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"slug": "a-california-housing-bill-would-raise-wages-to-28-why-do-some-unions-hate-it",
"title": "A California Housing Bill Would Raise Wages to $28. Why Do Some Unions Hate It?",
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"headTitle": "A California Housing Bill Would Raise Wages to $28. Why Do Some Unions Hate It? | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003c!-- Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/ -->\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was originally published by \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\">CalMatters\u003c/a>. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/subscribe-to-calmatters/\">Sign up\u003c/a> for their newsletters.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When is a minimum \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/wages\">wage hike\u003c/a> of more than $11 per hour actually a pay cut?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That question has dominated the debate over a current \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/bills/ca_202520260ab1751\">California housing bill\u003c/a> that has riven the state’s two most powerful construction worker unions and many state legislative Democrats reluctant to get on the wrong side of either group.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/bills/ca_202520260ab1751\">Assembly Bill 1751\u003c/a>, authored by Fullerton Democrat Sharon Quirk-Silva, would kick aside regulatory barriers to building townhouses — tightly clustered, multistory homes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In exchange for this fast-tracked approval process, townhouse developers would be required to pay their workers at least $28 per hour.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s a significant pay bump over the statewide minimum wage of $16.90.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the fiercest opposition to the bill has come from what might seem like an unexpected source: The State Building and Construction Trades Council, an umbrella organization that represents electricians, plumbers, sheet metal workers and other skilled construction trade unions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12072538\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12072538\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/020526SJ-TINY-HOMES_GH_025-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/020526SJ-TINY-HOMES_GH_025-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/020526SJ-TINY-HOMES_GH_025-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/020526SJ-TINY-HOMES_GH_025-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Construction workers continue building units at the Cerone Interim Housing Community on Feb. 5, 2026, in San José. The interim housing site is expected to house up to 200 people. \u003ccite>(Gustavo Hernandez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The trades — as the council is colloquially known — argue that the new wage floor could have the paradoxical side-effect of driving down the “\u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/politics/la-pol-sac-construction-workers-housing-20170512-htmlstory.html\">prevailing wages\u003c/a>” enjoyed by many of their members.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prevailing wages are mandatory minimum pay rates for publicly-funded or supported construction projects, which include many affordable housing developments and \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2023/04/california-housing-law-union-dispute-2/\">other projects\u003c/a> propelled forward by recent state law in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State and federal regulators set prevailing rates based on surveys of the most common wages in each field and geographic area. Because union pay scales can cover hundreds of similarly employed workers, those union-level wages often set the prevailing wage.[aside postID=news_12086113 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/StonecutterGetty.jpg']In a testy debate on the Assembly floor earlier this month, Quirk-Silva stressed — repeatedly — that the bill would in no way affect the state-set wage rates. “It does not replace prevailing wage,” she said. “It does not undercut prevailing wage. This bill leaves prevailing wage exactly where it stands in current law.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The trades aren’t buying it, noting that the federal government sets its own rates for federally-supported projects. But the group’s bigger beef may boil down to precedent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For years, the building trades have battled any legislation aimed at easing regulations on the construction of new housing unless it also included pro-union guarantees. Those are either union-level prevailing wage pay requirements or, in more recent years, even more restrictive “\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2021/06/california-affordable-housing-unions/\">skilled and trained\u003c/a>” rules that require developers to hire apprenticeship program graduates, the vast majority of whom are union members.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Quirk-Silva’s townhouse streamlining bill introduces a new standard: a minimum wage far lower than what most trades members already make.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Making a meager minimum wage hike the new bone that pro-housing bills throw to construction workers would “signify the new norm,” said Chris Hannan, president of the Trades Council. “When you start a trend of doing a minimum wage, then that becomes the new go-to.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The trades and carpenters, at it again\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Standing on the other side of the debate, supporting the new wage standard, are California’s unionized carpenters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The trades battling the carpenters is a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2025/07/california-construction-unions-housing/\">familiar face-off in Sacramento\u003c/a>. This isn’t even the first time the groups have publicly locked horns over this specific wage proposal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last summer, Assemblymember Buffy Wicks, an Oakland Democrat and \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2022/05/california-housing-crisis-unions/\">longtime ally\u003c/a> of the carpenters, inserted residential construction worker minimum wage of between $28 and $40 per hour \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2025/06/prevailing-wage-construction-california-ab130/\">into a budget bill\u003c/a> in the final hours of the fiscal year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12044982\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12044982\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250618-NEWTEACHERHOUSING-09-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250618-NEWTEACHERHOUSING-09-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250618-NEWTEACHERHOUSING-09-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250618-NEWTEACHERHOUSING-09-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Construction workers build at 750 Golden Gate Avenue in San Francisco on June 18, 2025, during a groundbreaking ceremony marking the start of two affordable housing projects. One will deliver 75 units prioritized for SFUSD and City College educators, and the other at 850 Turk will add 92 family apartments. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Aside from high-rise construction developments where the use of steel and concrete tend to draw more specialized workers, unions represent relatively few laborers who build California homes, the carpenters argued at the time. The new wage standard would be a modest corrective for those non-union laborers whose current wage floor is the state minimum wage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For years, carpenters union leaders have argued that improving working standards for low-wage workers presents an “\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2023/04/california-housing-law-union-dispute-2/\">organizing opportunity\u003c/a>” for the union.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The trades were apoplectic. Dozens of union members crowded in the budget bill hearing to decry what they saw as an anti-union reversal of state labor policy. One representative likened the measure to \u003ca href=\"https://www.politico.com/news/2025/06/25/california-democrats-stage-intraparty-war-over-last-minute-push-to-build-more-housing-00425196\">“Jim Crow” laws\u003c/a>. Many labor-friendly Democrats on the committee recoiled; the proposal was shelved.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This year, the idea has been given a bit more time for debate, though the trades and some lawmakers have still complained of a process they see as rushed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Quirk-Silva’s bill was introduced in early February, it focused solely on townhouse regulations. The wage language was added only in time for its second committee hearing in late April. (Quirk-Silva’s staff declined to make her available for an interview to explain that delay or discuss the bill in general, citing personal family matters. On the Assembly floor, she explained the late addition in part by noting “severe health issues” among staff and family members.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since then the entirety of the legislative debate has been focused on the wage issue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12076525\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12076525\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260116-NewsomLuriePresser-33-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260116-NewsomLuriePresser-33-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260116-NewsomLuriePresser-33-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260116-NewsomLuriePresser-33-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gov. Gavin Newsom speaks during a press conference at the Friendship House Association of American Indians in San Francisco on Jan. 16, 2026.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>That itself is a notable development: The bill exempts the construction of townhomes from both environmental review and the jurisdiction of elected local city councils and planning boards. Just a few years ago, such a proposal would have made for a capitol-shaking, headline-grabbing fight. But a year after Gov. Gavin Newsom signed a law \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2025/06/ceqa-urban-development-infill-budget/\">exempting most urban housing\u003c/a> developments from environmental litigation, the land-use implications appear to be an afterthought.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At an Assembly floor vote last month, San Diego Assemblymember Chris Ward referred to the minimum wage issue as the “900 pound gorilla.” He, like many Democrats who spoke on the bill, said that he supported the legislation in general, but that he remained wary of the “unresolved” questions about how the new wage rate would affect existing labor standards.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill needed 41 out of 80 “yes” votes to move onto the Senate. It passed with just 47.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Hike or pay cut?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Quirk-Silva’s office tried to get around the prevailing wage fight early on.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prevailing wages are required of publicly funded works, including many affordable housing projects. They are set by the California Department of Industrial Relations, which sets its rates based on the \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/oprl/FAQ_PrevailingWage.html#q1\">most common wage\u003c/a> for each job type in each region of the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Quirk-Silva’s bill specifically bars the state department from taking the new $28 per hour townhome wages into account when running those calculations, lest a glut of townhome builders inadvertently bring down the wages owed to union roofers and plumbers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12059484\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12059484\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251007-SACRAMENTOMIDDLEHOUSING_00145_TV-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251007-SACRAMENTOMIDDLEHOUSING_00145_TV-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251007-SACRAMENTOMIDDLEHOUSING_00145_TV-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251007-SACRAMENTOMIDDLEHOUSING_00145_TV-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A construction worker operates machinery to move dirt at the site of new middle housing units at 2824 D Street in Sacramento on October 7, 2025. Developers are reviving “middle housing” such as duplexes and cottage clusters, but say California’s rollout of the new rules has been anything but smooth. \u003ccite>(Tâm Vũ/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The trades aren’t satisfied with that concession. That’s because the federal government conducts its own wage surveys and set its own prevailing wage for federally-funded infrastructure projects.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The current federal prevailing wage required for a residential roofer in Sacramento, for example, is \u003ca href=\"https://sam.gov/wage-determination/CA20260019/5\">$46.73 per hour\u003c/a> plus benefits. That number is based on the \u003ca href=\"https://www.dol.gov/agencies/whd/government-contracts/construction/faq#23\">most common wage paid\u003c/a> for that job in the area or — if no single rate is paid to at least 30% of the workers in the survey — on the regional average.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The federal government won’t give a rat’s ass about what this bill says,” Scott Wetch, a lobbyist for Trades-affiliated unions, said at the bill’s April hearing. “And they will set the prevailing wage rate for all the crafts at $28.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The trades “have a case” in this argument, said Kevin Duncan, an economist at Colorado State University Pueblo who has studied prevailing wage policy’s effect on construction costs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Imagine a smaller market with a relatively low unionization rate. If the bill uncorked a geyser of contractors paying all their low-wage workers exactly $28 per hour, “that would be the prevailing rate — and with zero benefits,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Backers of the bill dispute that, saying such a specific outcome is unlikely given how many contractors are likely to use this specific townhouse bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They also argue that vanishingly few residential roofers do federal public works jobs in Sacramento — or anywhere in California — so changes in the federal prevailing wage for residential projects aren’t likely to affect many workers anyway.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12081535\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12081535\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260427-CONSTRUCTIONWORKERS-06-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260427-CONSTRUCTIONWORKERS-06-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260427-CONSTRUCTIONWORKERS-06-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260427-CONSTRUCTIONWORKERS-06-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Construction workers and supporters march through Oakland to the Lion Creek Crossings, an affordable housing complex, on April 27, 2026, as part of a demonstration calling for more than $300,000 in unpaid wages from Bay Area contractors Milestone Roofing and Saarman Construction. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Instead, most roofers are non-union on privately-funded projects and many are being paid less than $28 per hour, said Danny Curtin, director of the California Council of Carpenters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To say that raising those wages “will actually bring everybody else’s wages down, defies comprehension,” he said at the hearing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This article was \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2026/06/ab-1751-trades-carpenters-fight/\">originally published on CalMatters\u003c/a> and was republished under the \u003ca href=\"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/\">Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives\u003c/a> license.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "This is just the latest spat between two rival construction unions over the future of California housing policy.",
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"title": "A California Housing Bill Would Raise Wages to $28. Why Do Some Unions Hate It? | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003c!-- Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/ -->\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was originally published by \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\">CalMatters\u003c/a>. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/subscribe-to-calmatters/\">Sign up\u003c/a> for their newsletters.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When is a minimum \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/wages\">wage hike\u003c/a> of more than $11 per hour actually a pay cut?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That question has dominated the debate over a current \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/bills/ca_202520260ab1751\">California housing bill\u003c/a> that has riven the state’s two most powerful construction worker unions and many state legislative Democrats reluctant to get on the wrong side of either group.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/bills/ca_202520260ab1751\">Assembly Bill 1751\u003c/a>, authored by Fullerton Democrat Sharon Quirk-Silva, would kick aside regulatory barriers to building townhouses — tightly clustered, multistory homes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In exchange for this fast-tracked approval process, townhouse developers would be required to pay their workers at least $28 per hour.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s a significant pay bump over the statewide minimum wage of $16.90.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the fiercest opposition to the bill has come from what might seem like an unexpected source: The State Building and Construction Trades Council, an umbrella organization that represents electricians, plumbers, sheet metal workers and other skilled construction trade unions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12072538\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12072538\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/020526SJ-TINY-HOMES_GH_025-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/020526SJ-TINY-HOMES_GH_025-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/020526SJ-TINY-HOMES_GH_025-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/020526SJ-TINY-HOMES_GH_025-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Construction workers continue building units at the Cerone Interim Housing Community on Feb. 5, 2026, in San José. The interim housing site is expected to house up to 200 people. \u003ccite>(Gustavo Hernandez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The trades — as the council is colloquially known — argue that the new wage floor could have the paradoxical side-effect of driving down the “\u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/politics/la-pol-sac-construction-workers-housing-20170512-htmlstory.html\">prevailing wages\u003c/a>” enjoyed by many of their members.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prevailing wages are mandatory minimum pay rates for publicly-funded or supported construction projects, which include many affordable housing developments and \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2023/04/california-housing-law-union-dispute-2/\">other projects\u003c/a> propelled forward by recent state law in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State and federal regulators set prevailing rates based on surveys of the most common wages in each field and geographic area. Because union pay scales can cover hundreds of similarly employed workers, those union-level wages often set the prevailing wage.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>In a testy debate on the Assembly floor earlier this month, Quirk-Silva stressed — repeatedly — that the bill would in no way affect the state-set wage rates. “It does not replace prevailing wage,” she said. “It does not undercut prevailing wage. This bill leaves prevailing wage exactly where it stands in current law.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The trades aren’t buying it, noting that the federal government sets its own rates for federally-supported projects. But the group’s bigger beef may boil down to precedent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For years, the building trades have battled any legislation aimed at easing regulations on the construction of new housing unless it also included pro-union guarantees. Those are either union-level prevailing wage pay requirements or, in more recent years, even more restrictive “\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2021/06/california-affordable-housing-unions/\">skilled and trained\u003c/a>” rules that require developers to hire apprenticeship program graduates, the vast majority of whom are union members.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Quirk-Silva’s townhouse streamlining bill introduces a new standard: a minimum wage far lower than what most trades members already make.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Making a meager minimum wage hike the new bone that pro-housing bills throw to construction workers would “signify the new norm,” said Chris Hannan, president of the Trades Council. “When you start a trend of doing a minimum wage, then that becomes the new go-to.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The trades and carpenters, at it again\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Standing on the other side of the debate, supporting the new wage standard, are California’s unionized carpenters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The trades battling the carpenters is a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2025/07/california-construction-unions-housing/\">familiar face-off in Sacramento\u003c/a>. This isn’t even the first time the groups have publicly locked horns over this specific wage proposal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last summer, Assemblymember Buffy Wicks, an Oakland Democrat and \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2022/05/california-housing-crisis-unions/\">longtime ally\u003c/a> of the carpenters, inserted residential construction worker minimum wage of between $28 and $40 per hour \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2025/06/prevailing-wage-construction-california-ab130/\">into a budget bill\u003c/a> in the final hours of the fiscal year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12044982\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12044982\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250618-NEWTEACHERHOUSING-09-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250618-NEWTEACHERHOUSING-09-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250618-NEWTEACHERHOUSING-09-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250618-NEWTEACHERHOUSING-09-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Construction workers build at 750 Golden Gate Avenue in San Francisco on June 18, 2025, during a groundbreaking ceremony marking the start of two affordable housing projects. One will deliver 75 units prioritized for SFUSD and City College educators, and the other at 850 Turk will add 92 family apartments. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Aside from high-rise construction developments where the use of steel and concrete tend to draw more specialized workers, unions represent relatively few laborers who build California homes, the carpenters argued at the time. The new wage standard would be a modest corrective for those non-union laborers whose current wage floor is the state minimum wage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For years, carpenters union leaders have argued that improving working standards for low-wage workers presents an “\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2023/04/california-housing-law-union-dispute-2/\">organizing opportunity\u003c/a>” for the union.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The trades were apoplectic. Dozens of union members crowded in the budget bill hearing to decry what they saw as an anti-union reversal of state labor policy. One representative likened the measure to \u003ca href=\"https://www.politico.com/news/2025/06/25/california-democrats-stage-intraparty-war-over-last-minute-push-to-build-more-housing-00425196\">“Jim Crow” laws\u003c/a>. Many labor-friendly Democrats on the committee recoiled; the proposal was shelved.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This year, the idea has been given a bit more time for debate, though the trades and some lawmakers have still complained of a process they see as rushed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Quirk-Silva’s bill was introduced in early February, it focused solely on townhouse regulations. The wage language was added only in time for its second committee hearing in late April. (Quirk-Silva’s staff declined to make her available for an interview to explain that delay or discuss the bill in general, citing personal family matters. On the Assembly floor, she explained the late addition in part by noting “severe health issues” among staff and family members.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since then the entirety of the legislative debate has been focused on the wage issue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12076525\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12076525\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260116-NewsomLuriePresser-33-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260116-NewsomLuriePresser-33-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260116-NewsomLuriePresser-33-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260116-NewsomLuriePresser-33-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gov. Gavin Newsom speaks during a press conference at the Friendship House Association of American Indians in San Francisco on Jan. 16, 2026.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>That itself is a notable development: The bill exempts the construction of townhomes from both environmental review and the jurisdiction of elected local city councils and planning boards. Just a few years ago, such a proposal would have made for a capitol-shaking, headline-grabbing fight. But a year after Gov. Gavin Newsom signed a law \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2025/06/ceqa-urban-development-infill-budget/\">exempting most urban housing\u003c/a> developments from environmental litigation, the land-use implications appear to be an afterthought.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At an Assembly floor vote last month, San Diego Assemblymember Chris Ward referred to the minimum wage issue as the “900 pound gorilla.” He, like many Democrats who spoke on the bill, said that he supported the legislation in general, but that he remained wary of the “unresolved” questions about how the new wage rate would affect existing labor standards.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill needed 41 out of 80 “yes” votes to move onto the Senate. It passed with just 47.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Hike or pay cut?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Quirk-Silva’s office tried to get around the prevailing wage fight early on.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prevailing wages are required of publicly funded works, including many affordable housing projects. They are set by the California Department of Industrial Relations, which sets its rates based on the \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/oprl/FAQ_PrevailingWage.html#q1\">most common wage\u003c/a> for each job type in each region of the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Quirk-Silva’s bill specifically bars the state department from taking the new $28 per hour townhome wages into account when running those calculations, lest a glut of townhome builders inadvertently bring down the wages owed to union roofers and plumbers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12059484\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12059484\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251007-SACRAMENTOMIDDLEHOUSING_00145_TV-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251007-SACRAMENTOMIDDLEHOUSING_00145_TV-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251007-SACRAMENTOMIDDLEHOUSING_00145_TV-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251007-SACRAMENTOMIDDLEHOUSING_00145_TV-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A construction worker operates machinery to move dirt at the site of new middle housing units at 2824 D Street in Sacramento on October 7, 2025. Developers are reviving “middle housing” such as duplexes and cottage clusters, but say California’s rollout of the new rules has been anything but smooth. \u003ccite>(Tâm Vũ/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The trades aren’t satisfied with that concession. That’s because the federal government conducts its own wage surveys and set its own prevailing wage for federally-funded infrastructure projects.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The current federal prevailing wage required for a residential roofer in Sacramento, for example, is \u003ca href=\"https://sam.gov/wage-determination/CA20260019/5\">$46.73 per hour\u003c/a> plus benefits. That number is based on the \u003ca href=\"https://www.dol.gov/agencies/whd/government-contracts/construction/faq#23\">most common wage paid\u003c/a> for that job in the area or — if no single rate is paid to at least 30% of the workers in the survey — on the regional average.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The federal government won’t give a rat’s ass about what this bill says,” Scott Wetch, a lobbyist for Trades-affiliated unions, said at the bill’s April hearing. “And they will set the prevailing wage rate for all the crafts at $28.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The trades “have a case” in this argument, said Kevin Duncan, an economist at Colorado State University Pueblo who has studied prevailing wage policy’s effect on construction costs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Imagine a smaller market with a relatively low unionization rate. If the bill uncorked a geyser of contractors paying all their low-wage workers exactly $28 per hour, “that would be the prevailing rate — and with zero benefits,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Backers of the bill dispute that, saying such a specific outcome is unlikely given how many contractors are likely to use this specific townhouse bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They also argue that vanishingly few residential roofers do federal public works jobs in Sacramento — or anywhere in California — so changes in the federal prevailing wage for residential projects aren’t likely to affect many workers anyway.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12081535\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12081535\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260427-CONSTRUCTIONWORKERS-06-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260427-CONSTRUCTIONWORKERS-06-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260427-CONSTRUCTIONWORKERS-06-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260427-CONSTRUCTIONWORKERS-06-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Construction workers and supporters march through Oakland to the Lion Creek Crossings, an affordable housing complex, on April 27, 2026, as part of a demonstration calling for more than $300,000 in unpaid wages from Bay Area contractors Milestone Roofing and Saarman Construction. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Instead, most roofers are non-union on privately-funded projects and many are being paid less than $28 per hour, said Danny Curtin, director of the California Council of Carpenters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To say that raising those wages “will actually bring everybody else’s wages down, defies comprehension,” he said at the hearing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This article was \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2026/06/ab-1751-trades-carpenters-fight/\">originally published on CalMatters\u003c/a> and was republished under the \u003ca href=\"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/\">Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives\u003c/a> license.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was originally published by \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\">CalMatters\u003c/a>. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/subscribe-to-calmatters/\">Sign up\u003c/a> for their newsletters.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two candidates for \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/california\">California\u003c/a>’s second-highest job were virtually tied in the race for lieutenant governor as votes trickled in early Wednesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State Treasurer Fiona Ma, a Democrat, and former state legislator Republican Gloria Romero were leading a tight pack of mostly Democratic hopefuls with nearly 20% each. Newsom cabinet official Josh Fryday followed with about 14%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lieutenant governor is mostly a ceremonial position with a lukewarm reputation in Sacramento. But the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2026/04/california-lieutenant-governor-race/\">No. 2 job in the state\u003c/a> has been used as a slingshot to the governor’s office before, drawing in four major candidates eager to replace Lt. Gov. Eleni Kounalakis, who terms out this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ma, Fryday and former Stockton Mayor Tubbs are the leading Democratic candidates in a top-two primary that will send two candidates on to the November general election. Fryday, who heads volunteer programs for the state, has amassed the biggest treasure chest — nearly $4 million — and is backed by teachers unions and the governor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ma, a longtime politician with deep roots in San Francisco, is endorsed by influential labor unions and has raised about $2.8 million. But her run for the second-highest statewide office is shadowed by \u003ca href=\"https://www.sacbee.com/news/politics-government/capitol-alert/article253382258.html\">2021 sexual harassment allegations\u003c/a> that Tubbs supporters have latched onto. Ma has called the allegation “frivolous”, but the state paid $350,000 to settle a lawsuit filed by one of her former employees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11946514\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11946514\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/RS43525_GettyImages-1208196864-qut.jpg\" alt=\"A profile picture of a man looking off-camera to his right.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/RS43525_GettyImages-1208196864-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/RS43525_GettyImages-1208196864-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/RS43525_GettyImages-1208196864-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/RS43525_GettyImages-1208196864-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/RS43525_GettyImages-1208196864-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Michael Tubbs, former mayor of Stockton, implemented an 18-month trial of Universal Basic Income for 125 residents in the city. \u003ccite>(Nick Otto/AFP via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Tubbs was among the first to announce his campaign in 2024. Once a progressive star, he rose to political stardom 10 years ago as a young big city mayor who piloted a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2023/04/california-guaranteed-income/\">guaranteed income program\u003c/a> in Stockton.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ousted by a Republican newcomer, his political career seemed to fade and he went on to lead Mayors for a Guaranteed Income, an advocacy organization. It’s his first crack at public office since then, and he’s garnered support from progressive Democrats and the powerful union SEIU California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Longtime state lawmaker Romero is the leading Republican. Romero spent 12 years representing East Los Angeles in the state Legislature as a Democrat. She switched parties in 2024.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Higher education at the forefront\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The major Democratic candidates have struggled to set themselves apart on policy. Because the lieutenant governor sits on all three college governing boards, each has claimed they would work to make universities build more housing and lower tuition costs. This has included practical solutions from directing Federal Student Aid applicants to food assistance program CalFresh, to more far-fetched ones, such as free tuition for in-demand programs, such as nursing.[aside label=\"Live 2026 Election Results\" link1='https://www.kqed.org/elections/results/california/governor,Learn about the results of the California Governor Election' hero=https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/80/2026/04/Aside-California-Governor-2026-Primary-Election-1200x1200@2x.png]The lieutenant governor also sits on the commission responsible for millions of acres of public land. Fryday thinks identifying more undeveloped land to build student housing on will help lower tuition costs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ma wants Cal State universities, which rely heavily on state funding, to find other revenue sources through partnerships with private companies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At an April candidate debate in Los Angeles, Tubbs said he supports freezing tuition but did not elaborate on how he would make up the loss in revenue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Romero seeks greater transparency about faculty, salaries and housing allowances and would push for more student representation on the UC Board of Regents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To set themselves apart, the Democrats have leaned on their distinct backgrounds. Fryday has made clean energy a core part of his campaign as a former executive of a clean energy organization started by billionaire gubernatorial candidate Tom Steyer. Ma has framed the job as another bulwark against the Trump administration. Tubbs, who works as an unpaid economic adviser to Newsom, has focused on affordability and cutting tuition for low-income families.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This article was \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2026/06/california-primary-lieutenant-governor/\">originally published on CalMatters\u003c/a> and was republished under the \u003ca href=\"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/\">Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives\u003c/a> license.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "The race for California’s second-highest political office features a competitive slate of Democratic candidates, from Treasurer Fiona Ma to Newsom administration official Josh Fryday and the former mayor of Stockton.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was originally published by \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\">CalMatters\u003c/a>. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/subscribe-to-calmatters/\">Sign up\u003c/a> for their newsletters.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two candidates for \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/california\">California\u003c/a>’s second-highest job were virtually tied in the race for lieutenant governor as votes trickled in early Wednesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State Treasurer Fiona Ma, a Democrat, and former state legislator Republican Gloria Romero were leading a tight pack of mostly Democratic hopefuls with nearly 20% each. Newsom cabinet official Josh Fryday followed with about 14%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lieutenant governor is mostly a ceremonial position with a lukewarm reputation in Sacramento. But the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2026/04/california-lieutenant-governor-race/\">No. 2 job in the state\u003c/a> has been used as a slingshot to the governor’s office before, drawing in four major candidates eager to replace Lt. Gov. Eleni Kounalakis, who terms out this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ma, Fryday and former Stockton Mayor Tubbs are the leading Democratic candidates in a top-two primary that will send two candidates on to the November general election. Fryday, who heads volunteer programs for the state, has amassed the biggest treasure chest — nearly $4 million — and is backed by teachers unions and the governor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ma, a longtime politician with deep roots in San Francisco, is endorsed by influential labor unions and has raised about $2.8 million. But her run for the second-highest statewide office is shadowed by \u003ca href=\"https://www.sacbee.com/news/politics-government/capitol-alert/article253382258.html\">2021 sexual harassment allegations\u003c/a> that Tubbs supporters have latched onto. Ma has called the allegation “frivolous”, but the state paid $350,000 to settle a lawsuit filed by one of her former employees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11946514\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11946514\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/RS43525_GettyImages-1208196864-qut.jpg\" alt=\"A profile picture of a man looking off-camera to his right.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/RS43525_GettyImages-1208196864-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/RS43525_GettyImages-1208196864-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/RS43525_GettyImages-1208196864-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/RS43525_GettyImages-1208196864-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/RS43525_GettyImages-1208196864-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Michael Tubbs, former mayor of Stockton, implemented an 18-month trial of Universal Basic Income for 125 residents in the city. \u003ccite>(Nick Otto/AFP via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Tubbs was among the first to announce his campaign in 2024. Once a progressive star, he rose to political stardom 10 years ago as a young big city mayor who piloted a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2023/04/california-guaranteed-income/\">guaranteed income program\u003c/a> in Stockton.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ousted by a Republican newcomer, his political career seemed to fade and he went on to lead Mayors for a Guaranteed Income, an advocacy organization. It’s his first crack at public office since then, and he’s garnered support from progressive Democrats and the powerful union SEIU California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Longtime state lawmaker Romero is the leading Republican. Romero spent 12 years representing East Los Angeles in the state Legislature as a Democrat. She switched parties in 2024.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Higher education at the forefront\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The major Democratic candidates have struggled to set themselves apart on policy. Because the lieutenant governor sits on all three college governing boards, each has claimed they would work to make universities build more housing and lower tuition costs. This has included practical solutions from directing Federal Student Aid applicants to food assistance program CalFresh, to more far-fetched ones, such as free tuition for in-demand programs, such as nursing.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The lieutenant governor also sits on the commission responsible for millions of acres of public land. Fryday thinks identifying more undeveloped land to build student housing on will help lower tuition costs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ma wants Cal State universities, which rely heavily on state funding, to find other revenue sources through partnerships with private companies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At an April candidate debate in Los Angeles, Tubbs said he supports freezing tuition but did not elaborate on how he would make up the loss in revenue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Romero seeks greater transparency about faculty, salaries and housing allowances and would push for more student representation on the UC Board of Regents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To set themselves apart, the Democrats have leaned on their distinct backgrounds. Fryday has made clean energy a core part of his campaign as a former executive of a clean energy organization started by billionaire gubernatorial candidate Tom Steyer. Ma has framed the job as another bulwark against the Trump administration. Tubbs, who works as an unpaid economic adviser to Newsom, has focused on affordability and cutting tuition for low-income families.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This article was \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2026/06/california-primary-lieutenant-governor/\">originally published on CalMatters\u003c/a> and was republished under the \u003ca href=\"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/\">Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives\u003c/a> license.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "whos-backing-californias-next-governor-and-why",
"title": "Who’s Backing California’s Next Governor — and Why",
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"headTitle": "Who’s Backing California’s Next Governor — and Why | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was originally published by \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\">CalMatters\u003c/a>. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/subscribe-to-calmatters/\">Sign up\u003c/a> for their newsletters.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Campaign donations are both a measure of popular support and a sign of which candidates special interests believe they can influence. CalMatters analyzed campaign finance data in the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/california/governor\">California governor’s race.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here are five takeaways on where the money is coming from and where it’s going.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Outside money is shattering records\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>It’s a record-breaking election when it comes to spending by corporations and special interest groups trying to influence who becomes the next governor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Outside groups, which unlike candidates can receive unlimited donations, reported spending $79 million so far — more than double the amount spent through the November 2018 general election when Gavin Newsom won his first term.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Billionaire Tom Steyer is the biggest target: A political spending committee called California Is Not For Sale, funded by the state Realtors association, the California Chamber of Commerce, Pacific Gas & Electric and the state’s electrical workers’ union poured $32 million into ads opposing him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Steyer has \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2026/01/governor-steyer-electricity-rates/\">vowed to lower electricity bills\u003c/a> by challenging PG&E’s monopoly in much of Northern California. He’s also promised to pursue a ballot measure that would raise revenue for public services by requiring more accurate property tax assessments on business properties, a move that could upend the commercial real estate market.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of the same groups spending against Steyer are running ads for Xavier Becerra. Those groups — along with organizations representing doctors, contractors and several labor unions — have spent $13 million through PACs to boost Becerra.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12085252\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12085252\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/20260526-SteyerTownHall-JY-08_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/20260526-SteyerTownHall-JY-08_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/20260526-SteyerTownHall-JY-08_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/20260526-SteyerTownHall-JY-08_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">California Democratic gubernatorial candidate Tom Steyer answers questions during a town hall at KQED in San Francisco, Calif., on Tuesday, May 26, 2026.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Chevron, McDonald’s, dialysis giant DaVita and one of the state’s largest oil drillers, California Resources Corp., are funding one of the largest pro-Becerra groups, with each of them contributing $500,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meta and AirBnB chipped in about $1 million each and health insurance corporation Centene, which runs California-based HealthNet, put in $100,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Steyer is reveling in the spending against him, pointing to it as proof he’d stand up to utilities and big business. A climate activist, Steyer has highlighted Becerra’s support from Chevron.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The progressive unions California Nurses Association and United Domestic Workers have spent a comparatively modest $1.4 million on mailers and digital media boosting Steyer. Outside groups have also spent $1.8 million opposing Republican frontrunner Steve Hilton, a former Fox News host and British political strategist.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Mahan fizzles out\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The second-highest outside spending went to boost Mahan, the San Jose mayor and moderate Democrat who \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2026/01/governors-race-matt-mahan/\">entered the race late\u003c/a> to much fanfare from Silicon Valley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s tech billionaires urged Mahan to run and backed him with millions in donations and two independent spending committees. They were enamored with his platform of government efficiency and opposition to new taxes — positions that would shield them from the Legislature’s push to regulate tech and raise taxes on the wealthy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12081060\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12081060\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/FTP_9P3A3222_1_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/FTP_9P3A3222_1_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/FTP_9P3A3222_1_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/FTP_9P3A3222_1_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Matt Mahan, Democratic gubernatorial candidate for California, left, and Xavier Becerra, Democratic gubernatorial candidate for California, shake hands during a gubernatorial debate at KRON Studios in San Francisco, California, US, on Wednesday, April 22, 2026. California will hold its primary election on June 2, where the top two finishers advance to the general election in November regardless of party affiliation. \u003ccite>(Jason Henry/Nexstar/Bloomberg)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Donors included venture capitalists Michael Moritz and Brian Singerman, DoorDash CEO Tony Xu, Intuit founder Scott Cook, Google co-founder Sergey Brin and Los Angeles developer and former mayoral candidate Rick Caruso.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The committees spent nearly $22 million on ads supporting Mahan, significantly more than the $9 million his campaign has spent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the money wasn’t enough to overcome his significant disadvantage in name recognition as the first-term mayor of a city that doesn’t get much attention. Strategists told the committees’ backers they needed at least $45 million to make a difference.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of the PACs, California Back to Basics, last week returned $1 million from Netflix CEO Reed Hastings; Hastings cryptically posted on X that he hadn’t asked for the money back.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The refund was an acknowledgement that the committee hadn’t succeeded in raking in a final $10 to $15 million the billionaire backers hoped to raise in the last weeks of the campaign, committee spokesperson Matt Rodriguez said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Steyer spending breaking its own records\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Yet despite his opponents’ deep-pocketed donors, no one has matched the $213 million Steyer has spent on his own campaign, allowing him to blanket the airwaves with ads, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2026/05/california-governor-race-influencers/\">pay influencers to post videos with him\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.tomsteyer.com/press/chevron-s-500-000-plan-to-keep-6-gas-xavier-becerra\">send billboard trucks to drive around gas stations\u003c/a> highlighting Becerra’s Chevron support.[aside label=\"From the 2026 Voter Guide\" link1='https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/california/governor,Learn about the California Governor Election' hero=https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/80/2026/04/Aside-California-Governor-2026-Primary-Election-1200x1200@2x.png]That makes his the most expensive primary campaign in California gubernatorial history, exceeding that of former eBay executive Meg Whitman, a Republican who spent about $94 million in the June 2010 primary — about $142 million in today’s dollars — spending tens of millions more before losing to Jerry Brown in the general election.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Swalwell donors flocked to Becerra\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>DaVita, the California Medical Association and the California Professional Firefighters Association all supported former Rep. Eric Swalwell’s gubernatorial bid before he dropped out over sexual assault allegations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They were among the biggest Swalwell backers to quickly switch to Becerra, who has enjoyed \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2026/05/california-governor-becerra-criticism/\">surging support\u003c/a> from social media and the Democratic establishment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Small donors made a similar leap. The CalMatters analysis found that after Swalwell dropped out, more than 500 of his campaign donors went on to contribute to Becerra’s campaign. No other candidate received that much support from former Swalwell donors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Swalwell, who has also since resigned from Congress, continues to use his gubernatorial campaign to pay more than $313,000 to attorney Sara Azari, who is defending him against the allegations. He has also refunded about $250,000 to nearly 50 donors.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Republican Steve Hilton had the most donors\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The Republican frontrunner amassed the highest number of campaign donors in the race: more than 20,000. Nearly a quarter of them live outside California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The former Fox News host \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2026/04/california-governor-gop-candidates/\">seeks to slash state environmental regulations\u003c/a>, build housing on undeveloped suburban land and cut income taxes for the middle class. He received a slight uptick in donations after President Donald Trump endorsed him on April 6.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Katie Porter, the Democratic former congressmember from Orange County and consumer protection attorney, had the second-highest number of donors, with more than 15,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12081063\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12081063\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/FTP_9P3A3423_1_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/FTP_9P3A3423_1_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/FTP_9P3A3423_1_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/FTP_9P3A3423_1_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Steve Hilton, Republican gubernatorial candidate for California, during a gubernatorial debate at KRON Studios in San Francisco, California, US, on Wednesday, April 22, 2026. California will hold its primary election on June 2, where the top two finishers advance to the general election in November regardless of party affiliation. \u003ccite>(Jason Henry/Nexstar/Bloomberg)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>She also has the highest share of donors outside California, reflecting her relative national fame from her headline-grabbing time grilling corporate CEOs in Congress.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But fundraising stalled for \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2026/05/california-governor-race-katie-porter/\">the onetime progressive darling\u003c/a>, who touts her reliance on grassroots donors and refusal to take corporate contributions. From April 18 through May 19 she brought in less money than Mahan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This article was \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2026/05/california-governor-contributions-takeaways/\">originally published on CalMatters\u003c/a> and was republished under the \u003ca href=\"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/\">Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives\u003c/a> license.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Billionaires, Big Oil and other interests are spending big to influence the California governor’s race, making for the most expensive primary campaign in state history.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was originally published by \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\">CalMatters\u003c/a>. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/subscribe-to-calmatters/\">Sign up\u003c/a> for their newsletters.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Campaign donations are both a measure of popular support and a sign of which candidates special interests believe they can influence. CalMatters analyzed campaign finance data in the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/california/governor\">California governor’s race.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here are five takeaways on where the money is coming from and where it’s going.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Outside money is shattering records\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>It’s a record-breaking election when it comes to spending by corporations and special interest groups trying to influence who becomes the next governor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Outside groups, which unlike candidates can receive unlimited donations, reported spending $79 million so far — more than double the amount spent through the November 2018 general election when Gavin Newsom won his first term.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Billionaire Tom Steyer is the biggest target: A political spending committee called California Is Not For Sale, funded by the state Realtors association, the California Chamber of Commerce, Pacific Gas & Electric and the state’s electrical workers’ union poured $32 million into ads opposing him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Steyer has \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2026/01/governor-steyer-electricity-rates/\">vowed to lower electricity bills\u003c/a> by challenging PG&E’s monopoly in much of Northern California. He’s also promised to pursue a ballot measure that would raise revenue for public services by requiring more accurate property tax assessments on business properties, a move that could upend the commercial real estate market.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of the same groups spending against Steyer are running ads for Xavier Becerra. Those groups — along with organizations representing doctors, contractors and several labor unions — have spent $13 million through PACs to boost Becerra.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12085252\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12085252\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/20260526-SteyerTownHall-JY-08_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/20260526-SteyerTownHall-JY-08_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/20260526-SteyerTownHall-JY-08_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/20260526-SteyerTownHall-JY-08_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">California Democratic gubernatorial candidate Tom Steyer answers questions during a town hall at KQED in San Francisco, Calif., on Tuesday, May 26, 2026.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Chevron, McDonald’s, dialysis giant DaVita and one of the state’s largest oil drillers, California Resources Corp., are funding one of the largest pro-Becerra groups, with each of them contributing $500,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meta and AirBnB chipped in about $1 million each and health insurance corporation Centene, which runs California-based HealthNet, put in $100,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Steyer is reveling in the spending against him, pointing to it as proof he’d stand up to utilities and big business. A climate activist, Steyer has highlighted Becerra’s support from Chevron.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The progressive unions California Nurses Association and United Domestic Workers have spent a comparatively modest $1.4 million on mailers and digital media boosting Steyer. Outside groups have also spent $1.8 million opposing Republican frontrunner Steve Hilton, a former Fox News host and British political strategist.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Mahan fizzles out\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The second-highest outside spending went to boost Mahan, the San Jose mayor and moderate Democrat who \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2026/01/governors-race-matt-mahan/\">entered the race late\u003c/a> to much fanfare from Silicon Valley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s tech billionaires urged Mahan to run and backed him with millions in donations and two independent spending committees. They were enamored with his platform of government efficiency and opposition to new taxes — positions that would shield them from the Legislature’s push to regulate tech and raise taxes on the wealthy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12081060\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12081060\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/FTP_9P3A3222_1_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/FTP_9P3A3222_1_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/FTP_9P3A3222_1_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/FTP_9P3A3222_1_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Matt Mahan, Democratic gubernatorial candidate for California, left, and Xavier Becerra, Democratic gubernatorial candidate for California, shake hands during a gubernatorial debate at KRON Studios in San Francisco, California, US, on Wednesday, April 22, 2026. California will hold its primary election on June 2, where the top two finishers advance to the general election in November regardless of party affiliation. \u003ccite>(Jason Henry/Nexstar/Bloomberg)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Donors included venture capitalists Michael Moritz and Brian Singerman, DoorDash CEO Tony Xu, Intuit founder Scott Cook, Google co-founder Sergey Brin and Los Angeles developer and former mayoral candidate Rick Caruso.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The committees spent nearly $22 million on ads supporting Mahan, significantly more than the $9 million his campaign has spent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the money wasn’t enough to overcome his significant disadvantage in name recognition as the first-term mayor of a city that doesn’t get much attention. Strategists told the committees’ backers they needed at least $45 million to make a difference.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of the PACs, California Back to Basics, last week returned $1 million from Netflix CEO Reed Hastings; Hastings cryptically posted on X that he hadn’t asked for the money back.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The refund was an acknowledgement that the committee hadn’t succeeded in raking in a final $10 to $15 million the billionaire backers hoped to raise in the last weeks of the campaign, committee spokesperson Matt Rodriguez said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Steyer spending breaking its own records\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Yet despite his opponents’ deep-pocketed donors, no one has matched the $213 million Steyer has spent on his own campaign, allowing him to blanket the airwaves with ads, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2026/05/california-governor-race-influencers/\">pay influencers to post videos with him\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.tomsteyer.com/press/chevron-s-500-000-plan-to-keep-6-gas-xavier-becerra\">send billboard trucks to drive around gas stations\u003c/a> highlighting Becerra’s Chevron support.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>That makes his the most expensive primary campaign in California gubernatorial history, exceeding that of former eBay executive Meg Whitman, a Republican who spent about $94 million in the June 2010 primary — about $142 million in today’s dollars — spending tens of millions more before losing to Jerry Brown in the general election.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Swalwell donors flocked to Becerra\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>DaVita, the California Medical Association and the California Professional Firefighters Association all supported former Rep. Eric Swalwell’s gubernatorial bid before he dropped out over sexual assault allegations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They were among the biggest Swalwell backers to quickly switch to Becerra, who has enjoyed \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2026/05/california-governor-becerra-criticism/\">surging support\u003c/a> from social media and the Democratic establishment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Small donors made a similar leap. The CalMatters analysis found that after Swalwell dropped out, more than 500 of his campaign donors went on to contribute to Becerra’s campaign. No other candidate received that much support from former Swalwell donors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Swalwell, who has also since resigned from Congress, continues to use his gubernatorial campaign to pay more than $313,000 to attorney Sara Azari, who is defending him against the allegations. He has also refunded about $250,000 to nearly 50 donors.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Republican Steve Hilton had the most donors\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The Republican frontrunner amassed the highest number of campaign donors in the race: more than 20,000. Nearly a quarter of them live outside California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The former Fox News host \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2026/04/california-governor-gop-candidates/\">seeks to slash state environmental regulations\u003c/a>, build housing on undeveloped suburban land and cut income taxes for the middle class. He received a slight uptick in donations after President Donald Trump endorsed him on April 6.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Katie Porter, the Democratic former congressmember from Orange County and consumer protection attorney, had the second-highest number of donors, with more than 15,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12081063\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12081063\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/FTP_9P3A3423_1_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/FTP_9P3A3423_1_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/FTP_9P3A3423_1_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/FTP_9P3A3423_1_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Steve Hilton, Republican gubernatorial candidate for California, during a gubernatorial debate at KRON Studios in San Francisco, California, US, on Wednesday, April 22, 2026. California will hold its primary election on June 2, where the top two finishers advance to the general election in November regardless of party affiliation. \u003ccite>(Jason Henry/Nexstar/Bloomberg)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>She also has the highest share of donors outside California, reflecting her relative national fame from her headline-grabbing time grilling corporate CEOs in Congress.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But fundraising stalled for \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2026/05/california-governor-race-katie-porter/\">the onetime progressive darling\u003c/a>, who touts her reliance on grassroots donors and refusal to take corporate contributions. From April 18 through May 19 she brought in less money than Mahan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This article was \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2026/05/california-governor-contributions-takeaways/\">originally published on CalMatters\u003c/a> and was republished under the \u003ca href=\"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/\">Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives\u003c/a> license.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "california-judges-are-testing-a-new-ai-clerk-you-wont-know-if-its-looking-at-your-case",
"title": "California Judges Are Testing a New AI Clerk. You Won’t Know if It’s Looking at Your Case",
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"headTitle": "California Judges Are Testing a New AI Clerk. You Won’t Know if It’s Looking at Your Case | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003c!-- Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/ -->\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was originally published by \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\">CalMatters\u003c/a>. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/subscribe-to-calmatters/\">Sign up\u003c/a> for their newsletters.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two of California’s largest courts are testing an \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/artificial-intelligence\">AI tool\u003c/a> that can draft orders and produce research memos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Judges so far are using it primarily for civil cases, but documents obtained by CalMatters indicate the possibility of expanded applications in criminal cases, where people’s freedom and access to justice are on the line.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Los Angeles County Superior Court \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2026-03-18/ai-pilot-program-la-county-courts\">began a pilot program\u003c/a> in February to test a tool created by the company Learned Hand. Other courts may follow, according to Learned Hand founder and chief executive officer Shlomo Klapper.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Learned Hand uses a combination of language models from Anthropic, OpenAI and Google to act as an AI clerk for judges. The company says it tests for bias and accuracy, but it has not yet published results.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Riverside County, which has a $10,000 agreement with the company to test the program, civil and probate attorneys are primarily using the tool to draft research memos that help judges reach their decisions. It’s typical for research attorneys to assist judges as they review cases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Los Angeles County Superior Court has a roughly $314,000 contract that includes a roadmap to test the tool’s use in criminal, family and probate divisions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12079282\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1980px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12079282\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/GettyImages-2233287472.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1980\" height=\"1320\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/GettyImages-2233287472.jpg 1980w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/GettyImages-2233287472-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/GettyImages-2233287472-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1980px) 100vw, 1980px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Salesforce Tower is seen reflected in windows of 500 Howard Street, where AI firm Anthropic subleased Slack’s office, in downtown San Francisco, California on Oct. 19, 2023. \u003ccite>(Loren Elliott for The Washington Post via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Officials would not describe in detail to CalMatters the criteria they’re using to evaluate whether use of the tool can safely expand to criminal and family courts, where the stakes are often much higher than in civil cases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One judge who spoke to CalMatters on condition of anonymity due to judicial rules of conduct was alarmed when their colleagues at a recent luncheon said the technology could be used one day to evaluate appeals from people who believe their conviction or sentence was tainted by racial bias. California courts are handling a wave of those claims after lawmakers passed the Racial Justice Act in 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think it is outrageous,” said the Los Angeles County Superior Court judge. “AI cannot and never will be able to replace human judgment in evaluating complex social dynamics. Ultimately, that will erode the public’s confidence in the competence and fairness of the judiciary.”[aside postID=news_12084655 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/GavinNewsomAP.jpg']A majority of California’s superior courts now have generative AI use policies, according to documents obtained by CalMatters via public records requests, which they were required to create by the state Judicial Council before using the technology. Roughly a dozen of the 51 courts that have responded to CalMatters’ requests said they are using AI-powered tools from LexisNexis, Thomson Reuters, and Microsoft’s Copilot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Use of AI in courts has been controversial because of the propensity of AI models to cite falsehoods and to produce sycophantic text. Models from major companies like Google and Anthropic can \u003ca href=\"https://www.media.mit.edu/publications/your-brain-on-chatgpt/\">reduce critical thinking and brain activity\u003c/a>, according to a 2025 MIT study.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Language model hallucinations have already made it into the judicial system. Researcher Damien Charlotin has \u003ca href=\"https://www.damiencharlotin.com/hallucinations/\">documented hundreds of instances\u003c/a> of litigants, lawyers, and judges making mistakes when using AI to do their jobs including nearly 90 cases in state or federal courts based in California since August 2024.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last fall, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/economy/technology/2025/09/chatgpt-lawyer-fine-ai-regulation/\">a Los Angeles-based lawyer received a historic $10,000 fine\u003c/a> for citing cases that don’t exist, and earlier this month the \u003cem>Sacramento Bee\u003c/em> reported that use of AI led to errors in \u003ca href=\"https://www.sacbee.com/news/local/article315238766.html\">four cases handled by prosecutors in Nevada County\u003c/a>. Most of these cases involve lawyers or people who are representing themselves in court, but UCLA Law School professors predict that \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/economy/technology/2025/09/chatgpt-lawyer-fine-ai-regulation/\">more judges will make AI-fueled mistakes\u003c/a> in the future. In recent months,\u003ca href=\"https://www.judiciary.senate.gov/press/rep/releases/grassley-scrutinizes-federal-judges-apparent-ai-use-in-drafting-error-ridden-rulings\"> the U.S. Senate investigated federal judges\u003c/a> in Mississippi and New Jersey for drafting decisions with generative AI that had serious factual errors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Klapper, who previously worked as a clerk for a federal appeals court and for surveillance technology company Palantir, said the judiciary needs AI in order to reduce backlogs and increase efficiency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12085153\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1980px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12085153\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/GettyImages-2263718744.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1980\" height=\"1237\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/GettyImages-2263718744.jpg 1980w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/GettyImages-2263718744-160x100.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/GettyImages-2263718744-1536x960.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1980px) 100vw, 1980px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A view of the Los Angeles Superior Court at United States Court House on Feb. 26, 2026 in Los Angeles, California. \u003ccite>(Mario Tama/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Could we hire more people?” he told CalMatters. “Maybe, but it’s not going to keep pace with the exponential increase that’s coming, nor is it going to be able to adequately solve the crisis of today. I think the only solution is to give every single judge and staff attorney their own AI clerk.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Klapper said he’s aiming to combine the best parts of what human judges can do with the best parts of what machines bring to bear.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m not saying all machines aren’t biased,” he said. “I’m not saying my machine isn’t even biased. I’m saying we can test it and people have tested it. And that is the benefit over humans.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Generative AI use policies for the Los Angeles and Riverside County superior courts only require disclosure if a motion, decision, or other document is written entirely with generative AI.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both courts refused to say whether plaintiffs are aware that the tool is being tested on their cases. In a statement to CalMatters, a spokesperson for the Los Angeles County Superior Court said testing is done on motions that have already been decided, separate from live case environments. However, the contract allows for testing on live cases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is important to note that even with successful evaluation and thorough testing, the Court remains several months, if not years, away from implementing this type of tool,” said the spokesperson.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The contract allows the tool to be used for two critical motions in the criminal division: A motion to suppress, which is designed to determine what type of evidence the prosecution is allowed to present at trial, and motions for post conviction relief, which are filed by people who have already been convicted and want another shot at freedom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12085154\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1980px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12085154\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/GettyImages-2262710662.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1980\" height=\"1320\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/GettyImages-2262710662.jpg 1980w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/GettyImages-2262710662-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/GettyImages-2262710662-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1980px) 100vw, 1980px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Los Angeles County district attorney Nathan J. Hochman seen after the arraignment of Nick Reiner at the Los Angeles Superior Court in downtown Los Angeles, United States on Feb. 2026. \u003ccite>(Putman/Anadolu via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>That’s the “greatest concern” for Los Angeles County District Attorney Nathan Hochman. When he reviewed the contract, he referred to the motions as “two incredibly important motions in the criminal justice system.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you’re dealing with someone’s liberty — as opposed to in the civil setting, which is everything other than liberty — the stakes couldn’t be higher,” said Hochman. “I don’t want to take the chance, particularly in a criminal case, that AI happens to get it wrong. And now someone’s constitutional rights have been infringed. Someone has gone to prison who shouldn’t have, or on the flip side, that somehow someone gets off.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘An extremely perilous road’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In Los Angeles, some judges first heard about the new Learned Hand contract during a March presentation by Superior Court Judges Yvette Verastegui and Olivia Rosales. They lead the criminal branch and visit courthouses throughout the county as part of an annual roadshow, where they update judges on court operations, discuss workload and field questions. During a luncheon, Verastegui and Rosales said the tool could be used to assist with Racial Justice Act petitions in the future.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/justice/2024/11/california-racial-justice-act/\">California’s Racial Justice Act\u003c/a> allows people to challenge a criminal conviction or sentence that they believe was based upon racial bias. Petitions are filed directly to the court from people in state prison. If a case is found to have merit, the process includes appointing legal counsel, filing briefs and setting evidentiary hearings before a judge would decide whether to grant the petition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That process could look different with a tool like Learned Hand. Verastegui and Rosales explained that, following an incarcerated person’s petition, the tool could generate tentative decisions for judges to consider in denying or advancing cases to the next stages, according to one judge who attended the luncheon.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12037905\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12037905\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/20240324_SANTACLARASUPERIORCOURT_GC-2-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/20240324_SANTACLARASUPERIORCOURT_GC-2-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/20240324_SANTACLARASUPERIORCOURT_GC-2-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/20240324_SANTACLARASUPERIORCOURT_GC-2-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/20240324_SANTACLARASUPERIORCOURT_GC-2-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/20240324_SANTACLARASUPERIORCOURT_GC-2-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/20240324_SANTACLARASUPERIORCOURT_GC-2-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Santa Clara County Superior Court in San José on March 24, 2025. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“The concern, of course, that I have is that the courts will utilize that as a reference point and then get stuck to that initial analysis,” said the judge. “It’s an extremely perilous road to go down. Putting aside the inaccuracy, which will be a significant concern, it dehumanizes the whole process. It does not treat people as individuals with lived experiences. It essentially reimposes a one-size-fits-all style of justice.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A second Los Angeles Superior Court judge who spoke with CalMatters on the condition of anonymity remembered the presentation and said they would not trust nor use the tool to summarize a Racial Justice Act petition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AI can replicate or intensify patterns contained in the data used to make a model, including human biases. Large language models have a \u003ca href=\"https://hai.stanford.edu/news/covert-racism-ai-how-language-models-are-reinforcing-outdated-stereotypes\">history of demonstrating race and gender bias\u003c/a>, an analysis of predictive policing tech used by LAPD \u003ca href=\"https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2021/nov/07/lapd-predictive-policing-surveillance-reform\">found racial bias\u003c/a>, and an analysis of the risk assessment algorithm COMPAS found that it is \u003ca href=\"https://www.propublica.org/article/machine-bias-risk-assessments-in-criminal-sentencing\">more likely to label Black people as at risk of committing crimes\u003c/a> after incarceration than white people with a similar record.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Public defenders who spoke with CalMatters echoed those concerns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Elizabeth Lashley-Haynes, a deputy public defender at the Los Angeles County Public Defender’s Office, said it would be “highly problematic and bordering on unethical” for a judge to use the tool to review Racial Justice Act petitions, which she described as “incredibly nuanced.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’re like nothing else in the legal system that has ever really been done,” said Lashley-Haynes, who specializes in Racial Justice Act cases. “Words that are used in these cases that have racial undertones or racial meanings are way beyond the realm of anything that artificial intelligence could do.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12085155\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12085155\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/031225-MentalHealth-JAH-CM-11.jpeg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/031225-MentalHealth-JAH-CM-11.jpeg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/031225-MentalHealth-JAH-CM-11-160x107.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/031225-MentalHealth-JAH-CM-11-1536x1024.jpeg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Los Angeles County Superior Court’s Hollywood Courthouse, in Los Angeles, on March 12, 2025. \u003ccite>(Jules Hotz for CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In interviews with CalMatters, Klapper and Los Angeles County Superior Court Executive Officer, David Slayton, denied that the court has any plans to use the tool for Racial Justice Act petitions. A spokesperson for the Los Angeles Superior Court later confirmed in an email to CalMatters that the contract permits the tool to be used in such a way “but that possibility has not commenced in any way.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Klapper said if they were to build out a Racial Justice Act module, the tool would need to be evaluated for bias and co-developed with the court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The timing very fortuitous, right?” he said. “It’s a very fraught decision, I’m not going to lie…extremely high stakes — a scenario where I understand people might be very concerned. Especially with criminal, I have even more hesitancy, even more guardrails than normal about, because there are liberty interests at stake.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Extending beyond civil cases\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In Los Angeles, six superior court judges and their research attorneys are primarily using the Learned Hand tool to conduct research, summarize motions and assist in drafting tentative rulings, according to Slayton. He says the tool won’t move beyond the civil division “until the court leadership is comfortable.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The court is being very deliberate and careful about how we use technology like this,” he said. “So until we evaluate it and determine that it is effective in those areas, we will not extend it to other areas.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The tool will be evaluated on a quarterly basis to determine its future application, Slayton said, but he did not specify what kind of evaluation that entails. In an email to CalMatters, a spokesperson later said that Learned Hand is evaluated “against the same substantive expectations applied to law clerks and research attorneys: accurate legal research, sound analysis, neutral and judge-ready writing, and reliable work product that supports judicial decision-making.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12066914\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12066914\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/12/DonaldTrumpGetty1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1379\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/12/DonaldTrumpGetty1.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/12/DonaldTrumpGetty1-160x110.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/12/DonaldTrumpGetty1-1536x1059.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">U.S. President Donald Trump displays a signed executive order in the Oval Office of the White House on Dec. 11, 2025, in Washington, D.C. The executive order curbs states’ ability to regulate artificial intelligence, something for which the tech industry has been lobbying. \u003ccite>(Alex Wong/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Los Angeles County Superior Court Judge Samantha Jessner, who chairs the Judicial Technology Advisory Committee, said she was unaware of the possibility that the tool could eventually be used outside of the civil division until recently. Judges are not privy to contract negotiations due to certain ethical limitations, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think we have a duty and obligation to explore whether or not there is a place for artificial intelligence in what we do as a judicial branch and that’s exactly what this pilot is intended to afford us the opportunity to do,” said Jessner.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Riverside County Superior Court signed an agreement with Learned Hand in February. In emails obtained by CalMatters, Klapper proposed to two Riverside County Superior Court executives, Jason Galkin and Sarah Hodgson, that the court use the tool for a common civil court motion and “then expand quickly once we earn our stripes.” He suggested that Hodgson assemble a list of motions and workflows “that generate the most pain,” citing examples that included the Racial Justice Act.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Roughly two weeks later, Hodgson described the most laborious motions “that want to drive us into retirement,” including discovery motions and attorney fee motions. For criminal cases, the court suggested that Klapper focus on “things with the largest paper records,” citing death penalty habeas petitions and parole revocation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since the pilot started, seven civil and probate attorneys have been granted access to the tool. Galkin, the chief executive officer of the Riverside County Superior Court, said they are “kicking the tires on the product” to see what tasks it can do. The tool is not being used to draft tentative rulings, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11985952\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11985952\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/AP24134775174210-scaled-e1770337042768.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The OpenAI logo is seen on a mobile phone in front of a computer screen displaying output from ChatGPT, March 21, 2023, in Boston. OpenAI has introduced a new artificial intelligence model. It says it works faster than previous versions and can reason across text, audio and video in real time. \u003ccite>(Michael Dwyer/Associated Press)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We don’t even know if expansion is likely so there is no set criteria for what expansion might look like or thresholds for that because right now, the core question is: Does this help staff and does it advance what they’re trying to do in their roles?” said Galkin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As testing is underway, attorneys like Hochman say that use of AI is inevitable, but would be better suited for low-level, repetitive and routine tasks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s the analysis of the case itself, coupled with the conclusions that will be reached, that I’m very hesitant to trust AI at this point — in large part, because I don’t know all of the inputs that AI is using to make its decision. The only thing I’m 100% sure of is that AI didn’t go to law school,” said Hochman.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Cayla Mihalovich is a California Local News fellow.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This article was \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/economy/technology/2026/05/ai-los-angeles-riverside-courts/\">originally published on CalMatters\u003c/a> and was republished under the \u003ca href=\"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/\">Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives\u003c/a> license.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003c!-- Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/ -->\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was originally published by \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\">CalMatters\u003c/a>. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/subscribe-to-calmatters/\">Sign up\u003c/a> for their newsletters.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two of California’s largest courts are testing an \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/artificial-intelligence\">AI tool\u003c/a> that can draft orders and produce research memos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Judges so far are using it primarily for civil cases, but documents obtained by CalMatters indicate the possibility of expanded applications in criminal cases, where people’s freedom and access to justice are on the line.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Los Angeles County Superior Court \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2026-03-18/ai-pilot-program-la-county-courts\">began a pilot program\u003c/a> in February to test a tool created by the company Learned Hand. Other courts may follow, according to Learned Hand founder and chief executive officer Shlomo Klapper.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Learned Hand uses a combination of language models from Anthropic, OpenAI and Google to act as an AI clerk for judges. The company says it tests for bias and accuracy, but it has not yet published results.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Riverside County, which has a $10,000 agreement with the company to test the program, civil and probate attorneys are primarily using the tool to draft research memos that help judges reach their decisions. It’s typical for research attorneys to assist judges as they review cases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Los Angeles County Superior Court has a roughly $314,000 contract that includes a roadmap to test the tool’s use in criminal, family and probate divisions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12079282\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1980px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12079282\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/GettyImages-2233287472.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1980\" height=\"1320\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/GettyImages-2233287472.jpg 1980w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/GettyImages-2233287472-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/GettyImages-2233287472-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1980px) 100vw, 1980px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Salesforce Tower is seen reflected in windows of 500 Howard Street, where AI firm Anthropic subleased Slack’s office, in downtown San Francisco, California on Oct. 19, 2023. \u003ccite>(Loren Elliott for The Washington Post via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Officials would not describe in detail to CalMatters the criteria they’re using to evaluate whether use of the tool can safely expand to criminal and family courts, where the stakes are often much higher than in civil cases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One judge who spoke to CalMatters on condition of anonymity due to judicial rules of conduct was alarmed when their colleagues at a recent luncheon said the technology could be used one day to evaluate appeals from people who believe their conviction or sentence was tainted by racial bias. California courts are handling a wave of those claims after lawmakers passed the Racial Justice Act in 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think it is outrageous,” said the Los Angeles County Superior Court judge. “AI cannot and never will be able to replace human judgment in evaluating complex social dynamics. Ultimately, that will erode the public’s confidence in the competence and fairness of the judiciary.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>A majority of California’s superior courts now have generative AI use policies, according to documents obtained by CalMatters via public records requests, which they were required to create by the state Judicial Council before using the technology. Roughly a dozen of the 51 courts that have responded to CalMatters’ requests said they are using AI-powered tools from LexisNexis, Thomson Reuters, and Microsoft’s Copilot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Use of AI in courts has been controversial because of the propensity of AI models to cite falsehoods and to produce sycophantic text. Models from major companies like Google and Anthropic can \u003ca href=\"https://www.media.mit.edu/publications/your-brain-on-chatgpt/\">reduce critical thinking and brain activity\u003c/a>, according to a 2025 MIT study.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Language model hallucinations have already made it into the judicial system. Researcher Damien Charlotin has \u003ca href=\"https://www.damiencharlotin.com/hallucinations/\">documented hundreds of instances\u003c/a> of litigants, lawyers, and judges making mistakes when using AI to do their jobs including nearly 90 cases in state or federal courts based in California since August 2024.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last fall, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/economy/technology/2025/09/chatgpt-lawyer-fine-ai-regulation/\">a Los Angeles-based lawyer received a historic $10,000 fine\u003c/a> for citing cases that don’t exist, and earlier this month the \u003cem>Sacramento Bee\u003c/em> reported that use of AI led to errors in \u003ca href=\"https://www.sacbee.com/news/local/article315238766.html\">four cases handled by prosecutors in Nevada County\u003c/a>. Most of these cases involve lawyers or people who are representing themselves in court, but UCLA Law School professors predict that \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/economy/technology/2025/09/chatgpt-lawyer-fine-ai-regulation/\">more judges will make AI-fueled mistakes\u003c/a> in the future. In recent months,\u003ca href=\"https://www.judiciary.senate.gov/press/rep/releases/grassley-scrutinizes-federal-judges-apparent-ai-use-in-drafting-error-ridden-rulings\"> the U.S. Senate investigated federal judges\u003c/a> in Mississippi and New Jersey for drafting decisions with generative AI that had serious factual errors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Klapper, who previously worked as a clerk for a federal appeals court and for surveillance technology company Palantir, said the judiciary needs AI in order to reduce backlogs and increase efficiency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12085153\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1980px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12085153\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/GettyImages-2263718744.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1980\" height=\"1237\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/GettyImages-2263718744.jpg 1980w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/GettyImages-2263718744-160x100.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/GettyImages-2263718744-1536x960.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1980px) 100vw, 1980px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A view of the Los Angeles Superior Court at United States Court House on Feb. 26, 2026 in Los Angeles, California. \u003ccite>(Mario Tama/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Could we hire more people?” he told CalMatters. “Maybe, but it’s not going to keep pace with the exponential increase that’s coming, nor is it going to be able to adequately solve the crisis of today. I think the only solution is to give every single judge and staff attorney their own AI clerk.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Klapper said he’s aiming to combine the best parts of what human judges can do with the best parts of what machines bring to bear.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m not saying all machines aren’t biased,” he said. “I’m not saying my machine isn’t even biased. I’m saying we can test it and people have tested it. And that is the benefit over humans.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Generative AI use policies for the Los Angeles and Riverside County superior courts only require disclosure if a motion, decision, or other document is written entirely with generative AI.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both courts refused to say whether plaintiffs are aware that the tool is being tested on their cases. In a statement to CalMatters, a spokesperson for the Los Angeles County Superior Court said testing is done on motions that have already been decided, separate from live case environments. However, the contract allows for testing on live cases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is important to note that even with successful evaluation and thorough testing, the Court remains several months, if not years, away from implementing this type of tool,” said the spokesperson.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The contract allows the tool to be used for two critical motions in the criminal division: A motion to suppress, which is designed to determine what type of evidence the prosecution is allowed to present at trial, and motions for post conviction relief, which are filed by people who have already been convicted and want another shot at freedom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12085154\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1980px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12085154\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/GettyImages-2262710662.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1980\" height=\"1320\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/GettyImages-2262710662.jpg 1980w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/GettyImages-2262710662-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/GettyImages-2262710662-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1980px) 100vw, 1980px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Los Angeles County district attorney Nathan J. Hochman seen after the arraignment of Nick Reiner at the Los Angeles Superior Court in downtown Los Angeles, United States on Feb. 2026. \u003ccite>(Putman/Anadolu via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>That’s the “greatest concern” for Los Angeles County District Attorney Nathan Hochman. When he reviewed the contract, he referred to the motions as “two incredibly important motions in the criminal justice system.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you’re dealing with someone’s liberty — as opposed to in the civil setting, which is everything other than liberty — the stakes couldn’t be higher,” said Hochman. “I don’t want to take the chance, particularly in a criminal case, that AI happens to get it wrong. And now someone’s constitutional rights have been infringed. Someone has gone to prison who shouldn’t have, or on the flip side, that somehow someone gets off.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘An extremely perilous road’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In Los Angeles, some judges first heard about the new Learned Hand contract during a March presentation by Superior Court Judges Yvette Verastegui and Olivia Rosales. They lead the criminal branch and visit courthouses throughout the county as part of an annual roadshow, where they update judges on court operations, discuss workload and field questions. During a luncheon, Verastegui and Rosales said the tool could be used to assist with Racial Justice Act petitions in the future.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/justice/2024/11/california-racial-justice-act/\">California’s Racial Justice Act\u003c/a> allows people to challenge a criminal conviction or sentence that they believe was based upon racial bias. Petitions are filed directly to the court from people in state prison. If a case is found to have merit, the process includes appointing legal counsel, filing briefs and setting evidentiary hearings before a judge would decide whether to grant the petition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That process could look different with a tool like Learned Hand. Verastegui and Rosales explained that, following an incarcerated person’s petition, the tool could generate tentative decisions for judges to consider in denying or advancing cases to the next stages, according to one judge who attended the luncheon.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12037905\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12037905\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/20240324_SANTACLARASUPERIORCOURT_GC-2-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/20240324_SANTACLARASUPERIORCOURT_GC-2-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/20240324_SANTACLARASUPERIORCOURT_GC-2-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/20240324_SANTACLARASUPERIORCOURT_GC-2-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/20240324_SANTACLARASUPERIORCOURT_GC-2-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/20240324_SANTACLARASUPERIORCOURT_GC-2-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/20240324_SANTACLARASUPERIORCOURT_GC-2-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Santa Clara County Superior Court in San José on March 24, 2025. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“The concern, of course, that I have is that the courts will utilize that as a reference point and then get stuck to that initial analysis,” said the judge. “It’s an extremely perilous road to go down. Putting aside the inaccuracy, which will be a significant concern, it dehumanizes the whole process. It does not treat people as individuals with lived experiences. It essentially reimposes a one-size-fits-all style of justice.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A second Los Angeles Superior Court judge who spoke with CalMatters on the condition of anonymity remembered the presentation and said they would not trust nor use the tool to summarize a Racial Justice Act petition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AI can replicate or intensify patterns contained in the data used to make a model, including human biases. Large language models have a \u003ca href=\"https://hai.stanford.edu/news/covert-racism-ai-how-language-models-are-reinforcing-outdated-stereotypes\">history of demonstrating race and gender bias\u003c/a>, an analysis of predictive policing tech used by LAPD \u003ca href=\"https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2021/nov/07/lapd-predictive-policing-surveillance-reform\">found racial bias\u003c/a>, and an analysis of the risk assessment algorithm COMPAS found that it is \u003ca href=\"https://www.propublica.org/article/machine-bias-risk-assessments-in-criminal-sentencing\">more likely to label Black people as at risk of committing crimes\u003c/a> after incarceration than white people with a similar record.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Public defenders who spoke with CalMatters echoed those concerns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Elizabeth Lashley-Haynes, a deputy public defender at the Los Angeles County Public Defender’s Office, said it would be “highly problematic and bordering on unethical” for a judge to use the tool to review Racial Justice Act petitions, which she described as “incredibly nuanced.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’re like nothing else in the legal system that has ever really been done,” said Lashley-Haynes, who specializes in Racial Justice Act cases. “Words that are used in these cases that have racial undertones or racial meanings are way beyond the realm of anything that artificial intelligence could do.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12085155\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12085155\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/031225-MentalHealth-JAH-CM-11.jpeg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/031225-MentalHealth-JAH-CM-11.jpeg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/031225-MentalHealth-JAH-CM-11-160x107.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/031225-MentalHealth-JAH-CM-11-1536x1024.jpeg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Los Angeles County Superior Court’s Hollywood Courthouse, in Los Angeles, on March 12, 2025. \u003ccite>(Jules Hotz for CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In interviews with CalMatters, Klapper and Los Angeles County Superior Court Executive Officer, David Slayton, denied that the court has any plans to use the tool for Racial Justice Act petitions. A spokesperson for the Los Angeles Superior Court later confirmed in an email to CalMatters that the contract permits the tool to be used in such a way “but that possibility has not commenced in any way.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Klapper said if they were to build out a Racial Justice Act module, the tool would need to be evaluated for bias and co-developed with the court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The timing very fortuitous, right?” he said. “It’s a very fraught decision, I’m not going to lie…extremely high stakes — a scenario where I understand people might be very concerned. Especially with criminal, I have even more hesitancy, even more guardrails than normal about, because there are liberty interests at stake.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Extending beyond civil cases\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In Los Angeles, six superior court judges and their research attorneys are primarily using the Learned Hand tool to conduct research, summarize motions and assist in drafting tentative rulings, according to Slayton. He says the tool won’t move beyond the civil division “until the court leadership is comfortable.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The court is being very deliberate and careful about how we use technology like this,” he said. “So until we evaluate it and determine that it is effective in those areas, we will not extend it to other areas.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The tool will be evaluated on a quarterly basis to determine its future application, Slayton said, but he did not specify what kind of evaluation that entails. In an email to CalMatters, a spokesperson later said that Learned Hand is evaluated “against the same substantive expectations applied to law clerks and research attorneys: accurate legal research, sound analysis, neutral and judge-ready writing, and reliable work product that supports judicial decision-making.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12066914\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12066914\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/12/DonaldTrumpGetty1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1379\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/12/DonaldTrumpGetty1.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/12/DonaldTrumpGetty1-160x110.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/12/DonaldTrumpGetty1-1536x1059.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">U.S. President Donald Trump displays a signed executive order in the Oval Office of the White House on Dec. 11, 2025, in Washington, D.C. The executive order curbs states’ ability to regulate artificial intelligence, something for which the tech industry has been lobbying. \u003ccite>(Alex Wong/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Los Angeles County Superior Court Judge Samantha Jessner, who chairs the Judicial Technology Advisory Committee, said she was unaware of the possibility that the tool could eventually be used outside of the civil division until recently. Judges are not privy to contract negotiations due to certain ethical limitations, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think we have a duty and obligation to explore whether or not there is a place for artificial intelligence in what we do as a judicial branch and that’s exactly what this pilot is intended to afford us the opportunity to do,” said Jessner.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Riverside County Superior Court signed an agreement with Learned Hand in February. In emails obtained by CalMatters, Klapper proposed to two Riverside County Superior Court executives, Jason Galkin and Sarah Hodgson, that the court use the tool for a common civil court motion and “then expand quickly once we earn our stripes.” He suggested that Hodgson assemble a list of motions and workflows “that generate the most pain,” citing examples that included the Racial Justice Act.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Roughly two weeks later, Hodgson described the most laborious motions “that want to drive us into retirement,” including discovery motions and attorney fee motions. For criminal cases, the court suggested that Klapper focus on “things with the largest paper records,” citing death penalty habeas petitions and parole revocation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since the pilot started, seven civil and probate attorneys have been granted access to the tool. Galkin, the chief executive officer of the Riverside County Superior Court, said they are “kicking the tires on the product” to see what tasks it can do. The tool is not being used to draft tentative rulings, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11985952\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11985952\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/AP24134775174210-scaled-e1770337042768.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The OpenAI logo is seen on a mobile phone in front of a computer screen displaying output from ChatGPT, March 21, 2023, in Boston. OpenAI has introduced a new artificial intelligence model. It says it works faster than previous versions and can reason across text, audio and video in real time. \u003ccite>(Michael Dwyer/Associated Press)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We don’t even know if expansion is likely so there is no set criteria for what expansion might look like or thresholds for that because right now, the core question is: Does this help staff and does it advance what they’re trying to do in their roles?” said Galkin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As testing is underway, attorneys like Hochman say that use of AI is inevitable, but would be better suited for low-level, repetitive and routine tasks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s the analysis of the case itself, coupled with the conclusions that will be reached, that I’m very hesitant to trust AI at this point — in large part, because I don’t know all of the inputs that AI is using to make its decision. The only thing I’m 100% sure of is that AI didn’t go to law school,” said Hochman.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Cayla Mihalovich is a California Local News fellow.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This article was \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/economy/technology/2026/05/ai-los-angeles-riverside-courts/\">originally published on CalMatters\u003c/a> and was republished under the \u003ca href=\"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/\">Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives\u003c/a> license.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "feels-like-erasure-why-native-american-students-may-be-undercounted-by-90-in-california-schools",
"title": "‘Feels Like Erasure’: Why Native American Students May Be Undercounted by 90% in California Schools",
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"headTitle": "‘Feels Like Erasure’: Why Native American Students May Be Undercounted by 90% in California Schools | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was originally published by \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\">CalMatters\u003c/a>. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/subscribe-to-calmatters/\">Sign up\u003c/a> for their newsletters.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Celestina Castillo filled out the ethnicity forms at her children’s school, she’d always check \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/latino\">Latino\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/native-american\">Native American\u003c/a>. After all, the family is proud of both its heritages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But because of a loophole in the state’s data collection system, checking Latino or Hispanic meant that her children’s Native American identity was not counted at all, and they would not receive the extra services they’re entitled to. When Castillo learned of this, she stopped checking the Latino box altogether.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the arcane way California counts its 5.8 million students, students who say they are Hispanic and Native American get counted as solely Hispanic. Native American students who also identify as another race, such as Black, white or Asian, are counted as “two or more races,” not Native American.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The problem affects all multiracial students, but it’s especially pronounced among Native Americans because the majority are multiracial. It’s resulted in an undercount of Native American students by as much as 90%, advocates said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If someone is Black, or Asian, or white, they’re counted that way,” said Castillo, a director of a college learning center who lives in Los Angeles. “Why does it not count if someone is Native American? That’s not OK. It feels like erasure.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>More services, fewer stereotypes\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Last year, California schools said they had 24,822 Native American students, but the actual number may be as high as 156,000, according to an Assembly report on a new measure, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/bills/ca_202520260ab1581\">Assembly Bill 1581\u003c/a>, that seeks to fix the problem. If those students were identified, they’d be entitled to cultural services and other programs that could help them succeed in school.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A more accurate count could also change the public perception of Native Americans generally, according to Assemblymember James Ramos, the San Bernardino Democrat who authored the bill. Instead of being thought of as rare or even extinct, the public could see that Native Americans are everywhere, Ramos said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ll start to see the true picture of Native Americans in California,” said Ramos, a member of the Serrano/Cahuilla tribe. “Native American students should be able to stand up in the classroom and say who they are and be proud of it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Changes in the U.S. Census\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>There’s a long history of the government marginalizing Native Americans in California, particularly in schools. In the late 19th and 20th centuries, not long after \u003ca href=\"https://nahc.ca.gov/native-americans/california-indian-history/\">90% of California’s Native American population was murdered or killed by disease\u003c/a>, the federal government forced thousands of Native American children in California into \u003ca href=\"https://docs.house.gov/meetings/II/II24/20220512/114732/HHRG-117-II24-20220512-SD054.pdf?fbclid=IwZXh0bgNhZW0CMTEAAR0Rk4M_Oha8vdrx8seDjhPKAEDkJN1t4sIXtVHBvjqQz3uc3CFsKdO3aRE_aem_QNCcqOg4MiwccxyrqjJlfQ\">boarding schools\u003c/a>, where they were forced to speak English and abandon their cultures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Things started to change in 1970 when the U.S. Census Bureau started improving the way it counted Native Americans. Now, Native Americans can write in their tribal affiliation or list themselves as multiracial, and still be counted as Native American. Although Native Americans are \u003ca href=\"https://census.ca.gov/resource/tribal_gov/\">still undercounted\u003c/a> more than any other ethnic group, the census changes resulted in a tenfold increase in the official number of Native Americans in the U.S. In 1960, Native Americans only made up .3% of the population. In 2020, they were almost 3%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12084724\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12084724 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/092223-Native-American-Day-MG-CM-17.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/092223-Native-American-Day-MG-CM-17.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/092223-Native-American-Day-MG-CM-17-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/092223-Native-American-Day-MG-CM-17-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Indigenous studies materials at a booth for California State University during the California Native American Day celebration at the state Capitol in Sacramento on Sept. 22, 2023. \u003ccite>(Miguel Gutierrez Jr./CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The improved census data also revealed that California has more Native Americans than any other state. More than 760,000 people in California identify as Native American, with most living in urban areas like Los Angeles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ramos’ bill would allow Native American students to write in the name of their tribe on school forms and identify as Native American plus another race, if applicable. The hope is to give a more comprehensive, more nuanced view of California’s Native American student population, allowing them to get extra services regardless of their biracial identity. So far, the bill has no opposition.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘We’re in the modern world, too’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Shannon Rivers, who works on education issues for the Los Angeles-based California Native Vote Project, said an accurate count of Native Americans is essential to dispel stereotypes and bring public awareness to issues affecting Native American communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In the eyes of many Americans, there’s still this image of Native American people from the past, from the 1800s,” said Rivers, who is a member of the Akimel Oʼodham tribe in Arizona. “That history is important, but we’re in the modern world, too. We’re doctors, lawyers, scientists, artists, educators.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12040725\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12040725\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/041822-James-Ramos-RL-CM-01.jpg\" alt=\"A closeup side image of a man wearing glasses and a suit.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/041822-James-Ramos-RL-CM-01.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/041822-James-Ramos-RL-CM-01-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/041822-James-Ramos-RL-CM-01-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/041822-James-Ramos-RL-CM-01-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/041822-James-Ramos-RL-CM-01-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/041822-James-Ramos-RL-CM-01-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Assemblymember James Ramos, a Democrat from Rancho Cucamonga, speaks during an assembly floor meeting at the state Capitol in Sacramento, on April 18, 2022. \u003ccite>(Rahul Lal/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>He’s hopeful that Ramos’ bill will improve conditions generally for Native American students in California schools. With more accurate student counts, schools could get more \u003ca href=\"https://www.ed.gov/grants-and-programs/formula-grants/formula-grants-special-populations/indian-education-formula-grants-formula\">federal and state funding\u003c/a> to provide extra services, such as tutoring, to Native American children. More schools could host events and curriculum centered on Native American history and culture.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Ramos was growing up in San Bernardino, he remembers staring at the ethnicity form at school and not knowing what bubble to fill. His mother was Native American, but she was labeled “white” on her birth certificate. His father, also Native American, was labeled “Hispanic.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Were we white or Latino? I didn’t know. We had to accept whatever the school told us we were,” Ramos said. “I’d go home and ask, ‘Are we Caucasian?’ That started a whole other conversation. It was confusing.”[aside postID=news_12083595 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/02122026_LBR3_3SISGDN-86-KQED.jpg']Castillo, a descendant of the Tohono O’odham tribe in Arizona and Sonora, Mexico, said that as a child, she thought everyone was Native American. But when she started school, she realized that very few people identified as she did, and worse, it was stigmatized.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Years later, she saw her own children singled out as oddities. One day, her son, who had long hair, was dressed for a Native American dance, and another child pointed and said, “Look, Mom, it’s an Indian!”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My son felt like a dinosaur or a unicorn, like we didn’t exist,” Castillo said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By leaving the ethnicity question blank on school forms, Castillo knew it meant her children would not receive extra services they’re entitled to, either at the charter school they attend or through Los Angeles Unified.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That angered me,” Castillo said. “I’m hoping that this bill will help make Native students visible to local and state education policy makers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This article was \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/k-12-education/2026/05/native-american-students-california-2/\">originally published on CalMatters\u003c/a> and was republished under the \u003ca href=\"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/\">Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives\u003c/a> license.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Native American students who also identify as another race, such as Black, white or Asian, are counted as “two or more races,” not Native American.",
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"title": "‘Feels Like Erasure’: Why Native American Students May Be Undercounted by 90% in California Schools | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was originally published by \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\">CalMatters\u003c/a>. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/subscribe-to-calmatters/\">Sign up\u003c/a> for their newsletters.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Celestina Castillo filled out the ethnicity forms at her children’s school, she’d always check \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/latino\">Latino\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/native-american\">Native American\u003c/a>. After all, the family is proud of both its heritages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But because of a loophole in the state’s data collection system, checking Latino or Hispanic meant that her children’s Native American identity was not counted at all, and they would not receive the extra services they’re entitled to. When Castillo learned of this, she stopped checking the Latino box altogether.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the arcane way California counts its 5.8 million students, students who say they are Hispanic and Native American get counted as solely Hispanic. Native American students who also identify as another race, such as Black, white or Asian, are counted as “two or more races,” not Native American.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The problem affects all multiracial students, but it’s especially pronounced among Native Americans because the majority are multiracial. It’s resulted in an undercount of Native American students by as much as 90%, advocates said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If someone is Black, or Asian, or white, they’re counted that way,” said Castillo, a director of a college learning center who lives in Los Angeles. “Why does it not count if someone is Native American? That’s not OK. It feels like erasure.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>More services, fewer stereotypes\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Last year, California schools said they had 24,822 Native American students, but the actual number may be as high as 156,000, according to an Assembly report on a new measure, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/bills/ca_202520260ab1581\">Assembly Bill 1581\u003c/a>, that seeks to fix the problem. If those students were identified, they’d be entitled to cultural services and other programs that could help them succeed in school.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A more accurate count could also change the public perception of Native Americans generally, according to Assemblymember James Ramos, the San Bernardino Democrat who authored the bill. Instead of being thought of as rare or even extinct, the public could see that Native Americans are everywhere, Ramos said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ll start to see the true picture of Native Americans in California,” said Ramos, a member of the Serrano/Cahuilla tribe. “Native American students should be able to stand up in the classroom and say who they are and be proud of it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Changes in the U.S. Census\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>There’s a long history of the government marginalizing Native Americans in California, particularly in schools. In the late 19th and 20th centuries, not long after \u003ca href=\"https://nahc.ca.gov/native-americans/california-indian-history/\">90% of California’s Native American population was murdered or killed by disease\u003c/a>, the federal government forced thousands of Native American children in California into \u003ca href=\"https://docs.house.gov/meetings/II/II24/20220512/114732/HHRG-117-II24-20220512-SD054.pdf?fbclid=IwZXh0bgNhZW0CMTEAAR0Rk4M_Oha8vdrx8seDjhPKAEDkJN1t4sIXtVHBvjqQz3uc3CFsKdO3aRE_aem_QNCcqOg4MiwccxyrqjJlfQ\">boarding schools\u003c/a>, where they were forced to speak English and abandon their cultures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Things started to change in 1970 when the U.S. Census Bureau started improving the way it counted Native Americans. Now, Native Americans can write in their tribal affiliation or list themselves as multiracial, and still be counted as Native American. Although Native Americans are \u003ca href=\"https://census.ca.gov/resource/tribal_gov/\">still undercounted\u003c/a> more than any other ethnic group, the census changes resulted in a tenfold increase in the official number of Native Americans in the U.S. In 1960, Native Americans only made up .3% of the population. In 2020, they were almost 3%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12084724\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12084724 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/092223-Native-American-Day-MG-CM-17.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/092223-Native-American-Day-MG-CM-17.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/092223-Native-American-Day-MG-CM-17-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/092223-Native-American-Day-MG-CM-17-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Indigenous studies materials at a booth for California State University during the California Native American Day celebration at the state Capitol in Sacramento on Sept. 22, 2023. \u003ccite>(Miguel Gutierrez Jr./CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The improved census data also revealed that California has more Native Americans than any other state. More than 760,000 people in California identify as Native American, with most living in urban areas like Los Angeles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ramos’ bill would allow Native American students to write in the name of their tribe on school forms and identify as Native American plus another race, if applicable. The hope is to give a more comprehensive, more nuanced view of California’s Native American student population, allowing them to get extra services regardless of their biracial identity. So far, the bill has no opposition.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘We’re in the modern world, too’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Shannon Rivers, who works on education issues for the Los Angeles-based California Native Vote Project, said an accurate count of Native Americans is essential to dispel stereotypes and bring public awareness to issues affecting Native American communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In the eyes of many Americans, there’s still this image of Native American people from the past, from the 1800s,” said Rivers, who is a member of the Akimel Oʼodham tribe in Arizona. “That history is important, but we’re in the modern world, too. We’re doctors, lawyers, scientists, artists, educators.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12040725\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12040725\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/041822-James-Ramos-RL-CM-01.jpg\" alt=\"A closeup side image of a man wearing glasses and a suit.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/041822-James-Ramos-RL-CM-01.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/041822-James-Ramos-RL-CM-01-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/041822-James-Ramos-RL-CM-01-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/041822-James-Ramos-RL-CM-01-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/041822-James-Ramos-RL-CM-01-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/041822-James-Ramos-RL-CM-01-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Assemblymember James Ramos, a Democrat from Rancho Cucamonga, speaks during an assembly floor meeting at the state Capitol in Sacramento, on April 18, 2022. \u003ccite>(Rahul Lal/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>He’s hopeful that Ramos’ bill will improve conditions generally for Native American students in California schools. With more accurate student counts, schools could get more \u003ca href=\"https://www.ed.gov/grants-and-programs/formula-grants/formula-grants-special-populations/indian-education-formula-grants-formula\">federal and state funding\u003c/a> to provide extra services, such as tutoring, to Native American children. More schools could host events and curriculum centered on Native American history and culture.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Ramos was growing up in San Bernardino, he remembers staring at the ethnicity form at school and not knowing what bubble to fill. His mother was Native American, but she was labeled “white” on her birth certificate. His father, also Native American, was labeled “Hispanic.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Were we white or Latino? I didn’t know. We had to accept whatever the school told us we were,” Ramos said. “I’d go home and ask, ‘Are we Caucasian?’ That started a whole other conversation. It was confusing.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Castillo, a descendant of the Tohono O’odham tribe in Arizona and Sonora, Mexico, said that as a child, she thought everyone was Native American. But when she started school, she realized that very few people identified as she did, and worse, it was stigmatized.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Years later, she saw her own children singled out as oddities. One day, her son, who had long hair, was dressed for a Native American dance, and another child pointed and said, “Look, Mom, it’s an Indian!”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My son felt like a dinosaur or a unicorn, like we didn’t exist,” Castillo said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By leaving the ethnicity question blank on school forms, Castillo knew it meant her children would not receive extra services they’re entitled to, either at the charter school they attend or through Los Angeles Unified.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That angered me,” Castillo said. “I’m hoping that this bill will help make Native students visible to local and state education policy makers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This article was \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/k-12-education/2026/05/native-american-students-california-2/\">originally published on CalMatters\u003c/a> and was republished under the \u003ca href=\"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/\">Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives\u003c/a> license.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "6-people-have-died-in-california-ice-detention-centers-as-trump-deportations-soared",
"title": "6 People Have Died in California ICE Detention Centers as Trump Deportations Soared",
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"headTitle": "6 People Have Died in California ICE Detention Centers as Trump Deportations Soared | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was originally published by \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\">CalMatters\u003c/a>. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/subscribe-to-calmatters/\">Sign up\u003c/a> for their newsletters.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Six people died in California immigration detention centers over the past year as the crowded sites struggled to provide basic medical care, \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/system/files/media/immigration-detention-2026.pdf\">according to a new state investigation\u003c/a> detailing conditions inside the facilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 175-page report released Friday offers the most detailed look to date inside the detention centers that are often in remote areas of the state and hard to access for attorneys, families, and advocates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It documents the highest death toll since the state began conducting inspections of the centers seven years ago. In 2024, there were zero deaths in California detention centers, according to \u003ca href=\"https://www.aila.org/library/deaths-at-adult-detention-centers#2024\">the American Immigration Lawyers Association’s list\u003c/a> of Immigration and Customs Enforcement press releases tracking them, and the Attorney General’s office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The deaths occurred as the Trump administration carried out a mass deportation campaign — starting in Los Angeles — that drove up the population inside detention centers by more than 150%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eighteen people have died in facilities this year across the country, around one person a week. Since the start of the Trump administration, 48 people have died in detention. A study published last month in the Journal of the American Medical Association found that \u003ca href=\"https://abcnews.com/US/death-rates-ice-detention-facilities-raise-concerns-health/story?id=132121020&fbclid=IwY2xjawRXSpdleHRuA2FlbQIxMQBicmlkETF3OGVjYm41aU9MWE9hbkJac3J0YwZhcHBfaWQQMjIyMDM5MTc4ODIwMDg5MgABHqpFKVbh67fbaU_KYip5crI7kGL6tZ4XWBOeVktgP5jX5_bFcCXZkspop7jA_aem_ltdTyAvHCtAmn9ZNK3mOyQ\">the current rate is nearly seven times higher than fiscal year 2023 levels\u003c/a> at 88.9 per 100,000 people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, four of the deaths occurred at the Adelanto ICE Processing Center in San Bernardino County. Two other people died at the Imperial Regional Detention Facility near the U.S.-Mexico border in Calexico. In all four of the Adelanto cases, families of the deceased allege the facility failed to provide adequate medical care, the report states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11891235\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11891235\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/GettyImages-450371215-scaled-e1769711263847.jpg\" alt=\"On a modern, low-slung building with no windows, a big sign reading 'GEO' hangs on an exterior wall.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">This U.S. immigration processing center in Adelanto, California, is operated by GEO Group, a Florida-based company specializing in privatized corrections. \u003ccite>(John Moore/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The Department of Homeland Security called the allegations in the lawsuit about the conditions inside Adelanto false.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“ICE is regularly audited and inspected by external agencies to ensure that ICE facilities comply with performance-based national detention standards,” a then-spokesperson for DHS said when the lawsuit was filed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CalMatters reached out to ICE and the three private prison companies that operate facilities in California. ICE, GEO Group, MTC and Core Civic did not immediately respond to a request for responses to the AG’s report.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The inspections by the California Department of Justice are required under \u003ca href=\"https://legiscan.com/CA/text/AB103/id/1637414\">a 2017 law enacted\u003c/a> in response to concerns about conditions. Investigators and medical experts did two-day site visits at each facility and interviewed 194 people from more than 120 countries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State inspectors interviewed 194 detainees for the new report, making it one of the largest reviews of its kind, between July and November 2025.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, inspectors focused on lapses in mental health care across the six facilities operating in California in the early months of the second Trump administration. This year, state investigators drilled in on how the dramatic surge in detainee populations strained conditions and access to medical care at all of the facilities now operating across California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some detainees described only having beans and bread to eat, which gave them diarrhea, and extremely cold temperatures that caused them to try to turn their socks into extra arm sleeves. At one facility, investigators documented not enough toilets to serve the population, with detainees reporting dirty bathrooms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12070623\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12070623 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/AP26020826398216-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/AP26020826398216-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/AP26020826398216-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/AP26020826398216-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A guard walks to the entrance of an immigration detention center on Jan. 20, 2026, in California City, California. \u003ccite>(Marcio Jose Sanchez/AP Photo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>State investigators wrote that the detention centers had not increased medical staffing to match the dramatic rise in the number of detainees. At a new detention center that opened in a former state prison in California City last year, investigators described “crisis-level” medical staffing that contributed to delays in care. At the time, the center had only one physician for nearly 1,000 detainees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several detainees cried as they relayed the conditions of their confinement in California City to state investigators. Most of the people detained have not been convicted of any crime.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is cruel, inhumane, and unacceptable,” said California Attorney General Rob Bonta, adding that his office “worked tirelessly to shine a light” on the conditions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All of the detention centers are managed by private companies under contracts with the federal government. State investigators wrote that the companies and the federal agency are failing to meet their own standards of care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The federal government and facility operators have a significant choice before them: to reform their practices and bring these facilities into compliance or to continue their noncompliant policy of prioritizing detention over safety, which likely will lead to dire human and legal consequences,” the state report said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Diminished civil rights protections\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>State investigators also described in their report how the Trump administration is rolling back federal protections for detainees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since January 2025, the federal government has defunded legal programs to inform people of their rights, shut down Department of Homeland Security civil rights oversight offices, and stopped protections for transgender detainees, the report states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Immigration and Customs Enforcement stopped including congressionally mandated data on transgender people in its biweekly statistical reports in February 2025, the report says. The agency also removed from its website a policy memo that committed the agency to creating a safe environment for transgender people.[aside postID=news_12083600 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/260514-GILROY-ICE-ADE-02-KQED.jpg']Loba, a transgender woman from El Salvador who was detained at California City for six months in 2025, told CalMatters she experienced traumatizing sexual harassment and intimidation from guards while being housed in the male dorms. She asked CalMatters to only identify her by her first name because she fears retaliation for speaking about the conditions and for her safety in her home country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The situation was so stressful, she said, that she finally decided to sign her voluntary departure paperwork to go back home to El Salvador.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That is absolutely the reason,” she said. “I have been fighting my immigration case for two years, and then after not being around my community and the lack of support for the LGBTQ+ community inside detention centers, and then being a victim of harassment, it was really intimidating. It was very traumatizing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The report also looked into other complaints raised by detainees and their families.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During one incident at Adelanto, a person reported to state inspectors that guards deployed pepper spray in a confined room holding about 50 people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the Otay Mesa Detention Center in San Diego, investigators flagged concerns about strip-searching. The report states Otay Mesa is the only facility in California that has a policy of strip-searching detainees after every visit they have with someone who is not a lawyer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Women described the searches as “humiliating” and “denigrating” after being searched in front of male officers, sometimes even while menstruating. Both males and females described feeling “violated” by the practice. One person told inspectors they had stopped visiting their family altogether to avoid the searches.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Two new detention centers\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>At the time of the investigators’ visits, 6,028 people were held in immigration detention in California. That was up 162% from the 2,300 held during inspections in 2023. \u003ca href=\"https://tracreports.org/immigration/quickfacts/\">California has the third highest ICE detainee population, behind Texas and Louisiana. \u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California is also home to two of the seven largest facilities nationwide. Detainees in California were mostly from Mexico, India, Guatemala, El Salvador, China, Russia, Cuba, Colombia, Venezuela, and Honduras.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12054610\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12054610 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/CoreCivicKernCountyGetty.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/CoreCivicKernCountyGetty.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/CoreCivicKernCountyGetty-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/CoreCivicKernCountyGetty-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The CoreCivic, Inc. California City Immigration Processing Center stands in the Kern County desert in California City, California, on July 10, 2025. \u003ccite>(Patrick T. Fallon/AFP via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>California Democrats during both of Trump’s terms have adopted policies that were meant to block the detention centers from operating. In 2019, California tried to ban private for-profit detention centers from operating in the state, but GEO Group, one of the major private prison operators, successfully sued to stop it. The 9th Circuit Court of Appeals ruled the ban violates the Constitution’s Supremacy Clause by preventing the federal government from conducting immigration enforcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ICE opened two detention centers in California over the past year, first the one in California City and then one in McFarland called Central Valley Annex. It began receiving detainees in April 2026 while the report was being finalized, but the state says it will begin monitoring that detention center as well. Both of the sites were previously used to hold state prison inmates under contracts with California’s corrections system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This year California Democrats are carrying a range of bills to push back against the Trump administration’s immigration crackdown. One by Assemblymember Matt Haney, a San Francisco Democrat, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/bills/ca_202520260ab1633\">would tax detention facilities\u003c/a>, with the funds going towards immigrant rights groups, effectively making it unprofitable to keep detention centers in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State Sen. María Elena Durazo, a Democrat from Los Angeles, also introduced a bill to extend the state Department of Justice’s authority to conduct inspections at the detention centers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This article was \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/justice/2026/05/ice-detention-centers-state-inspections/\">originally published on CalMatters\u003c/a> and was republished under the \u003ca href=\"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/\">Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives\u003c/a> license.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "The Trump administration immigration crackdown swelled the population inside California’s immigrant detention centers. State investigators in a report described strained medical resources inside the sites.",
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"title": "6 People Have Died in California ICE Detention Centers as Trump Deportations Soared | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was originally published by \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\">CalMatters\u003c/a>. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/subscribe-to-calmatters/\">Sign up\u003c/a> for their newsletters.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Six people died in California immigration detention centers over the past year as the crowded sites struggled to provide basic medical care, \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/system/files/media/immigration-detention-2026.pdf\">according to a new state investigation\u003c/a> detailing conditions inside the facilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 175-page report released Friday offers the most detailed look to date inside the detention centers that are often in remote areas of the state and hard to access for attorneys, families, and advocates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It documents the highest death toll since the state began conducting inspections of the centers seven years ago. In 2024, there were zero deaths in California detention centers, according to \u003ca href=\"https://www.aila.org/library/deaths-at-adult-detention-centers#2024\">the American Immigration Lawyers Association’s list\u003c/a> of Immigration and Customs Enforcement press releases tracking them, and the Attorney General’s office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The deaths occurred as the Trump administration carried out a mass deportation campaign — starting in Los Angeles — that drove up the population inside detention centers by more than 150%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eighteen people have died in facilities this year across the country, around one person a week. Since the start of the Trump administration, 48 people have died in detention. A study published last month in the Journal of the American Medical Association found that \u003ca href=\"https://abcnews.com/US/death-rates-ice-detention-facilities-raise-concerns-health/story?id=132121020&fbclid=IwY2xjawRXSpdleHRuA2FlbQIxMQBicmlkETF3OGVjYm41aU9MWE9hbkJac3J0YwZhcHBfaWQQMjIyMDM5MTc4ODIwMDg5MgABHqpFKVbh67fbaU_KYip5crI7kGL6tZ4XWBOeVktgP5jX5_bFcCXZkspop7jA_aem_ltdTyAvHCtAmn9ZNK3mOyQ\">the current rate is nearly seven times higher than fiscal year 2023 levels\u003c/a> at 88.9 per 100,000 people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, four of the deaths occurred at the Adelanto ICE Processing Center in San Bernardino County. Two other people died at the Imperial Regional Detention Facility near the U.S.-Mexico border in Calexico. In all four of the Adelanto cases, families of the deceased allege the facility failed to provide adequate medical care, the report states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11891235\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11891235\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/GettyImages-450371215-scaled-e1769711263847.jpg\" alt=\"On a modern, low-slung building with no windows, a big sign reading 'GEO' hangs on an exterior wall.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">This U.S. immigration processing center in Adelanto, California, is operated by GEO Group, a Florida-based company specializing in privatized corrections. \u003ccite>(John Moore/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The Department of Homeland Security called the allegations in the lawsuit about the conditions inside Adelanto false.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“ICE is regularly audited and inspected by external agencies to ensure that ICE facilities comply with performance-based national detention standards,” a then-spokesperson for DHS said when the lawsuit was filed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CalMatters reached out to ICE and the three private prison companies that operate facilities in California. ICE, GEO Group, MTC and Core Civic did not immediately respond to a request for responses to the AG’s report.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The inspections by the California Department of Justice are required under \u003ca href=\"https://legiscan.com/CA/text/AB103/id/1637414\">a 2017 law enacted\u003c/a> in response to concerns about conditions. Investigators and medical experts did two-day site visits at each facility and interviewed 194 people from more than 120 countries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State inspectors interviewed 194 detainees for the new report, making it one of the largest reviews of its kind, between July and November 2025.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, inspectors focused on lapses in mental health care across the six facilities operating in California in the early months of the second Trump administration. This year, state investigators drilled in on how the dramatic surge in detainee populations strained conditions and access to medical care at all of the facilities now operating across California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some detainees described only having beans and bread to eat, which gave them diarrhea, and extremely cold temperatures that caused them to try to turn their socks into extra arm sleeves. At one facility, investigators documented not enough toilets to serve the population, with detainees reporting dirty bathrooms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12070623\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12070623 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/AP26020826398216-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/AP26020826398216-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/AP26020826398216-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/AP26020826398216-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A guard walks to the entrance of an immigration detention center on Jan. 20, 2026, in California City, California. \u003ccite>(Marcio Jose Sanchez/AP Photo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>State investigators wrote that the detention centers had not increased medical staffing to match the dramatic rise in the number of detainees. At a new detention center that opened in a former state prison in California City last year, investigators described “crisis-level” medical staffing that contributed to delays in care. At the time, the center had only one physician for nearly 1,000 detainees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several detainees cried as they relayed the conditions of their confinement in California City to state investigators. Most of the people detained have not been convicted of any crime.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is cruel, inhumane, and unacceptable,” said California Attorney General Rob Bonta, adding that his office “worked tirelessly to shine a light” on the conditions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All of the detention centers are managed by private companies under contracts with the federal government. State investigators wrote that the companies and the federal agency are failing to meet their own standards of care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The federal government and facility operators have a significant choice before them: to reform their practices and bring these facilities into compliance or to continue their noncompliant policy of prioritizing detention over safety, which likely will lead to dire human and legal consequences,” the state report said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Diminished civil rights protections\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>State investigators also described in their report how the Trump administration is rolling back federal protections for detainees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since January 2025, the federal government has defunded legal programs to inform people of their rights, shut down Department of Homeland Security civil rights oversight offices, and stopped protections for transgender detainees, the report states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Immigration and Customs Enforcement stopped including congressionally mandated data on transgender people in its biweekly statistical reports in February 2025, the report says. The agency also removed from its website a policy memo that committed the agency to creating a safe environment for transgender people.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Loba, a transgender woman from El Salvador who was detained at California City for six months in 2025, told CalMatters she experienced traumatizing sexual harassment and intimidation from guards while being housed in the male dorms. She asked CalMatters to only identify her by her first name because she fears retaliation for speaking about the conditions and for her safety in her home country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The situation was so stressful, she said, that she finally decided to sign her voluntary departure paperwork to go back home to El Salvador.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That is absolutely the reason,” she said. “I have been fighting my immigration case for two years, and then after not being around my community and the lack of support for the LGBTQ+ community inside detention centers, and then being a victim of harassment, it was really intimidating. It was very traumatizing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The report also looked into other complaints raised by detainees and their families.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During one incident at Adelanto, a person reported to state inspectors that guards deployed pepper spray in a confined room holding about 50 people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the Otay Mesa Detention Center in San Diego, investigators flagged concerns about strip-searching. The report states Otay Mesa is the only facility in California that has a policy of strip-searching detainees after every visit they have with someone who is not a lawyer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Women described the searches as “humiliating” and “denigrating” after being searched in front of male officers, sometimes even while menstruating. Both males and females described feeling “violated” by the practice. One person told inspectors they had stopped visiting their family altogether to avoid the searches.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Two new detention centers\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>At the time of the investigators’ visits, 6,028 people were held in immigration detention in California. That was up 162% from the 2,300 held during inspections in 2023. \u003ca href=\"https://tracreports.org/immigration/quickfacts/\">California has the third highest ICE detainee population, behind Texas and Louisiana. \u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California is also home to two of the seven largest facilities nationwide. Detainees in California were mostly from Mexico, India, Guatemala, El Salvador, China, Russia, Cuba, Colombia, Venezuela, and Honduras.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12054610\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12054610 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/CoreCivicKernCountyGetty.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/CoreCivicKernCountyGetty.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/CoreCivicKernCountyGetty-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/CoreCivicKernCountyGetty-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The CoreCivic, Inc. California City Immigration Processing Center stands in the Kern County desert in California City, California, on July 10, 2025. \u003ccite>(Patrick T. Fallon/AFP via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>California Democrats during both of Trump’s terms have adopted policies that were meant to block the detention centers from operating. In 2019, California tried to ban private for-profit detention centers from operating in the state, but GEO Group, one of the major private prison operators, successfully sued to stop it. The 9th Circuit Court of Appeals ruled the ban violates the Constitution’s Supremacy Clause by preventing the federal government from conducting immigration enforcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ICE opened two detention centers in California over the past year, first the one in California City and then one in McFarland called Central Valley Annex. It began receiving detainees in April 2026 while the report was being finalized, but the state says it will begin monitoring that detention center as well. Both of the sites were previously used to hold state prison inmates under contracts with California’s corrections system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This year California Democrats are carrying a range of bills to push back against the Trump administration’s immigration crackdown. One by Assemblymember Matt Haney, a San Francisco Democrat, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/bills/ca_202520260ab1633\">would tax detention facilities\u003c/a>, with the funds going towards immigrant rights groups, effectively making it unprofitable to keep detention centers in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State Sen. María Elena Durazo, a Democrat from Los Angeles, also introduced a bill to extend the state Department of Justice’s authority to conduct inspections at the detention centers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This article was \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/justice/2026/05/ice-detention-centers-state-inspections/\">originally published on CalMatters\u003c/a> and was republished under the \u003ca href=\"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/\">Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives\u003c/a> license.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "Former Newsom Chief of Staff Pleads Guilty to Scheme That Bled Money From Becerra’s Account",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was originally published by \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\">CalMatters\u003c/a>. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/subscribe-to-calmatters/\">Sign up\u003c/a> for their newsletters.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A former political consultant for Democratic frontrunner for governor \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/xavier-becerra\">Xavier Becerra\u003c/a> and ex-aide to Gov. Gavin Newsom pleaded guilty Thursday to conspiracy to commit bank and wire fraud, submitting a false tax return and lying to federal investigators.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The consultant, Dana Williamson, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2025/11/newsom-chief-of-staff-indicted/\">was charged in a corruption scandal\u003c/a> that shocked Sacramento. Following an investigation that included FBI wiretaps and seized communications, prosecutors accused Williamson of conspiring with Becerra’s longtime chief of staff Sean McCluskie and another Sacramento lobbyist to divert $225,000 from Becerra’s dormant state campaign account into McCluskie’s hands.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As part of the plea deal, Williamson agreed to pay $225,000 in restitution to Becerra and $500,000 in restitution to the IRS. She faces up to 38 years in prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Williamson’s plea comes just over two weeks before the primary election that will determine whether Becerra advances to the November election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the indictment, the money was to help McCluskie follow Becerra to Washington when he was named U.S. secretary of Health and Human Services in the Biden administration. McCluskie’s job there offered a lower salary.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prosecutors say the Democratic operatives charged Becerra’s dormant campaign account $10,000 a month under the guise of maintaining it for legal compliance, but instead routed it to McCluskie in violation of federal laws prohibiting federal employees from being involved in campaign activities. The investigation was launched during the Biden administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12074138\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12074138\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260220-XAVIER-BECERRA-ON-PB-MD-04_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260220-XAVIER-BECERRA-ON-PB-MD-04_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260220-XAVIER-BECERRA-ON-PB-MD-04_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260220-XAVIER-BECERRA-ON-PB-MD-04_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Former United States Secretary of Health and Human Services Xavier Becerra speaks with Scott Shafer on Political Breakdown at KQED in San Francisco on Feb. 20, 2026. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>McCluskie and the other lobbyist, Greg Campbell, pleaded guilty to fraud in the case. Williamson also faced a variety of tax evasion charges and was accused of fraudulently obtaining federal COVID-19 benefits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The plea deal brings to a close a case that has loomed over \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2026/05/california-governor-becerra-criticism/\">Becerra’s recently revitalized campaign\u003c/a> for governor. It’s unclear whether it will have any effect on the crowded race, in which Becerra is one of \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2026/03/california-governor-candidates/\">six Democrats vying for the seat\u003c/a> that Newsom is vacating; two Republicans also are in the running.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The timing of the agreement is unusual. Federal prosecutors typically avoid pursuing political cases within 60 days of an election under a Justice Department custom designed to prevent interference that could advantage or disadvantage candidates. Voters have already begun turning in their ballots in the gubernatorial race.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Federal prosecutor Michael Anderson told U.S. District Court Judge Troy Nunley the plea was the result of months of negotiations between prosecutors and Williamson. Williamson had previously rejected one plea offer and made a counter-offer, Anderson said, calling the agreement the “most favorable” outcome for both parties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Campbell and McCluskie are scheduled to be sentenced June 4, two days after the primary election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Becerra was lagging in polling and fundraising until former Rep. Eric Swalwell dropped out over sexual assault allegations in early April, when he suddenly shot into the lead as \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2026/04/swalwell-congress-resignation/\">anxious Democratic voters searched\u003c/a> for a candidate to coalesce around.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Williamson’s case is one of several critiques opponents have seized upon in debates and negative ads to call into question Becerra’s judgment and fitness for executive office.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Allegations were a ‘gut punch’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Prosecutors have considered Becerra a victim in the case and he has not been charged with any wrongdoing. He has said he cooperated with investigators and that revelations of McCluskie’s betrayal were a “gut punch” to him akin to finding out about an unfaithful spouse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But some in the California capital’s often-overlapping circles of interest groups, lobbyists and political strategists have questioned how Becerra could not have known what the payments were for.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On the campaign trail, Becerra has faced questions about whether he should have paid closer attention to his campaign account’s expenses. Strategists say $10,000 a month — the amount he agreed to be charged — is a high price for account maintenance.[aside label=\"From the 2026 Voter Guide\" link1='https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/governor,Learn about the California Governor Election' hero=https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/80/2026/04/Aside-California-Governor-2026-Primary-Election-1200x1200@2x.png]It is common practice in California for official staff members of lawmakers and other officeholders also to work on their bosses’ political campaigns, allowing them to supplement taxpayer-funded state salaries with payments from campaign accounts. Williamson herself was paid by the California Democratic Party for political work on ballot measures during the two years she was employed in the governor’s office as Newsom’s top aide. She made nearly $200,000 from the party in 2024 on top of her official duties, according to campaign finance records.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kcra.com/article/xavier-becerra-new-questions-after-campaign-funds-stolen/71143407\">Asked by KCRA\u003c/a> last month how voters could be assured Becerra would not let taxpayer funds be similarly “swindled,” Becerra did not answer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Williamson was a hard-charging Sacramento lobbyist who previously ran Gov. Jerry Brown’s office. When Newsom appointed her chief of staff in 2023, her clients included criminal justice reform advocates, healthcare corporation Centene, Meta, Comcast and the video game giant Activision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The indictment accused Williamson of lying to investigators about whether she used her position in Newsom’s office to influence a gender equality and workplace harassment lawsuit state regulators had brought against Activision. The state later settled that case for $54 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom’s office put Williamson on leave when she informed them she was under investigation in November 2024. He has also said the charges caught him by surprise.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This article was \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2026/05/california-newsom-chief-plea-deal/\">originally published on CalMatters\u003c/a> and was republished under the \u003ca href=\"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/\">Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives\u003c/a> license.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was originally published by \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\">CalMatters\u003c/a>. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/subscribe-to-calmatters/\">Sign up\u003c/a> for their newsletters.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A former political consultant for Democratic frontrunner for governor \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/xavier-becerra\">Xavier Becerra\u003c/a> and ex-aide to Gov. Gavin Newsom pleaded guilty Thursday to conspiracy to commit bank and wire fraud, submitting a false tax return and lying to federal investigators.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The consultant, Dana Williamson, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2025/11/newsom-chief-of-staff-indicted/\">was charged in a corruption scandal\u003c/a> that shocked Sacramento. Following an investigation that included FBI wiretaps and seized communications, prosecutors accused Williamson of conspiring with Becerra’s longtime chief of staff Sean McCluskie and another Sacramento lobbyist to divert $225,000 from Becerra’s dormant state campaign account into McCluskie’s hands.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As part of the plea deal, Williamson agreed to pay $225,000 in restitution to Becerra and $500,000 in restitution to the IRS. She faces up to 38 years in prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Williamson’s plea comes just over two weeks before the primary election that will determine whether Becerra advances to the November election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the indictment, the money was to help McCluskie follow Becerra to Washington when he was named U.S. secretary of Health and Human Services in the Biden administration. McCluskie’s job there offered a lower salary.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prosecutors say the Democratic operatives charged Becerra’s dormant campaign account $10,000 a month under the guise of maintaining it for legal compliance, but instead routed it to McCluskie in violation of federal laws prohibiting federal employees from being involved in campaign activities. The investigation was launched during the Biden administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12074138\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12074138\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260220-XAVIER-BECERRA-ON-PB-MD-04_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260220-XAVIER-BECERRA-ON-PB-MD-04_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260220-XAVIER-BECERRA-ON-PB-MD-04_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260220-XAVIER-BECERRA-ON-PB-MD-04_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Former United States Secretary of Health and Human Services Xavier Becerra speaks with Scott Shafer on Political Breakdown at KQED in San Francisco on Feb. 20, 2026. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>McCluskie and the other lobbyist, Greg Campbell, pleaded guilty to fraud in the case. Williamson also faced a variety of tax evasion charges and was accused of fraudulently obtaining federal COVID-19 benefits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The plea deal brings to a close a case that has loomed over \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2026/05/california-governor-becerra-criticism/\">Becerra’s recently revitalized campaign\u003c/a> for governor. It’s unclear whether it will have any effect on the crowded race, in which Becerra is one of \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2026/03/california-governor-candidates/\">six Democrats vying for the seat\u003c/a> that Newsom is vacating; two Republicans also are in the running.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The timing of the agreement is unusual. Federal prosecutors typically avoid pursuing political cases within 60 days of an election under a Justice Department custom designed to prevent interference that could advantage or disadvantage candidates. Voters have already begun turning in their ballots in the gubernatorial race.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Federal prosecutor Michael Anderson told U.S. District Court Judge Troy Nunley the plea was the result of months of negotiations between prosecutors and Williamson. Williamson had previously rejected one plea offer and made a counter-offer, Anderson said, calling the agreement the “most favorable” outcome for both parties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Campbell and McCluskie are scheduled to be sentenced June 4, two days after the primary election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Becerra was lagging in polling and fundraising until former Rep. Eric Swalwell dropped out over sexual assault allegations in early April, when he suddenly shot into the lead as \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2026/04/swalwell-congress-resignation/\">anxious Democratic voters searched\u003c/a> for a candidate to coalesce around.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Williamson’s case is one of several critiques opponents have seized upon in debates and negative ads to call into question Becerra’s judgment and fitness for executive office.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Allegations were a ‘gut punch’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Prosecutors have considered Becerra a victim in the case and he has not been charged with any wrongdoing. He has said he cooperated with investigators and that revelations of McCluskie’s betrayal were a “gut punch” to him akin to finding out about an unfaithful spouse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But some in the California capital’s often-overlapping circles of interest groups, lobbyists and political strategists have questioned how Becerra could not have known what the payments were for.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On the campaign trail, Becerra has faced questions about whether he should have paid closer attention to his campaign account’s expenses. Strategists say $10,000 a month — the amount he agreed to be charged — is a high price for account maintenance.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>It is common practice in California for official staff members of lawmakers and other officeholders also to work on their bosses’ political campaigns, allowing them to supplement taxpayer-funded state salaries with payments from campaign accounts. Williamson herself was paid by the California Democratic Party for political work on ballot measures during the two years she was employed in the governor’s office as Newsom’s top aide. She made nearly $200,000 from the party in 2024 on top of her official duties, according to campaign finance records.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kcra.com/article/xavier-becerra-new-questions-after-campaign-funds-stolen/71143407\">Asked by KCRA\u003c/a> last month how voters could be assured Becerra would not let taxpayer funds be similarly “swindled,” Becerra did not answer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Williamson was a hard-charging Sacramento lobbyist who previously ran Gov. Jerry Brown’s office. When Newsom appointed her chief of staff in 2023, her clients included criminal justice reform advocates, healthcare corporation Centene, Meta, Comcast and the video game giant Activision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The indictment accused Williamson of lying to investigators about whether she used her position in Newsom’s office to influence a gender equality and workplace harassment lawsuit state regulators had brought against Activision. The state later settled that case for $54 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom’s office put Williamson on leave when she informed them she was under investigation in November 2024. He has also said the charges caught him by surprise.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This article was \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2026/05/california-newsom-chief-plea-deal/\">originally published on CalMatters\u003c/a> and was republished under the \u003ca href=\"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/\">Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives\u003c/a> license.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"headTitle": "California’s New Plastic Recycling Rules Spark Fights From All Sides | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003c!-- Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/ -->\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was originally published by \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\">CalMatters\u003c/a>. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/subscribe-to-calmatters/\">Sign up\u003c/a> for their newsletters.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/california\">California\u003c/a> just gave plastic producers until 2032 to make all their packaging recyclable or compostable — the most ambitious deadline in the country. Advocates say it doesn’t go far enough. Producers say it goes too far. At least one of them is threatening to sue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The sweeping regulations, finalized at the start of the month, put producers in a bind that has no obvious solution. Plastic clamshell containers, for instance, protect berries from being crushed and keep them fresher, longer until they reach a refrigerator. Plastic producers say there’s simply no substitute — yet under the new rules, they’ll have to find one.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last week, two environmental groups — the Natural Resources Defense Council and Californians Against Waste — said they plan to take California to court. Their argument: the state’s rules actually break the law by allowing recycling methods that create a lot of toxic waste, and by letting some plastics slip through the rules entirely. On the other side, plastic manufacturers say the rules go too far and will make products more expensive for shoppers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sen. Ben Allen, a Democrat from coastal Los Angeles County who authored the plastic waste law, said the program still “massively moves the needle on this really major problem” — even if the process was messy. “This was the product of a compromise, and it was not perfect, and everybody walked away from the table, you know, unhappy about various aspects,” Allen said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“California is the United States, but 30 years in the future,” said Joe Árvai, director of the University of Southern California’s Wrigley Institute for Environmental Studies. “What’s happening now is emblematic of trends that we are seeing worldwide … and the U.S. needs to adapt in the way that those countries are adapting in order to remain globally competitive.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Less plastic, more recycling \u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>For decades, the burden of reducing, reusing and recycling plastic waste has fallen on consumers. Once a consumer buys a product, they decide what happens to it — whether it ends up in the garbage can or the recycling blue bin — and their tax dollars fund recycling systems we have today.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2022, California’s landmark \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/environment/2022/06/california-recycling-plastic-trash/\">Senate Bill 54,\u003c/a> the Plastic Pollution Prevention and Packaging Producer Responsibility Act, shifted that responsibility to businesses. The regulations outline what materials are covered by the law and who counts as a “producer” of plastic waste.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11745391\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11745391\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/Recolgy-1-e1778783682683.jpg\" alt=\"An employee sorts plastics at the Recology recycling plant on Pier 96 in San Francisco.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1500\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">An employee sorts plastics at the Recology recycling plant on Pier 96 in San Francisco. \u003ccite>(Chloe Veltman/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The new regulations are a huge milestone, said Anja Brandon, director of U.S. plastics policy for the Ocean Conservancy. “There’s plenty more steps on this journey, but I’m just really excited that we are going to start making real progress,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The law applies to plastic food service ware and almost all single-use packaging — from the plastic wrap around large pallets of products shipped to retailers to a tube of toothpaste and the cardboard box around it.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Our broken recycling system\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Most of the plastic packaging Californians throw away isn’t recycled — and that’s not your fault as a consumer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For decades, the revolving green arrows symbol has urged consumers to do a better job of reducing, reusing and recycling. But the system itself started out broken, and got worse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When people toss items into recycling bins, workers at recycling centers sort through them. Contaminated items — like a peanut butter tub with residue still inside — go straight to the landfill. Manufacturers buy clean, valuable materials like water bottles and detergent tubs and turn them into new products.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But a slew of other trash isn’t valuable enough to sell. It ends up in landfills, too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2021, the plastic recycling rate was only \u003ca href=\"https://www.beyondplastics.org/publications/us-plastics-recycling-rate\">6% nationwide,\u003c/a> according to a report by the advocacy group Beyond Plastics. That’s down from 8% in 2018, partly because \u003ca href=\"https://e360.yale.edu/features/piling-up-how-chinas-ban-on-importing-waste-has-stalled-global-recycling\">China\u003c/a> and other countries that used to buy our trash have stopped doing so. In California, most plastic packaging types are recycled at strikingly low rates, according to a 2025 CalRecycle report: Even milk jugs and detergent bottles, among the most commonly recycled plastics, reached only 19%, while most others came in at single digits or below.[aside postID=news_12027788 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250131_RIDWELL_DB_00363-KQED-1020x680.jpg']To carry out the law, the Department of Resources Recycling and Recovery appointed the Circular Action Alliance, a nonprofit that helps states carry out extended producer responsibility mandates, as the organizing body for producers. The alliance is responsible for coming up with a plan to meet the law’s goals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Producers — defined as companies that make more than $1 million in sales and produce products packaged in plastic or own brands under which those products are sold — must join the organization and pay fees to fund waste management. They can meet the law’s requirements by using less plastic, finding alternative materials, or investing in recycling infrastructure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The biggest challenge is the scale and coordination required to modernize a complex recycling system across a state as large and diverse as California,” said Sheila Estaniel, a spokesperson for the Circular Action Alliance, in an email.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s requirement that businesses reduce single-use plastic altogether makes it one of the strongest plastic waste laws in the country. It also goes further than other similar laws because it requires plastic producers to pay $5 billion over a decade to address the environmental damage their products have caused to communities — though the state doesn’t expect to start distributing those funds until 2027 at the earliest.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Watered down rules\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The plastic waste rules have had a rocky road to implementation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2024, CalRecycle developed a first draft of regulations detailing what plastic the law covers and what producers must do. The draft expired before CalRecycle finalized it. In 2025, Gov. Gavin Newsom directed regulators to rewrite the rules — a move that some advocates say say food and agriculture lobbyists pushed for.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The result was a second draft that carved out a broad exclusion for plastics used for food and agriculture purposes, covering products under the jurisdiction of the FDA and USDA, such as packaging for fresh produce and supplements. Advocates said the exclusion gutted the law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Governor Newsom was clear when he asked CalRecycle to restart these regulations that they should work to minimize costs for small businesses and families — while ensuring California’s bold recycling law can achieve the critical goal of cutting plastic pollution,” said Anthony Martinez, a spokesperson for the governor. “That’s exactly what these draft regulations do.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CalRecycle submitted that draft to the Office of Administrative Law in August 2025, but withdrew it to make changes that narrowed that exclusion. Regulators ultimately excluded only plastic that federal law requires for food safety — walking back a broader carve-out that advocates said would have gutted the law.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Advocates gear up to sue \u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Not all plastics follow the same rules — and advocates object to the state’s two-track system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some materials with unique technical challenges can apply for exemptions, but must meet specific criteria to qualify.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Others, like plastic that federal law requires for food safety, escape the rules entirely once producers complete an application to CalRecycle — no timeline, no obligations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12083638\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1536px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12083638\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/CalMatters_CA-Plastics-2.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1536\" height=\"1024\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/CalMatters_CA-Plastics-2.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/CalMatters_CA-Plastics-2-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1536px) 100vw, 1536px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Mirna Hernandez shops at Superior Groceries in Victorville on Aug. 16, 2024. \u003ccite>(Ted Soqui/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“In practice, this allows exclusions to remain in effect … even for notices that ultimately fail — creating strong incentives to submit weak or legally unsupported claims simply to delay (and effectively filibuster) compliance,” wrote Tony Hackett, a policy associate for Californians Against Waste in a public comment letter to the department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates raise a second concern: the regulations allow certain waste polluting technologies — ones the law specifically excluded because they generate significant quantities of hazardous waste — to count as recycling, as long as they have a hazardous waste permit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These technologies include chemical recycling processes that the oil industry has long promoted as a solution to plastic pollution — a claim California’s attorney general says is deliberately misleading. Rob Bonta has \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2025/09/01/climate/exxon-california-plastics-defamation-lawsuit.html\">sued ExxonMobil\u003c/a> alleging the company misled the public about recycling’s potential to address the plastic crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These regulations ignore explicit limits on recycling technologies and create permanent escape hatches the law never authorized,” said Nick Lapis, director of advocacy for Californians Against Waste, in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rhonalyn Cabello, a CalRecycle spokesperson, said the agency does not comment on pending or potential litigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sen. Allen agreed the regulations fall short.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We feel that the regulations as presented don’t maintain some of the core agreements that were made in the passage of the bill,” he said. When there’s too many exclusions, he said, companies are “basically forcing everybody else to pay and getting away scot free.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Set up to fail?\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Businesses claim they want to reduce plastic waste but feel trapped by conflicting state regulations and a lack of viable packaging alternatives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The tension starts with labeling. The state’s accurate recycling labels law, Senate Bill 343, prohibits businesses from using the chasing arrows symbol to indicate recyclability unless certain criteria are met. Advocates say the restriction is necessary to avoid confusion. But businesses say it means consumers are less likely to recycle products that could be recyclable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If we lose the right to use (recycling labels on) dairy cartons, our members are going to have to expand their plastic use, because that is the only other packaging type that can take a shelf stable product,” said Katie Davey, executive director of the Dairy Institute of California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As investments from producers flow to cities and counties under the law, Cabello said, more materials may eventually meet the labeling criteria.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Beyond labeling, businesses say workable alternatives to plastic simply don’t exist yet — and that getting there will be costly. Investments needed to meet the law’s first goal alone — a 25% reduction in single-use plastic by 2032 — could cost up to $15.4 billion, according to CalRecycle estimates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kevin Kelly, the chief executive of Emerald Packaging, sells film plastic packaging to farmers, who use the plastic to bag items like salads and baby carrots. Paper packaging that could replicate plastic’s ability to regulate oxygen and carbon dioxide levels — keeping produce fresh — is still in early development, he said, and mass production is decades away.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You have to build tens to hundreds of billions of dollars in infrastructure to actually produce something at the level that would be needed to replace plastics,” Kelly said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dairy illustrates the same problem. Alternatives to plastic milk packaging include refrigerated gable-top cartons, shelf-stable cartons, and glass. Each comes with tradeoffs. Glass is heavier — meaning fewer units per shipment — and clear glass exposes fresh milk to light that can degrade it. Switching packaging lines entirely would cost producers about $40 million for a single mid-size line, according to the Dairy Institute — a cost they would pass on to consumers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re deeply concerned because we know that food costs are going to increase and products are going to come off the market because there literally is not a packaging solution within the required timeframe,” Davey said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But USC’s Joe Árvai said producer complaints are really about the pace of change, not whether compliant packaging is possible at all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Whether they like it or not, these changes are coming,” he said. “In the end, there are going to be players in the industry that are going to be better able to respond, and they will be better indemnified against the shocks than their partners and competitors.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>What happens next\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The next major test comes in June, when the Circular Action Alliance must submit its plan to CalRecycle outlining how producers will meet the law’s goals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oregon, which passed a similar law and is also facing an industry legal challenge, offers a possible model. There, grant funding is already flowing to expand reuse and refill infrastructure — helping businesses and schools replace single-use plastic products and improve recycling access.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11901452\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11901452 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/RS52997_DSC_1513_edit-qut.jpeg\" alt=\"scientists sample bay water\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1080\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/RS52997_DSC_1513_edit-qut.jpeg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/RS52997_DSC_1513_edit-qut-800x450.jpeg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/RS52997_DSC_1513_edit-qut-1020x574.jpeg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/RS52997_DSC_1513_edit-qut-160x90.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/RS52997_DSC_1513_edit-qut-1536x864.jpeg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Two environmental scientists strain water collected from the San Francisco Bay through two sieves to sample for microplastics. \u003ccite>(Monica Lam/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Despite the fact that there’s a lawsuit in Oregon, money is moving out the door,” said the Ocean Conservancy’s Anja Brandon. She said groups like hers will closely watch the June plan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ll all be waiting with bated breath” to see how producers are interpreting this and what pathways they’re laying out, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, advocates will be watching closely as CalRecycle begins to make decisions about who qualifies for exclusions and exemptions. The Natural Resources Defense Council is waiting for CalRecycle to post additional documents before filing its lawsuit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If we let this thing get derailed and turned into a Swiss cheese of exemptions and non‑compliance, it will really harm our global progress on this issue,” Allen said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This article was \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/environment/2026/05/plastic-recycling-california-sb54-waste/\">originally published on CalMatters\u003c/a> and was republished under the \u003ca href=\"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/\">Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives\u003c/a> license.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Under new rules, plastic producers have to cut single use plastic, increase recycling rates and pay $5 billion to remedy harms from plastic pollution.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003c!-- Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/ -->\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was originally published by \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\">CalMatters\u003c/a>. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/subscribe-to-calmatters/\">Sign up\u003c/a> for their newsletters.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/california\">California\u003c/a> just gave plastic producers until 2032 to make all their packaging recyclable or compostable — the most ambitious deadline in the country. Advocates say it doesn’t go far enough. Producers say it goes too far. At least one of them is threatening to sue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The sweeping regulations, finalized at the start of the month, put producers in a bind that has no obvious solution. Plastic clamshell containers, for instance, protect berries from being crushed and keep them fresher, longer until they reach a refrigerator. Plastic producers say there’s simply no substitute — yet under the new rules, they’ll have to find one.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last week, two environmental groups — the Natural Resources Defense Council and Californians Against Waste — said they plan to take California to court. Their argument: the state’s rules actually break the law by allowing recycling methods that create a lot of toxic waste, and by letting some plastics slip through the rules entirely. On the other side, plastic manufacturers say the rules go too far and will make products more expensive for shoppers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sen. Ben Allen, a Democrat from coastal Los Angeles County who authored the plastic waste law, said the program still “massively moves the needle on this really major problem” — even if the process was messy. “This was the product of a compromise, and it was not perfect, and everybody walked away from the table, you know, unhappy about various aspects,” Allen said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“California is the United States, but 30 years in the future,” said Joe Árvai, director of the University of Southern California’s Wrigley Institute for Environmental Studies. “What’s happening now is emblematic of trends that we are seeing worldwide … and the U.S. needs to adapt in the way that those countries are adapting in order to remain globally competitive.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Less plastic, more recycling \u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>For decades, the burden of reducing, reusing and recycling plastic waste has fallen on consumers. Once a consumer buys a product, they decide what happens to it — whether it ends up in the garbage can or the recycling blue bin — and their tax dollars fund recycling systems we have today.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2022, California’s landmark \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/environment/2022/06/california-recycling-plastic-trash/\">Senate Bill 54,\u003c/a> the Plastic Pollution Prevention and Packaging Producer Responsibility Act, shifted that responsibility to businesses. The regulations outline what materials are covered by the law and who counts as a “producer” of plastic waste.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11745391\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11745391\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/Recolgy-1-e1778783682683.jpg\" alt=\"An employee sorts plastics at the Recology recycling plant on Pier 96 in San Francisco.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1500\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">An employee sorts plastics at the Recology recycling plant on Pier 96 in San Francisco. \u003ccite>(Chloe Veltman/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The new regulations are a huge milestone, said Anja Brandon, director of U.S. plastics policy for the Ocean Conservancy. “There’s plenty more steps on this journey, but I’m just really excited that we are going to start making real progress,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The law applies to plastic food service ware and almost all single-use packaging — from the plastic wrap around large pallets of products shipped to retailers to a tube of toothpaste and the cardboard box around it.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Our broken recycling system\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Most of the plastic packaging Californians throw away isn’t recycled — and that’s not your fault as a consumer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For decades, the revolving green arrows symbol has urged consumers to do a better job of reducing, reusing and recycling. But the system itself started out broken, and got worse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When people toss items into recycling bins, workers at recycling centers sort through them. Contaminated items — like a peanut butter tub with residue still inside — go straight to the landfill. Manufacturers buy clean, valuable materials like water bottles and detergent tubs and turn them into new products.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But a slew of other trash isn’t valuable enough to sell. It ends up in landfills, too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2021, the plastic recycling rate was only \u003ca href=\"https://www.beyondplastics.org/publications/us-plastics-recycling-rate\">6% nationwide,\u003c/a> according to a report by the advocacy group Beyond Plastics. That’s down from 8% in 2018, partly because \u003ca href=\"https://e360.yale.edu/features/piling-up-how-chinas-ban-on-importing-waste-has-stalled-global-recycling\">China\u003c/a> and other countries that used to buy our trash have stopped doing so. In California, most plastic packaging types are recycled at strikingly low rates, according to a 2025 CalRecycle report: Even milk jugs and detergent bottles, among the most commonly recycled plastics, reached only 19%, while most others came in at single digits or below.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>To carry out the law, the Department of Resources Recycling and Recovery appointed the Circular Action Alliance, a nonprofit that helps states carry out extended producer responsibility mandates, as the organizing body for producers. The alliance is responsible for coming up with a plan to meet the law’s goals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Producers — defined as companies that make more than $1 million in sales and produce products packaged in plastic or own brands under which those products are sold — must join the organization and pay fees to fund waste management. They can meet the law’s requirements by using less plastic, finding alternative materials, or investing in recycling infrastructure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The biggest challenge is the scale and coordination required to modernize a complex recycling system across a state as large and diverse as California,” said Sheila Estaniel, a spokesperson for the Circular Action Alliance, in an email.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s requirement that businesses reduce single-use plastic altogether makes it one of the strongest plastic waste laws in the country. It also goes further than other similar laws because it requires plastic producers to pay $5 billion over a decade to address the environmental damage their products have caused to communities — though the state doesn’t expect to start distributing those funds until 2027 at the earliest.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Watered down rules\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The plastic waste rules have had a rocky road to implementation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2024, CalRecycle developed a first draft of regulations detailing what plastic the law covers and what producers must do. The draft expired before CalRecycle finalized it. In 2025, Gov. Gavin Newsom directed regulators to rewrite the rules — a move that some advocates say say food and agriculture lobbyists pushed for.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The result was a second draft that carved out a broad exclusion for plastics used for food and agriculture purposes, covering products under the jurisdiction of the FDA and USDA, such as packaging for fresh produce and supplements. Advocates said the exclusion gutted the law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Governor Newsom was clear when he asked CalRecycle to restart these regulations that they should work to minimize costs for small businesses and families — while ensuring California’s bold recycling law can achieve the critical goal of cutting plastic pollution,” said Anthony Martinez, a spokesperson for the governor. “That’s exactly what these draft regulations do.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CalRecycle submitted that draft to the Office of Administrative Law in August 2025, but withdrew it to make changes that narrowed that exclusion. Regulators ultimately excluded only plastic that federal law requires for food safety — walking back a broader carve-out that advocates said would have gutted the law.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Advocates gear up to sue \u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Not all plastics follow the same rules — and advocates object to the state’s two-track system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some materials with unique technical challenges can apply for exemptions, but must meet specific criteria to qualify.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Others, like plastic that federal law requires for food safety, escape the rules entirely once producers complete an application to CalRecycle — no timeline, no obligations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12083638\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1536px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12083638\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/CalMatters_CA-Plastics-2.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1536\" height=\"1024\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/CalMatters_CA-Plastics-2.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/CalMatters_CA-Plastics-2-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1536px) 100vw, 1536px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Mirna Hernandez shops at Superior Groceries in Victorville on Aug. 16, 2024. \u003ccite>(Ted Soqui/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“In practice, this allows exclusions to remain in effect … even for notices that ultimately fail — creating strong incentives to submit weak or legally unsupported claims simply to delay (and effectively filibuster) compliance,” wrote Tony Hackett, a policy associate for Californians Against Waste in a public comment letter to the department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates raise a second concern: the regulations allow certain waste polluting technologies — ones the law specifically excluded because they generate significant quantities of hazardous waste — to count as recycling, as long as they have a hazardous waste permit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These technologies include chemical recycling processes that the oil industry has long promoted as a solution to plastic pollution — a claim California’s attorney general says is deliberately misleading. Rob Bonta has \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2025/09/01/climate/exxon-california-plastics-defamation-lawsuit.html\">sued ExxonMobil\u003c/a> alleging the company misled the public about recycling’s potential to address the plastic crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These regulations ignore explicit limits on recycling technologies and create permanent escape hatches the law never authorized,” said Nick Lapis, director of advocacy for Californians Against Waste, in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rhonalyn Cabello, a CalRecycle spokesperson, said the agency does not comment on pending or potential litigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sen. Allen agreed the regulations fall short.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We feel that the regulations as presented don’t maintain some of the core agreements that were made in the passage of the bill,” he said. When there’s too many exclusions, he said, companies are “basically forcing everybody else to pay and getting away scot free.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Set up to fail?\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Businesses claim they want to reduce plastic waste but feel trapped by conflicting state regulations and a lack of viable packaging alternatives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The tension starts with labeling. The state’s accurate recycling labels law, Senate Bill 343, prohibits businesses from using the chasing arrows symbol to indicate recyclability unless certain criteria are met. Advocates say the restriction is necessary to avoid confusion. But businesses say it means consumers are less likely to recycle products that could be recyclable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If we lose the right to use (recycling labels on) dairy cartons, our members are going to have to expand their plastic use, because that is the only other packaging type that can take a shelf stable product,” said Katie Davey, executive director of the Dairy Institute of California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As investments from producers flow to cities and counties under the law, Cabello said, more materials may eventually meet the labeling criteria.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Beyond labeling, businesses say workable alternatives to plastic simply don’t exist yet — and that getting there will be costly. Investments needed to meet the law’s first goal alone — a 25% reduction in single-use plastic by 2032 — could cost up to $15.4 billion, according to CalRecycle estimates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kevin Kelly, the chief executive of Emerald Packaging, sells film plastic packaging to farmers, who use the plastic to bag items like salads and baby carrots. Paper packaging that could replicate plastic’s ability to regulate oxygen and carbon dioxide levels — keeping produce fresh — is still in early development, he said, and mass production is decades away.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You have to build tens to hundreds of billions of dollars in infrastructure to actually produce something at the level that would be needed to replace plastics,” Kelly said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dairy illustrates the same problem. Alternatives to plastic milk packaging include refrigerated gable-top cartons, shelf-stable cartons, and glass. Each comes with tradeoffs. Glass is heavier — meaning fewer units per shipment — and clear glass exposes fresh milk to light that can degrade it. Switching packaging lines entirely would cost producers about $40 million for a single mid-size line, according to the Dairy Institute — a cost they would pass on to consumers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re deeply concerned because we know that food costs are going to increase and products are going to come off the market because there literally is not a packaging solution within the required timeframe,” Davey said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But USC’s Joe Árvai said producer complaints are really about the pace of change, not whether compliant packaging is possible at all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Whether they like it or not, these changes are coming,” he said. “In the end, there are going to be players in the industry that are going to be better able to respond, and they will be better indemnified against the shocks than their partners and competitors.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>What happens next\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The next major test comes in June, when the Circular Action Alliance must submit its plan to CalRecycle outlining how producers will meet the law’s goals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oregon, which passed a similar law and is also facing an industry legal challenge, offers a possible model. There, grant funding is already flowing to expand reuse and refill infrastructure — helping businesses and schools replace single-use plastic products and improve recycling access.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11901452\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11901452 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/RS52997_DSC_1513_edit-qut.jpeg\" alt=\"scientists sample bay water\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1080\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/RS52997_DSC_1513_edit-qut.jpeg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/RS52997_DSC_1513_edit-qut-800x450.jpeg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/RS52997_DSC_1513_edit-qut-1020x574.jpeg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/RS52997_DSC_1513_edit-qut-160x90.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/RS52997_DSC_1513_edit-qut-1536x864.jpeg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Two environmental scientists strain water collected from the San Francisco Bay through two sieves to sample for microplastics. \u003ccite>(Monica Lam/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Despite the fact that there’s a lawsuit in Oregon, money is moving out the door,” said the Ocean Conservancy’s Anja Brandon. She said groups like hers will closely watch the June plan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ll all be waiting with bated breath” to see how producers are interpreting this and what pathways they’re laying out, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, advocates will be watching closely as CalRecycle begins to make decisions about who qualifies for exclusions and exemptions. The Natural Resources Defense Council is waiting for CalRecycle to post additional documents before filing its lawsuit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If we let this thing get derailed and turned into a Swiss cheese of exemptions and non‑compliance, it will really harm our global progress on this issue,” Allen said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This article was \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/environment/2026/05/plastic-recycling-california-sb54-waste/\">originally published on CalMatters\u003c/a> and was republished under the \u003ca href=\"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/\">Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives\u003c/a> license.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "did-newsoms-3-8-billion-hotels-to-housing-program-pay-off",
"title": "Did Newsom’s $3.8 Billion Hotels-to-Housing Program Pay Off?",
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"headTitle": "Did Newsom’s $3.8 Billion Hotels-to-Housing Program Pay Off? | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003c!-- Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/ -->\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was originally published by \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\">CalMatters\u003c/a>. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/subscribe-to-calmatters/\">Sign up\u003c/a> for their newsletters.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/covid-19\">COVID-19\u003c/a> tore through California, Jennifer Hark Dietz had a decision to make. The state was making perhaps its biggest push ever to get people off the street, offering up billions of dollars for cities and organizations like hers to turn old motels into new homes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was risky. The Homekey program came with up-front cash and a promise to move fast and cut red tape. But it also meant taking on old buildings with little vetting, which had the potential to put a developer in a deep financial hole.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At first, the gamble paid off. In just a few months, Hark Dietz’s nonprofit, People Assisting The Homeless, was housing people in the old 40-room Hollywood Orchid Suites in Los Angeles. She called it a “shining light” for what seemed possible with the radical new program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But then came a pale pink Travelodge in the suburb of Gardena. The city of LA had already bought the motel for $9 million, and Hark Dietz said her team didn’t have a chance to vet or tour the site. They’d only seen online photos and basic inspection reports before they took it over in December 2020. A city consultant estimated that it would take about $50,000 to start moving people into the roadside motel.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Of course,” she said, “we know now that’s not the case.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than five years and nearly $3 million later, the motel — which turned out to need all new windows, plumbing and electrical, among other issues — was still vacant earlier this year. There was plywood over some of the windows, and someone had graffitied a ghost on one side.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12082684\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12082684\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey2.jpeg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey2.jpeg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey2-160x107.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey2-1536x1025.jpeg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Live Oak Apartments in Ukiah on Feb. 26. Live Oak offers its residents access to common spaces, such as a community garden and meeting rooms for visitors. \u003ccite>(Manuel Orbegozo for CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The boom-or-bust results in Los Angeles underscore how little is known publicly about a generational project with a high price tag and even higher stakes. Some projects were huge successes. Others were total failures. Dozens remain stuck in limbo. CalMatters found there’s been little public accountability for any of it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Launched by Gov. Gavin Newsom in the summer of 2020, Homekey awarded more than $3.8 billion to local governments to convert motels and other buildings into homeless housing, thrusting many local governments into a new role running multimillion-dollar real estate projects. Cities and counties could hire outside contractors to help or do the work themselves, skipping some of the usual building process for the sake of speed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was unlike anything the state had ever done, largely because it sprang from desperation. Homekey launched during peak COVID, five months before vaccines were available, and after cities had already moved thousands of unhoused people into motels through \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/homelessness/2024/05/california-homeless-project-roomkey/\">Project Roomkey\u003c/a>, another Newsom program. But those rooms were temporary, and officials were scrambling to prevent a mass exodus back to the streets.[aside postID=news_12082132 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250218-SFDowntown-12-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg']With Homekey, local officials across the state bought and gutted Motel 6s, Best Westerns and roadside inns. They got more creative as the program evolved: Tiny homes sprouted in Silicon Valley, and Santa Cruz retrofitted an old dentist’s office. In Southern California, housing took shape in a former Tri-Delt sorority house, an earthquake-stricken church and a hostel that once served as a refuge for Japanese Americans returning from World War II internment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What we’re doing here today is multiples of what any state in American history has committed to address this crisis of homelessness,” Newsom said at a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/homelessness/2021/05/newsom-end-homelessness-pandemic-lessons/\">2021 press conference\u003c/a> announcing a major Homekey expansion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The program came with little built-in oversight. Earlier this year, state lawmakers killed a bill to audit Homekey. No state agency has publicly analyzed the program in detail to find out what’s working and what’s not.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The challenge now: A new and more complex phase is already underway with up to $2 billion from the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/mental-health/2025/06/prop-1-mental-health-awards/\">voter-approved Prop. 1\u003c/a> mental health bond. But no one has publicly accounted for how many of the program’s original projects stalled out and how many succeeded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To find out what happened, CalMatters filed more than 100 public records requests with cities and counties that were awarded Homekey funds. We asked for key details on 250 projects announced through the end of 2024, covering all but a handful of projects for which less public data was available. Those state and local records — along with dozens of visits to Homekey sites, plus interviews with people who built and lived in them — create a first-of-its-kind window into how it all played out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among our findings:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Homekey made producing housing simpler. But it came at a cost\u003c/strong>. Homekey provided billions of dollars in housing funding up front, allowing some developers to sidestep the usual webs of investors and lenders and finish much faster than normal. But fewer funders also means less oversight. With rushed vetting, some projects got bogged down in delays, blown budgets or worse. At least one Homekey developer was forced out of business by an unwieldy project. Another is facing fraud charges.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>When Homekey worked, those involved stress that it \u003c/strong>\u003cstrong>\u003cem>really\u003c/em>\u003c/strong>\u003cstrong> worked.\u003c/strong> Nearly 13,500 people now live at Homekey sites, according to the state Housing Department. For small and rural communities, such as Glenn County, the program provided crucial cash for their first-ever homeless housing. Officials from Mendocino County to Ventura say they were able to stabilize people longer term by adding stronger ties to public services and extra investment in resources such as counseling.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Those successes magnify the opportunities squandered. \u003c/strong>Projects involving about 3,000 homes — roughly 1 in 5 promised by the program — weren’t finished as of the end of last year. Another 2,000 units have people living in them on a temporary basis but haven’t been converted into permanent housing, the program’s main goal. In 10 instances involving 500 more units, the state publicized grants that later were canceled or that never materialized because local officials or developers backed out.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>A lack of transparency raises familiar questions about the program’s future\u003c/strong>. State officials stress that they have extended deadlines and improved vetting for the program’s latest bond-funded iteration, Homekey+. But they refused to publicly provide details about that vetting process. And as homeless services providers have long warned, there remains no guaranteed state funding to keep existing or planned Homekey projects going.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Yes, many Homekey projects opened late or over budget. But, officials emphasize, they still opened.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom said he considers the program a “phenomenal success.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12076525\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12076525\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260116-NewsomLuriePresser-33-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260116-NewsomLuriePresser-33-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260116-NewsomLuriePresser-33-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260116-NewsomLuriePresser-33-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gov. Gavin Newsom speaks during a press conference at the Friendship House Association of American Indians in San Francisco on Jan. 16, 2026.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We’re talking about hundreds and hundreds of projects all across the state of California that they’re trying to manage and organize and operate,” he said when CalMatters asked about it at a recent press conference. “And I imagine each one of them brings its own opportunities and own challenges as we move forward and implement at a scale we’ve never implemented in the state’s history.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Taryn Sandulyak knows that better than most. The Bay Area developer thought Homekey might be her big break, but it ultimately put her out of business. She sees a fundamental mismatch at the heart of the program. It wanted high quality, high speed and low budgets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You can only have two of those,” Sandulyak said. “You really can’t ever have three. That’s the issue with Homekey, is they give you not quite enough money to do it, and they want you to do it really, really fast and really, really well.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The chasm between Homekey successes and failures isn’t a simple, one-size-fits-all story. But it does provide an outline of what it will take to make good on California’s big effort to finally make a dent in its homelessness crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘Failing was not an option’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>On the west side of Ventura, just as the surf town creeps up into the hills toward Ojai, sits what used to be one of the city’s worst nuisance properties: a nearly 100-year-old apartment building once known, in a nod to local drug slang, as the “Booyah Mansion.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city’s housing authority, Ventura Housing, cobbled together enough money in 2019 to buy the building. But it didn’t have enough cash to fix all 300-something code violations at the crime-ridden property — until Homekey came along.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We had some scary stuff go on here,” said Karen Flock, Ventura Housing’s real estate development director. “This property failing was not an option.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12082685\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12082685\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey3.jpeg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey3.jpeg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey3-160x107.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey3-1536x1025.jpeg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Live Oak Apartments in Ukiah on Feb. 26. Live Oak offers its residents access to common spaces, such as a community garden and meeting rooms for visitors. \u003ccite>(Manuel Orbegozo for CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Now known as El Portal, the 29-unit apartment complex today serves as a lifeline for a mother with 9-year-old twins, one severely autistic. It’s a refuge for a woman who lived for six years in a city-funded Tuff Shed. Another neighbor still keeps his shopping cart from the street in his apartment as a reminder of what he’s been through, and why he can never go back.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ventura and other cities and counties that were able to pull off Homekey projects relatively on time and on budget credit a variety of factors for their success. Some grantees provided services themselves rather than contracting them out, better integrating public resources. Others raised extra money for on-site social services or worked closely with first responders to head off concerns about crime and stabilize residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jeffrey Lambert, CEO of Ventura Housing, said the crucial thing was realizing early that Homekey money alone isn’t nearly enough. Instead, the city combined it with other public and private funding, staffing and resources. Projects that failed or got stuck in limbo often fell apart after they ran out of money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Homekey works,” Lambert said, “because of all the stuff added on top of it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" title=\"Look up Homekey projects in your city or county\" aria-label=\"Table\" id=\"datawrapper-chart-kiDgD\" src=\"https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/kiDgD/8/\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"width: 0; min-width: 100% !important; border: none;\" height=\"550\" data-external=\"1\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For housing researchers such as Ryan Finnigan, deputy director of research at UC Berkeley’s Terner Center for Housing Innovation, the real strength of Homekey was not the building minutiae. It was an attempt to challenge the state’s status quo of painstakingly slow housing development while people kept pouring onto the streets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If we’re not willing to try a new approach,” he said, “then we’re not going to learn as much about how we can be more creative, how we can work with more urgency than the current systems.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As fraught and full of delays as the construction process can be, getting a project completed is often just the first hurdle for Homekey. Once a project opens its doors, it typically needs significant resources in addition to the state funding. Mendocino County credits much of its project’s success to extra services for residents, which aren’t paid for by the state grant, said Megan Van Sant, a senior program manager for the county who oversees the Homekey site.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the former Best Western hotel now known as Live Oak Apartments, there’s a therapist on retainer for tenants, plus a dog trainer paid to work with problem pets. Both try to help residents resolve any issues that come up before they escalate into grounds for an eviction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To provide those extras, the county runs the project itself, rather than contracting with an outside service provider as many Homekey projects do. Two county staffers work full-time inside the building, using their connections to do everything from enrolling residents in Medi-Cal to pairing them with mental health services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All that is expensive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12082686\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12082686\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey4.jpeg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey4.jpeg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey4-160x107.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey4-1536x1025.jpeg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Resident Sherry Collins inside her room at Live Oak Apartments in Ukiah on Feb. 26. \u003ccite>(Manuel Orbegozo for CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“I think the state should continue to support these projects,” Van Sant said. “The state asked communities to do these projects, and they cost more to do well than what you can earn in rent.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sherry Collins, 66, moved into the project three years ago, at a time when she was terrified of what would come next. Her husband had died, her health was failing, she couldn’t work, and she couldn’t afford to keep living in her cabin in the tiny coastal city of Fort Bragg.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now she feels like she’s home. Collins decorated the window of her room with little red and pink hearts and adopted a kitten with extra toes, whom she named Mr. Handsome.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She continues to deal with health challenges after losing a leg to diabetes about a year ago. The building has only four units accessible for people with disabilities, making it a challenge to accommodate everyone, but one recently opened up for Collins, where she can more comfortably shower.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They have been awesome to me,” Collins said. “They’re more like family.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Never-ending projects\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>For Sandulyak, Homekey was too good to refuse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Five years earlier she had co-founded Firm Foundation Community Housing, which helped Bay Area churches turn their parking lots and backyards into tiny homes for homeless residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Homekey was a once-in-a-lifetime opportunity to dramatically scale up that vision by using millions in state funds to house dozens of people in Vallejo. It would be the small nonprofit’s most ambitious project by far.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12082687\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12082687\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey5.jpeg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey5.jpeg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey5-160x107.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey5-1536x1024.jpeg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The official ribbon cutting at the grand opening of Broadway Village in Vallejo on March 5. \u003ccite>(Nathan Weyland for CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Sandulyak never suspected that by applying for Homekey, she had doomed her organization.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Firm Foundation was awarded $12 million in 2022 to build a 47-unit modular apartment building called the Broadway Project. Over the next four years, nearly everything that could go wrong did.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some problems had nothing to do with Homekey. The general contractor went bankrupt, and the nonprofit tapped to operate the facility squabbled with the city, leaving the project in limbo for a year. The state wouldn’t let Firm Foundation pick a new partner to run the housing, which Sandulyak says further delayed the opening.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other problems were directly related to Homekey. By design, the program forced cities to take a much more hands-on role with housing development than they were used to. Vallejo wasn’t prepared for that responsibility. It fumbled its attempt to get a key federal grant and failed to set up important safeguards that protect affordable housing projects from financial risks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Soon, Sandulyak had $2 million in bills and no way to pay them. With construction three-quarters done, the project ran out of money. Firm Foundation was forced to stop work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It became such a nightmare that the Vallejo City Council asked for an independent audit to find out what went wrong and why. The \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/28094481-vallejo-broadway-affordable-housing-report/\">audit blamed\u003c/a> both the city and Firm Foundation for allowing the project to run out of money before it was finished. Firm Foundation vastly underestimated the project’s cost, and the city bungled efforts to secure additional funds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In some ways, the audit found, the very nature of Homekey helped set the project up for failure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12023514\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12023514\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250114_Mare-Island_DMB_00333.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250114_Mare-Island_DMB_00333.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250114_Mare-Island_DMB_00333-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250114_Mare-Island_DMB_00333-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250114_Mare-Island_DMB_00333-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250114_Mare-Island_DMB_00333-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250114_Mare-Island_DMB_00333-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A kayaker floats down the Napa River past the Navy Yard of Mare Island in the city of Vallejo, Tuesday, Jan. 14, 2025. \u003ccite>(David M. Barreda/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>One big problem was the timeline. Homekey required projects to finish construction within one year of their award, and to move people in 90 days after that. To meet those deadlines, Firm Foundation created budgets before the architectural drawings were even done, contributing to serious cost underestimates, the audit found.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The audit also found a lack of oversight at the Broadway Project, which it said is typical of Homekey projects. Normally, a single affordable housing project uses funding from multiple sources, including the city, the county, the state, federal funds, tax credits, private banks and more. The more funders and investors, the more eyes watching and holding the developer accountable. With Homekey, the city applying for the grant typically takes on all those risks by itself, the audit found.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On a recent Thursday morning, Sandulyak gathered with city officials and her construction partners in front of a crowd to celebrate what they, at times, had thought would be impossible: the Broadway Project was finally open. Behind them rose the terracotta-colored wall of the sleek, new, modular apartment building. A red ribbon waited in front of them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On the count of three, Sandulyak helped Vallejo’s assistant city manager snip the ribbon. The crowd cheered.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The project ended up coming in two and a half years late and 70% over budget. Despite those setbacks, the audit found it \u003cem>still \u003c/em>cost less per unit and was built more quickly than the region’s average affordable housing project.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But it cost Sandulyak everything. She laid off three of her four employees, and she plans to lay off the last one and dissolve her organization. The nonprofit is still on the hook for more than $1 million in unpaid bills related to the project.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12082708\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1980px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12082708\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/GettyImages-2172244931.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1980\" height=\"1367\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/GettyImages-2172244931.jpg 1980w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/GettyImages-2172244931-160x110.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/GettyImages-2172244931-1536x1060.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1980px) 100vw, 1980px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Governor Gavin Newsom speaks during a press conference of housing & homelessness with new legislation and funding and bills signing, along with other local, state and federal leaders are gathered in San Francisco, California, United States on Sept. 19, 2024. \u003ccite>(Tayfun Coskun/Anadolu via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Despite her pride in the finished building, Sandulyak wonders how much more housing her nonprofit could have built — if only she’d never applied for Homekey.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, 52 people now have somewhere to call home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m unshaken in my belief that that is worth it,” Sandulyak said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of those people is 62-year-old Terrence White, a former refinery worker who was forced into early retirement by an injury and can’t afford market-rate rent. Now, he pays $294 a month and finally has his own place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It feels wonderful,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The Homekey gold rush\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>During the frantic first two years of Homekey, when many experienced affordable housing developers were sitting out the untested new program, an LA company called Shangri-La Industries stepped in to help fill the void. It scored nearly $115 million in contracts to build 500 homes for homeless Californians in cities from Salinas to San Bernardino.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But a \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/28097013-holmes-indictment/\">federal indictment\u003c/a> and a separate civil lawsuit allege that millions in state funds instead went to fund a lavish lifestyle for the company’s chief financial officer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among the charges attributed in \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/28097094-shangri-la-v-holmes/\">court records\u003c/a> to Shangri-La’s former CFO, Cody Holmes: $46,000 in monthly rent for a Beverly Hills house with a pool. Designer gifts for a girlfriend, including a $127,000 diamond necklace and a $111,000 crocodile Birkin bag. A $5,000-a-month lease on a Ferrari Portofino. Another $53,000 for Coachella passes, and $44,000 for flights on private jets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12082689\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12082689\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey7.jpeg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey7.jpeg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey7-160x107.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey7-1536x1024.jpeg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Quality Inn & Suites building, a former Shangri-La project, stands vacant in Thousand Oaks on Feb. 26. \u003ccite>(Julie Leopo-Bermudez for CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>All this while many of the desperately needed motel rooms sat empty.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Homekey set a low bar for contractors to qualify: They had to have worked on at least two affordable housing projects that included at least one homeless tenant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shangri-La easily cleared that hurdle. But had any state or local officials done more digging, they might have seen warning signs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shangri-La’s construction business was sued twice for breach of contract in \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/28094732-shangri-la-2018-breach-contract-complaint/\">2018\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/28094731-shangri-la-2019-contract-fraud-complaint/\">2019\u003c/a>, court records show, after two firms alleged that it failed to pay them. The company was also a contractor on a troubled LA veteran housing project, where records first \u003ca href=\"https://www.kcrw.com/shows/greater-la/stories/30-million-motel-homeless-shelter-prop-hhh-taxpayer-oversight-la\">reported by KCRW\u003c/a> show Shangri-La partners sold the property to themselves, increasing the project’s budget by $8 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With Homekey, federal \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/usao-cdca/pr/beverly-hills-man-arrested-brentwood-man-charged-separate-criminal-cases-linked-fraud\">prosecutors allege\u003c/a> that Holmes “knowingly submitted fake bank records” to the state Housing Department to boost Shangri-La’s credentials — financial claims that state officials apparently failed to verify with the banks. Holmes has pleaded not guilty, and an attorney representing him declined to comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the company took on the Homekey projects, property records show that entities connected to Shangri-La or its partners paid around $13 million for actress Milla Jovovich’s Beverly Hills mansion, adding to a portfolio that included a $7 million oceanfront home in Long Beach purchased two years earlier.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12082690\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12082690\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey8.jpeg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey8.jpeg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey8-160x107.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey8-1536x1025.jpeg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Quality Inn & Suites building, a former Shangri-La project, stands vacant in Thousand Oaks on Feb. 26. \u003ccite>(Julie Leopo-Bermudez for CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In a separate \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/28093061-hcd-vs-shangri-la-complaint/\">civil fraud case\u003c/a>, state prosecutors allege in court records that Shangri-La went behind the state’s back and took out undisclosed loans on the Homekey buildings, giving up control of the sites and violating their contract with the state. That became a major problem when the company defaulted on the loans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For several of the properties, no one had filed crucial paperwork to ensure that they remained affordable housing. After the buildings ended up in foreclosure, some were scooped up by companies with no commitment to homeless housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Homekey contracts tasked local officials with vetting projects and reviewing contractors’ organizational documents, budgets and other key details. But records show state officials also reviewed Shangri-La’s financials, and once they paid out the Homekey money, they failed to verify that paperwork was completed to restrict the buildings to affordable housing.[aside postID=news_12068047 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/12/20251211_YOUTHHOMELESSNESS_DECEMBER_GH-5-KQED.jpg']The state Housing Department and several local governments that hired Shangri-La for Homekey projects declined to comment, citing ongoing litigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Andy Meyers, the former CEO of Shangri-La, acknowledged in an interview that he had “a lack of control” over his company. He has sued Holmes for fraud. He also blamed the local and state officials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My CFO had a lot of wrongdoing,” he said. “But it was a confluence of events that caused each project to go bad.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meyers said officials’ failure to file the proper affordable housing restrictions, which were also required by his lender, triggered a financial disaster that led his company to default on some of the properties. On two projects that Shangri-La did open in San Bernardino and Salinas, he estimated that the company incurred around $11 million in unexpected costs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have spent so much money following their guidelines and following their timetables,” he said, “and they never followed their guidelines or timetables.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Monterey County Supervisor Chris Lopez rallied support for a Homekey project in his hometown of King City. He thought Shangri-La made sense for four projects in the county, since it had already opened one Homekey site in Salinas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But it didn’t take long for constituents to start asking why rooms were sitting empty behind chain-link fences.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12028078\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1568px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12028078\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/021125-ICE-Schools-Salinas-LV_34-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1568\" height=\"1045\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/021125-ICE-Schools-Salinas-LV_34-copy.jpg 1568w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/021125-ICE-Schools-Salinas-LV_34-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/021125-ICE-Schools-Salinas-LV_34-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/021125-ICE-Schools-Salinas-LV_34-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/021125-ICE-Schools-Salinas-LV_34-copy-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1568px) 100vw, 1568px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A person drives a tractor through a field of crops on farmland near Salinas on Feb. 11, 2025. \u003ccite>(Larry Valenzuela/CalMatters/CatchLight Local)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“The longer it went on without seeing any movement, the flag started to get raised,” Lopez said. “I was starting to hear less and less communication and more sort of finger pointing\u003cem>.”\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Local officials like Lopez had to start from scratch, raising millions more dollars to revive the projects as encampments swelled. It took 10 different deals totaling $16 million to open the King City project in March, three years behind schedule.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The full trail of Shangri-La’s deceit stretches from the state’s agricultural heartland to the edge of the Southern California desert. A $27 million Thousand Oaks hotel project sits abandoned today, robbing a region of 77 homes while it had a decade-long housing waitlist. Another $16 million project scrapped in Salinas would have provided 58 homes. Officials still plan to salvage 200 homes in other parts of Monterey County. The only two Shangri-La projects that stayed open during the legal battle, two motels in Southern California, were full of people who were plunged into messy foreclosure disputes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Carrie Harmon, San Bernardino County’s director of community development and housing, said in an email that “the county entered into this effort in good faith, relying on representations that later proved to be inaccurate.”[aside postID=news_12082518 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/OAKRIDGE_11_qed-1.jpg']Even some of those whose Homekey projects went well say they’re not surprised that things went sideways. In Mendocino County, Van Sant said the state’s oversight was limited to quarterly progress reports. Once the money was spent, the state stopped asking for any information at all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They gave us a bunch of money, made us do some paperwork, and then they’re out of here,” Van Sant said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Colleen Robinson, public officials’ failure to see the red flags with Shangri-La was life-changing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Robinson, now 62, survived years on the street after losing her job and fleeing a bad relationship. The All Star Lodge in downtown San Bernardino was her chance to start over. Shangri-La did manage to renovate and open that project in late 2022.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two years later, the bank foreclosed. Because no one had put the affordable housing restriction on the property, the new owner told Robinson and other tenants that it was going to quadruple the rent. She said the new owner neglected the building; weeds and stray cats reclaimed the parking lot, police sirens blared, and neighbors died with little explanation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This would give hell a run for its money,” Robinson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Harmon said the county was still trying to buy the building and figure something out, but Robinson didn’t wait around to see how the saga ended. On a Thursday in February, she packed up and boarded a Greyhound bus for Iowa, where one of her children lives.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Homeless veterans still waiting\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Some Homekey projects still haven’t opened.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Santa Cruz County has three badly delayed Homekey projects, one of which will be more than four years late when it is slated to finally be finished at the end of next year. For that project, the county obtained more than $6 million to convert rustic vacation cabins under a grove of redwood trees into housing for homeless veterans. The state initially set a completion deadline of 2023, but the project ran out of money before it crossed the finish line, forcing construction to stop.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There were many reasons why, but one stands out: underestimating the cost, said Robert Ratner, director of Santa Cruz County’s Housing for Health division.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12082694\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12082694\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey9.jpeg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey9.jpeg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey9-160x107.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey9-1536x1024.jpeg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">An unfinished motel conversion in the Encino neighborhood of Los Angeles on January 27. The project is expected to finish more than a year after the original deadline, city records show. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The developers had never undertaken a project this large, and that inexperience contributed to the budgeting error, Ratner said. But so did the design of Homekey, which capped what the state was willing to pay per unit at about half what it takes to build affordable housing in some parts of California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The idea was that projects would be cheaper because they were converting existing buildings, while also cutting out extra layers of bureaucracy that add time and expense. That led developers to low-ball budgets, which came back to bite them when the savings weren’t as great as anticipated, Ratner said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Once the budgeting error was made, neither the state nor the county caught it, Ratner said. The county assumed that the state would scrutinize all Homekey applications and throw out any that didn’t seem viable, Ratner said. But it appears that in reality, the state was relying on the counties to do that vetting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Santa Cruz County had little experience analyzing whether a construction project was adequately budgeted. Typically, the county relies on other funders, such as construction lenders and tax credit investors, to do that job. But those investors weren’t present here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When asked whether he and his colleagues had done their due diligence to make sure the projects were realistic, Ratner was straightforward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11682474\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11682474\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/07/SantaCruzBeach.jpg\" alt=\"Visitors enjoy the beach below West Cliff Drive in Santa Cruz. Santa Cruz County has the second-highest poverty rate in the state, after Los Angeles.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1226\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/07/SantaCruzBeach.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/07/SantaCruzBeach-160x102.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/07/SantaCruzBeach-800x511.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/07/SantaCruzBeach-1020x651.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/07/SantaCruzBeach-1200x766.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/07/SantaCruzBeach-1180x753.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/07/SantaCruzBeach-960x613.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/07/SantaCruzBeach-240x153.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/07/SantaCruzBeach-375x239.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/07/SantaCruzBeach-520x332.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Visitors in Santa Cruz enjoy the beach below West Cliff Drive. Santa Cruz County has the second-highest poverty rate in the state, after Los Angeles. \u003ccite>(Stephen Dunn/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“I would say no,” Ratner said. “I can’t say yes with a straight face at this juncture.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other projects just never happened.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A $14 million Homekey award was supposed to help breathe new life into the Hotel Travelers, a rundown, century-old building in Oakland’s Chinatown, as housing for people returning from incarceration. But once the developer got a look at the building, that plan fell apart. An inspection revealed such severe issues with the building’s construction that the developer determined it would be “morally untenable” to proceed. Oakland returned the grant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In total, CalMatters found at least 10 cases where a Homekey award was announced, only for the grantee to later withdraw their application, return or redirect the money, or have the state claw it back. Some instances had more public explanation than others.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>City officials in Fresno voted down their own project. Long Beach was unable to come up with a suitable location for $2 million worth of brand-new tiny homes left sitting in storage. Projects in Marin and Mariposa counties evaporated when real estate deals fell through, and the state rescinded its grant for a project in Salinas after a nonprofit partner pulled out.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Newsom’s legacy and a financial cliff\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Despite the vastly different outcomes at Homekey projects around the state, there’s no plan for a comprehensive audit to see what worked and what didn’t — a decision that raises the question of whether the state has done enough to grapple with Homekey as it forges ahead with the new version of the program, Homekey+.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this year, lawmakers nixed a public accounting proposed by \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/legislators/leticia-castillo-187479\">Assemblymember Leticia Castillo\u003c/a>, a Republican from Corona.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“While the program has expanded housing options, critical questions remain about its long-term impact and cost-effectiveness,” a \u003ca href=\"https://ad58.asmrc.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/02/Homekey-Program-Audit-Fact-Sheet.pdf\">summary\u003c/a> of \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/bills/ca_202520260ab505\">Assembly Bill 505\u003c/a> said. “It is unclear how many Homekey-funded units remain occupied after one year, how many individuals successfully transition to stable, long-term housing, and whether Homekey’s cost per unit is competitive.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12029662\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12029662\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/020624_No-Place-Like-Home_CC_CM_12-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/020624_No-Place-Like-Home_CC_CM_12-copy.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/020624_No-Place-Like-Home_CC_CM_12-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/020624_No-Place-Like-Home_CC_CM_12-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/020624_No-Place-Like-Home_CC_CM_12-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/020624_No-Place-Like-Home_CC_CM_12-copy-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/020624_No-Place-Like-Home_CC_CM_12-copy-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Framers work to build the Ruby Street apartments in Castro Valley on Feb. 6, 2024. The construction project is funded by the No Place Like Home bond, which passed in 2018 to create affordable housing for homeless residents experiencing mental health issues. \u003ccite>(Camille Cohen for CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The bill was never publicly debated. It died in January.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state did do one \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/homelessness/2024/04/california-homelessness-spending/\">audit of multiple homeless services programs\u003c/a> in 2024. It didn’t get into Homekey delays or what actually happened to people living in the buildings, but it analyzed the costs of eight projects.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Based on that small sample, the auditor concluded that Homekey was “likely” cost-effective, with an average cost of $144,000 per unit, compared to the hundreds of thousands of dollars more it can cost for new construction in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The challenge is that when Homekey plans fell short of ambitions at job sites around the state, the consequences were often murky. In extreme cases, where cities acknowledged that projects failed to materialize, the state has clawed back grants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But usually, the main penalty for blown deadlines or other missteps is that the state may hold it against a local government or developer the next time it applies for funding — a dynamic that provides no public transparency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What happens next will be left up to a new state housing agency \u003ca href=\"https://www.bcsh.ca.gov/about/reorganization.html\">set to be launched\u003c/a> this summer, the California Housing and Homelessness Agency. That effort is expected to include a new development committee to “provide centralized, coordinated guidance to state housing policy and funding decisions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11877271\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11877271\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/RS49740_009_MountainView_ProjectHomekey_06082021-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1278\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/RS49740_009_MountainView_ProjectHomekey_06082021-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/RS49740_009_MountainView_ProjectHomekey_06082021-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/RS49740_009_MountainView_ProjectHomekey_06082021-qut-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/RS49740_009_MountainView_ProjectHomekey_06082021-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/RS49740_009_MountainView_ProjectHomekey_06082021-qut-1536x1022.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Final construction is completed on a row of housing units at LifeMoves Mountain View, a modular housing community, on June 8, 2021. The site, part of California’s Homekey program, provides temporary housing and resources to people in the city who are currently homeless. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>For now, the state’s Housing Department maintains that it “monitors each project closely” if issues arise or deadline extensions are granted. Even with widespread delays, the agency maintains that “Homekey has helped build more and faster.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state said it is learning as it gives out the new Homekey+ funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After seeing so many projects miss the one-year deadline, the state doubled the timeline for new construction to two years. Homekey+ projects that \u003ca href=\"https://www.hcd.ca.gov/sites/default/files/docs/grants-and-funding/homekey/hk-plus-nofa-amendment.pdf\">serve veterans\u003c/a> now can propose bigger budgets for new builds, potentially addressing the issue of under-budgeted projects running out of money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Officials also said they’re scrutinizing applications more closely now, including looking carefully at whether applicants are budgeting enough funds for their proposed projects, said California Health and Human Services Secretary Kim Johnson.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are improving our own vetting process, if you will,” she said during a recent news conference, “to ensure these projects are successful in delivering.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state’s housing department maintains that Homekey accomplished a major feat: building thousands of units despite a global pandemic, labor shortages, supply chain issues and other challenges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12082698\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12082698\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey9-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey9-1.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey9-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey9-1-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gary Wish stands outside El Portal apartments in Ventura on Feb. 26, 2026. \u003ccite>(Julie Leopo-Bermudez for CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“It is tremendously rewarding to see so many vulnerable Californians housed so quickly, and to have voters expand the successful Homekey model to house and support veterans and others facing behavioral health challenges,” Assistant Deputy Director Cari Scott said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the state’s housing policies shift, there’s one big question left for people like Van Sant in Mendocino: Will there be enough money to keep Homekey projects running?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most of the projects have a pay-as-you-go model, versus standard 10- or 15-year affordable housing financing — a calculation that leaves a financial cliff looming for thousands of Homekey homes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If [Homekey] is going to be a long-term, permanent, successful program,” Van Sant said, “I think the state’s going to have to find a way to find some ongoing funding for it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Data reporters\u003c/em> \u003cem>Erica Yee and Kate Li contributed to this story.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This article was \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2026/05/newsom-homekey-records/\">originally published on CalMatters\u003c/a> and was republished under the \u003ca href=\"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/\">Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives\u003c/a> license.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003c!-- Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/ -->\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was originally published by \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\">CalMatters\u003c/a>. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/subscribe-to-calmatters/\">Sign up\u003c/a> for their newsletters.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/covid-19\">COVID-19\u003c/a> tore through California, Jennifer Hark Dietz had a decision to make. The state was making perhaps its biggest push ever to get people off the street, offering up billions of dollars for cities and organizations like hers to turn old motels into new homes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was risky. The Homekey program came with up-front cash and a promise to move fast and cut red tape. But it also meant taking on old buildings with little vetting, which had the potential to put a developer in a deep financial hole.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At first, the gamble paid off. In just a few months, Hark Dietz’s nonprofit, People Assisting The Homeless, was housing people in the old 40-room Hollywood Orchid Suites in Los Angeles. She called it a “shining light” for what seemed possible with the radical new program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But then came a pale pink Travelodge in the suburb of Gardena. The city of LA had already bought the motel for $9 million, and Hark Dietz said her team didn’t have a chance to vet or tour the site. They’d only seen online photos and basic inspection reports before they took it over in December 2020. A city consultant estimated that it would take about $50,000 to start moving people into the roadside motel.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Of course,” she said, “we know now that’s not the case.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than five years and nearly $3 million later, the motel — which turned out to need all new windows, plumbing and electrical, among other issues — was still vacant earlier this year. There was plywood over some of the windows, and someone had graffitied a ghost on one side.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12082684\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12082684\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey2.jpeg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey2.jpeg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey2-160x107.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey2-1536x1025.jpeg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Live Oak Apartments in Ukiah on Feb. 26. Live Oak offers its residents access to common spaces, such as a community garden and meeting rooms for visitors. \u003ccite>(Manuel Orbegozo for CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The boom-or-bust results in Los Angeles underscore how little is known publicly about a generational project with a high price tag and even higher stakes. Some projects were huge successes. Others were total failures. Dozens remain stuck in limbo. CalMatters found there’s been little public accountability for any of it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Launched by Gov. Gavin Newsom in the summer of 2020, Homekey awarded more than $3.8 billion to local governments to convert motels and other buildings into homeless housing, thrusting many local governments into a new role running multimillion-dollar real estate projects. Cities and counties could hire outside contractors to help or do the work themselves, skipping some of the usual building process for the sake of speed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was unlike anything the state had ever done, largely because it sprang from desperation. Homekey launched during peak COVID, five months before vaccines were available, and after cities had already moved thousands of unhoused people into motels through \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/homelessness/2024/05/california-homeless-project-roomkey/\">Project Roomkey\u003c/a>, another Newsom program. But those rooms were temporary, and officials were scrambling to prevent a mass exodus back to the streets.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>With Homekey, local officials across the state bought and gutted Motel 6s, Best Westerns and roadside inns. They got more creative as the program evolved: Tiny homes sprouted in Silicon Valley, and Santa Cruz retrofitted an old dentist’s office. In Southern California, housing took shape in a former Tri-Delt sorority house, an earthquake-stricken church and a hostel that once served as a refuge for Japanese Americans returning from World War II internment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What we’re doing here today is multiples of what any state in American history has committed to address this crisis of homelessness,” Newsom said at a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/homelessness/2021/05/newsom-end-homelessness-pandemic-lessons/\">2021 press conference\u003c/a> announcing a major Homekey expansion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The program came with little built-in oversight. Earlier this year, state lawmakers killed a bill to audit Homekey. No state agency has publicly analyzed the program in detail to find out what’s working and what’s not.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The challenge now: A new and more complex phase is already underway with up to $2 billion from the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/mental-health/2025/06/prop-1-mental-health-awards/\">voter-approved Prop. 1\u003c/a> mental health bond. But no one has publicly accounted for how many of the program’s original projects stalled out and how many succeeded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To find out what happened, CalMatters filed more than 100 public records requests with cities and counties that were awarded Homekey funds. We asked for key details on 250 projects announced through the end of 2024, covering all but a handful of projects for which less public data was available. Those state and local records — along with dozens of visits to Homekey sites, plus interviews with people who built and lived in them — create a first-of-its-kind window into how it all played out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among our findings:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Homekey made producing housing simpler. But it came at a cost\u003c/strong>. Homekey provided billions of dollars in housing funding up front, allowing some developers to sidestep the usual webs of investors and lenders and finish much faster than normal. But fewer funders also means less oversight. With rushed vetting, some projects got bogged down in delays, blown budgets or worse. At least one Homekey developer was forced out of business by an unwieldy project. Another is facing fraud charges.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>When Homekey worked, those involved stress that it \u003c/strong>\u003cstrong>\u003cem>really\u003c/em>\u003c/strong>\u003cstrong> worked.\u003c/strong> Nearly 13,500 people now live at Homekey sites, according to the state Housing Department. For small and rural communities, such as Glenn County, the program provided crucial cash for their first-ever homeless housing. Officials from Mendocino County to Ventura say they were able to stabilize people longer term by adding stronger ties to public services and extra investment in resources such as counseling.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Those successes magnify the opportunities squandered. \u003c/strong>Projects involving about 3,000 homes — roughly 1 in 5 promised by the program — weren’t finished as of the end of last year. Another 2,000 units have people living in them on a temporary basis but haven’t been converted into permanent housing, the program’s main goal. In 10 instances involving 500 more units, the state publicized grants that later were canceled or that never materialized because local officials or developers backed out.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>A lack of transparency raises familiar questions about the program’s future\u003c/strong>. State officials stress that they have extended deadlines and improved vetting for the program’s latest bond-funded iteration, Homekey+. But they refused to publicly provide details about that vetting process. And as homeless services providers have long warned, there remains no guaranteed state funding to keep existing or planned Homekey projects going.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Yes, many Homekey projects opened late or over budget. But, officials emphasize, they still opened.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom said he considers the program a “phenomenal success.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12076525\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12076525\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260116-NewsomLuriePresser-33-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260116-NewsomLuriePresser-33-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260116-NewsomLuriePresser-33-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260116-NewsomLuriePresser-33-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gov. Gavin Newsom speaks during a press conference at the Friendship House Association of American Indians in San Francisco on Jan. 16, 2026.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We’re talking about hundreds and hundreds of projects all across the state of California that they’re trying to manage and organize and operate,” he said when CalMatters asked about it at a recent press conference. “And I imagine each one of them brings its own opportunities and own challenges as we move forward and implement at a scale we’ve never implemented in the state’s history.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Taryn Sandulyak knows that better than most. The Bay Area developer thought Homekey might be her big break, but it ultimately put her out of business. She sees a fundamental mismatch at the heart of the program. It wanted high quality, high speed and low budgets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You can only have two of those,” Sandulyak said. “You really can’t ever have three. That’s the issue with Homekey, is they give you not quite enough money to do it, and they want you to do it really, really fast and really, really well.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The chasm between Homekey successes and failures isn’t a simple, one-size-fits-all story. But it does provide an outline of what it will take to make good on California’s big effort to finally make a dent in its homelessness crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘Failing was not an option’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>On the west side of Ventura, just as the surf town creeps up into the hills toward Ojai, sits what used to be one of the city’s worst nuisance properties: a nearly 100-year-old apartment building once known, in a nod to local drug slang, as the “Booyah Mansion.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city’s housing authority, Ventura Housing, cobbled together enough money in 2019 to buy the building. But it didn’t have enough cash to fix all 300-something code violations at the crime-ridden property — until Homekey came along.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We had some scary stuff go on here,” said Karen Flock, Ventura Housing’s real estate development director. “This property failing was not an option.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12082685\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12082685\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey3.jpeg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey3.jpeg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey3-160x107.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey3-1536x1025.jpeg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Live Oak Apartments in Ukiah on Feb. 26. Live Oak offers its residents access to common spaces, such as a community garden and meeting rooms for visitors. \u003ccite>(Manuel Orbegozo for CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Now known as El Portal, the 29-unit apartment complex today serves as a lifeline for a mother with 9-year-old twins, one severely autistic. It’s a refuge for a woman who lived for six years in a city-funded Tuff Shed. Another neighbor still keeps his shopping cart from the street in his apartment as a reminder of what he’s been through, and why he can never go back.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ventura and other cities and counties that were able to pull off Homekey projects relatively on time and on budget credit a variety of factors for their success. Some grantees provided services themselves rather than contracting them out, better integrating public resources. Others raised extra money for on-site social services or worked closely with first responders to head off concerns about crime and stabilize residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jeffrey Lambert, CEO of Ventura Housing, said the crucial thing was realizing early that Homekey money alone isn’t nearly enough. Instead, the city combined it with other public and private funding, staffing and resources. Projects that failed or got stuck in limbo often fell apart after they ran out of money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Homekey works,” Lambert said, “because of all the stuff added on top of it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" title=\"Look up Homekey projects in your city or county\" aria-label=\"Table\" id=\"datawrapper-chart-kiDgD\" src=\"https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/kiDgD/8/\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"width: 0; min-width: 100% !important; border: none;\" height=\"550\" data-external=\"1\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For housing researchers such as Ryan Finnigan, deputy director of research at UC Berkeley’s Terner Center for Housing Innovation, the real strength of Homekey was not the building minutiae. It was an attempt to challenge the state’s status quo of painstakingly slow housing development while people kept pouring onto the streets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If we’re not willing to try a new approach,” he said, “then we’re not going to learn as much about how we can be more creative, how we can work with more urgency than the current systems.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As fraught and full of delays as the construction process can be, getting a project completed is often just the first hurdle for Homekey. Once a project opens its doors, it typically needs significant resources in addition to the state funding. Mendocino County credits much of its project’s success to extra services for residents, which aren’t paid for by the state grant, said Megan Van Sant, a senior program manager for the county who oversees the Homekey site.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the former Best Western hotel now known as Live Oak Apartments, there’s a therapist on retainer for tenants, plus a dog trainer paid to work with problem pets. Both try to help residents resolve any issues that come up before they escalate into grounds for an eviction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To provide those extras, the county runs the project itself, rather than contracting with an outside service provider as many Homekey projects do. Two county staffers work full-time inside the building, using their connections to do everything from enrolling residents in Medi-Cal to pairing them with mental health services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All that is expensive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12082686\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12082686\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey4.jpeg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey4.jpeg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey4-160x107.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey4-1536x1025.jpeg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Resident Sherry Collins inside her room at Live Oak Apartments in Ukiah on Feb. 26. \u003ccite>(Manuel Orbegozo for CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“I think the state should continue to support these projects,” Van Sant said. “The state asked communities to do these projects, and they cost more to do well than what you can earn in rent.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sherry Collins, 66, moved into the project three years ago, at a time when she was terrified of what would come next. Her husband had died, her health was failing, she couldn’t work, and she couldn’t afford to keep living in her cabin in the tiny coastal city of Fort Bragg.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now she feels like she’s home. Collins decorated the window of her room with little red and pink hearts and adopted a kitten with extra toes, whom she named Mr. Handsome.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She continues to deal with health challenges after losing a leg to diabetes about a year ago. The building has only four units accessible for people with disabilities, making it a challenge to accommodate everyone, but one recently opened up for Collins, where she can more comfortably shower.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They have been awesome to me,” Collins said. “They’re more like family.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Never-ending projects\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>For Sandulyak, Homekey was too good to refuse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Five years earlier she had co-founded Firm Foundation Community Housing, which helped Bay Area churches turn their parking lots and backyards into tiny homes for homeless residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Homekey was a once-in-a-lifetime opportunity to dramatically scale up that vision by using millions in state funds to house dozens of people in Vallejo. It would be the small nonprofit’s most ambitious project by far.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12082687\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12082687\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey5.jpeg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey5.jpeg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey5-160x107.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey5-1536x1024.jpeg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The official ribbon cutting at the grand opening of Broadway Village in Vallejo on March 5. \u003ccite>(Nathan Weyland for CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Sandulyak never suspected that by applying for Homekey, she had doomed her organization.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Firm Foundation was awarded $12 million in 2022 to build a 47-unit modular apartment building called the Broadway Project. Over the next four years, nearly everything that could go wrong did.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some problems had nothing to do with Homekey. The general contractor went bankrupt, and the nonprofit tapped to operate the facility squabbled with the city, leaving the project in limbo for a year. The state wouldn’t let Firm Foundation pick a new partner to run the housing, which Sandulyak says further delayed the opening.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other problems were directly related to Homekey. By design, the program forced cities to take a much more hands-on role with housing development than they were used to. Vallejo wasn’t prepared for that responsibility. It fumbled its attempt to get a key federal grant and failed to set up important safeguards that protect affordable housing projects from financial risks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Soon, Sandulyak had $2 million in bills and no way to pay them. With construction three-quarters done, the project ran out of money. Firm Foundation was forced to stop work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It became such a nightmare that the Vallejo City Council asked for an independent audit to find out what went wrong and why. The \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/28094481-vallejo-broadway-affordable-housing-report/\">audit blamed\u003c/a> both the city and Firm Foundation for allowing the project to run out of money before it was finished. Firm Foundation vastly underestimated the project’s cost, and the city bungled efforts to secure additional funds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In some ways, the audit found, the very nature of Homekey helped set the project up for failure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12023514\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12023514\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250114_Mare-Island_DMB_00333.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250114_Mare-Island_DMB_00333.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250114_Mare-Island_DMB_00333-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250114_Mare-Island_DMB_00333-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250114_Mare-Island_DMB_00333-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250114_Mare-Island_DMB_00333-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250114_Mare-Island_DMB_00333-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A kayaker floats down the Napa River past the Navy Yard of Mare Island in the city of Vallejo, Tuesday, Jan. 14, 2025. \u003ccite>(David M. Barreda/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>One big problem was the timeline. Homekey required projects to finish construction within one year of their award, and to move people in 90 days after that. To meet those deadlines, Firm Foundation created budgets before the architectural drawings were even done, contributing to serious cost underestimates, the audit found.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The audit also found a lack of oversight at the Broadway Project, which it said is typical of Homekey projects. Normally, a single affordable housing project uses funding from multiple sources, including the city, the county, the state, federal funds, tax credits, private banks and more. The more funders and investors, the more eyes watching and holding the developer accountable. With Homekey, the city applying for the grant typically takes on all those risks by itself, the audit found.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On a recent Thursday morning, Sandulyak gathered with city officials and her construction partners in front of a crowd to celebrate what they, at times, had thought would be impossible: the Broadway Project was finally open. Behind them rose the terracotta-colored wall of the sleek, new, modular apartment building. A red ribbon waited in front of them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On the count of three, Sandulyak helped Vallejo’s assistant city manager snip the ribbon. The crowd cheered.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The project ended up coming in two and a half years late and 70% over budget. Despite those setbacks, the audit found it \u003cem>still \u003c/em>cost less per unit and was built more quickly than the region’s average affordable housing project.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But it cost Sandulyak everything. She laid off three of her four employees, and she plans to lay off the last one and dissolve her organization. The nonprofit is still on the hook for more than $1 million in unpaid bills related to the project.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12082708\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1980px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12082708\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/GettyImages-2172244931.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1980\" height=\"1367\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/GettyImages-2172244931.jpg 1980w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/GettyImages-2172244931-160x110.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/GettyImages-2172244931-1536x1060.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1980px) 100vw, 1980px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Governor Gavin Newsom speaks during a press conference of housing & homelessness with new legislation and funding and bills signing, along with other local, state and federal leaders are gathered in San Francisco, California, United States on Sept. 19, 2024. \u003ccite>(Tayfun Coskun/Anadolu via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Despite her pride in the finished building, Sandulyak wonders how much more housing her nonprofit could have built — if only she’d never applied for Homekey.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, 52 people now have somewhere to call home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m unshaken in my belief that that is worth it,” Sandulyak said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of those people is 62-year-old Terrence White, a former refinery worker who was forced into early retirement by an injury and can’t afford market-rate rent. Now, he pays $294 a month and finally has his own place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It feels wonderful,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The Homekey gold rush\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>During the frantic first two years of Homekey, when many experienced affordable housing developers were sitting out the untested new program, an LA company called Shangri-La Industries stepped in to help fill the void. It scored nearly $115 million in contracts to build 500 homes for homeless Californians in cities from Salinas to San Bernardino.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But a \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/28097013-holmes-indictment/\">federal indictment\u003c/a> and a separate civil lawsuit allege that millions in state funds instead went to fund a lavish lifestyle for the company’s chief financial officer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among the charges attributed in \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/28097094-shangri-la-v-holmes/\">court records\u003c/a> to Shangri-La’s former CFO, Cody Holmes: $46,000 in monthly rent for a Beverly Hills house with a pool. Designer gifts for a girlfriend, including a $127,000 diamond necklace and a $111,000 crocodile Birkin bag. A $5,000-a-month lease on a Ferrari Portofino. Another $53,000 for Coachella passes, and $44,000 for flights on private jets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12082689\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12082689\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey7.jpeg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey7.jpeg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey7-160x107.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey7-1536x1024.jpeg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Quality Inn & Suites building, a former Shangri-La project, stands vacant in Thousand Oaks on Feb. 26. \u003ccite>(Julie Leopo-Bermudez for CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>All this while many of the desperately needed motel rooms sat empty.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Homekey set a low bar for contractors to qualify: They had to have worked on at least two affordable housing projects that included at least one homeless tenant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shangri-La easily cleared that hurdle. But had any state or local officials done more digging, they might have seen warning signs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shangri-La’s construction business was sued twice for breach of contract in \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/28094732-shangri-la-2018-breach-contract-complaint/\">2018\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/28094731-shangri-la-2019-contract-fraud-complaint/\">2019\u003c/a>, court records show, after two firms alleged that it failed to pay them. The company was also a contractor on a troubled LA veteran housing project, where records first \u003ca href=\"https://www.kcrw.com/shows/greater-la/stories/30-million-motel-homeless-shelter-prop-hhh-taxpayer-oversight-la\">reported by KCRW\u003c/a> show Shangri-La partners sold the property to themselves, increasing the project’s budget by $8 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With Homekey, federal \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/usao-cdca/pr/beverly-hills-man-arrested-brentwood-man-charged-separate-criminal-cases-linked-fraud\">prosecutors allege\u003c/a> that Holmes “knowingly submitted fake bank records” to the state Housing Department to boost Shangri-La’s credentials — financial claims that state officials apparently failed to verify with the banks. Holmes has pleaded not guilty, and an attorney representing him declined to comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the company took on the Homekey projects, property records show that entities connected to Shangri-La or its partners paid around $13 million for actress Milla Jovovich’s Beverly Hills mansion, adding to a portfolio that included a $7 million oceanfront home in Long Beach purchased two years earlier.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12082690\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12082690\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey8.jpeg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey8.jpeg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey8-160x107.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey8-1536x1025.jpeg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Quality Inn & Suites building, a former Shangri-La project, stands vacant in Thousand Oaks on Feb. 26. \u003ccite>(Julie Leopo-Bermudez for CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In a separate \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/28093061-hcd-vs-shangri-la-complaint/\">civil fraud case\u003c/a>, state prosecutors allege in court records that Shangri-La went behind the state’s back and took out undisclosed loans on the Homekey buildings, giving up control of the sites and violating their contract with the state. That became a major problem when the company defaulted on the loans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For several of the properties, no one had filed crucial paperwork to ensure that they remained affordable housing. After the buildings ended up in foreclosure, some were scooped up by companies with no commitment to homeless housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Homekey contracts tasked local officials with vetting projects and reviewing contractors’ organizational documents, budgets and other key details. But records show state officials also reviewed Shangri-La’s financials, and once they paid out the Homekey money, they failed to verify that paperwork was completed to restrict the buildings to affordable housing.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The state Housing Department and several local governments that hired Shangri-La for Homekey projects declined to comment, citing ongoing litigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Andy Meyers, the former CEO of Shangri-La, acknowledged in an interview that he had “a lack of control” over his company. He has sued Holmes for fraud. He also blamed the local and state officials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My CFO had a lot of wrongdoing,” he said. “But it was a confluence of events that caused each project to go bad.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meyers said officials’ failure to file the proper affordable housing restrictions, which were also required by his lender, triggered a financial disaster that led his company to default on some of the properties. On two projects that Shangri-La did open in San Bernardino and Salinas, he estimated that the company incurred around $11 million in unexpected costs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have spent so much money following their guidelines and following their timetables,” he said, “and they never followed their guidelines or timetables.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Monterey County Supervisor Chris Lopez rallied support for a Homekey project in his hometown of King City. He thought Shangri-La made sense for four projects in the county, since it had already opened one Homekey site in Salinas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But it didn’t take long for constituents to start asking why rooms were sitting empty behind chain-link fences.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12028078\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1568px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12028078\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/021125-ICE-Schools-Salinas-LV_34-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1568\" height=\"1045\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/021125-ICE-Schools-Salinas-LV_34-copy.jpg 1568w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/021125-ICE-Schools-Salinas-LV_34-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/021125-ICE-Schools-Salinas-LV_34-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/021125-ICE-Schools-Salinas-LV_34-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/021125-ICE-Schools-Salinas-LV_34-copy-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1568px) 100vw, 1568px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A person drives a tractor through a field of crops on farmland near Salinas on Feb. 11, 2025. \u003ccite>(Larry Valenzuela/CalMatters/CatchLight Local)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“The longer it went on without seeing any movement, the flag started to get raised,” Lopez said. “I was starting to hear less and less communication and more sort of finger pointing\u003cem>.”\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Local officials like Lopez had to start from scratch, raising millions more dollars to revive the projects as encampments swelled. It took 10 different deals totaling $16 million to open the King City project in March, three years behind schedule.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The full trail of Shangri-La’s deceit stretches from the state’s agricultural heartland to the edge of the Southern California desert. A $27 million Thousand Oaks hotel project sits abandoned today, robbing a region of 77 homes while it had a decade-long housing waitlist. Another $16 million project scrapped in Salinas would have provided 58 homes. Officials still plan to salvage 200 homes in other parts of Monterey County. The only two Shangri-La projects that stayed open during the legal battle, two motels in Southern California, were full of people who were plunged into messy foreclosure disputes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Carrie Harmon, San Bernardino County’s director of community development and housing, said in an email that “the county entered into this effort in good faith, relying on representations that later proved to be inaccurate.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Even some of those whose Homekey projects went well say they’re not surprised that things went sideways. In Mendocino County, Van Sant said the state’s oversight was limited to quarterly progress reports. Once the money was spent, the state stopped asking for any information at all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They gave us a bunch of money, made us do some paperwork, and then they’re out of here,” Van Sant said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Colleen Robinson, public officials’ failure to see the red flags with Shangri-La was life-changing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Robinson, now 62, survived years on the street after losing her job and fleeing a bad relationship. The All Star Lodge in downtown San Bernardino was her chance to start over. Shangri-La did manage to renovate and open that project in late 2022.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two years later, the bank foreclosed. Because no one had put the affordable housing restriction on the property, the new owner told Robinson and other tenants that it was going to quadruple the rent. She said the new owner neglected the building; weeds and stray cats reclaimed the parking lot, police sirens blared, and neighbors died with little explanation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This would give hell a run for its money,” Robinson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Harmon said the county was still trying to buy the building and figure something out, but Robinson didn’t wait around to see how the saga ended. On a Thursday in February, she packed up and boarded a Greyhound bus for Iowa, where one of her children lives.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Homeless veterans still waiting\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Some Homekey projects still haven’t opened.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Santa Cruz County has three badly delayed Homekey projects, one of which will be more than four years late when it is slated to finally be finished at the end of next year. For that project, the county obtained more than $6 million to convert rustic vacation cabins under a grove of redwood trees into housing for homeless veterans. The state initially set a completion deadline of 2023, but the project ran out of money before it crossed the finish line, forcing construction to stop.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There were many reasons why, but one stands out: underestimating the cost, said Robert Ratner, director of Santa Cruz County’s Housing for Health division.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12082694\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12082694\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey9.jpeg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey9.jpeg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey9-160x107.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey9-1536x1024.jpeg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">An unfinished motel conversion in the Encino neighborhood of Los Angeles on January 27. The project is expected to finish more than a year after the original deadline, city records show. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The developers had never undertaken a project this large, and that inexperience contributed to the budgeting error, Ratner said. But so did the design of Homekey, which capped what the state was willing to pay per unit at about half what it takes to build affordable housing in some parts of California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The idea was that projects would be cheaper because they were converting existing buildings, while also cutting out extra layers of bureaucracy that add time and expense. That led developers to low-ball budgets, which came back to bite them when the savings weren’t as great as anticipated, Ratner said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Once the budgeting error was made, neither the state nor the county caught it, Ratner said. The county assumed that the state would scrutinize all Homekey applications and throw out any that didn’t seem viable, Ratner said. But it appears that in reality, the state was relying on the counties to do that vetting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Santa Cruz County had little experience analyzing whether a construction project was adequately budgeted. Typically, the county relies on other funders, such as construction lenders and tax credit investors, to do that job. But those investors weren’t present here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When asked whether he and his colleagues had done their due diligence to make sure the projects were realistic, Ratner was straightforward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11682474\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11682474\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/07/SantaCruzBeach.jpg\" alt=\"Visitors enjoy the beach below West Cliff Drive in Santa Cruz. Santa Cruz County has the second-highest poverty rate in the state, after Los Angeles.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1226\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/07/SantaCruzBeach.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/07/SantaCruzBeach-160x102.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/07/SantaCruzBeach-800x511.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/07/SantaCruzBeach-1020x651.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/07/SantaCruzBeach-1200x766.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/07/SantaCruzBeach-1180x753.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/07/SantaCruzBeach-960x613.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/07/SantaCruzBeach-240x153.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/07/SantaCruzBeach-375x239.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/07/SantaCruzBeach-520x332.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Visitors in Santa Cruz enjoy the beach below West Cliff Drive. Santa Cruz County has the second-highest poverty rate in the state, after Los Angeles. \u003ccite>(Stephen Dunn/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“I would say no,” Ratner said. “I can’t say yes with a straight face at this juncture.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other projects just never happened.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A $14 million Homekey award was supposed to help breathe new life into the Hotel Travelers, a rundown, century-old building in Oakland’s Chinatown, as housing for people returning from incarceration. But once the developer got a look at the building, that plan fell apart. An inspection revealed such severe issues with the building’s construction that the developer determined it would be “morally untenable” to proceed. Oakland returned the grant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In total, CalMatters found at least 10 cases where a Homekey award was announced, only for the grantee to later withdraw their application, return or redirect the money, or have the state claw it back. Some instances had more public explanation than others.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>City officials in Fresno voted down their own project. Long Beach was unable to come up with a suitable location for $2 million worth of brand-new tiny homes left sitting in storage. Projects in Marin and Mariposa counties evaporated when real estate deals fell through, and the state rescinded its grant for a project in Salinas after a nonprofit partner pulled out.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Newsom’s legacy and a financial cliff\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Despite the vastly different outcomes at Homekey projects around the state, there’s no plan for a comprehensive audit to see what worked and what didn’t — a decision that raises the question of whether the state has done enough to grapple with Homekey as it forges ahead with the new version of the program, Homekey+.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this year, lawmakers nixed a public accounting proposed by \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/legislators/leticia-castillo-187479\">Assemblymember Leticia Castillo\u003c/a>, a Republican from Corona.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“While the program has expanded housing options, critical questions remain about its long-term impact and cost-effectiveness,” a \u003ca href=\"https://ad58.asmrc.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/02/Homekey-Program-Audit-Fact-Sheet.pdf\">summary\u003c/a> of \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/bills/ca_202520260ab505\">Assembly Bill 505\u003c/a> said. “It is unclear how many Homekey-funded units remain occupied after one year, how many individuals successfully transition to stable, long-term housing, and whether Homekey’s cost per unit is competitive.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12029662\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12029662\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/020624_No-Place-Like-Home_CC_CM_12-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/020624_No-Place-Like-Home_CC_CM_12-copy.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/020624_No-Place-Like-Home_CC_CM_12-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/020624_No-Place-Like-Home_CC_CM_12-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/020624_No-Place-Like-Home_CC_CM_12-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/020624_No-Place-Like-Home_CC_CM_12-copy-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/020624_No-Place-Like-Home_CC_CM_12-copy-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Framers work to build the Ruby Street apartments in Castro Valley on Feb. 6, 2024. The construction project is funded by the No Place Like Home bond, which passed in 2018 to create affordable housing for homeless residents experiencing mental health issues. \u003ccite>(Camille Cohen for CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The bill was never publicly debated. It died in January.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state did do one \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/homelessness/2024/04/california-homelessness-spending/\">audit of multiple homeless services programs\u003c/a> in 2024. It didn’t get into Homekey delays or what actually happened to people living in the buildings, but it analyzed the costs of eight projects.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Based on that small sample, the auditor concluded that Homekey was “likely” cost-effective, with an average cost of $144,000 per unit, compared to the hundreds of thousands of dollars more it can cost for new construction in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The challenge is that when Homekey plans fell short of ambitions at job sites around the state, the consequences were often murky. In extreme cases, where cities acknowledged that projects failed to materialize, the state has clawed back grants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But usually, the main penalty for blown deadlines or other missteps is that the state may hold it against a local government or developer the next time it applies for funding — a dynamic that provides no public transparency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What happens next will be left up to a new state housing agency \u003ca href=\"https://www.bcsh.ca.gov/about/reorganization.html\">set to be launched\u003c/a> this summer, the California Housing and Homelessness Agency. That effort is expected to include a new development committee to “provide centralized, coordinated guidance to state housing policy and funding decisions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11877271\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11877271\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/RS49740_009_MountainView_ProjectHomekey_06082021-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1278\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/RS49740_009_MountainView_ProjectHomekey_06082021-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/RS49740_009_MountainView_ProjectHomekey_06082021-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/RS49740_009_MountainView_ProjectHomekey_06082021-qut-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/RS49740_009_MountainView_ProjectHomekey_06082021-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/RS49740_009_MountainView_ProjectHomekey_06082021-qut-1536x1022.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Final construction is completed on a row of housing units at LifeMoves Mountain View, a modular housing community, on June 8, 2021. The site, part of California’s Homekey program, provides temporary housing and resources to people in the city who are currently homeless. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>For now, the state’s Housing Department maintains that it “monitors each project closely” if issues arise or deadline extensions are granted. Even with widespread delays, the agency maintains that “Homekey has helped build more and faster.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state said it is learning as it gives out the new Homekey+ funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After seeing so many projects miss the one-year deadline, the state doubled the timeline for new construction to two years. Homekey+ projects that \u003ca href=\"https://www.hcd.ca.gov/sites/default/files/docs/grants-and-funding/homekey/hk-plus-nofa-amendment.pdf\">serve veterans\u003c/a> now can propose bigger budgets for new builds, potentially addressing the issue of under-budgeted projects running out of money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Officials also said they’re scrutinizing applications more closely now, including looking carefully at whether applicants are budgeting enough funds for their proposed projects, said California Health and Human Services Secretary Kim Johnson.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are improving our own vetting process, if you will,” she said during a recent news conference, “to ensure these projects are successful in delivering.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state’s housing department maintains that Homekey accomplished a major feat: building thousands of units despite a global pandemic, labor shortages, supply chain issues and other challenges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12082698\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12082698\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey9-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey9-1.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey9-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey9-1-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gary Wish stands outside El Portal apartments in Ventura on Feb. 26, 2026. \u003ccite>(Julie Leopo-Bermudez for CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“It is tremendously rewarding to see so many vulnerable Californians housed so quickly, and to have voters expand the successful Homekey model to house and support veterans and others facing behavioral health challenges,” Assistant Deputy Director Cari Scott said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the state’s housing policies shift, there’s one big question left for people like Van Sant in Mendocino: Will there be enough money to keep Homekey projects running?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most of the projects have a pay-as-you-go model, versus standard 10- or 15-year affordable housing financing — a calculation that leaves a financial cliff looming for thousands of Homekey homes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If [Homekey] is going to be a long-term, permanent, successful program,” Van Sant said, “I think the state’s going to have to find a way to find some ongoing funding for it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Data reporters\u003c/em> \u003cem>Erica Yee and Kate Li contributed to this story.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This article was \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2026/05/newsom-homekey-records/\">originally published on CalMatters\u003c/a> and was republished under the \u003ca href=\"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/\">Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives\u003c/a> license.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/BBC-World-Service-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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},
"link": "/radio/program/bbc-world-service",
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"rss": "https://podcasts.files.bbci.co.uk/p02nq0gn.rss"
}
},
"californiareport": {
"id": "californiareport",
"title": "The California Report",
"tagline": "California, day by day",
"info": "KQED’s statewide radio news program providing daily coverage of issues, trends and public policy decisions.",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-California-Report-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/californiareport",
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 8
},
"link": "/californiareport",
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}
},
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"title": "The California Report Magazine",
"tagline": "Your state, your stories",
"info": "Every week, The California Report Magazine takes you on a road trip for the ears: to visit the places and meet the people who make California unique. The in-depth storytelling podcast from the California Report.",
"airtime": "FRI 4:30pm-5pm, 6:30pm-7pm, 11pm-11:30pm",
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"order": 10
},
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM3NjkwNjk1OTAz",
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},
"city-arts": {
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"info": "A one-hour radio program to hear celebrated writers, artists and thinkers address contemporary ideas and values, often discussing the creative process. Please note: tapes or transcripts are not available",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/05/cityartsandlecture-300x300.jpg",
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"airtime": "SUN 1pm-2pm, TUE 10pm, WED 1am",
"meta": {
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"source": "City Arts & Lectures"
},
"link": "https://www.cityarts.net",
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"rss": "https://www.cityarts.net/feed/"
}
},
"closealltabs": {
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"order": 1
},
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"title": "Code Switch / Life Kit",
"info": "\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em>, which listeners will hear in the first part of the hour, has fearless and much-needed conversations about race. Hosted by journalists of color, the show tackles the subject of race head-on, exploring how it impacts every part of society — from politics and pop culture to history, sports and more.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em>, which will be in the second part of the hour, guides you through spaces and feelings no one prepares you for — from finances to mental health, from workplace microaggressions to imposter syndrome, from relationships to parenting. The show features experts with real world experience and shares their knowledge. Because everyone needs a little help being human.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/podcasts/510312/codeswitch\">\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/lifekit\">\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />",
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"meta": {
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"id": "commonwealth-club",
"title": "Commonwealth Club of California Podcast",
"info": "The Commonwealth Club of California is the nation's oldest and largest public affairs forum. As a non-partisan forum, The Club brings to the public airwaves diverse viewpoints on important topics. The Club's weekly radio broadcast - the oldest in the U.S., dating back to 1924 - is carried across the nation on public radio stations and is now podcasting. Our website archive features audio of our recent programs, as well as selected speeches from our long and distinguished history. This podcast feed is usually updated twice a week and is always un-edited.",
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"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Commonwealth-Club-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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"meta": {
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"source": "Commonwealth Club of California"
},
"link": "/radio/program/commonwealth-club",
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cDovL3d3dy5jb21tb253ZWFsdGhjbHViLm9yZy9hdWRpby9wb2RjYXN0L3dlZWtseS54bWw",
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"id": "forum",
"title": "Forum",
"tagline": "The conversation starts here",
"info": "KQED’s live call-in program discussing local, state, national and international issues, as well as in-depth interviews.",
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"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Forum-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED Forum with Mina Kim and Alexis Madrigal",
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 9
},
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM5NTU3MzgxNjMz",
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"freakonomics-radio": {
"id": "freakonomics-radio",
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"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/freakonomicsRadio.png",
"officialWebsiteLink": "http://freakonomics.com/",
"airtime": "SUN 1am-2am, SAT 3pm-4pm",
"meta": {
"site": "radio",
"source": "WNYC"
},
"link": "/radio/program/freakonomics-radio",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/freakonomics-radio/id354668519",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/podcasts/WNYC-Podcasts/Freakonomics-Radio-p272293/",
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},
"fresh-air": {
"id": "fresh-air",
"title": "Fresh Air",
"info": "Hosted by Terry Gross, \u003cem>Fresh Air from WHYY\u003c/em> is the Peabody Award-winning weekday magazine of contemporary arts and issues. One of public radio's most popular programs, Fresh Air features intimate conversations with today's biggest luminaries.",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/WebObjects/MZStore.woa/wa/viewPodcast?s=143441&mt=2&id=214089682&at=11l79Y&ct=nprdirectory",
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"here-and-now": {
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"info": "A live production of NPR and WBUR Boston, in collaboration with stations across the country, Here & Now reflects the fluid world of news as it's happening in the middle of the day, with timely, in-depth news, interviews and conversation. Hosted by Robin Young, Jeremy Hobson and Tonya Mosley.",
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},
"hidden-brain": {
"id": "hidden-brain",
"title": "Hidden Brain",
"info": "Shankar Vedantam uses science and storytelling to reveal the unconscious patterns that drive human behavior, shape our choices and direct our relationships.",
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"airtime": "SUN 7pm-8pm",
"meta": {
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"source": "NPR"
},
"link": "/radio/program/hidden-brain",
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},
"how-i-built-this": {
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"title": "How I Built This with Guy Raz",
"info": "Guy Raz dives into the stories behind some of the world's best known companies. How I Built This weaves a narrative journey about innovators, entrepreneurs and idealists—and the movements they built.",
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"airtime": "SUN 7:30pm-8pm",
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},
"link": "/radio/program/how-i-built-this",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/how-i-built-this-with-guy-raz/id1150510297?mt=2",
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},
"hyphenacion": {
"id": "hyphenacion",
"title": "Hyphenación",
"tagline": "Where conversation and cultura meet",
"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/03/Hyphenacion_FinalAssets_PodcastTile.png",
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"order": 15
},
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},
"jerrybrown": {
"id": "jerrybrown",
"title": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown",
"tagline": "Lessons from a lifetime in politics",
"info": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown brings listeners the wisdom of the former Governor, Mayor, and presidential candidate. Scott Shafer interviewed Brown for more than 40 hours, covering the former governor's life and half-century in the political game – and Brown has some lessons he'd like to share. ",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-Political-Mind-of-Jerry-Brown-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/jerrybrown",
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"order": 18
},
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}
},
"latino-usa": {
"id": "latino-usa",
"title": "Latino USA",
"airtime": "MON 1am-2am, SUN 6pm-7pm",
"info": "Latino USA, the radio journal of news and culture, is the only national, English-language radio program produced from a Latino perspective.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/latinoUsa.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "http://latinousa.org/",
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},
"link": "/radio/program/latino-usa",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/WebObjects/MZStore.woa/wa/viewPodcast?s=143441&mt=2&id=79681317&at=11l79Y&ct=nprdirectory",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510016/podcast.xml"
}
},
"marketplace": {
"id": "marketplace",
"title": "Marketplace",
"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 4pm-4:30pm, MON-WED 6:30pm-7pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Marketplace-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.marketplace.org/",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "American Public Media"
},
"link": "/radio/program/marketplace",
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"rss": "https://feeds.publicradio.org/public_feeds/marketplace-pm/rss/rss"
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},
"masters-of-scale": {
"id": "masters-of-scale",
"title": "Masters of Scale",
"info": "Masters of Scale is an original podcast in which LinkedIn co-founder and Greylock Partner Reid Hoffman sets out to describe and prove theories that explain how great entrepreneurs take their companies from zero to a gazillion in ingenious fashion.",
"airtime": "Every other Wednesday June 12 through October 16 at 8pm (repeats Thursdays at 2am)",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "https://mastersofscale.com/",
"meta": {
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"source": "WaitWhat"
},
"link": "/radio/program/masters-of-scale",
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"rss": "https://rss.art19.com/masters-of-scale"
}
},
"mindshift": {
"id": "mindshift",
"title": "MindShift",
"tagline": "A podcast about the future of learning and how we raise our kids",
"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Mindshift-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED MindShift: How We Will Learn",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/mindshift/",
"meta": {
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 12
},
"link": "/podcasts/mindshift",
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM1NzY0NjAwNDI5",
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}
},
"morning-edition": {
"id": "morning-edition",
"title": "Morning Edition",
"info": "\u003cem>Morning Edition\u003c/em> takes listeners around the country and the world with multi-faceted stories and commentaries every weekday. Hosts Steve Inskeep, David Greene and Rachel Martin bring you the latest breaking news and features to prepare you for the day.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 3am-9am",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Morning-Edition-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/programs/morning-edition/",
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"link": "/radio/program/morning-edition"
},
"onourwatch": {
"id": "onourwatch",
"title": "On Our Watch",
"tagline": "Deeply-reported investigative journalism",
"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/On-Our-Watch-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "On Our Watch from NPR and KQED",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/onourwatch",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "kqed",
"order": 11
},
"link": "/podcasts/onourwatch",
"subscribe": {
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5ucHIub3JnLzUxMDM2MC9wb2RjYXN0LnhtbD9zYz1nb29nbGVwb2RjYXN0cw",
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