part of a massive system the Nüümü had developed and maintained over hundreds of years to irrigate crops like tüpüs and nahavita, also known as yellow nutsedge and wild hyacinth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11982601\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11982601 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-031-AR-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"Rocks in the foreground with snow-capped mountains in the background.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-031-AR-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-031-AR-KQED-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-031-AR-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-031-AR-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-031-AR-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-031-AR-KQED-1920x1281.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The remains of a rock wall indicate the likely direction that water once flowed at the Bishop Creek diversion in Bishop on April 3, 2024. \u003ccite>(Alejandra Rubio for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Other Nüümü knew about the tribes’ ditches, but it was Harry who obsessively researched and mapped them — and Harry who became convinced of their political implications. Under California’s water laws, many Native peoples were ineligible for water rights because they hadn’t put their water to “beneficial use” in the eyes of the state. But by diverting Payahuunadü’s water for irrigation, Harry theorized, the Nüümü had, in fact, demonstrated beneficial use, and they had done so long before white people arrived in the valley. This meant he argued that the Nüümü had been the rightful owners of the Payahuunadü’s water all along.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Of course, getting that water back would mean taking on LADWP. “It’s truly a David and Goliath sort of situation,” Noah said. “It’s going to be a huge, huge fight.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=4HUbbwYLH6k&t=1s\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Harry’s next step was to gather proof that the ditch system was as old and sophisticated as Nüümü traditional knowledge said it was. He enlisted researchers to help him pore over 100-year-old maps and dusty ethnographies, and he quickly realized that some government officials had known about the ditches in the 19th century. When whites first made contact with the Nüümü back in the 1800s, some were impressed enough by the tribes’ agricultural system to write about it in letters and newspapers. Academics had even published anthropological research on the Nüümü’s agricultural practices back in the 1970s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At least some of the white settlers who violently displaced the Nüümü had clearly known about the ditches, too. In an op-ed published by the Inyo Independent in 1870, the authors state that “many of the principle irrigating ditches now in use by the whites were originally constructed by the aborigines.” The op-ed was published not long after settlers forcibly removed the Nüümü from the valley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“To me, that’s just the ultimate slap in the face,” said Greg Haverstock, an archeologist with the Bureau of Land Management who’s studied Nüümü agricultural ditches. The settlers “must have recognized that these were developed areas,” he said — even as they co-opted Nüümü irrigation systems and claimed the valley’s water for themselves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Haverstock started studying those systems because Harry contacted him in 2017; even with all of the historical documentation he’d collected, Harry still didn’t have scientific proof that the ditches predated the arrival of white settlers, which could make a Nüümü water rights claim all the more persuasive with the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Toxic dust from the lakebed\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>According to Noah, Harry always had “a bit of a cough,” and as he hiked through agricultural ditches with Haverstock and pored over historical research, it was hard not to notice that his cough was getting worse. When Noah was fresh out of college, Harry was diagnosed with cystic fibrosis and interstitial lung disease. No one can pinpoint the exact cause of Harry’s illnesses, but Noah believes the toxic dust storms that whipped off Patsiata’s dried lakebed were at least partly to blame: His father was far from the only community member who developed respiratory disorders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11982604\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11982604 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-044-AR-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"White dust covering a lakebed with blue sky in the background. \" width=\"2000\" height=\"1335\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-044-AR-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-044-AR-KQED-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-044-AR-KQED-1020x681.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-044-AR-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-044-AR-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-044-AR-KQED-1920x1282.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Owens Lake in Owens Valley on April 3, 2024. \u003ccite>(Alejandra Rubio for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>It’s “putting two and two together,” Noah said. “Like, ‘Hey, they say that this is such bad dust pollution. We’re starting to see people that are sick.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The dust from the lakebed is laced with naturally occurring arsenic and other carcinogens, and the dust’s tiny particles have also been shown to harm human health. While there haven’t been any published studies on the long-term health impacts of Payahuunadü’s airborne dust, this kind of pollution has been studied in other places, where it was found to cause cancer, lung disease, and premature death. Since the late 1990s, LADWP said it has spent $2.5 billion on dust mitigation strategies, like putting gravel on the dried lakebed and using sprinklers to dampen the dust. The utility said it has reduced the lake’s dust emissions by more than 99 percent, but \u003ca href=\"https://www.google.com/url?q=https://nap.nationalacademies.org/catalog/25658/effectiveness-and-impacts-of-dust-control-measures-for-owens-lake&sa=D&source=docs&ust=1715801655469723&usg=AOvVaw2G2J5EE_thb3KYF_g1Zc6H\">a 2020 National Academies of Sciences report\u003c/a> found the area still doesn’t meet air quality standards.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=JOTI5gbq9gg\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Harry was deeply annoyed by his illness. He had archeologists to meet and county leaders to yell at.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He definitely wanted to be here longer for sure,” Noah said. “That was really sad — realizing, ‘you know, it’s too late.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in 2021, his oxygen levels dropped, and Noah rushed him to the emergency room. “Are you ready?” Noah remembered asking him. “And he said, ‘Yeah — I’m ready to go.’” The doctors removed his oxygen, and Noah began singing ceremonial songs he’d learned from Harry. He held his father’s hand.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The storm clouds rolled in a few minutes after Harry’s last breath. As Noah gathered up Harry’s things, it began to rain.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was really comforted by some information that someone shared with me,” he said. “It only rains when the great ones pass away.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The rain pooled in the valley’s parched ditches, its dry creek beds, and on the dusty lakebed. Some of it coursed into the aqueduct and was taken to Los Angeles.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A fight for reform and reparations\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In 2022, Haverstock and his team published their peer-reviewed paper in the Journal of California and Great Basin Anthropology. (Harry Williams is listed as a co-author and managed to review a draft before he died.) According to Haverstock’s radiocarbon dating, the Nüümü had been using the ditches to irrigate their valley for more than 400 years, long before their contact with white people. Williams had been right all along. “We tend to underestimate the ingenuity and the ecological knowledge of people before us,” Haverstock said. “That’s a big mistake.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite the paper’s publication, Noah said Nüümü tribal leaders have yet to file a water rights claim. The tribes don’t have the money to fight for Harry’s dream, Noah said, and are focusing on water fights against LADWP that are less of a legal moonshot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>LADWP representatives declined interview requests, but in a \u003ca href=\"https://drive.google.com/file/d/1XabakxpAiq2csC9BQ7PF7pkje_JJMOXj/view?usp=drive_link\">written statement\u003c/a>, the utility said it “recognizes tribal members’ traditional knowledge” and strives to respect Eastern Sierra communities. It also noted its attempts to reduce the amount of water Los Angeles imports. The city’s population has grown rapidly in the past 30 years, but LADWP said it has still managed to reduce its water imports from the Eastern Sierra by 50 percent since the 1990s; the utility is also investing in water recycling and treating stormwater for drinking. LADWP declined to answer any questions about the Nüümü agricultural ditch system or the validity of any tribal water-rights claims.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several water-law experts have found Harry Williams’ argument compelling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It makes their water rights — \u003cem>in theory \u003c/em>— very senior,” said Felicia Marcus, the Stanford fellow. But the Nüümü’s claim would be vulnerable to a range of legal counterarguments. For example, the tribes didn’t file a claim within the statute of limitations, and they did not use their water “continuously,” as California water law requires.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Of course, the Nüümü likely didn’t know they needed to file a water claim in the 1800s, and the tribes stopped using the valley’s water in the 1860s because the U.S. military had forcibly driven them out of the valley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This is clearly unjust, Marcus said, and an excellent example of why California should reform its water rights system to better include marginalized communities. The state could implement some kind of water reparations, she suggests, or the state legislature could pass a bill enabling tribes to file water rights claims retroactively.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Noah Williams, the worst-case scenario isn’t just that the Nüümü never get their water back. It’s that all the history his dad fought to recover and devoted his life to preserving could be forgotten. “It’s frustrating,” he said. “I’d ask people [in Los Angeles] time and time again, ‘Where does your water come from?’ One of the most common answers that I would get would be, ‘From the tap.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If we don’t tell people what actually happened here in the Owens Valley, he added — who lived here and who made use of the water — “it could just become a memory that’s lost.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Teresa Cotsirilos is a staff reporter with the \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://nam11.safelinks.protection.outlook.com/?url=https%3A%2F%2Fthefern.org%2F&data=05%7C02%7Cchendler%40motherjones.com%7C060e0b2b9d5c4958f44408dc5989c2da%7C012f9e2f06f14827a96c9a54d367d83e%7C0%7C0%7C638483695425235926%7CUnknown%7CTWFpbGZsb3d8eyJWIjoiMC4wLjAwMDAiLCJQIjoiV2luMzIiLCJBTiI6Ik1haWwiLCJXVCI6Mn0%3D%7C0%7C%7C%7C&sdata=8myntXoebNb%2FZUUlG0vig5kACl1xI0%2FqaTw3jjLVNCY%3D&reserved=0\">\u003cem>Food & Environment Reporting Network\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem>, an independent, nonprofit news organization.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n","blocks":[],"excerpt":"'You've got to learn the history — and if you really want to get down into the details, it'll really make your bones sort of chill,’ Noah Williams said, talking about the history of water rights in the Owens Valley.","status":"publish","parent":0,"modified":1715816680,"stats":{"hasAudio":false,"hasVideo":true,"hasChartOrMap":false,"iframeSrcs":[],"hasGoogleForm":false,"hasGallery":false,"hasHearkenModule":false,"hasPolis":false,"paragraphCount":49,"wordCount":3582},"headData":{"title":"California's Nuumu People Claim LA Stole Their Water, Now They're Fighting for Its Return | KQED","description":"'You've got to learn the history — and if you really want to get down into the details, it'll really make your bones sort of chill,’ Noah Williams said, talking about the history of water rights in the Owens Valley.","ogTitle":"","ogDescription":"","ogImgId":"","twTitle":"","twDescription":"","twImgId":"","schema":{"@context":"http://schema.org","@type":"NewsArticle","headline":"California's Nuumu People Claim LA Stole Their Water, Now They're Fighting for Its Return","datePublished":"2024-05-16T11:00:35.000Z","dateModified":"2024-05-15T23:44:40.000Z","image":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png","isAccessibleForFree":"Y","publisher":{"@type":"NewsMediaOrganization","@id":"https://www.kqed.org/#organization","name":"KQED","url":"https://www.kqed.org","logo":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png"}}},"source":"The California Report Magazine","sourceUrl":"https://www.kqed.org/californiareportmagazine","audioUrl":"https://www.podtrac.com/pts/redirect.mp3/chrt.fm/track/G6C7C3/traffic.megaphone.fm/KQINC4165815198.mp3?updated=1715802350","sticky":false,"nprByline":"Teresa Cotsirilos","excludeFromSiteSearch":"Include","showOnAuthorArchivePages":"No","articleAge":"0","path":"/news/11985946/the-hidden-history-of-water-rights-in-owens-valley","audioTrackLength":null,"parsedContent":[{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>When Noah Williams was about a year old, his parents took him on a fateful drive through the endless desert sagebrush of the Owens Valley — which the Nüümü call Payahuunadü — in California’s Eastern Sierra. Noah was strapped into his car seat behind his mother, Teri Red Owl, and his father, Harry Williams, a Nüümü tribal elder with a sharp sense of humor who loved a teachable moment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Hey, look — that’s our water!” he liked to tell Noah whenever they drove past the riffling cascades of the Los Angeles Aqueduct.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As they sped toward their home on one of the Nüümü’s reservations in the valley, the family passed the dry lakebed of Patsiata, also known as Owens Lake. In the 19th century, Patsiata was a 110-square-mile behemoth more than twice the size of San Francisco, but in the decades since it’s been largely reduced to a brine pool ringed by a vast salt flat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the family sped on, the wind picked up, spinning dust from the lakebed into a volcanic gray cloud that quickly engulfed the car. Williams and Red Owl rolled up the windows and closed the vents, but the toxic dust seeped in any way, slowly clouding up the car. They could taste it, fine and metallic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11982597\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11982597 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-013-AR-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-013-AR-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-013-AR-KQED-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-013-AR-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-013-AR-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-013-AR-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-013-AR-KQED-1920x1281.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Family photos of Noah Williams with his father, Harry Williams, at Teri Red Owl’s home in Bishop on April 3, 2024. \u003ccite>(Alejandra Rubio for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Years later, Harry told Noah about that harrowing drive. “How do people live here?” he remembered asking himself. Then he answered his own question: \u003cem>Oh, right. We live here.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are a people who have experienced a tremendous amount of grief,” said Noah, who now works as a water program coordinator for one of the Nüümü tribes. “You’ve got to learn the history — and if you really want to get down into the details, it’ll really make your bones sort of chill.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a state shaped by water grabs, drought emergencies, and “pray for rain” billboards, Payahuunadü is the locus of California’s most infamous water war — the fight between Payahuunadü residents and the city of Los Angeles, about 270 miles away. In the early 1900s, Los Angeles was a small city that was running out of water, and Payahuunadü, which means “the land of flowing water,” had lots of it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Renamed the Owens Valley by white settlers — and nicknamed the “American Switzerland” — the valley was a snow-capped patchwork of pear farms and cattle ranches. Around 1904, Los Angeles city officials came up with a plan to take the valley’s water for themselves. Today, about a third of LA’s water supply comes from Payahuunadü and other parts of the Eastern Sierra, the city’s population has ballooned to nearly four million, and many of the valley’s streams and lakes — including Patsiata — have all but disappeared.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11982603\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11982603 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-040-AR-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"Wide shot of near empty lake with blue sky in the background. \" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-040-AR-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-040-AR-KQED-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-040-AR-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-040-AR-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-040-AR-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-040-AR-KQED-1920x1281.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Owens Lake in Owens Valley on April 3, 2024. \u003ccite>(Alejandra Rubio for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The saga has been told scores of times, most famously in the Academy Award-winning movie Chinatown, but the Nüümü (also known as the Owens Valley Paiute) are often treated as a footnote to the story. The tribes have been fighting to get their water back for the better part of 170 years. And by the time Harry Williams died in 2021, he was convinced he’d discovered a way for them to do it. His strategy, he believed, would help the Nüümü win back their water in one clever move — and upend California’s arcane and inequitable water rights system along the way.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 style=\"text-align: left\">‘Those Indians never got to be heard’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>For the Nüümü, the water war started in the 1800s, with the arrival of white people in their homeland. At the time, the valley was lush and green, its river banks lined with willows and cottonwoods. The occasional fur trapper and mountain man quickly gave way to a steady stream of sheep and cattle ranchers, and by the 1860s, a community of farmers and ranchers had seized tracts of Payahuunadü for themselves. The settlers used federal laws to consolidate control of the land and the state’s fledgling water laws, passed in the 1850s, to gain control of that vital resource.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s water laws govern a landowner’s legal right to divert and use water from a river, lake, or stream, and they broadly operate under three basic principles. Under “first in time, first in right,” water went to the first landowner who filed a claim to use it. Under the law’s second principle, claimants were required to make continuous use of that water, otherwise known as “use it or lose it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"fullwidth"},"numeric":["fullwidth"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today, this system can still quietly determine who has power in California and who does not. “It may have made sense to the people in power at the time,” said Felicia Marcus, a visiting fellow at Stanford and the former chair of California’s State Water Board, which regulates water rights across the state. However, she argues that the system is fundamentally inequitable and long overdue for reform. “There’s a day of reckoning coming where we need to think about how we’re going to rectify this very obvious wrong.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the 19th century, a flurry of explicitly racist laws prevented many people of color from participating in California’s water rights system. While California was busy awarding water rights in the 1850s, it was also bankrolling a genocidal campaign against its Native communities; the legislature also legalized Native Californians’ enslavement and sanctioned the violent removal of tribes from their traditional lands. According to Noah’s mom, Red Owl — an expert in Nüümü history who has long served as executive director of the Owens Valley Indian Water Commission — it’s likely that the Nüümü were unaware of the finer points of state water law. And even if they had filed a water rights claim, many tribes would have run afoul of the law’s third principle, “beneficial use,” which held that a water rights owner had to use their water for something that California considered worthwhile. Diversions for agriculture were considered “beneficial,” but many California Native peoples did not farm. Before they knew it, the Nüümü had no legal right to the water they’d always relied on for basic survival.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11982596\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11982596 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-006-AR-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A woman sits at a table with decorations behind her. \" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-006-AR-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-006-AR-KQED-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-006-AR-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-006-AR-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-006-AR-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-006-AR-KQED-1920x1281.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Teri Red Owl, Executive Director of Owens Valley Indian Water Commission, at her home in Bishop on April 3, 2024. \u003ccite>(Alejandra Rubio for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Tensions in the valley continued to intensify, and war broke out between the Nüümü and the white settlers in 1861. In 1863, the U.S. Cavalry and a group of settlers drove more than thirty Nüümü into Owens Lake, then shot them as they tried to swim to safety. Later that year, the military forcibly marched nearly 1,000 Nüümü out of Payahuunadü to Fort El Tejon, more than 200 miles to the south. Many tribal members died of thirst or starvation along the way.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By the time many Nüümü returned to their valley, the settlers had turned it into a constellation of cattle ranches and orchards. Some Nüümü found jobs as farm laborers and ranch hands, and by the early 1900s, a small group of tribal members had used the federal government’s Indian allotment system to recover some of the land and water they’d lost.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But by then, a new power player had entered the valley. Through a series of technically legal maneuvers, Los Angeles officials began buying up land in Payahuunadü, and along with that land came its associated water rights. Next, they built an aqueduct to carry that water to the city — a move that would effectively drain the valley dry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By the early 1930s, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.ladwp.com/&sa=D&source=docs&ust=1715802841175784&usg=AOvVaw0ZU-3FlpSxASlMh0X5Vt2a\">Los Angeles Department of Water and Power\u003c/a> (LADWP) owned nearly all of the valley’s farmland and water rights. It was during this period that the utility authored a report, the “Owens Valley Indian Problem,” which suggested removing the Nüümü from the valley — or, if that failed, containing them on reservations. According to both Red Owl and Sophia Borgias — an assistant professor at Boise State University and \u003ca href=\"https://www.tandfonline.com/share/IUTPXUXS6GNSMFNNTSPA?target=10.1080/24694452.2024.2332649\">expert in this\u003c/a> period of Payahuunadü history — the federal government stepped in on the city’s behalf, and in the late 1930s, Congress created several Nüümü reservations in Payahuunadü. Through this flurry of legislation and years of political maneuvering, LADWP further consolidated its control of the valley’s land and water, including the water that flowed through the Nüümü reservations. To this day, LADWP holds the rights to the drinking water on the Bishop Paiute Reservation, where Noah grew up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t like to consider myself [part of] a resource colony of Los Angeles, but I’m afraid that is how they view us,” Red Owl said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Nüümü did not quietly accept this situation. They refused to leave Payahuunadü, even when LADWP and federal officials pressured them to relocate; at one point, LADWP even hired armed guards to prevent some Nüümü landowners from using the water they had rights to. In 1937, several Nüümü tribal members traveled to Washington to plead the tribes’ case, but Congress refused to let them speak before the legislature.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Those Indians never ever got to be heard,” Red Owl said. “When I think about it, it always hurts my heart.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘David and Goliath’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Harry Williams wasn’t a particularly patient person, and the Nüümü’s endless fights against LADWP infuriated him. So, sometime in the late 1990s, he started working on an ambitious new strategy. By the time Noah was in middle school, Harry was obsessed with a network of narrow channels that crisscross, according to one estimate, at least 60 square miles of the valley’s low, rocky hills. As a kid, Harry used to play in these channels, which looked like dry, overgrown creek beds 2-to-3 feet deep. “I don’t think that he quite realized what it was at the time,” Noah said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To an untrained eye, the ditches don’t look like much, but Noah said they sometimes follow a pattern, branching off of the valley’s former creeks like veins from a leaf’s midrib. According to Harry, there’s a reason for that: the shallow ditches were part of a massive system the Nüümü had developed and maintained over hundreds of years to irrigate crops like tüpüs and nahavita, also known as yellow nutsedge and wild hyacinth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11982601\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11982601 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-031-AR-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"Rocks in the foreground with snow-capped mountains in the background.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-031-AR-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-031-AR-KQED-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-031-AR-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-031-AR-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-031-AR-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-031-AR-KQED-1920x1281.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The remains of a rock wall indicate the likely direction that water once flowed at the Bishop Creek diversion in Bishop on April 3, 2024. \u003ccite>(Alejandra Rubio for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Other Nüümü knew about the tribes’ ditches, but it was Harry who obsessively researched and mapped them — and Harry who became convinced of their political implications. Under California’s water laws, many Native peoples were ineligible for water rights because they hadn’t put their water to “beneficial use” in the eyes of the state. But by diverting Payahuunadü’s water for irrigation, Harry theorized, the Nüümü had, in fact, demonstrated beneficial use, and they had done so long before white people arrived in the valley. This meant he argued that the Nüümü had been the rightful owners of the Payahuunadü’s water all along.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Of course, getting that water back would mean taking on LADWP. “It’s truly a David and Goliath sort of situation,” Noah said. “It’s going to be a huge, huge fight.”\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/4HUbbwYLH6k'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/4HUbbwYLH6k'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>Harry’s next step was to gather proof that the ditch system was as old and sophisticated as Nüümü traditional knowledge said it was. He enlisted researchers to help him pore over 100-year-old maps and dusty ethnographies, and he quickly realized that some government officials had known about the ditches in the 19th century. When whites first made contact with the Nüümü back in the 1800s, some were impressed enough by the tribes’ agricultural system to write about it in letters and newspapers. Academics had even published anthropological research on the Nüümü’s agricultural practices back in the 1970s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At least some of the white settlers who violently displaced the Nüümü had clearly known about the ditches, too. In an op-ed published by the Inyo Independent in 1870, the authors state that “many of the principle irrigating ditches now in use by the whites were originally constructed by the aborigines.” The op-ed was published not long after settlers forcibly removed the Nüümü from the valley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“To me, that’s just the ultimate slap in the face,” said Greg Haverstock, an archeologist with the Bureau of Land Management who’s studied Nüümü agricultural ditches. The settlers “must have recognized that these were developed areas,” he said — even as they co-opted Nüümü irrigation systems and claimed the valley’s water for themselves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Haverstock started studying those systems because Harry contacted him in 2017; even with all of the historical documentation he’d collected, Harry still didn’t have scientific proof that the ditches predated the arrival of white settlers, which could make a Nüümü water rights claim all the more persuasive with the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Toxic dust from the lakebed\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>According to Noah, Harry always had “a bit of a cough,” and as he hiked through agricultural ditches with Haverstock and pored over historical research, it was hard not to notice that his cough was getting worse. When Noah was fresh out of college, Harry was diagnosed with cystic fibrosis and interstitial lung disease. No one can pinpoint the exact cause of Harry’s illnesses, but Noah believes the toxic dust storms that whipped off Patsiata’s dried lakebed were at least partly to blame: His father was far from the only community member who developed respiratory disorders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11982604\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11982604 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-044-AR-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"White dust covering a lakebed with blue sky in the background. \" width=\"2000\" height=\"1335\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-044-AR-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-044-AR-KQED-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-044-AR-KQED-1020x681.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-044-AR-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-044-AR-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-044-AR-KQED-1920x1282.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Owens Lake in Owens Valley on April 3, 2024. \u003ccite>(Alejandra Rubio for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>It’s “putting two and two together,” Noah said. “Like, ‘Hey, they say that this is such bad dust pollution. We’re starting to see people that are sick.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The dust from the lakebed is laced with naturally occurring arsenic and other carcinogens, and the dust’s tiny particles have also been shown to harm human health. While there haven’t been any published studies on the long-term health impacts of Payahuunadü’s airborne dust, this kind of pollution has been studied in other places, where it was found to cause cancer, lung disease, and premature death. Since the late 1990s, LADWP said it has spent $2.5 billion on dust mitigation strategies, like putting gravel on the dried lakebed and using sprinklers to dampen the dust. The utility said it has reduced the lake’s dust emissions by more than 99 percent, but \u003ca href=\"https://www.google.com/url?q=https://nap.nationalacademies.org/catalog/25658/effectiveness-and-impacts-of-dust-control-measures-for-owens-lake&sa=D&source=docs&ust=1715801655469723&usg=AOvVaw2G2J5EE_thb3KYF_g1Zc6H\">a 2020 National Academies of Sciences report\u003c/a> found the area still doesn’t meet air quality standards.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/JOTI5gbq9gg'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/JOTI5gbq9gg'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>Harry was deeply annoyed by his illness. He had archeologists to meet and county leaders to yell at.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He definitely wanted to be here longer for sure,” Noah said. “That was really sad — realizing, ‘you know, it’s too late.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in 2021, his oxygen levels dropped, and Noah rushed him to the emergency room. “Are you ready?” Noah remembered asking him. “And he said, ‘Yeah — I’m ready to go.’” The doctors removed his oxygen, and Noah began singing ceremonial songs he’d learned from Harry. He held his father’s hand.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The storm clouds rolled in a few minutes after Harry’s last breath. As Noah gathered up Harry’s things, it began to rain.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was really comforted by some information that someone shared with me,” he said. “It only rains when the great ones pass away.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The rain pooled in the valley’s parched ditches, its dry creek beds, and on the dusty lakebed. Some of it coursed into the aqueduct and was taken to Los Angeles.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A fight for reform and reparations\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In 2022, Haverstock and his team published their peer-reviewed paper in the Journal of California and Great Basin Anthropology. (Harry Williams is listed as a co-author and managed to review a draft before he died.) According to Haverstock’s radiocarbon dating, the Nüümü had been using the ditches to irrigate their valley for more than 400 years, long before their contact with white people. Williams had been right all along. “We tend to underestimate the ingenuity and the ecological knowledge of people before us,” Haverstock said. “That’s a big mistake.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite the paper’s publication, Noah said Nüümü tribal leaders have yet to file a water rights claim. The tribes don’t have the money to fight for Harry’s dream, Noah said, and are focusing on water fights against LADWP that are less of a legal moonshot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>LADWP representatives declined interview requests, but in a \u003ca href=\"https://drive.google.com/file/d/1XabakxpAiq2csC9BQ7PF7pkje_JJMOXj/view?usp=drive_link\">written statement\u003c/a>, the utility said it “recognizes tribal members’ traditional knowledge” and strives to respect Eastern Sierra communities. It also noted its attempts to reduce the amount of water Los Angeles imports. The city’s population has grown rapidly in the past 30 years, but LADWP said it has still managed to reduce its water imports from the Eastern Sierra by 50 percent since the 1990s; the utility is also investing in water recycling and treating stormwater for drinking. LADWP declined to answer any questions about the Nüümü agricultural ditch system or the validity of any tribal water-rights claims.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several water-law experts have found Harry Williams’ argument compelling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It makes their water rights — \u003cem>in theory \u003c/em>— very senior,” said Felicia Marcus, the Stanford fellow. But the Nüümü’s claim would be vulnerable to a range of legal counterarguments. For example, the tribes didn’t file a claim within the statute of limitations, and they did not use their water “continuously,” as California water law requires.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Of course, the Nüümü likely didn’t know they needed to file a water claim in the 1800s, and the tribes stopped using the valley’s water in the 1860s because the U.S. military had forcibly driven them out of the valley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This is clearly unjust, Marcus said, and an excellent example of why California should reform its water rights system to better include marginalized communities. The state could implement some kind of water reparations, she suggests, or the state legislature could pass a bill enabling tribes to file water rights claims retroactively.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Noah Williams, the worst-case scenario isn’t just that the Nüümü never get their water back. It’s that all the history his dad fought to recover and devoted his life to preserving could be forgotten. “It’s frustrating,” he said. “I’d ask people [in Los Angeles] time and time again, ‘Where does your water come from?’ One of the most common answers that I would get would be, ‘From the tap.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If we don’t tell people what actually happened here in the Owens Valley, he added — who lived here and who made use of the water — “it could just become a memory that’s lost.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Teresa Cotsirilos is a staff reporter with the \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://nam11.safelinks.protection.outlook.com/?url=https%3A%2F%2Fthefern.org%2F&data=05%7C02%7Cchendler%40motherjones.com%7C060e0b2b9d5c4958f44408dc5989c2da%7C012f9e2f06f14827a96c9a54d367d83e%7C0%7C0%7C638483695425235926%7CUnknown%7CTWFpbGZsb3d8eyJWIjoiMC4wLjAwMDAiLCJQIjoiV2luMzIiLCJBTiI6Ik1haWwiLCJXVCI6Mn0%3D%7C0%7C%7C%7C&sdata=8myntXoebNb%2FZUUlG0vig5kACl1xI0%2FqaTw3jjLVNCY%3D&reserved=0\">\u003cem>Food & Environment Reporting Network\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem>, an independent, nonprofit news organization.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"floatright"},"numeric":["floatright"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}}],"link":"/news/11985946/the-hidden-history-of-water-rights-in-owens-valley","authors":["byline_news_11985946"],"programs":["news_72","news_26731"],"categories":["news_31795","news_19906","news_8"],"tags":["news_18538","news_1262","news_30233","news_21998","news_483"],"featImg":"news_11982598","label":"source_news_11985946"},"news_11986396":{"type":"posts","id":"news_11986396","meta":{"index":"posts_1591205157","site":"news","id":"11986396","score":null,"sort":[1715853627000]},"guestAuthors":[],"slug":"when-bart-was-built-people-and-houses-had-to-go","title":"When BART Was Built, People — and Houses — Had to Go","publishDate":1715853627,"format":"standard","headTitle":"When BART Was Built, People — and Houses — Had to Go | KQED","labelTerm":{"term":33523,"site":"news"},"content":"\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"#episode-transcript\">View the full episode transcript.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Back in the early 1960s, when BART was just a sketch on a map, planners with the young transit agency had a task in front of them. BART had to acquire around 2,200 parcels of land in order to build the transportation system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Exactly how the agency went about getting that land was something that always puzzled Janine Dictor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For her, the question was also personal. Growing up, her family would tell stories about an amazing house her great-grandparents used to own in North Oakland, at 59th, and what is now Martin Luther King Jr. Way (it was called Grove Street back then). But the stories always ended with how they had to sell their home to BART.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[baycuriouspodcastinfo]“There was always a sad tone to the story as if they didn’t have control over it,” Dictor said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dictor’s great-grandparents, Vito and Elizabeth Campilongo, loved that house. They were both immigrants from Italy, and they kept the house full of family, friends and good food. Vito tended a bountiful garden in the backyard.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My grandmother loved to cook in the basement,” said Johanne Dictor, Janine’s mother. “She had this great kitchen downstairs where she made her ravioli; she made her sausages with her women friends.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was a happy time, but it didn’t last. By the time Johanne was a teenager in the early ‘60s, one topic started to dominate their family dinners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I remember we’d be sitting at the table and they’d say, ‘They’re going to take my house, they say we have to sell it. And we have to leave everything here.’ And you know, they just were devastated,” said Johanne about her grandparents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ultimately, the Campilongos sold their house to BART and moved to San Leandro. Her grandfather planted a new garden, but he felt it was never as big or as beautiful as the one in Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He’d sit on the porch in San Leandro looking so sad,” remembers Johanne.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All this history left Janine wondering how exactly the sale of her great-grandparents’ house went down. So she asked KQED’s Bay Curious to look into how much property BART acquired at the time of its inception and whether any homeowners challenged the agency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There must be a pretty robust story behind all of this, and it’s just odd that we never have known quite what it is,” Janine said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11986429\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1384px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/?attachment_id=11986429\" rel=\"attachment wp-att-11986429\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11986429\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/Vito_Elizabeth_family.png\" alt=\"An old black-and-white photo of a family in their living room\" width=\"1384\" height=\"1020\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/Vito_Elizabeth_family.png 1384w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/Vito_Elizabeth_family-800x590.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/Vito_Elizabeth_family-1020x752.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/Vito_Elizabeth_family-160x118.png 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1384px) 100vw, 1384px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Vito and Elizabeth Campilongo (center) left their North Oakland home in the 1960s to make room for a BART line. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of the Campilongo family)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>And so BART begins\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Like much of the country in the early 1950s, the Bay Area was in a post-war building boom. New houses were going up all over the region, in places like Concord and Fremont. City planners had to figure out how folks would get around and travel between all these developments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State lawmakers began \u003ca href=\"https://www.foundsf.org/index.php?title=San_Francisco_Bay_Area_Rapid_Transit_Commission%E2%80%94The_Beginnings\">mapping out\u003c/a> a regional transportation system to connect the suburbs to the economic hubs of Oakland and San Francisco. In 1957, they passed a bill creating the Bay Area Rapid Transit District.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But BART needed land, including in residential areas where property was already owned and inhabited by people. As an entity charged with building public infrastructure, BART was given the power of eminent domain, a legal tool that helped it acquire the needed property.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to Radhika Rao, a professor at UC San Francisco College of the Law, eminent domain allows the government to take people’s property “even if they don’t consent,” as long as it pays them fair market value for it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eminent domain is an important tool for governments, said Rao, because infrastructure projects like hospitals, public schools, highways, parks and train tracks might never be built without it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Because you could have one private property owner who says, ‘My house stands in the way, you can’t build a highway,’ and then we have no highway. So our infrastructure depends upon government having this power,” Rao said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, Rao says, historically, the use of eminent domain in California has disproportionately affected low-income people and communities of color.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Radhika Rao, UC San Francisco College of Law\"]‘That just makes economic sense, right? Why would government situate your infrastructure in a place where you have to pay more?’[/pullquote]One reason, she said, is that government agencies often use eminent domain in areas with lower property values since it costs them less to acquire that property.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That just makes economic sense, right? Why would government situate your infrastructure in a place where you have to pay more?” Rao said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another reason for the disproportionate impact, suggests Rao, is that government officials choose to develop areas where residents are less likely to organize against them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Who has the money to hire a lawyer and go to court saying, ‘the compensation that you’re offering me is not fair market value?’ Rao said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>West Oakland residents displaced\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>One of the places in the Bay Area hit hardest by eminent domain projects — including, but not limited to, BART construction — was West Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Maxine Ussery was born there in 1939.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When I was a girl, Seventh Street and all of West Oakland was predominantly Black, owned by Black people. Beautiful old Victorians were there,” Ussery said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her family, like many Black families at the time, had come from the South in search of work and a better life. Her mother and father made the journey from Louisiana and settled in West Oakland. They found jobs at the nearby Naval shipyard.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They had no problems understanding that they had to develop their own businesses, their own services because that’s how they lived in the South,” Ussery said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She says the West Oakland community had everything they needed: drug stores, groceries, restaurants, churches, doctors, and lawyers. But starting in the 1950s, successive government infrastructure projects ripped apart the fabric of this community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>First, government agencies demolished homes and businesses for the Nimitz Freeway (Interstate 880) in the 1950s. Then, in the following decades, they cleared more buildings to make way for the Oakland Main Post Office and the Acorn housing projects. And then, \u003ca href=\"https://diva.sfsu.edu/collections/sfbatv/bundles/232778\">there was BART\u003c/a>. The Oakland Planning Department estimates that between 5,100 and 9,700 housing units were lost in West Oakland in the 1960s alone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was like a disbursement of a whole community, not just taking the buildings, it was taking people who had lived there. Teachers, athletes, all of them were displaced,” Ussery said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The effect on the community was disastrous, she said, especially for the older folks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They were up in age, and they were moved into areas where they could afford to go with the money they were given for BART, which was not a lot,” Ussery said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A KQED analysis of the 1960 census reveals that the West Oakland census tracts hardest hit by eminent domain were where people of color lived — in some areas, as many as 95% of the residents were Black. Annual incomes in the development zones were also far lower than the city average. The neighborhood in North Oakland where the Campilongos lived had a higher median income but was also predominantly Black.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11986231\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/240514-eminentdomain-25-bl-kqed/\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11986231\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240514-EMINENTDOMAIN-25-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A BART train above two streets intersecting\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240514-EMINENTDOMAIN-25-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240514-EMINENTDOMAIN-25-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240514-EMINENTDOMAIN-25-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240514-EMINENTDOMAIN-25-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240514-EMINENTDOMAIN-25-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240514-EMINENTDOMAIN-25-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A BART train runs along the tracks at 59th Street and Martin Luther King Jr Way in Oakland on May 14, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>Berkeley residents resist BART plans\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Some East Bay residents, such as Mable Howard of Berkeley, successfully altered BART’s path.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Howard argued that BART’s plan to construct raised tracks through part of the city would further divide it along racial lines. Her legal challenge was highlighted in the documentary “\u003ca href=\"https://video.kqed.org/video/welcome-to-the-neighborhood-truly-ca-zag6fb/\">Welcome to the Neighborhood\u003c/a>.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the documentary explains, in 1966, Berkeley voters approved a tax that would pay to put BART completely underground.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But BART proposed a design for the Ashby station that was slightly above ground. Howard felt that the design would further segregate the city. She teamed up with the late East Bay politician Ron Dellums, then a city council member, to successfully sue the agency to underground all their Berkeley infrastructure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We won the case. How do we know we won the case? Go to Berkeley. You’ll see the whole thing’s underground,” said attorney Matthew Weinberg in the film.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>BART spokesperson: ‘Lessons learned’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>These days, it is hard to imagine a Bay Area without BART. People from all over the Bay Area make millions of trips on it every month. Even the aerial tracks that tower over Martin Luther King Jr. Way, where the Campilongo house used to stand, seem to blend into the background of freeways and buildings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>BART’s Chief Communications Officer Alicia Trost says it’s still important for the agency to acknowledge the past harms that the agency committed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There was a lot of generational wealth that was deeply impacted, if not destroyed, because of the building of the BART system,” Trost said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>BART now has an Office of Civil Rights and other equity initiatives that Trost says are critical to rebuilding trust with the community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Alicia Trost, BART\"]‘There was a lot of generational wealth that was deeply impacted if not destroyed because of the building of the BART system.’[/pullquote]“Especially when we’re building on our land, we want to make sure there’s a carve-out specifically for affordable housing and that we are in a daily conversation with the community to make sure what we’re building is something that they want,” Trost said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the agency imagines future development, like building a possible second transbay tube between San Francisco and Oakland, she says they’re also developing plans to prevent the displacement of residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trost said the uprooting of residents to create BART in the 1960s provided “lessons learned,” and mistakes that shouldn’t be repeated were made.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State leaders are also looking at the long-term impact that eminent domain property transfers have had on families and communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California State Senator Steven Bradford, a member of California’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/reparations\">Reparations Task Force\u003c/a>, introduced a bill in February that would compensate former property owners if their parcel was taken through eminent domain, but they didn’t receive just compensation due to racism or discrimination by the government.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The price the Campilongos paid\u003c/h2>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11986413\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/?attachment_id=11986413\" rel=\"attachment wp-att-11986413\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11986413\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/Campilongo_contract_Page_01-800x1032.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"1032\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/Campilongo_contract_Page_01-800x1032.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/Campilongo_contract_Page_01-1020x1316.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/Campilongo_contract_Page_01-160x206.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/Campilongo_contract_Page_01-1190x1536.jpg 1190w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/Campilongo_contract_Page_01-1587x2048.jpg 1587w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/Campilongo_contract_Page_01.jpg 1701w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The contract the Campilongos signed with BART.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>A public records request submitted by KQED reveals that the Bay Area Rapid Transit District paid Vito and Elizabeth Campilongo $25,000 for their property in North Oakland on Sept. 2, 1965. Adjusted for inflation, that’s about $245,000 today. These days, homes go for around $1 million in that neighborhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Janine and Johanne Dictor were excited to see the contract their relatives signed with BART, the physical evidence of their family history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Doesn’t that look like Nana’s handwriting?” Janine asked her mom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But after the initial excitement, the mood turned somber.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s about a lot more than what they were compensated,” Janine said. “It’s about the fact that they were forced into this, that they lost a lifestyle, that they lost a community,”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The premise of using eminent domain is that individual sacrifices are warranted to build public infrastructure. However, for families like the Dictors, the construction of BART was a painful turn in their history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“After we lost that house, we lost the sense of our family in a way. It was kind of driven apart,” her mom, Johanne, added. “That house really brought us together.”\u003cbr>\n\u003cem>\u003cbr>\nSpecial thanks to Pam Uzzell for providing parts of her documentary “Welcome to the Neighborhood” and to KQED’s Dan Brekke for reporting support and data analysis. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[baycuriousquestion]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 id=\"episode-transcript\">Episode Transcript\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Sounds of BART\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> Johanne Dictor points at the grassy median dividing the six lanes of Martin Luther King Junior Way in North Oakland. An elevated BART track towers overhead.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Johanne Dictor:\u003c/strong> I guess my grandmother’s house was right here on the, the tracks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> Johanne’s grandparents, Vito and Elizabeth Campilongo were immigrants from Italy. They loved their home on what was then 59th and Grove street in Oakland … Grove is Martin Luther King Jr Way these days. They kept the house full of family, friends and, as is the Italian way … good food.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Johanne Dictor:\u003c/strong> So she, she had this great kitchen downstairs where she made her ravioli. She made her sausages with her women friends. They’d come over, and all day, they’d make sausages down there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> And Vito grew food in the backyard.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Janine Dictor: Ah, garden, this master gardener with this beautiful, extensive garden that he used to cook these delicious Italian meals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> This was a happy time. But it didn’t last. By the time Johanne was a teenager in the early ’60s, one topic started to dominate their family dinners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Johanne Dictor:\u003c/strong> I remember, you know, be sitting at the table and they’d say, you know, they’re, they’re gonna take my house, they say we have to sell it. And we have to leave everything here, and you know, they just were devastated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> Ultimately, the Campilongos sold their house to BART and moved to San Leandro. Her grandfather planted a new garden, but it was never as big or as beautiful as the one in Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Johanne Dictor:\u003c/strong> He’d sit on the porch like in San Leandro looking so sad, you know, (cries)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> Johanne’s daughter, Janine, grew up with this family story. But she has always thought it was odd that they didn’t know more about how it all went down.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Janine Dictor:\u003c/strong> How many properties were acquired? Did anybody challenge, you know, Bart’s ability to acquire their property? What was the outcome of that? Um, yeah, just there seems like there must, there must be a pretty robust story behind all of this. And it’s just odd that we never have known what, quite what it is.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> I’m Olivia Allen Price, and today on Bay Curious the story of how families like the Campilongos were uprooted to make way for BART. Theirs is a common story — people have been displaced for large infrastructure projects time and time again all across the United States. And it’s still happening today. Stay with us.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bay Area Rapid Transit…better known as BART…is a fixture of life in the Bay Area today. But many families and businesses were displaced to build it. KQED reporter Azul Dahlstrom-Eckman is going to help us understand how it all went down.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Music starts\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Azul Dahlstrom-Eckman:\u003c/strong> In the early ’50s, the Bay Area, like much of the country, was in a post-war building boom. New houses were going up all over the region in places like Concord and Fremont. And a big question was how folks would get around.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Sounds of BART promo reel\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Azul Dahlstrom-Eckman:\u003c/strong> State lawmakers began planning for a regional transportation system to connect the suburbs to the economic hubs of Oakland and San Francisco. There was a lot of excitement … which you can hear in this promotional video for BART.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>BART promo reel:\u003c/strong>…To do this by weaving into the fabric of the Bay Area an entirely new and vastly better way of getting around.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Azul Dahlstrom-Eckman:\u003c/strong> In 1962, voters in Alameda, Contra Costa, and San Francisco counties approved a nearly 800 million dollar bond to build the new tracks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>BART promo reel:\u003c/strong>… Locations of lines and stations was the first step in the long planning process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Azul Dahlstrom-Eckman\u003c/strong>: But BART needed land, including in residential areas where property was already owned and inhabited by people. The Campilongos neighborhood in North Oakland was one of those areas; another was West Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Maxine Ussery\u003c/strong>: When I was a girl, there were… So 7th Street and all of West Oakland was predominantly black, owned by black people. Beautiful old Victorians were there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Azul Dahlstrom-Eckman\u003c/strong>: Maxine Ussery was born in Oakland in 1939. Her family, like many Black families at the time, had come from the South in search of work and a better life. Maxine’s mother and father made the journey from Louisiana and settled in West Oakland. They found jobs at the nearby Naval Shipyard.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Maxine Ussery\u003c/strong>: They had no problems understanding that they had to, in fact, develop their own businesses, their own services, because that’s how they lived in the South.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Azul Dahlstrom-Eckman\u003c/strong>: She says the West Oakland community had everything they needed…drug stores, groceries, restaurants, churches, doctors and lawyers. But starting in the 1950s, successive government infrastructure projects ripped apart the fabric of this community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Maxine Ussery\u003c/strong>: They forced people to move.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Azul Dahlstrom-Eckman\u003c/strong>: Government agencies demolished homes and businesses for the Nimitz Freeway in the ’50s. Then, in the following decades, they cleared more buildings to make way for Oakland’s Main Post Office and the Acorn housing projects. And then, there was BART. The Oakland Planning Department estimates that upwards of 5,000 units of housing were destroyed in West Oakland in the 1960s alone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Maxine Ussery\u003c/strong>: It was like a disbursement of a, of a whole group of a whole community, not just, uh, taking the buildings, it was taking people and who had lived there and who, uh, uh, teachers, um, uh, uh, educate, you know, people who were athletes, all of them were displaced.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Azul Dahlstrom-Eckman\u003c/strong>: Maxine says the effect on the community was disastrous, especially for the older folks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Maxine Ussery\u003c/strong>: They were up in age, and they were moved into areas where they, that where they could afford to go with the money they were given for BART, which was not a lot. It wasn’t enough money for them to live on.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Azul Dahlstrom-Eckman\u003c/strong>: Many of the infrastructure projects in West Oakland that Maxine talks about were only possible because of a legal tool known as eminent domain.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Radhika Rao\u003c/strong>: So that’s the part of the Constitution that gives government the power to come along and take people’s private property even if they don’t consent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Azul Dahlstrom-Eckman\u003c/strong>: Radhika Rao is a professor of Law at UC San Francisco College of the Law. Eminent domain allows public agencies to buy private property at “fair market value” in order to build infrastructure that is in the public interest. Think hospitals, Public Schools, Highways, Parks, and train tracks. Radhika says without it, infrastructure projects like these might never get built.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Radhika Rao\u003c/strong>: Because you could have one private property owner who says, my house stands in the way; you can’t build a highway. And then we have no highway. So, our infrastructure depends upon government having this power. It’s, it’s super important.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Azul Dahlstrom-Eckman\u003c/strong>: But Rhadika says government agencies often target areas with lower property values because they cost less.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Radhika Rao\u003c/strong>: Of course! That’s, that just makes economic sense, right? Why would government situate your infrastructure in a place where you have to pay more?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Azul Dahlstrom-Eckman:\u003c/strong> And the government has a long history of undervaluing properties where people of color and low-income people live and work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Radhika Rao\u003c/strong>: And then there are also political reasons, you know, which communities have power, um, and which communities don’t, to organize against this kind of action.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Azul Dahlstrom-Eckman\u003c/strong>: The 1960 census reveals the parts of West Oakland hit hardest by eminent domain projects were highly segregated … as much as 95% Black … with annual incomes far lower than the city average. The neighborhood in North Oakland that the Campilongos lived in had a higher median income but was also predominantly Black. Rhadika says these communities were vulnerable to eminent domain action and less likely to fight back.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Radhika Rao\u003c/strong>: Who has the money to hire a lawyer and go to court saying this, the compensation that you’re offering me is not just compensation? It’s not fair market value.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Music starts\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Azul Dahlstrom-Eckman:\u003c/strong> BART records show that the agency acquired approximately 2,200 properties in order to build its first 75 miles of track. Some people sold their parcels to BART willingly, but others had to be evicted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Clip of news report: \u003c/strong>This is Seventh Street on Oakland’s west side.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Azul Dahlstrom-Eckman:\u003c/strong> In this KPIX news report from 1967, BART staff are evicting an elderly Black woman named Leitha Blick from the thrift store she owns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>News report:\u003c/strong> An admittedly blighted area, directly in the path of proposed Bay Area Rapid Transit District construction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Azul Dahlstrom-Eckman:\u003c/strong> That word — blighted — is important. It’s a term that was used by urban redevelopment agencies throughout the country — including in Oakland — to describe neighborhoods that were seen as deteriorating.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>News report:\u003c/strong> Most of the homes and businesses in this area will have to be destroyed to make room for progress, and the push of progress is not always gentle. Angry and confused, many of the residents say they can’t buy new homes with the market value prices given them for the ones they now live in. Business people face the same dilemma.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Azul Dahlstrom-Eckman:\u003c/strong> In the news clip, Blick stands by with her arms crossed as workers pack her things into boxes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>News report footage:\u003c/strong> Miss Blick, had you and the Bay Area Rapid Transit District reached any agreement before this happened?\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>Blick:\u003c/strong> No.\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>News reporter:\u003c/strong> Why?\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>Blick:\u003c/strong> Because, uh, the price wasn’t satisfactory.\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>News reporter:\u003c/strong> You didn’t think they were offering you enough money for your merchandise?\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>Blick:\u003c/strong> That’s correct. Moving us out, and we had no place to go, and I didn’t think they were offering enough, no way.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Azul Dahlstrom-Eckman:\u003c/strong> Blick tried to stop BART from taking her property…but ultimately lost. But there are some examples of people successfully altering BART’s plan.\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>\u003cbr>\nDocumentary footage:\u003c/strong> Berkeley was basically a segregated city. So, the whole of South Berkeley was pretty much a black neighborhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Azul Dahlstrom-Eckman: \u003c/strong>Pam Uzzell’s documentary “Welcome to the Neighborhood” chronicles one effort in Berkeley. It profiles Mable Howard, who argued that BART’s plan to put raised tracks through part of the city would divide it along racial lines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Documentary footage: \u003c/strong>A woman who said, I won’t have The city of Berkeley, divided in half, there won’t be any other side of the tracks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Azul Dahlstrom-Eckman:\u003c/strong> In 1966, Berkeley voters approved a tax that would pay to put BART completely underground in Berkeley. But BART proposed a design for Ashby station that was slightly above ground. So Mable Howard teamed up with Ron Dellums, then a city council member, to sue the agency. Here’s a lawyer on the case, Matthew Weinberg.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Matthew Weinberg:\u003c/strong> We won the case. How do we know we won the case? Go to Berkeley. You’ll see the whole thing’s underground.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Azul Dahlstrom-Eckman: \u003c/strong>BART acknowledges this legacy of displacement and struggle. Here’s Chief Communications Officer Alicia Trost.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alicia Trost: \u003c/strong>There was a lot of generational wealth that was deeply impacted, if not destroyed, because of the building of the BART system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Azul Dahlstrom-Eckman:\u003c/strong> BART now has an office of civil rights, and other equity initiatives that Trost says are critical to rebuilding trust.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alicia Trost:\u003c/strong> And especially when we’re building on our land, uh, we want to make sure there’s a carve-out specifically for affordable housing and that we are in a daily conversation with the community to make sure what we’re building is something that they want.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Azul Dahlstrom-Eckman:\u003c/strong> As the agency imagines building a possible second transbay tube, Trost says they’re also developing anti-displacement goals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alicia Trost:\u003c/strong> Which, if that’s not lessons learned, you know, I don’t know what is.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Azul Dahlstrom-Eckman:\u003c/strong> I’ve gone through multiple public records requests and dozens of deeds, right-of-way contracts, and insurance policies for this story. At the end of it all, I paid another visit to Janine, our question-asker, and her mom, Johanne. I had something for them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Azul Dahlstrom-Eckman, talking to the Dictors:\u003c/strong> I actually found the contract that your grandparents signed with Bart, so here it is. And so this, you can see, like it says right-of-way contract, and it has your grandparents’ names on it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Johanne Dictor:\u003c/strong> Oh, is that all they, so it was just 25,000. Is that right? Oh my God. Oh my gosh.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Azul Dahlstrom-Eckman talking to the Dictors:\u003c/strong> We’re looking at the original contract between Vito and Elizabeth Campilongo and the Bay Area Rapid Transportation District, dated Sept. 2, 1965.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Janine Dictor:\u003c/strong> And it looks like my grandmother’s handwriting, too, actually.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Johanne Dictor:\u003c/strong> Oh, it does?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Azul Dahlstrom-Eckman:\u003c/strong> It shows the Campilongos agreed to sell their property for $25,000. Adjusted for inflation, that’s about 245,000 dollars today. These days, homes go for around a million in that neighborhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Janine Dictor:\u003c/strong> Doesn’t it look like Nana’s?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Johanne Dictor:\u003c/strong> Not really.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Janine Dictor: \u003c/strong>That floral?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Johanne Dictor:\u003c/strong> Yeah, a little bit, but hers was, yeah, she had a good penmanship, Nana. Yeah,\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Azul Dahlstrom-Eckman:\u003c/strong> Janine and Johanne are excited to see the physical evidence of their family history. But after the initial excitement, the mood is somber.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Janine Dictor:\u003c/strong> Going through this process, it’s like you realize it’s like about a lot more than what they were compensated, right? It’s about the fact that they were forced into this, that they lost a lifestyle, that they lost a community, you know. So, even if they got a good price, it’s kind of like, there’s still something to mourn there right about their experience.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Azul Dahlstrom-Eckman:\u003c/strong> The word progress comes up a lot when talking about these kinds of projects. The idea is that progress, the greater good, justifies the sacrifice some families have to make. But for families like the Dictors, progress could feel like a step in the wrong direction. Here’s Johanne.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Johanne Dictor: \u003c/strong>After we lost that house, we lost the sense of our family in a way, it seemed like. It was kind of driven apart. Because that house really brought us together. More than the house in San Leandro, you know.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Azul Dahlstrom-Eckman:\u003c/strong> Public infrastructure is often seen as a kind of equalizer … it’s something we all pay for and that anyone can use. But the fact is … some people had to pay more than others.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> That was KQED reporter Azul Dahlstrom-Eckman.The use of eminent domain led to the displacement in some of the stories we explored today. It was often used to displace communities of color to make way for various infrastructure projects around the state. As part of its reparations efforts, California is now considering a bill that would compensate people if they can prove racism or discrimination prevented them from getting just compensation. To learn more about California’s reparations efforts, check out KQED’s coverage at KQED dot org slash reparations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Special Thanks to Pam Uzzell for allowing us to use clips from her documentary “Welcome to the Neighborhood” in this story.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Katrina Schwartz: \u003c/strong>This episode was edited by Katrina Schwartz.\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> Produced by Olivia Allen-Price.\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>Tamuna Chkareuli:\u003c/strong> Tamuna Chkareuli\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>Pauline Bartolone:\u003c/strong> Pauline Bartolone\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>Christopher Beale:\u003c/strong> And Christopher Beale.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> We get additional support from:\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>Jen Chien:\u003c/strong> Jen Chien\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>Katie Sprenger:\u003c/strong> Katie Sprenger\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>Cesar Saldaña:\u003c/strong> Cesar Saldaña\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>Maha Sanad:\u003c/strong> Maha Sanad\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>Xorje Olivares:\u003c/strong> Xorje Olivares:\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> And the whole KQED family. Have a great week, everyone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n","blocks":[],"excerpt":"Building the BART system in the 1960s required thousands of parcels of land. Decades later, memories of the homes and communities that were destroyed remain strong","status":"publish","parent":0,"modified":1715820306,"stats":{"hasAudio":false,"hasVideo":false,"hasChartOrMap":false,"iframeSrcs":[],"hasGoogleForm":false,"hasGallery":false,"hasHearkenModule":true,"hasPolis":false,"paragraphCount":141,"wordCount":4850},"headData":{"title":"When BART Was Built, People — and Houses — Had to Go | KQED","description":"Building the BART system in the 1960s required thousands of parcels of land. Decades later, memories of the homes and communities that were destroyed remain strong","ogTitle":"","ogDescription":"","ogImgId":"","twTitle":"","twDescription":"","twImgId":"","schema":{"@context":"http://schema.org","@type":"NewsArticle","headline":"When BART Was Built, People — and Houses — Had to Go","datePublished":"2024-05-16T10:00:27.000Z","dateModified":"2024-05-16T00:45:06.000Z","image":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png","isAccessibleForFree":"Y","publisher":{"@type":"NewsMediaOrganization","@id":"https://www.kqed.org/#organization","name":"KQED","url":"https://www.kqed.org","logo":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png"}}},"audioUrl":"https://www.podtrac.com/pts/redirect.mp3/pdst.fm/e/chrt.fm/track/G6C7C3/traffic.megaphone.fm/KQINC5722041302.mp3?updated=1715818705","sticky":false,"excludeFromSiteSearch":"Include","articleAge":"0","path":"/news/11986396/when-bart-was-built-people-and-houses-had-to-go","audioTrackLength":null,"parsedContent":[{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"#episode-transcript\">View the full episode transcript.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Back in the early 1960s, when BART was just a sketch on a map, planners with the young transit agency had a task in front of them. BART had to acquire around 2,200 parcels of land in order to build the transportation system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Exactly how the agency went about getting that land was something that always puzzled Janine Dictor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For her, the question was also personal. Growing up, her family would tell stories about an amazing house her great-grandparents used to own in North Oakland, at 59th, and what is now Martin Luther King Jr. Way (it was called Grove Street back then). But the stories always ended with how they had to sell their home to BART.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003caside class=\"alignleft utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__bayCuriousPodcastShortcode__bayCurious\">\u003cimg src=https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/02/bayCuriousLogo.png alt=\"Bay Curious Podcast\" loading=\"lazy\" />\n \u003ca href=\"/news/series/baycurious\">Bay Curious\u003c/a> is a podcast that answers your questions about the Bay Area.\n Subscribe on \u003ca href=\"https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/bay-curious/id1172473406\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Apple Podcasts\u003c/a>,\n \u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/podcasts/500557090/bay-curious\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">NPR One\u003c/a> or your favorite podcast platform.\u003c/aside>\u003c/p>\u003cp>“There was always a sad tone to the story as if they didn’t have control over it,” Dictor said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dictor’s great-grandparents, Vito and Elizabeth Campilongo, loved that house. They were both immigrants from Italy, and they kept the house full of family, friends and good food. Vito tended a bountiful garden in the backyard.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My grandmother loved to cook in the basement,” said Johanne Dictor, Janine’s mother. “She had this great kitchen downstairs where she made her ravioli; she made her sausages with her women friends.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was a happy time, but it didn’t last. By the time Johanne was a teenager in the early ‘60s, one topic started to dominate their family dinners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I remember we’d be sitting at the table and they’d say, ‘They’re going to take my house, they say we have to sell it. And we have to leave everything here.’ And you know, they just were devastated,” said Johanne about her grandparents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ultimately, the Campilongos sold their house to BART and moved to San Leandro. Her grandfather planted a new garden, but he felt it was never as big or as beautiful as the one in Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He’d sit on the porch in San Leandro looking so sad,” remembers Johanne.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All this history left Janine wondering how exactly the sale of her great-grandparents’ house went down. So she asked KQED’s Bay Curious to look into how much property BART acquired at the time of its inception and whether any homeowners challenged the agency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There must be a pretty robust story behind all of this, and it’s just odd that we never have known quite what it is,” Janine said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11986429\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1384px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/?attachment_id=11986429\" rel=\"attachment wp-att-11986429\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11986429\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/Vito_Elizabeth_family.png\" alt=\"An old black-and-white photo of a family in their living room\" width=\"1384\" height=\"1020\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/Vito_Elizabeth_family.png 1384w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/Vito_Elizabeth_family-800x590.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/Vito_Elizabeth_family-1020x752.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/Vito_Elizabeth_family-160x118.png 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1384px) 100vw, 1384px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Vito and Elizabeth Campilongo (center) left their North Oakland home in the 1960s to make room for a BART line. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of the Campilongo family)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>And so BART begins\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Like much of the country in the early 1950s, the Bay Area was in a post-war building boom. New houses were going up all over the region, in places like Concord and Fremont. City planners had to figure out how folks would get around and travel between all these developments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State lawmakers began \u003ca href=\"https://www.foundsf.org/index.php?title=San_Francisco_Bay_Area_Rapid_Transit_Commission%E2%80%94The_Beginnings\">mapping out\u003c/a> a regional transportation system to connect the suburbs to the economic hubs of Oakland and San Francisco. In 1957, they passed a bill creating the Bay Area Rapid Transit District.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But BART needed land, including in residential areas where property was already owned and inhabited by people. As an entity charged with building public infrastructure, BART was given the power of eminent domain, a legal tool that helped it acquire the needed property.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to Radhika Rao, a professor at UC San Francisco College of the Law, eminent domain allows the government to take people’s property “even if they don’t consent,” as long as it pays them fair market value for it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eminent domain is an important tool for governments, said Rao, because infrastructure projects like hospitals, public schools, highways, parks and train tracks might never be built without it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Because you could have one private property owner who says, ‘My house stands in the way, you can’t build a highway,’ and then we have no highway. So our infrastructure depends upon government having this power,” Rao said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, Rao says, historically, the use of eminent domain in California has disproportionately affected low-income people and communities of color.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"‘That just makes economic sense, right? Why would government situate your infrastructure in a place where you have to pay more?’","name":"pullquote","attributes":{"named":{"size":"medium","align":"right","citation":"Radhika Rao, UC San Francisco College of Law","label":""},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>One reason, she said, is that government agencies often use eminent domain in areas with lower property values since it costs them less to acquire that property.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That just makes economic sense, right? Why would government situate your infrastructure in a place where you have to pay more?” Rao said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another reason for the disproportionate impact, suggests Rao, is that government officials choose to develop areas where residents are less likely to organize against them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Who has the money to hire a lawyer and go to court saying, ‘the compensation that you’re offering me is not fair market value?’ Rao said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"fullwidth"},"numeric":["fullwidth"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>West Oakland residents displaced\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>One of the places in the Bay Area hit hardest by eminent domain projects — including, but not limited to, BART construction — was West Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Maxine Ussery was born there in 1939.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When I was a girl, Seventh Street and all of West Oakland was predominantly Black, owned by Black people. Beautiful old Victorians were there,” Ussery said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her family, like many Black families at the time, had come from the South in search of work and a better life. Her mother and father made the journey from Louisiana and settled in West Oakland. They found jobs at the nearby Naval shipyard.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They had no problems understanding that they had to develop their own businesses, their own services because that’s how they lived in the South,” Ussery said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She says the West Oakland community had everything they needed: drug stores, groceries, restaurants, churches, doctors, and lawyers. But starting in the 1950s, successive government infrastructure projects ripped apart the fabric of this community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>First, government agencies demolished homes and businesses for the Nimitz Freeway (Interstate 880) in the 1950s. Then, in the following decades, they cleared more buildings to make way for the Oakland Main Post Office and the Acorn housing projects. And then, \u003ca href=\"https://diva.sfsu.edu/collections/sfbatv/bundles/232778\">there was BART\u003c/a>. The Oakland Planning Department estimates that between 5,100 and 9,700 housing units were lost in West Oakland in the 1960s alone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was like a disbursement of a whole community, not just taking the buildings, it was taking people who had lived there. Teachers, athletes, all of them were displaced,” Ussery said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The effect on the community was disastrous, she said, especially for the older folks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They were up in age, and they were moved into areas where they could afford to go with the money they were given for BART, which was not a lot,” Ussery said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A KQED analysis of the 1960 census reveals that the West Oakland census tracts hardest hit by eminent domain were where people of color lived — in some areas, as many as 95% of the residents were Black. Annual incomes in the development zones were also far lower than the city average. The neighborhood in North Oakland where the Campilongos lived had a higher median income but was also predominantly Black.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11986231\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/240514-eminentdomain-25-bl-kqed/\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11986231\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240514-EMINENTDOMAIN-25-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A BART train above two streets intersecting\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240514-EMINENTDOMAIN-25-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240514-EMINENTDOMAIN-25-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240514-EMINENTDOMAIN-25-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240514-EMINENTDOMAIN-25-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240514-EMINENTDOMAIN-25-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240514-EMINENTDOMAIN-25-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A BART train runs along the tracks at 59th Street and Martin Luther King Jr Way in Oakland on May 14, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>Berkeley residents resist BART plans\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Some East Bay residents, such as Mable Howard of Berkeley, successfully altered BART’s path.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Howard argued that BART’s plan to construct raised tracks through part of the city would further divide it along racial lines. Her legal challenge was highlighted in the documentary “\u003ca href=\"https://video.kqed.org/video/welcome-to-the-neighborhood-truly-ca-zag6fb/\">Welcome to the Neighborhood\u003c/a>.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the documentary explains, in 1966, Berkeley voters approved a tax that would pay to put BART completely underground.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But BART proposed a design for the Ashby station that was slightly above ground. Howard felt that the design would further segregate the city. She teamed up with the late East Bay politician Ron Dellums, then a city council member, to successfully sue the agency to underground all their Berkeley infrastructure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We won the case. How do we know we won the case? Go to Berkeley. You’ll see the whole thing’s underground,” said attorney Matthew Weinberg in the film.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>BART spokesperson: ‘Lessons learned’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>These days, it is hard to imagine a Bay Area without BART. People from all over the Bay Area make millions of trips on it every month. Even the aerial tracks that tower over Martin Luther King Jr. Way, where the Campilongo house used to stand, seem to blend into the background of freeways and buildings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>BART’s Chief Communications Officer Alicia Trost says it’s still important for the agency to acknowledge the past harms that the agency committed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There was a lot of generational wealth that was deeply impacted, if not destroyed, because of the building of the BART system,” Trost said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>BART now has an Office of Civil Rights and other equity initiatives that Trost says are critical to rebuilding trust with the community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"‘There was a lot of generational wealth that was deeply impacted if not destroyed because of the building of the BART system.’","name":"pullquote","attributes":{"named":{"size":"medium","align":"right","citation":"Alicia Trost, BART","label":""},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“Especially when we’re building on our land, we want to make sure there’s a carve-out specifically for affordable housing and that we are in a daily conversation with the community to make sure what we’re building is something that they want,” Trost said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the agency imagines future development, like building a possible second transbay tube between San Francisco and Oakland, she says they’re also developing plans to prevent the displacement of residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trost said the uprooting of residents to create BART in the 1960s provided “lessons learned,” and mistakes that shouldn’t be repeated were made.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State leaders are also looking at the long-term impact that eminent domain property transfers have had on families and communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California State Senator Steven Bradford, a member of California’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/reparations\">Reparations Task Force\u003c/a>, introduced a bill in February that would compensate former property owners if their parcel was taken through eminent domain, but they didn’t receive just compensation due to racism or discrimination by the government.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The price the Campilongos paid\u003c/h2>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11986413\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/?attachment_id=11986413\" rel=\"attachment wp-att-11986413\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11986413\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/Campilongo_contract_Page_01-800x1032.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"1032\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/Campilongo_contract_Page_01-800x1032.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/Campilongo_contract_Page_01-1020x1316.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/Campilongo_contract_Page_01-160x206.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/Campilongo_contract_Page_01-1190x1536.jpg 1190w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/Campilongo_contract_Page_01-1587x2048.jpg 1587w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/Campilongo_contract_Page_01.jpg 1701w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The contract the Campilongos signed with BART.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>A public records request submitted by KQED reveals that the Bay Area Rapid Transit District paid Vito and Elizabeth Campilongo $25,000 for their property in North Oakland on Sept. 2, 1965. Adjusted for inflation, that’s about $245,000 today. These days, homes go for around $1 million in that neighborhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Janine and Johanne Dictor were excited to see the contract their relatives signed with BART, the physical evidence of their family history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Doesn’t that look like Nana’s handwriting?” Janine asked her mom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But after the initial excitement, the mood turned somber.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s about a lot more than what they were compensated,” Janine said. “It’s about the fact that they were forced into this, that they lost a lifestyle, that they lost a community,”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The premise of using eminent domain is that individual sacrifices are warranted to build public infrastructure. However, for families like the Dictors, the construction of BART was a painful turn in their history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“After we lost that house, we lost the sense of our family in a way. It was kind of driven apart,” her mom, Johanne, added. “That house really brought us together.”\u003cbr>\n\u003cem>\u003cbr>\nSpecial thanks to Pam Uzzell for providing parts of her documentary “Welcome to the Neighborhood” and to KQED’s Dan Brekke for reporting support and data analysis. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"baycuriousquestion","attributes":{"named":{"label":""},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 id=\"episode-transcript\">Episode Transcript\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Sounds of BART\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> Johanne Dictor points at the grassy median dividing the six lanes of Martin Luther King Junior Way in North Oakland. An elevated BART track towers overhead.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Johanne Dictor:\u003c/strong> I guess my grandmother’s house was right here on the, the tracks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> Johanne’s grandparents, Vito and Elizabeth Campilongo were immigrants from Italy. They loved their home on what was then 59th and Grove street in Oakland … Grove is Martin Luther King Jr Way these days. They kept the house full of family, friends and, as is the Italian way … good food.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Johanne Dictor:\u003c/strong> So she, she had this great kitchen downstairs where she made her ravioli. She made her sausages with her women friends. They’d come over, and all day, they’d make sausages down there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> And Vito grew food in the backyard.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Janine Dictor: Ah, garden, this master gardener with this beautiful, extensive garden that he used to cook these delicious Italian meals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> This was a happy time. But it didn’t last. By the time Johanne was a teenager in the early ’60s, one topic started to dominate their family dinners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Johanne Dictor:\u003c/strong> I remember, you know, be sitting at the table and they’d say, you know, they’re, they’re gonna take my house, they say we have to sell it. And we have to leave everything here, and you know, they just were devastated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> Ultimately, the Campilongos sold their house to BART and moved to San Leandro. Her grandfather planted a new garden, but it was never as big or as beautiful as the one in Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Johanne Dictor:\u003c/strong> He’d sit on the porch like in San Leandro looking so sad, you know, (cries)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> Johanne’s daughter, Janine, grew up with this family story. But she has always thought it was odd that they didn’t know more about how it all went down.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Janine Dictor:\u003c/strong> How many properties were acquired? Did anybody challenge, you know, Bart’s ability to acquire their property? What was the outcome of that? Um, yeah, just there seems like there must, there must be a pretty robust story behind all of this. And it’s just odd that we never have known what, quite what it is.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> I’m Olivia Allen Price, and today on Bay Curious the story of how families like the Campilongos were uprooted to make way for BART. Theirs is a common story — people have been displaced for large infrastructure projects time and time again all across the United States. And it’s still happening today. Stay with us.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bay Area Rapid Transit…better known as BART…is a fixture of life in the Bay Area today. But many families and businesses were displaced to build it. KQED reporter Azul Dahlstrom-Eckman is going to help us understand how it all went down.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Music starts\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Azul Dahlstrom-Eckman:\u003c/strong> In the early ’50s, the Bay Area, like much of the country, was in a post-war building boom. New houses were going up all over the region in places like Concord and Fremont. And a big question was how folks would get around.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Sounds of BART promo reel\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Azul Dahlstrom-Eckman:\u003c/strong> State lawmakers began planning for a regional transportation system to connect the suburbs to the economic hubs of Oakland and San Francisco. There was a lot of excitement … which you can hear in this promotional video for BART.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>BART promo reel:\u003c/strong>…To do this by weaving into the fabric of the Bay Area an entirely new and vastly better way of getting around.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Azul Dahlstrom-Eckman:\u003c/strong> In 1962, voters in Alameda, Contra Costa, and San Francisco counties approved a nearly 800 million dollar bond to build the new tracks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>BART promo reel:\u003c/strong>… Locations of lines and stations was the first step in the long planning process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Azul Dahlstrom-Eckman\u003c/strong>: But BART needed land, including in residential areas where property was already owned and inhabited by people. The Campilongos neighborhood in North Oakland was one of those areas; another was West Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Maxine Ussery\u003c/strong>: When I was a girl, there were… So 7th Street and all of West Oakland was predominantly black, owned by black people. Beautiful old Victorians were there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Azul Dahlstrom-Eckman\u003c/strong>: Maxine Ussery was born in Oakland in 1939. Her family, like many Black families at the time, had come from the South in search of work and a better life. Maxine’s mother and father made the journey from Louisiana and settled in West Oakland. They found jobs at the nearby Naval Shipyard.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Maxine Ussery\u003c/strong>: They had no problems understanding that they had to, in fact, develop their own businesses, their own services, because that’s how they lived in the South.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Azul Dahlstrom-Eckman\u003c/strong>: She says the West Oakland community had everything they needed…drug stores, groceries, restaurants, churches, doctors and lawyers. But starting in the 1950s, successive government infrastructure projects ripped apart the fabric of this community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Maxine Ussery\u003c/strong>: They forced people to move.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Azul Dahlstrom-Eckman\u003c/strong>: Government agencies demolished homes and businesses for the Nimitz Freeway in the ’50s. Then, in the following decades, they cleared more buildings to make way for Oakland’s Main Post Office and the Acorn housing projects. And then, there was BART. The Oakland Planning Department estimates that upwards of 5,000 units of housing were destroyed in West Oakland in the 1960s alone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Maxine Ussery\u003c/strong>: It was like a disbursement of a, of a whole group of a whole community, not just, uh, taking the buildings, it was taking people and who had lived there and who, uh, uh, teachers, um, uh, uh, educate, you know, people who were athletes, all of them were displaced.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Azul Dahlstrom-Eckman\u003c/strong>: Maxine says the effect on the community was disastrous, especially for the older folks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Maxine Ussery\u003c/strong>: They were up in age, and they were moved into areas where they, that where they could afford to go with the money they were given for BART, which was not a lot. It wasn’t enough money for them to live on.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Azul Dahlstrom-Eckman\u003c/strong>: Many of the infrastructure projects in West Oakland that Maxine talks about were only possible because of a legal tool known as eminent domain.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Radhika Rao\u003c/strong>: So that’s the part of the Constitution that gives government the power to come along and take people’s private property even if they don’t consent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Azul Dahlstrom-Eckman\u003c/strong>: Radhika Rao is a professor of Law at UC San Francisco College of the Law. Eminent domain allows public agencies to buy private property at “fair market value” in order to build infrastructure that is in the public interest. Think hospitals, Public Schools, Highways, Parks, and train tracks. Radhika says without it, infrastructure projects like these might never get built.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Radhika Rao\u003c/strong>: Because you could have one private property owner who says, my house stands in the way; you can’t build a highway. And then we have no highway. So, our infrastructure depends upon government having this power. It’s, it’s super important.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Azul Dahlstrom-Eckman\u003c/strong>: But Rhadika says government agencies often target areas with lower property values because they cost less.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Radhika Rao\u003c/strong>: Of course! That’s, that just makes economic sense, right? Why would government situate your infrastructure in a place where you have to pay more?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Azul Dahlstrom-Eckman:\u003c/strong> And the government has a long history of undervaluing properties where people of color and low-income people live and work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Radhika Rao\u003c/strong>: And then there are also political reasons, you know, which communities have power, um, and which communities don’t, to organize against this kind of action.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Azul Dahlstrom-Eckman\u003c/strong>: The 1960 census reveals the parts of West Oakland hit hardest by eminent domain projects were highly segregated … as much as 95% Black … with annual incomes far lower than the city average. The neighborhood in North Oakland that the Campilongos lived in had a higher median income but was also predominantly Black. Rhadika says these communities were vulnerable to eminent domain action and less likely to fight back.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Radhika Rao\u003c/strong>: Who has the money to hire a lawyer and go to court saying this, the compensation that you’re offering me is not just compensation? It’s not fair market value.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Music starts\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Azul Dahlstrom-Eckman:\u003c/strong> BART records show that the agency acquired approximately 2,200 properties in order to build its first 75 miles of track. Some people sold their parcels to BART willingly, but others had to be evicted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Clip of news report: \u003c/strong>This is Seventh Street on Oakland’s west side.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Azul Dahlstrom-Eckman:\u003c/strong> In this KPIX news report from 1967, BART staff are evicting an elderly Black woman named Leitha Blick from the thrift store she owns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>News report:\u003c/strong> An admittedly blighted area, directly in the path of proposed Bay Area Rapid Transit District construction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Azul Dahlstrom-Eckman:\u003c/strong> That word — blighted — is important. It’s a term that was used by urban redevelopment agencies throughout the country — including in Oakland — to describe neighborhoods that were seen as deteriorating.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>News report:\u003c/strong> Most of the homes and businesses in this area will have to be destroyed to make room for progress, and the push of progress is not always gentle. Angry and confused, many of the residents say they can’t buy new homes with the market value prices given them for the ones they now live in. Business people face the same dilemma.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Azul Dahlstrom-Eckman:\u003c/strong> In the news clip, Blick stands by with her arms crossed as workers pack her things into boxes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>News report footage:\u003c/strong> Miss Blick, had you and the Bay Area Rapid Transit District reached any agreement before this happened?\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>Blick:\u003c/strong> No.\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>News reporter:\u003c/strong> Why?\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>Blick:\u003c/strong> Because, uh, the price wasn’t satisfactory.\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>News reporter:\u003c/strong> You didn’t think they were offering you enough money for your merchandise?\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>Blick:\u003c/strong> That’s correct. Moving us out, and we had no place to go, and I didn’t think they were offering enough, no way.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Azul Dahlstrom-Eckman:\u003c/strong> Blick tried to stop BART from taking her property…but ultimately lost. But there are some examples of people successfully altering BART’s plan.\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>\u003cbr>\nDocumentary footage:\u003c/strong> Berkeley was basically a segregated city. So, the whole of South Berkeley was pretty much a black neighborhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Azul Dahlstrom-Eckman: \u003c/strong>Pam Uzzell’s documentary “Welcome to the Neighborhood” chronicles one effort in Berkeley. It profiles Mable Howard, who argued that BART’s plan to put raised tracks through part of the city would divide it along racial lines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Documentary footage: \u003c/strong>A woman who said, I won’t have The city of Berkeley, divided in half, there won’t be any other side of the tracks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Azul Dahlstrom-Eckman:\u003c/strong> In 1966, Berkeley voters approved a tax that would pay to put BART completely underground in Berkeley. But BART proposed a design for Ashby station that was slightly above ground. So Mable Howard teamed up with Ron Dellums, then a city council member, to sue the agency. Here’s a lawyer on the case, Matthew Weinberg.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Matthew Weinberg:\u003c/strong> We won the case. How do we know we won the case? Go to Berkeley. You’ll see the whole thing’s underground.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Azul Dahlstrom-Eckman: \u003c/strong>BART acknowledges this legacy of displacement and struggle. Here’s Chief Communications Officer Alicia Trost.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alicia Trost: \u003c/strong>There was a lot of generational wealth that was deeply impacted, if not destroyed, because of the building of the BART system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Azul Dahlstrom-Eckman:\u003c/strong> BART now has an office of civil rights, and other equity initiatives that Trost says are critical to rebuilding trust.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alicia Trost:\u003c/strong> And especially when we’re building on our land, uh, we want to make sure there’s a carve-out specifically for affordable housing and that we are in a daily conversation with the community to make sure what we’re building is something that they want.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Azul Dahlstrom-Eckman:\u003c/strong> As the agency imagines building a possible second transbay tube, Trost says they’re also developing anti-displacement goals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alicia Trost:\u003c/strong> Which, if that’s not lessons learned, you know, I don’t know what is.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Azul Dahlstrom-Eckman:\u003c/strong> I’ve gone through multiple public records requests and dozens of deeds, right-of-way contracts, and insurance policies for this story. At the end of it all, I paid another visit to Janine, our question-asker, and her mom, Johanne. I had something for them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Azul Dahlstrom-Eckman, talking to the Dictors:\u003c/strong> I actually found the contract that your grandparents signed with Bart, so here it is. And so this, you can see, like it says right-of-way contract, and it has your grandparents’ names on it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Johanne Dictor:\u003c/strong> Oh, is that all they, so it was just 25,000. Is that right? Oh my God. Oh my gosh.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Azul Dahlstrom-Eckman talking to the Dictors:\u003c/strong> We’re looking at the original contract between Vito and Elizabeth Campilongo and the Bay Area Rapid Transportation District, dated Sept. 2, 1965.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Janine Dictor:\u003c/strong> And it looks like my grandmother’s handwriting, too, actually.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Johanne Dictor:\u003c/strong> Oh, it does?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Azul Dahlstrom-Eckman:\u003c/strong> It shows the Campilongos agreed to sell their property for $25,000. Adjusted for inflation, that’s about 245,000 dollars today. These days, homes go for around a million in that neighborhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Janine Dictor:\u003c/strong> Doesn’t it look like Nana’s?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Johanne Dictor:\u003c/strong> Not really.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Janine Dictor: \u003c/strong>That floral?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Johanne Dictor:\u003c/strong> Yeah, a little bit, but hers was, yeah, she had a good penmanship, Nana. Yeah,\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Azul Dahlstrom-Eckman:\u003c/strong> Janine and Johanne are excited to see the physical evidence of their family history. But after the initial excitement, the mood is somber.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Janine Dictor:\u003c/strong> Going through this process, it’s like you realize it’s like about a lot more than what they were compensated, right? It’s about the fact that they were forced into this, that they lost a lifestyle, that they lost a community, you know. So, even if they got a good price, it’s kind of like, there’s still something to mourn there right about their experience.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Azul Dahlstrom-Eckman:\u003c/strong> The word progress comes up a lot when talking about these kinds of projects. The idea is that progress, the greater good, justifies the sacrifice some families have to make. But for families like the Dictors, progress could feel like a step in the wrong direction. Here’s Johanne.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Johanne Dictor: \u003c/strong>After we lost that house, we lost the sense of our family in a way, it seemed like. It was kind of driven apart. Because that house really brought us together. More than the house in San Leandro, you know.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Azul Dahlstrom-Eckman:\u003c/strong> Public infrastructure is often seen as a kind of equalizer … it’s something we all pay for and that anyone can use. But the fact is … some people had to pay more than others.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> That was KQED reporter Azul Dahlstrom-Eckman.The use of eminent domain led to the displacement in some of the stories we explored today. It was often used to displace communities of color to make way for various infrastructure projects around the state. As part of its reparations efforts, California is now considering a bill that would compensate people if they can prove racism or discrimination prevented them from getting just compensation. To learn more about California’s reparations efforts, check out KQED’s coverage at KQED dot org slash reparations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Special Thanks to Pam Uzzell for allowing us to use clips from her documentary “Welcome to the Neighborhood” in this story.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Katrina Schwartz: \u003c/strong>This episode was edited by Katrina Schwartz.\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> Produced by Olivia Allen-Price.\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>Tamuna Chkareuli:\u003c/strong> Tamuna Chkareuli\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>Pauline Bartolone:\u003c/strong> Pauline Bartolone\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>Christopher Beale:\u003c/strong> And Christopher Beale.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> We get additional support from:\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>Jen Chien:\u003c/strong> Jen Chien\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>Katie Sprenger:\u003c/strong> Katie Sprenger\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>Cesar Saldaña:\u003c/strong> Cesar Saldaña\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>Maha Sanad:\u003c/strong> Maha Sanad\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>Xorje Olivares:\u003c/strong> Xorje Olivares:\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> And the whole KQED family. Have a great week, everyone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"floatright"},"numeric":["floatright"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}}],"link":"/news/11986396/when-bart-was-built-people-and-houses-had-to-go","authors":["11785"],"programs":["news_33523"],"series":["news_17986"],"categories":["news_8"],"tags":["news_269","news_1764","news_2318"],"featImg":"news_11986229","label":"news_33523"},"news_11986412":{"type":"posts","id":"news_11986412","meta":{"index":"posts_1591205157","site":"news","id":"11986412","score":null,"sort":[1715819429000]},"guestAuthors":[],"slug":"aipac-israels-political-enforcer-in-the-u-s","title":"How Pro-Israel AIPAC Influences U.S. Politics","publishDate":1715819429,"format":"audio","headTitle":"How Pro-Israel AIPAC Influences U.S. Politics | KQED","labelTerm":{},"content":"\u003cp>The American Israel Public Affairs Committee, or AIPAC, has long been regarded as one of the most powerful advocacy groups in Washington. Their goal: support candidates who are strongly pro-Israel and oppose those they feel are are too critical. The October 7th attack by Hamas and Israel’s ongoing war in Gaza have intensified AIPAC’s political activities and its involvement in the 2024 election. Scott and Marisa discuss the role AIPAC plays in U.S. policy and politics with Joan Greve, senior political reporter for Guardian US.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n","blocks":[],"excerpt":null,"status":"publish","parent":0,"modified":1715814664,"stats":{"hasAudio":false,"hasVideo":false,"hasChartOrMap":false,"iframeSrcs":[],"hasGoogleForm":false,"hasGallery":false,"hasHearkenModule":false,"hasPolis":false,"paragraphCount":3,"wordCount":93},"headData":{"title":"How Pro-Israel AIPAC Influences U.S. Politics | KQED","description":"The American Israel Public Affairs Committee, or AIPAC, has long been regarded as one of the most powerful advocacy groups in Washington. Their goal: support candidates who are strongly pro-Israel and oppose those they feel are are too critical. The October 7th attack by Hamas and Israel’s ongoing war in Gaza have intensified AIPAC’s political","ogTitle":"","ogDescription":"","ogImgId":"","twTitle":"","twDescription":"","twImgId":"","schema":{"@context":"http://schema.org","@type":"NewsArticle","headline":"How Pro-Israel AIPAC Influences U.S. Politics","datePublished":"2024-05-16T00:30:29.000Z","dateModified":"2024-05-15T23:11:04.000Z","image":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png","isAccessibleForFree":"Y","publisher":{"@type":"NewsMediaOrganization","@id":"https://www.kqed.org/#organization","name":"KQED","url":"https://www.kqed.org","logo":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png"}}},"source":"Political Breakdown","audioUrl":"https://www.podtrac.com/pts/redirect.mp3/chrt.fm/track/G6C7C3/traffic.megaphone.fm/KQINC7052878655.mp3?updated=1715814850","sticky":false,"excludeFromSiteSearch":"Include","articleAge":"0","path":"/news/11986412/aipac-israels-political-enforcer-in-the-u-s","audioTrackLength":null,"parsedContent":[{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The American Israel Public Affairs Committee, or AIPAC, has long been regarded as one of the most powerful advocacy groups in Washington. Their goal: support candidates who are strongly pro-Israel and oppose those they feel are are too critical. The October 7th attack by Hamas and Israel’s ongoing war in Gaza have intensified AIPAC’s political activities and its involvement in the 2024 election. Scott and Marisa discuss the role AIPAC plays in U.S. policy and politics with Joan Greve, senior political reporter for Guardian US.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"fullwidth"},"numeric":["fullwidth"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}}],"link":"/news/11986412/aipac-israels-political-enforcer-in-the-u-s","authors":["255","3239"],"programs":["news_33544"],"categories":["news_8"],"tags":["news_34056","news_33881","news_22235","news_17968"],"featImg":"news_11986426","label":"source_news_11986412"},"news_11986443":{"type":"posts","id":"news_11986443","meta":{"index":"posts_1591205157","site":"news","id":"11986443","score":null,"sort":[1715817481000]},"guestAuthors":[],"slug":"alameda-countys-homeless-count-decreases-for-first-time-in-a-decade","title":"Alameda County’s Homeless Count Decreases for 1st Time in a Decade","publishDate":1715817481,"format":"standard","headTitle":"Alameda County’s Homeless Count Decreases for 1st Time in a Decade | KQED","labelTerm":{"site":"news"},"content":"\u003cp>Homelessness across Alameda County decreased for the first time in nearly a decade, according to this year’s preliminary point-in-time count data released Wednesday. The county saw a 3% drop overall, down to 9,450 from 9,747 unhoused individuals in 2022.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One potential reason for the drop, according to Jonathan Russell, the county’s director of Housing and Homelessness Services, is a countywide initiative to spend $2.5 billion over five years to address homelessness. That plan is now in its third year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have really ramped up a system that is housing more and more people than ever,” Russell said. During the fiscal year that ended in June, more than 4,000 people were placed into housing, he said. “These efforts we’ve funded do have impact and the more we scale those, the more we can affect this crisis.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11974385,news_11973859,news_11914346 label='Point-in-time Counts']A lot of that money came from the increase in state funds during the pandemic, Russell said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The surge of the pandemic funding over the last three, four years, has been significant in affecting what we see today,” he said. “There is this kind of delay of the longer-term structural effects from receipt of investment, implementation, to program outcomes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11974385/heres-how-san-francisco-counts-unhoused-residents\">Point-in-time counts\u003c/a> are an attempt to count every person in the county experiencing homelessness on one particular day, usually in January. The counts, mandated by the federal Department of Housing and Urban Development, are conducted every other year to identify homelessness trends and determine funding priorities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This year’s count found the share of homeless individuals living in unsheltered conditions — which includes people living in RVs — decreased by 11%, with a greater share living in emergency shelters or transitional housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Homelessness among veterans, youth and families also dropped. There were 428 homeless youth under 25 this year, down from 880 in 2022, while the number of veterans dropped to 355 from 550 over the same period.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though the final report has not yet been released, Russell confirmed Alameda County was no exception to \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/2023/02/california-homeless-seniors/\">the statewide trend\u003c/a> of growing homelessness among seniors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The county has been seeing an “increase year-over-year in older adult homelessness,” Russell said. “Roughly 25% of those we serve in our homeless response system are seniors.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" title=\"Alameda County PIT homeless count results since 2013\" aria-label=\"Stacked Columns\" id=\"datawrapper-chart-1500y\" src=\"https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/1500y/1/\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border: none;\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" data-external=\"1\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the total homeless population decreased countywide, some cities saw increases, including Albany, Alameda and Hayward. Oakland, home to by far the greatest share of the county’s unhoused population, also saw an increase.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, it’s a welcome continuation of a trend that shows the rate of growth in homelessness slowing over the last several years. This year’s 9% increase in Oakland is down from a 24% increase observed in 2022 and a 47% increase in 2019. (The point-in-time count was postponed in 2021 due to the COVID-19 pandemic.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Russell called the change “encouraging.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Even though there was a net increase there, it’s less than a third of the increase that has happened in the previous last three counts,” Russell said. A change that is “not insignificant in terms of slowing those otherwise precipitous increases,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Part of the last decade of growing homelessness in Oakland could be fallout from \u003ca href=\"https://www.ocf.berkeley.edu/~jyelen/2016/12/13/the-foreclosure-crisis-in-oakland-before-and-after/#:~:text=In%20Oakland%2C%20the%20crisis%20was,14%20eventually%20lost%20to%20foreclosure.\">the 2008 foreclosure crisis\u003c/a> and ensuing recession that hit Black homeowners particularly hard, followed by sharp increases in rents in the years after, Russell said. Homelessness is, at the end of the day, a housing issue, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The lack of housing, the lack of that stability, those are the things that cause the myriad other factors in folks’ lives, not vice versa,” Russell said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of the cities that saw the biggest drops in the number of people experiencing homelessness were Berkeley, Fremont and Union City, each counting a more than 200-person decrease.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This year’s count in Alameda County utilized almost 1,300 volunteers, three times the number of people involved in previous counts, which Russell said allowed for what is hopefully a more accurate count and for the collection of more detailed demographic data and interviews.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The full report with analysis of the data is expected this summer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n","blocks":[],"excerpt":"The biannual point-in-time count is a snapshot of the number of unhoused people. While some cities saw increases, the rate of growth has slowed — which advocates say is encouraging.","status":"publish","parent":0,"modified":1715823214,"stats":{"hasAudio":false,"hasVideo":false,"hasChartOrMap":true,"iframeSrcs":["https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/1500y/1/"],"hasGoogleForm":false,"hasGallery":false,"hasHearkenModule":false,"hasPolis":false,"paragraphCount":22,"wordCount":729},"headData":{"title":"Alameda County’s Homeless Count Decreases for 1st Time in a Decade | KQED","description":"The biannual point-in-time count is a snapshot of the number of unhoused people. While some cities saw increases, the rate of growth has slowed — which advocates say is encouraging.","ogTitle":"","ogDescription":"","ogImgId":"","twTitle":"","twDescription":"","twImgId":"","schema":{"@context":"http://schema.org","@type":"NewsArticle","headline":"Alameda County’s Homeless Count Decreases for 1st Time in a Decade","datePublished":"2024-05-15T23:58:01.000Z","dateModified":"2024-05-16T01:33:34.000Z","image":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png","isAccessibleForFree":"Y","publisher":{"@type":"NewsMediaOrganization","@id":"https://www.kqed.org/#organization","name":"KQED","url":"https://www.kqed.org","logo":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png"}}},"sticky":false,"nprStoryId":"kqed-11986443","excludeFromSiteSearch":"Include","articleAge":"0","path":"/news/11986443/alameda-countys-homeless-count-decreases-for-first-time-in-a-decade","audioTrackLength":null,"parsedContent":[{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Homelessness across Alameda County decreased for the first time in nearly a decade, according to this year’s preliminary point-in-time count data released Wednesday. The county saw a 3% drop overall, down to 9,450 from 9,747 unhoused individuals in 2022.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One potential reason for the drop, according to Jonathan Russell, the county’s director of Housing and Homelessness Services, is a countywide initiative to spend $2.5 billion over five years to address homelessness. That plan is now in its third year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have really ramped up a system that is housing more and more people than ever,” Russell said. During the fiscal year that ended in June, more than 4,000 people were placed into housing, he said. “These efforts we’ve funded do have impact and the more we scale those, the more we can affect this crisis.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"aside","attributes":{"named":{"postid":"news_11974385,news_11973859,news_11914346","label":"Point-in-time Counts "},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>A lot of that money came from the increase in state funds during the pandemic, Russell said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The surge of the pandemic funding over the last three, four years, has been significant in affecting what we see today,” he said. “There is this kind of delay of the longer-term structural effects from receipt of investment, implementation, to program outcomes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11974385/heres-how-san-francisco-counts-unhoused-residents\">Point-in-time counts\u003c/a> are an attempt to count every person in the county experiencing homelessness on one particular day, usually in January. The counts, mandated by the federal Department of Housing and Urban Development, are conducted every other year to identify homelessness trends and determine funding priorities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This year’s count found the share of homeless individuals living in unsheltered conditions — which includes people living in RVs — decreased by 11%, with a greater share living in emergency shelters or transitional housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Homelessness among veterans, youth and families also dropped. There were 428 homeless youth under 25 this year, down from 880 in 2022, while the number of veterans dropped to 355 from 550 over the same period.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though the final report has not yet been released, Russell confirmed Alameda County was no exception to \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/2023/02/california-homeless-seniors/\">the statewide trend\u003c/a> of growing homelessness among seniors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The county has been seeing an “increase year-over-year in older adult homelessness,” Russell said. “Roughly 25% of those we serve in our homeless response system are seniors.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" title=\"Alameda County PIT homeless count results since 2013\" aria-label=\"Stacked Columns\" id=\"datawrapper-chart-1500y\" src=\"https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/1500y/1/\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border: none;\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" data-external=\"1\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the total homeless population decreased countywide, some cities saw increases, including Albany, Alameda and Hayward. Oakland, home to by far the greatest share of the county’s unhoused population, also saw an increase.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, it’s a welcome continuation of a trend that shows the rate of growth in homelessness slowing over the last several years. This year’s 9% increase in Oakland is down from a 24% increase observed in 2022 and a 47% increase in 2019. (The point-in-time count was postponed in 2021 due to the COVID-19 pandemic.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Russell called the change “encouraging.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Even though there was a net increase there, it’s less than a third of the increase that has happened in the previous last three counts,” Russell said. A change that is “not insignificant in terms of slowing those otherwise precipitous increases,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Part of the last decade of growing homelessness in Oakland could be fallout from \u003ca href=\"https://www.ocf.berkeley.edu/~jyelen/2016/12/13/the-foreclosure-crisis-in-oakland-before-and-after/#:~:text=In%20Oakland%2C%20the%20crisis%20was,14%20eventually%20lost%20to%20foreclosure.\">the 2008 foreclosure crisis\u003c/a> and ensuing recession that hit Black homeowners particularly hard, followed by sharp increases in rents in the years after, Russell said. Homelessness is, at the end of the day, a housing issue, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The lack of housing, the lack of that stability, those are the things that cause the myriad other factors in folks’ lives, not vice versa,” Russell said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of the cities that saw the biggest drops in the number of people experiencing homelessness were Berkeley, Fremont and Union City, each counting a more than 200-person decrease.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This year’s count in Alameda County utilized almost 1,300 volunteers, three times the number of people involved in previous counts, which Russell said allowed for what is hopefully a more accurate count and for the collection of more detailed demographic data and interviews.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The full report with analysis of the data is expected this summer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"fullwidth"},"numeric":["fullwidth"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}}],"link":"/news/11986443/alameda-countys-homeless-count-decreases-for-first-time-in-a-decade","authors":["11896"],"categories":["news_6266","news_8"],"tags":["news_260","news_27626","news_25740","news_4020"],"featImg":"news_11986458","label":"news"},"news_11986422":{"type":"posts","id":"news_11986422","meta":{"index":"posts_1591205157","site":"news","id":"11986422","score":null,"sort":[1715813697000]},"guestAuthors":[],"slug":"sf-jury-acquits-man-accused-of-castro-hate-crimes-after-nearly-a-year-in-jail","title":"SF Jury Acquits Man Accused of Castro Hate Crimes After Nearly a Year in Jail","publishDate":1715813697,"format":"standard","headTitle":"SF Jury Acquits Man Accused of Castro Hate Crimes After Nearly a Year in Jail | KQED","labelTerm":{"site":"news"},"content":"\u003cp>A San Francisco jury acquitted a man who spent nearly a year in custody after he was accused of shouting anti-gay slurs and throwing a glass object at two men in the Castro, his attorneys said Wednesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Muhammed Abdullah, 21, was wrongly charged with battery, theft, assault and hate crime allegations in connection with two incidents from last June, according to the San Francisco public defender’s office. He had no previous criminal record.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A police officer admitted in court that “he had misrepresented the facts in a police report” from June 3, the public defender’s office said, adding that police also failed to investigate a separate June 5 incident properly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The San Francisco Police Department and the district attorney’s office did not immediately respond to a request for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the June 3 incident, the original police report said Abdullah attacked someone unprovoked. But Abdullah was acquitted of battery because he fought back in self-defense after he was grabbed from behind by someone offended by a sign Abdullah was carrying, the public defender’s office wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the June 5 incident, Mission Station SFPD officers detained Abdullah on 18th and Church streets after reports of an aggravated assault, according to an SFPD statement at the time. Police alleged Abdullah was following two men down the street, shouting anti-LGBTQ language at them. Abdullah was booked on counts of assault with a deadly weapon and two counts of committing a hate crime, as well as resisting arrest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These kinds of attacks are unacceptable,” Police Chief William Scott said in a statement last year. “It’s especially troubling that this incident took place as we celebrate Pride month in San Francisco. Anyone who threatens or harms someone based on being a member of the LGBTQ community will be held accountable.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The district attorney’s office wrote, in a statement, that they take every case seriously and put forward their best case based on the evidence and legal burden of proof. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our office was presented with evidence that Mr. Abdullah attacked three members of the LGBTQ community in the Castro on June 3, 2023, and June 5, 2023, and when he did so, he expressed homophobic views verbally and in writing,” said the DA’s statement sent to KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, according to the public defender’s office, “police failed to gather any forensic evidence or available surveillance footage to support” the claim that Abdullah had thrown a glass object at the men.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The jury was rightfully critical of the misleading police work and held the state to its burden of proof, which was wholly insufficient in this case,” said Tal Klement, a deputy public defender who represented Abdullah.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Abdullah was in a mental health crisis the day he was arrested, the public defender’s office said. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He continued to speak out against LGTBQ people in court, the Bay Area Reporter wrote in June last year. The LGBTQ community is “against God” and “going against families,” Abdullah said, \u003ca href=\"https://www.ebar.com/story.php?ch=news&sc=crime&id=325948\">according to the newspaper\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The newspaper also reported Abdullah was screaming to himself in jail before he appeared before Superior Court Judge Victor Hwang in June.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Abdullah was jailed ahead of trial because the court ruled he was a risk to public safety, denying his petition for a mental health diversion, according to the district attorney’s office.\u003c/p>\n\n","blocks":[],"excerpt":"The man accused of shouting anti-gay slurs and throwing glass at men was wrongly charged on the basis of \"misleading police work\" and insufficient evidence, the San Francisco public defender's office said.","status":"publish","parent":0,"modified":1715821831,"stats":{"hasAudio":false,"hasVideo":false,"hasChartOrMap":false,"iframeSrcs":[],"hasGoogleForm":false,"hasGallery":false,"hasHearkenModule":false,"hasPolis":false,"paragraphCount":17,"wordCount":585},"headData":{"title":"SF Jury Acquits Man Accused of Castro Hate Crimes After Nearly a Year in Jail | KQED","description":"The man accused of shouting anti-gay slurs and throwing glass at men was wrongly charged on the basis of "misleading police work" and insufficient evidence, the San Francisco public defender's office said.","ogTitle":"","ogDescription":"","ogImgId":"","twTitle":"","twDescription":"","twImgId":"","schema":{"@context":"http://schema.org","@type":"NewsArticle","headline":"SF Jury Acquits Man Accused of Castro Hate Crimes After Nearly a Year in Jail","datePublished":"2024-05-15T22:54:57.000Z","dateModified":"2024-05-16T01:10:31.000Z","image":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png","isAccessibleForFree":"Y","publisher":{"@type":"NewsMediaOrganization","@id":"https://www.kqed.org/#organization","name":"KQED","url":"https://www.kqed.org","logo":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png"}}},"sticky":false,"nprStoryId":"kqed-11986422","excludeFromSiteSearch":"Include","articleAge":"0","path":"/news/11986422/sf-jury-acquits-man-accused-of-castro-hate-crimes-after-nearly-a-year-in-jail","audioTrackLength":null,"parsedContent":[{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A San Francisco jury acquitted a man who spent nearly a year in custody after he was accused of shouting anti-gay slurs and throwing a glass object at two men in the Castro, his attorneys said Wednesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Muhammed Abdullah, 21, was wrongly charged with battery, theft, assault and hate crime allegations in connection with two incidents from last June, according to the San Francisco public defender’s office. He had no previous criminal record.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A police officer admitted in court that “he had misrepresented the facts in a police report” from June 3, the public defender’s office said, adding that police also failed to investigate a separate June 5 incident properly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The San Francisco Police Department and the district attorney’s office did not immediately respond to a request for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the June 3 incident, the original police report said Abdullah attacked someone unprovoked. But Abdullah was acquitted of battery because he fought back in self-defense after he was grabbed from behind by someone offended by a sign Abdullah was carrying, the public defender’s office wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"fullwidth"},"numeric":["fullwidth"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the June 5 incident, Mission Station SFPD officers detained Abdullah on 18th and Church streets after reports of an aggravated assault, according to an SFPD statement at the time. Police alleged Abdullah was following two men down the street, shouting anti-LGBTQ language at them. Abdullah was booked on counts of assault with a deadly weapon and two counts of committing a hate crime, as well as resisting arrest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These kinds of attacks are unacceptable,” Police Chief William Scott said in a statement last year. “It’s especially troubling that this incident took place as we celebrate Pride month in San Francisco. Anyone who threatens or harms someone based on being a member of the LGBTQ community will be held accountable.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The district attorney’s office wrote, in a statement, that they take every case seriously and put forward their best case based on the evidence and legal burden of proof. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our office was presented with evidence that Mr. Abdullah attacked three members of the LGBTQ community in the Castro on June 3, 2023, and June 5, 2023, and when he did so, he expressed homophobic views verbally and in writing,” said the DA’s statement sent to KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, according to the public defender’s office, “police failed to gather any forensic evidence or available surveillance footage to support” the claim that Abdullah had thrown a glass object at the men.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The jury was rightfully critical of the misleading police work and held the state to its burden of proof, which was wholly insufficient in this case,” said Tal Klement, a deputy public defender who represented Abdullah.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Abdullah was in a mental health crisis the day he was arrested, the public defender’s office said. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He continued to speak out against LGTBQ people in court, the Bay Area Reporter wrote in June last year. The LGBTQ community is “against God” and “going against families,” Abdullah said, \u003ca href=\"https://www.ebar.com/story.php?ch=news&sc=crime&id=325948\">according to the newspaper\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The newspaper also reported Abdullah was screaming to himself in jail before he appeared before Superior Court Judge Victor Hwang in June.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Abdullah was jailed ahead of trial because the court ruled he was a risk to public safety, denying his petition for a mental health diversion, according to the district attorney’s office.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}}],"link":"/news/11986422/sf-jury-acquits-man-accused-of-castro-hate-crimes-after-nearly-a-year-in-jail","authors":["11690"],"categories":["news_6188","news_8"],"tags":["news_21534","news_17725","news_4273","news_38"],"featImg":"news_11634607","label":"news"},"news_11986400":{"type":"posts","id":"news_11986400","meta":{"index":"posts_1591205157","site":"news","id":"11986400","score":null,"sort":[1715812161000]},"guestAuthors":[],"slug":"alameda-county-district-attorney-will-face-a-recall-election-in-november","title":"Alameda County District Attorney Will Face a Recall Election in November","publishDate":1715812161,"format":"standard","headTitle":"Alameda County District Attorney Will Face a Recall Election in November | KQED","labelTerm":{"site":"news"},"content":"\u003cp>The Alameda County Board of Supervisors voted to consolidate the recall election of District Attorney Pamela Price with the presidential election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The people of this county have the right to elect a District Attorney. And they did,” Price said during a Wednesday press conference. “We should not have to do it again, but we will.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supervisors Keith Carson, Elisa Marquez and Board President Nate Miley voted in favor of the consolidation. Supervisors David Haubert and Lena Tam were absent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Zoom out:\u003c/strong> Price is the first DA to face a recall election in county history. Each step of the recall process has been closely watched and hotly debated, but perhaps nothing has drawn interest than the scheduling of the election. The transition from using the county charter to govern recall elections to state laws led to threats of lawsuits and accusations from both sides that the county cherry-picked regulations to suit its preferences, a claim the county counsel rejected at Tuesday’s supervisors meeting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve made our best effort to interpret the law, in light of the cards we were dealt, the best we could,” said Donna Zeigler, Alameda’s county counsel. “We’ve been transparent and no one has decided to take us to court so far.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Zoom in:\u003c/strong> The supervisors were deciding between two options. They could’ve held a special election — with only the recall on the ballot — in August or September. Or they could’ve chosen Nov. 5, the date of the general election. The county registrar urged the supervisors to pick November, saying a special election would cost the county approximately $15-20 million while a consolidated election would cost approximately $4 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Inside view:\u003c/strong> According to the county administrator, the county is expecting a budget deficit of around $68 million. And the county may have to bail out the Alameda Health Service, which is anticipating a whopping $100 million deficit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Normally, the county has a deficit of about $50 million or so. That’s not too tough for us to balance,” Miley said. “But we start getting over $100 million, $150 million — that becomes more challenging.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label='Related Coverage' tag='pamela-price']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Outside view:\u003c/strong> Nearly 100 people spoke during hours of public comment on Tuesday. Price supporters said \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11984353/alameda-county-district-attorney-challenges-recall-signature-count\">the registrar violated the county charter\u003c/a> in approving the recall for the ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t understand how you can move forward with a recall that did not follow the county rules,” said Rivka Polatnick. “You need to uphold the county charter, which was in effect at the time and not move forward with this.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Others said choosing November would be more democratic because general elections tend to draw a larger voter turnout than special elections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We can’t let a small number of voters with the most access to information dictate our election,” said Deanna Lui, political coordinator for the Asian Pacific islander Environmental Network.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters of the recall wanted a special election, arguing that Price’s policies reducing the use of sentence enhancements are too lenient.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We cannot afford the delay. The consequences of postponing the election are far reaching, affecting thousands of cases similar to my daughter’s case,” said Sophie Ortiz, whose 5-year-old daughter, Eliyanah Crisostomo, was \u003ca href=\"https://www.kron4.com/news/bay-area/chp-releasing-more-details-on-eliyanah-crisostomo-homicide/\">killed when her family’s car was shot at while driving on Interstate 808\u003c/a> in 2023.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Between the lines:\u003c/strong> Accusations of supervisors letting personal politics sway their vote were flying at the meeting. Recall supporters highlighted Carson’s $2,500 donation in February to Price’s 2028 re-election campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That person has been duly elected,” he said. “I think that they deserve at least a reasonable period of time in order to find out what their job entails, to understand their job and be able to carry it out.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Price supporters referred to a photo of Miley posing with recall campaign leader Brenda Grisham at his annual campaign rally last weekend.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I have friends on both sides of this issue,” Miley said. “Where I’m falling on this, it’s not based on politics and it’s not based on personalities. It’s based on what I think needs to happen.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>What’s next:\u003c/strong> Over the next five months, both sides of the recall are going to be fundraising and doing their best to draw Alameda voters to their view of the DA’s short track record. So far, the recall fundraising has far outpaced that of Price supporters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The effort to overturn the November election has never been a grassroots movement,” Price said. “It is a platinum roots movement. From the beginning, it’s been an effort bankrolled by a handful of super rich real estate investors and tech executives. The platinum roots behind the scenes, propping up the faces out front, falsely claiming that they were grassroots.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If a recall is approved by voters in November, the DA’s office may see a series of new leaders. According to the county charter, the supervisors will be responsible for selecting an interim district attorney to take Price’s spot until the next regularly scheduled general election in 2026. Then voters would get to elect someone to fill out the rest of Price’s term, which ends in 2028. The outcome could be four different administrations before the decade is out.\u003c/p>\n\n","blocks":[],"excerpt":"The Alameda County Board of Supervisors set the recall election on Nov. 5, the date of the presidential election. \r\n","status":"publish","parent":0,"modified":1715812161,"stats":{"hasAudio":false,"hasVideo":false,"hasChartOrMap":false,"iframeSrcs":[],"hasGoogleForm":false,"hasGallery":false,"hasHearkenModule":false,"hasPolis":false,"paragraphCount":24,"wordCount":942},"headData":{"title":"Alameda County District Attorney Will Face a Recall Election in November | KQED","description":"The Alameda County Board of Supervisors set the recall election on Nov. 5, the date of the presidential election. \r\n","ogTitle":"","ogDescription":"","ogImgId":"","twTitle":"","twDescription":"","twImgId":"","schema":{"@context":"http://schema.org","@type":"NewsArticle","headline":"Alameda County District Attorney Will Face a Recall Election in November","datePublished":"2024-05-15T22:29:21.000Z","dateModified":"2024-05-15T22:29:21.000Z","image":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png","isAccessibleForFree":"Y","publisher":{"@type":"NewsMediaOrganization","@id":"https://www.kqed.org/#organization","name":"KQED","url":"https://www.kqed.org","logo":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png"}}},"sticky":false,"nprStoryId":"kqed-11986400","excludeFromSiteSearch":"Include","articleAge":"0","path":"/news/11986400/alameda-county-district-attorney-will-face-a-recall-election-in-november","audioTrackLength":null,"parsedContent":[{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The Alameda County Board of Supervisors voted to consolidate the recall election of District Attorney Pamela Price with the presidential election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The people of this county have the right to elect a District Attorney. And they did,” Price said during a Wednesday press conference. “We should not have to do it again, but we will.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supervisors Keith Carson, Elisa Marquez and Board President Nate Miley voted in favor of the consolidation. Supervisors David Haubert and Lena Tam were absent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Zoom out:\u003c/strong> Price is the first DA to face a recall election in county history. Each step of the recall process has been closely watched and hotly debated, but perhaps nothing has drawn interest than the scheduling of the election. The transition from using the county charter to govern recall elections to state laws led to threats of lawsuits and accusations from both sides that the county cherry-picked regulations to suit its preferences, a claim the county counsel rejected at Tuesday’s supervisors meeting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve made our best effort to interpret the law, in light of the cards we were dealt, the best we could,” said Donna Zeigler, Alameda’s county counsel. “We’ve been transparent and no one has decided to take us to court so far.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"fullwidth"},"numeric":["fullwidth"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Zoom in:\u003c/strong> The supervisors were deciding between two options. They could’ve held a special election — with only the recall on the ballot — in August or September. Or they could’ve chosen Nov. 5, the date of the general election. The county registrar urged the supervisors to pick November, saying a special election would cost the county approximately $15-20 million while a consolidated election would cost approximately $4 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Inside view:\u003c/strong> According to the county administrator, the county is expecting a budget deficit of around $68 million. And the county may have to bail out the Alameda Health Service, which is anticipating a whopping $100 million deficit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Normally, the county has a deficit of about $50 million or so. That’s not too tough for us to balance,” Miley said. “But we start getting over $100 million, $150 million — that becomes more challenging.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"aside","attributes":{"named":{"label":"Related Coverage ","tag":"pamela-price"},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Outside view:\u003c/strong> Nearly 100 people spoke during hours of public comment on Tuesday. Price supporters said \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11984353/alameda-county-district-attorney-challenges-recall-signature-count\">the registrar violated the county charter\u003c/a> in approving the recall for the ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t understand how you can move forward with a recall that did not follow the county rules,” said Rivka Polatnick. “You need to uphold the county charter, which was in effect at the time and not move forward with this.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Others said choosing November would be more democratic because general elections tend to draw a larger voter turnout than special elections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We can’t let a small number of voters with the most access to information dictate our election,” said Deanna Lui, political coordinator for the Asian Pacific islander Environmental Network.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters of the recall wanted a special election, arguing that Price’s policies reducing the use of sentence enhancements are too lenient.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We cannot afford the delay. The consequences of postponing the election are far reaching, affecting thousands of cases similar to my daughter’s case,” said Sophie Ortiz, whose 5-year-old daughter, Eliyanah Crisostomo, was \u003ca href=\"https://www.kron4.com/news/bay-area/chp-releasing-more-details-on-eliyanah-crisostomo-homicide/\">killed when her family’s car was shot at while driving on Interstate 808\u003c/a> in 2023.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Between the lines:\u003c/strong> Accusations of supervisors letting personal politics sway their vote were flying at the meeting. Recall supporters highlighted Carson’s $2,500 donation in February to Price’s 2028 re-election campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That person has been duly elected,” he said. “I think that they deserve at least a reasonable period of time in order to find out what their job entails, to understand their job and be able to carry it out.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Price supporters referred to a photo of Miley posing with recall campaign leader Brenda Grisham at his annual campaign rally last weekend.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I have friends on both sides of this issue,” Miley said. “Where I’m falling on this, it’s not based on politics and it’s not based on personalities. It’s based on what I think needs to happen.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>What’s next:\u003c/strong> Over the next five months, both sides of the recall are going to be fundraising and doing their best to draw Alameda voters to their view of the DA’s short track record. So far, the recall fundraising has far outpaced that of Price supporters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The effort to overturn the November election has never been a grassroots movement,” Price said. “It is a platinum roots movement. From the beginning, it’s been an effort bankrolled by a handful of super rich real estate investors and tech executives. The platinum roots behind the scenes, propping up the faces out front, falsely claiming that they were grassroots.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If a recall is approved by voters in November, the DA’s office may see a series of new leaders. According to the county charter, the supervisors will be responsible for selecting an interim district attorney to take Price’s spot until the next regularly scheduled general election in 2026. Then voters would get to elect someone to fill out the rest of Price’s term, which ends in 2028. The outcome could be four different administrations before the decade is out.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}}],"link":"/news/11986400/alameda-county-district-attorney-will-face-a-recall-election-in-november","authors":["11772"],"categories":["news_8"],"tags":["news_30191","news_32413","news_24461"],"featImg":"news_11931594","label":"news"},"news_11986393":{"type":"posts","id":"news_11986393","meta":{"index":"posts_1591205157","site":"news","id":"11986393","score":null,"sort":[1715810731000]},"guestAuthors":[],"slug":"first-sf-mayoral-debate-continues-to-crumble-as-third-candidate-may-drop-out","title":"1st SF Mayoral Debate Continues to Crumble as 3rd Candidate May Drop Out","publishDate":1715810731,"format":"standard","headTitle":"1st SF Mayoral Debate Continues to Crumble as 3rd Candidate May Drop Out | KQED","labelTerm":{"site":"news"},"content":"\u003cp>Daniel Lurie could become the third candidate to pull out of San Francisco’s first mayoral debate, saying the event’s planning has become increasingly disorganized as the group hosting it comes under scrutiny.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The May 20 debate was organized by political advocacy group TogetherSF Action, which faces questions over its ties to former mayor and Supervisor Mark Farrell, another candidate in November’s mayoral election. Mayor London Breed originally agreed to participate \u003ca href=\"https://missionlocal.org/2024/05/mayor-breed-withdraws-from-togethersf-debate-citing-chaos-farrell-ties/\">but changed her mind on Tuesday\u003c/a>. Board of Supervisors President Aaron Peskin was in talks to participate but ultimately declined.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Journalists who were set to serve as moderators have also been dropping out of the debate; Lurie said Wednesday morning that he had only learned “in the last few hours” that the debate’s organizers lost their third such journalist, adding that they would need to find a moderator who is independent from TogetherSF for him to participate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The only remaining independent journalist backed out,” Lurie said during a press conference where he announced his emergency shelter plan to address street homelessness. “If they are able to find one, I’ll be there. I’m going back to debate prep right now. I want to debate these insiders.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The event was planned as a blowout kickoff to the mayoral election, which will be in full swing after the June deadline for candidates to file. Roughly 1,000 people were expected to attend in person, and 2,500 RSVP’d to watch it online, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/sf/article/breed-pull-out-debate-togethersf-election-19457659.php?utm_source=marketing&utm_medium=copy-url-link&utm_campaign=article-share&hash=aHR0cHM6Ly93d3cuc2ZjaHJvbmljbGUuY29tL3NmL2FydGljbGUvYnJlZWQtcHVsbC1vdXQtZGViYXRlLXRvZ2V0aGVyc2YtZWxlY3Rpb24tMTk0NTc2NTkucGhw&time=MTcxNTcxODg3NjkzMQ%3D%3D&rid=MWRjZmE1YTEtYTA2NS00NDM0LThhNzctNDcxNjAwOGNkODRh&sharecount=Nw%3D%3D\">according to the \u003cem>San Francisco Chronicle\u003c/em>\u003c/a>. KQED Political Correspondent Marisa Lagos was a planned moderator, but she said she pulled out when it was clear not all candidates would participate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Questions about the organization’s allegiances have led candidates to keep their distance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State and city ethics commissions have long outlined rules barring political action committees and candidates from coordinating. Importantly, groups like TogetherSF Action are permitted to raise money in unlimited amounts and spend on advertisements against or in support of candidates. Individual donations to candidates, however, are limited to $500.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>TogetherSF has repeatedly said it is independent. However, \u003ca href=\"https://missionlocal.org/2024/05/mark-farrell-consultant-texts-that-togethersf-head-is-guiding-the-ship/\">reporting from Mission Local\u003c/a> last week revealed text messages from a political consultant for Farrell to an unknown second party, in which the consultant said that TogetherSF Action CEO Kanishka Cheng is “guiding the ship” for Farrell’s campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cheng did not return requests for comment by press time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_11986162,forum_2010101905375,news_11974740\"]Both Breed and Peskin shared concerns with KQED that Cheng would skew the debate to favor Farrell, whom she previously worked for as a legislative aide. Both Breed’s and Peskin’s campaigns said TogetherSF promised them only 20 tickets in a venue that seats 1,000, raising red flags over who would fill those other seats and whether they would be Farrell supporters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Ultimately, the collusion between the Farrell campaign and TogetherSF’s leadership gave the impression that Mark Farrell would clearly benefit much more from participating in this debate than all the other candidates on the stage,” said Joe Arellano, Breed’s campaign spokesperson. “Our campaign was not confident that TogetherSF’s leader, an individual recently mentioned as ‘guiding the ship’ for the Farrell campaign, could be trusted to organize a fair and balanced debate.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jim Stearns, a campaign consultant working on Peskin’s campaign, said TogetherSF staffers helped organize a small protest outside Peskin’s kickoff speech in Portsmouth Square last month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“TogetherSF is a partisan organization masquerading as nonpartisan,” Stearns said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The blistering critique from two mayoral campaigns of San Francisco’s topmost officials is a reputational hit to TogetherSF, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfexaminer.com/news/politics/togethersf-donors-want-to-empower-mayor-cut-commissions/article_5a108516-eb00-11ee-b303-4b939252db35.html\">a growing power player in city politics\u003c/a>. It is part of a coalition of groups created in the last few years, including GrowSF and Neighbors for a Better San Francisco, \u003ca href=\"https://missionlocal.org/2024/02/explore-big-money-san-francisco-growsf-togethersf-neighbors-larsen-moritz-tan-web/\">that have collectively spent millions of dollars\u003c/a> from deep-pocketed tech donors to back moderate Democrat causes and candidates in San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\n","blocks":[],"excerpt":"Daniel Lurie says he'll pull out of the mayoral debate organized by TogetherSF Action if it doesn't get an independent moderator as the group faces questions over its ties to the Mark Farrell campaign.","status":"publish","parent":0,"modified":1715813227,"stats":{"hasAudio":false,"hasVideo":false,"hasChartOrMap":false,"iframeSrcs":[],"hasGoogleForm":false,"hasGallery":false,"hasHearkenModule":false,"hasPolis":false,"paragraphCount":16,"wordCount":684},"headData":{"title":"1st SF Mayoral Debate Continues to Crumble as 3rd Candidate May Drop Out | KQED","description":"Daniel Lurie says he'll pull out of the mayoral debate organized by TogetherSF Action if it doesn't get an independent moderator as the group faces questions over its ties to the Mark Farrell campaign.","ogTitle":"","ogDescription":"","ogImgId":"","twTitle":"","twDescription":"","twImgId":"","schema":{"@context":"http://schema.org","@type":"NewsArticle","headline":"1st SF Mayoral Debate Continues to Crumble as 3rd Candidate May Drop Out","datePublished":"2024-05-15T22:05:31.000Z","dateModified":"2024-05-15T22:47:07.000Z","image":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png","isAccessibleForFree":"Y","publisher":{"@type":"NewsMediaOrganization","@id":"https://www.kqed.org/#organization","name":"KQED","url":"https://www.kqed.org","logo":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png"}}},"sticky":false,"nprStoryId":"kqed-11986393","excludeFromSiteSearch":"Include","articleAge":"0","path":"/news/11986393/first-sf-mayoral-debate-continues-to-crumble-as-third-candidate-may-drop-out","audioTrackLength":null,"parsedContent":[{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Daniel Lurie could become the third candidate to pull out of San Francisco’s first mayoral debate, saying the event’s planning has become increasingly disorganized as the group hosting it comes under scrutiny.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The May 20 debate was organized by political advocacy group TogetherSF Action, which faces questions over its ties to former mayor and Supervisor Mark Farrell, another candidate in November’s mayoral election. Mayor London Breed originally agreed to participate \u003ca href=\"https://missionlocal.org/2024/05/mayor-breed-withdraws-from-togethersf-debate-citing-chaos-farrell-ties/\">but changed her mind on Tuesday\u003c/a>. Board of Supervisors President Aaron Peskin was in talks to participate but ultimately declined.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Journalists who were set to serve as moderators have also been dropping out of the debate; Lurie said Wednesday morning that he had only learned “in the last few hours” that the debate’s organizers lost their third such journalist, adding that they would need to find a moderator who is independent from TogetherSF for him to participate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The only remaining independent journalist backed out,” Lurie said during a press conference where he announced his emergency shelter plan to address street homelessness. “If they are able to find one, I’ll be there. I’m going back to debate prep right now. I want to debate these insiders.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The event was planned as a blowout kickoff to the mayoral election, which will be in full swing after the June deadline for candidates to file. Roughly 1,000 people were expected to attend in person, and 2,500 RSVP’d to watch it online, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/sf/article/breed-pull-out-debate-togethersf-election-19457659.php?utm_source=marketing&utm_medium=copy-url-link&utm_campaign=article-share&hash=aHR0cHM6Ly93d3cuc2ZjaHJvbmljbGUuY29tL3NmL2FydGljbGUvYnJlZWQtcHVsbC1vdXQtZGViYXRlLXRvZ2V0aGVyc2YtZWxlY3Rpb24tMTk0NTc2NTkucGhw&time=MTcxNTcxODg3NjkzMQ%3D%3D&rid=MWRjZmE1YTEtYTA2NS00NDM0LThhNzctNDcxNjAwOGNkODRh&sharecount=Nw%3D%3D\">according to the \u003cem>San Francisco Chronicle\u003c/em>\u003c/a>. KQED Political Correspondent Marisa Lagos was a planned moderator, but she said she pulled out when it was clear not all candidates would participate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"fullwidth"},"numeric":["fullwidth"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Questions about the organization’s allegiances have led candidates to keep their distance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State and city ethics commissions have long outlined rules barring political action committees and candidates from coordinating. Importantly, groups like TogetherSF Action are permitted to raise money in unlimited amounts and spend on advertisements against or in support of candidates. Individual donations to candidates, however, are limited to $500.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>TogetherSF has repeatedly said it is independent. However, \u003ca href=\"https://missionlocal.org/2024/05/mark-farrell-consultant-texts-that-togethersf-head-is-guiding-the-ship/\">reporting from Mission Local\u003c/a> last week revealed text messages from a political consultant for Farrell to an unknown second party, in which the consultant said that TogetherSF Action CEO Kanishka Cheng is “guiding the ship” for Farrell’s campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cheng did not return requests for comment by press time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"aside","attributes":{"named":{"label":"Related Stories ","postid":"news_11986162,forum_2010101905375,news_11974740"},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Both Breed and Peskin shared concerns with KQED that Cheng would skew the debate to favor Farrell, whom she previously worked for as a legislative aide. Both Breed’s and Peskin’s campaigns said TogetherSF promised them only 20 tickets in a venue that seats 1,000, raising red flags over who would fill those other seats and whether they would be Farrell supporters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Ultimately, the collusion between the Farrell campaign and TogetherSF’s leadership gave the impression that Mark Farrell would clearly benefit much more from participating in this debate than all the other candidates on the stage,” said Joe Arellano, Breed’s campaign spokesperson. “Our campaign was not confident that TogetherSF’s leader, an individual recently mentioned as ‘guiding the ship’ for the Farrell campaign, could be trusted to organize a fair and balanced debate.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jim Stearns, a campaign consultant working on Peskin’s campaign, said TogetherSF staffers helped organize a small protest outside Peskin’s kickoff speech in Portsmouth Square last month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“TogetherSF is a partisan organization masquerading as nonpartisan,” Stearns said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The blistering critique from two mayoral campaigns of San Francisco’s topmost officials is a reputational hit to TogetherSF, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfexaminer.com/news/politics/togethersf-donors-want-to-empower-mayor-cut-commissions/article_5a108516-eb00-11ee-b303-4b939252db35.html\">a growing power player in city politics\u003c/a>. It is part of a coalition of groups created in the last few years, including GrowSF and Neighbors for a Better San Francisco, \u003ca href=\"https://missionlocal.org/2024/02/explore-big-money-san-francisco-growsf-togethersf-neighbors-larsen-moritz-tan-web/\">that have collectively spent millions of dollars\u003c/a> from deep-pocketed tech donors to back moderate Democrat causes and candidates in San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}}],"link":"/news/11986393/first-sf-mayoral-debate-continues-to-crumble-as-third-candidate-may-drop-out","authors":["11690"],"categories":["news_8","news_13"],"tags":["news_195","news_34055","news_6931","news_22439","news_17968","news_38","news_33242"],"featImg":"news_11986424","label":"news"}},"programsReducer":{"possible":{"id":"possible","title":"Possible","info":"Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. 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