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"slug": "misinformation-spreads-as-trump-moves-to-cut-aid-for-some-california-students",
"title": "Misinformation Spreads as Trump Moves to Cut Aid for Some California Students",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was originally published by \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\">CalMatters\u003c/a>. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/subscribe-to-calmatters/\">Sign up\u003c/a> for their newsletters.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hours after the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/donald-trump\">Trump administration\u003c/a> sued \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/california\">California\u003c/a> last week, threatening to end key benefits for students without legal status, Michelle was scrolling social media when she saw a video that made her panic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Trump administration \u003ca href=\"https://storage.courtlistener.com/recap/gov.uscourts.caed.475466/gov.uscourts.caed.475466.1.0.pdf\">is challenging\u003c/a> California’s policy of providing in-state tuition, scholarships and subsidized loans to immigrants without legal status — including Michelle, an immigrant who is a community college student in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-mateo-county\">San Mateo County\u003c/a>. CalMatters has agreed to withhold her full name because she fears drawing attention to her legal status.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On TikTok, rumors swirled. Michelle saw a video of a young man, around her age, asking if the Free Application for Federal Student Aid, or FAFSA, \u003ca href=\"https://www.tiktok.com/@king.squidwardd/video/7574821777012985118?q=is%20fafsa%20getting%20taken%20away%20king.squidwardd&t=1764088724748\">is gone\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In reality, FAFSA is still around, and while the new lawsuit could affect some students’ financial aid, some top legal experts say the Trump administration is unlikely to win. Regardless, the court process may take weeks or much longer to resolve the government’s claims against California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the lawsuit, the U.S. Department of Justice alleges that California’s policy of granting in-state tuition and financial aid for some students without legal status is unconstitutional. Federal lawyers also argue that California’s policies violate a 1996 federal law, which bars states from providing benefits to residents without legal status that aren’t also available to U.S. citizens who live anywhere in the U.S. The Justice Department is arguing that California either needs to drop the policy or let all U.S. citizens, including those who are out-of-state, pay the same rate.[aside postID=news_12063723 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251110-COLLEGE-STUDENTS-CALFRESH-MD-01-KQED.jpg']In California, over \u003ca href=\"https://www.higheredimmigrationportal.org/state/california/\">100,000 college students\u003c/a> lack legal status, according to one estimate by an alliance of university leaders who advocate for immigrants. Federal assistance, such as Pell grants and federal student loans, are off-limits to anyone who isn’t a U.S. citizen or does not have permanent legal status. California has its own money for college financial aid, which it distributes according to state law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As long as individuals meet certain requirements, such as attending three years of high school in California, they’re eligible for in-state tuition, saving as much as $39,000 of dollars each year \u003ca href=\"https://admission.universityofcalifornia.edu/tuition-financial-aid/tuition-cost-of-attendance/\">compared\u003c/a> to their out-of-state peers. Once they meet those requirements, students without legal status can also qualify for the state’s cornerstone financial aid program, known as Cal Grant, though \u003ca href=\"https://www.csac.ca.gov/undocumented-student-affordability-report\">only a small fraction\u003c/a> of these students actually apply for and receive it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To Kevin Johnson, a law professor at UC Davis, Trump’s actions may be more about political wins than legal ones. “The Trump administration is engaged in a full-court press on undocumented immigrants and so-called sanctuary jurisdictions, and California and Governor Newsom in particular,” Johnson said. That the U.S. Department of Justice named the suit “United States of America v. Newsom” is another indication that this is political, he added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Others noted that states have\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/k-12-education/2025/08/immigrants-california/\"> already invested\u003c/a> in students without legal status and denying them an affordable path toward a college education is a waste of resources. Economists have pointed out that immigrants without status also are \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/economy/2025/11/immigration-california-farms/\">integral\u003c/a> to the U.S. workforce and aren’t \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2025/06/trumps-first-immigration-crackdown-shrank-californias-population-it-could-happen-again/\">easily replaceable\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘We didn’t expect them to go this low’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Even weak lawsuits or outright misinformation can make students nervous during November, when college and financial aid application season is in full swing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On TikTok, videos of students \u003ca href=\"https://www.tiktok.com/@biancadanae_/video/7351047038030597422?q=fafsa%20glitches&t=1764088866073\">panicking\u003c/a> about the financial aid system surfaced last winter, after the Biden administration delayed and botched the rollout of the new FAFSA. Among its many \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/higher-education/2024/02/federal-financial-aid/\">glitches\u003c/a>, the new form prevented students whose parents lacked a Social Security number from submitting their information.[aside postID=news_12065240 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/IMG_4486-1020x765.jpeg']After Trump was elected last November, fears about the \u003ca href=\"https://www.tiktok.com/@brisprivatediary/video/7434187434746711327?q=is%20fafsa%20getting%20taken%20away&t=1764076992930\">total demise\u003c/a> of federal financial aid swirled again on TikTok. Over the course of this year, as his administration targets universities and continues to dismantle the U.S. Department of Education, those fears have \u003ca href=\"https://www.tiktok.com/@christian_jwalker/video/7484092163530280235?q=is%20fafsa%20getting%20taken%20away&t=1764076992930\">persisted\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, Trump seeks to impose a $1 billion penalty on UCLA for alleged civil rights abuses, though a federal judge recently \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/higher-education/2025/11/uc/\">handed the White House a temporary loss \u003c/a>on that front. His administration is also suing California colleges and universities for alleged antisemitism violations and has sought to freeze or curtail billions of dollars in federal research funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Much of those freezes have been blocked or reversed \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/2025/09/ucla-research-grants/\">by federal judges\u003c/a>, but hundreds of millions of dollars still remain \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/higher-education/2025/11/uc-tuition/#:~:text=Nearly%20800%20employees,totalling%20%24230%20million\">cut off to campuses\u003c/a>. Much, if not all, of those friction points between California and Trump could be resolved through settlements and negotiations, which are political in nature, said UCLA law professor Hiroshi Motomura in an interview.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before Trump was elected, state leaders, including Assemblymember \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/legislators/david-alvarez-112993\">David Alvarez\u003c/a>, a Chula Vista Democrat, pushed for California to offer additional benefits to students without legal status, such as the opportunity to work \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/higher-education/2024/05/undocumented-students-work/\">campus jobs\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, with access to financial aid programs at risk for these students, Alvarez said the focus is shifting. “We didn’t expect it would go this low as to go after students that the president had previously said should be welcomed here.” In 2024, Trump told a podcast host that students should \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/theallinpod/status/1803932968794108081?lang=en\">“automatically”\u003c/a> receive “a Green Card,” otherwise known as permanent residency, when they get their college diploma.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Legal scholars doubt Trump’s lawsuit will win\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The lawsuit against California is the Trump administration’s sixth against states with policies allowing in-state tuition for students without legal status. The White House went after \u003ca href=\"https://www.texastribune.org/2025/06/04/texas-justice-department-lawsuit-undocumented-in-state-tuition/\">Texas first\u003c/a>, in June. Underscoring how much of a bipartisan issue in-state tuition is, Texan lawmakers were the first in the U.S. to enshrine the policy in 2001. In all, \u003ca href=\"https://www.higheredimmigrationportal.org/states/\">more than\u003c/a> 20 states passed some in-state tuition policy benefiting some residents without legal status.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump’s legal attacks on the policy this year prompted leaders in \u003ca href=\"https://www.courtlistener.com/docket/70562424/united-states-v-beshear/\">Kentucky\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.insidehighered.com/news/quick-takes/2025/08/06/after-doj-sues-okla-ends-state-tuition-noncitizens\">Oklahoma\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.texastribune.org/2025/06/04/texas-justice-department-lawsuit-undocumented-in-state-tuition/\">Texas\u003c/a> to side with the White House to terminate the benefit in those respective states. Some \u003ca href=\"https://www.insidehighered.com/news/quick-takes/2025/11/20/judge-lets-group-defend-kys-undocumented-state-tuition\">legal groups\u003c/a> that want to continue in-state tuition for students lacking legal status are challenging those states’ moves.[aside postID=news_12065375 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/240508-Berkeley-High-File-MD-03_qed.jpg']Trump has also sued Minnesota and Illinois, states with Democrats as governors and attorneys general who are \u003ca href=\"https://storage.courtlistener.com/recap/gov.uscourts.mnd.226137/gov.uscourts.mnd.226137.9.0.pdf\">challenging\u003c/a> Trump’s \u003ca href=\"https://storage.courtlistener.com/recap/gov.uscourts.ilsd.106533/gov.uscourts.ilsd.106533.18.0.pdf\">lawsuits\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The U.S. Department of Justice \u003ca href=\"https://storage.courtlistener.com/recap/gov.uscourts.caed.475466/gov.uscourts.caed.475466.1.0.pdf#page=12\">says that\u003c/a> the federal law in question bars students without legal status from receiving in-state tuition and financial aid benefits based on their living in the state. This, the federal lawyers argue, violates federal law since public campuses in California require U.S. citizens from other states to pay higher tuition rates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, California’s law, \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=200120020AB540\">Assembly Bill 540\u003c/a>, doesn’t extend in-state tuition based on where students live, scholars and a previous court ruling say. Instead, students generally need to prove that they \u003ca href=\"https://www.csac.ca.gov/post/california-nonresident-tuition-exemption\">attended three years of high school\u003c/a> or community college in California; they also need to earn in California a high school diploma or obtain enough community college credits to be eligible for transfer into a public university.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Department of Justice says those three-year high school or community college requirements are tantamount to an in-state residency criteria and therefore violate the 1996 federal law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the California Supreme Court in 2010 already \u003ca href=\"https://cases.justia.com/california/supreme-court/S167791.PDF?ts=1462305163\">struck down that interpretation\u003c/a>. The high court observed that some students living in areas bordering California are permitted to study at California high schools. High school students from out of state enrolled in private boarding schools also satisfy the requirement; they don’t count as residents of California either. And students who were residents of California during high school but moved to a different state could still enroll in California colleges or universities paying in-state tuition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All of these scenarios require a student to complete the same AB 540 application as students who lack legal status. The only difference is that students without status must also complete an affidavit that they’ll pursue legal residency as soon as they can.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In fact, the University of California enrolled more students under AB 540 who were legal U.S. residents than those who weren’t, the state high court said then.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If Congress had intended to prohibit states entirely from making unlawful aliens eligible for in-state tuition, it could easily have done so,” the state Supreme Court wrote in 2010. But Congress didn’t do that, the court noted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lawmakers in California who passed AB 540 in 2001 knew what the federal law restricted, said Motomura, and they crafted a state law that wouldn’t contravene what Congress intended. “It was drafted to avoid the residency test, and it was drafted to avoid the exclusion of U.S. citizens,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What’s likely next\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>California has already signaled that it will fight the lawsuit. “The Trump Administration has once again missed the mark with its latest attack on California, and we look forward to proving it in court,” wrote Nina Sheridan, a spokesperson for the California Department of Justice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both the UC and the community college system said their tuition and financial aid policies have always been legally compliant. The Cal State University system did not respond to a request for comment.[aside postID=news_12063793 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/20251028_IMMIGRANT-MASS-_HERNANDEZ-17-KQED.jpg']The Trump administration may also seek a preliminary injunction to halt California’s in-state tuition law for nonresidents, which would again expose Californians to a seesaw of temporary court orders, sometimes contradictory in nature, while the full legal merits of the case play out slowly in court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thomas A. Saenz, president and general counsel for the Mexican American Legal Defense and Educational Fund, or MALDEF, thinks the U.S. Supreme Court will likely side with California despite its conservative orientation if the case goes that far.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A major legal question underscoring the case against California is when and how federal rules preempt or supersede state laws. The Trump White House is arguing California’s in-state policies are preempted by federal law. But the legal concept of preemption is a pillar in jurisprudence. Liberal and conservative interests benefit similarly from a consistent application of preemption as a legal concept, Saenz said. For example, businesses rely on preemption rules in situations where a state law is more progressive or consumer-friendly than a federal rule and want courts to defend them from following the more demanding state rules.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The U.S. Supreme Court is “going to be very wary of making bad law in the realm of preemption, because it could then come back to bite the right wing in protecting businesses,” Saenz said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Michelle and other students without legal status navigating their own financial aid applications — and the misinformation online — a series of temporary court orders could create more panic. Financial aid is top of mind, said Michelle, but she doesn’t have time to track the legal back-and-forth of her eligibility.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition to being a full-time student, Michelle works four days a week at a restaurant, saving up money not only to support herself but also her family. She’s the oldest of four kids and said she sends $500 to her parents each month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>College is “an opportunity for me to be someone in life, to make my parents proud,” she said. Asked about the lawsuit at the cafeteria of her college, Michelle made a choking gesture with her hand, as though the threat of losing financial aid next year could kill her. “Trump is taking that opportunity away because he doesn’t like immigrants.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The deadline to submit financial aid applications for community college is Sept. 2, but Michelle is already working on her application, just in case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This article was \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/economy/2025/11/electric-bills-will-not-reflect-historically-low-profit-margins/\">originally published on CalMatters\u003c/a> and was republished under the \u003ca href=\"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/\">Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives\u003c/a> license.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "The Trump administration is suing California, asking the state to end its policies allowing students without legal status to access in-state tuition and financial aid. But the administration’s legal argument is weak, according to top legal experts.\r\n\r\n\r\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was originally published by \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\">CalMatters\u003c/a>. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/subscribe-to-calmatters/\">Sign up\u003c/a> for their newsletters.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hours after the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/donald-trump\">Trump administration\u003c/a> sued \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/california\">California\u003c/a> last week, threatening to end key benefits for students without legal status, Michelle was scrolling social media when she saw a video that made her panic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Trump administration \u003ca href=\"https://storage.courtlistener.com/recap/gov.uscourts.caed.475466/gov.uscourts.caed.475466.1.0.pdf\">is challenging\u003c/a> California’s policy of providing in-state tuition, scholarships and subsidized loans to immigrants without legal status — including Michelle, an immigrant who is a community college student in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-mateo-county\">San Mateo County\u003c/a>. CalMatters has agreed to withhold her full name because she fears drawing attention to her legal status.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On TikTok, rumors swirled. Michelle saw a video of a young man, around her age, asking if the Free Application for Federal Student Aid, or FAFSA, \u003ca href=\"https://www.tiktok.com/@king.squidwardd/video/7574821777012985118?q=is%20fafsa%20getting%20taken%20away%20king.squidwardd&t=1764088724748\">is gone\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In reality, FAFSA is still around, and while the new lawsuit could affect some students’ financial aid, some top legal experts say the Trump administration is unlikely to win. Regardless, the court process may take weeks or much longer to resolve the government’s claims against California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the lawsuit, the U.S. Department of Justice alleges that California’s policy of granting in-state tuition and financial aid for some students without legal status is unconstitutional. Federal lawyers also argue that California’s policies violate a 1996 federal law, which bars states from providing benefits to residents without legal status that aren’t also available to U.S. citizens who live anywhere in the U.S. The Justice Department is arguing that California either needs to drop the policy or let all U.S. citizens, including those who are out-of-state, pay the same rate.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>In California, over \u003ca href=\"https://www.higheredimmigrationportal.org/state/california/\">100,000 college students\u003c/a> lack legal status, according to one estimate by an alliance of university leaders who advocate for immigrants. Federal assistance, such as Pell grants and federal student loans, are off-limits to anyone who isn’t a U.S. citizen or does not have permanent legal status. California has its own money for college financial aid, which it distributes according to state law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As long as individuals meet certain requirements, such as attending three years of high school in California, they’re eligible for in-state tuition, saving as much as $39,000 of dollars each year \u003ca href=\"https://admission.universityofcalifornia.edu/tuition-financial-aid/tuition-cost-of-attendance/\">compared\u003c/a> to their out-of-state peers. Once they meet those requirements, students without legal status can also qualify for the state’s cornerstone financial aid program, known as Cal Grant, though \u003ca href=\"https://www.csac.ca.gov/undocumented-student-affordability-report\">only a small fraction\u003c/a> of these students actually apply for and receive it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To Kevin Johnson, a law professor at UC Davis, Trump’s actions may be more about political wins than legal ones. “The Trump administration is engaged in a full-court press on undocumented immigrants and so-called sanctuary jurisdictions, and California and Governor Newsom in particular,” Johnson said. That the U.S. Department of Justice named the suit “United States of America v. Newsom” is another indication that this is political, he added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Others noted that states have\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/k-12-education/2025/08/immigrants-california/\"> already invested\u003c/a> in students without legal status and denying them an affordable path toward a college education is a waste of resources. Economists have pointed out that immigrants without status also are \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/economy/2025/11/immigration-california-farms/\">integral\u003c/a> to the U.S. workforce and aren’t \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2025/06/trumps-first-immigration-crackdown-shrank-californias-population-it-could-happen-again/\">easily replaceable\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘We didn’t expect them to go this low’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Even weak lawsuits or outright misinformation can make students nervous during November, when college and financial aid application season is in full swing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On TikTok, videos of students \u003ca href=\"https://www.tiktok.com/@biancadanae_/video/7351047038030597422?q=fafsa%20glitches&t=1764088866073\">panicking\u003c/a> about the financial aid system surfaced last winter, after the Biden administration delayed and botched the rollout of the new FAFSA. Among its many \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/higher-education/2024/02/federal-financial-aid/\">glitches\u003c/a>, the new form prevented students whose parents lacked a Social Security number from submitting their information.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>After Trump was elected last November, fears about the \u003ca href=\"https://www.tiktok.com/@brisprivatediary/video/7434187434746711327?q=is%20fafsa%20getting%20taken%20away&t=1764076992930\">total demise\u003c/a> of federal financial aid swirled again on TikTok. Over the course of this year, as his administration targets universities and continues to dismantle the U.S. Department of Education, those fears have \u003ca href=\"https://www.tiktok.com/@christian_jwalker/video/7484092163530280235?q=is%20fafsa%20getting%20taken%20away&t=1764076992930\">persisted\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, Trump seeks to impose a $1 billion penalty on UCLA for alleged civil rights abuses, though a federal judge recently \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/higher-education/2025/11/uc/\">handed the White House a temporary loss \u003c/a>on that front. His administration is also suing California colleges and universities for alleged antisemitism violations and has sought to freeze or curtail billions of dollars in federal research funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Much of those freezes have been blocked or reversed \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/2025/09/ucla-research-grants/\">by federal judges\u003c/a>, but hundreds of millions of dollars still remain \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/higher-education/2025/11/uc-tuition/#:~:text=Nearly%20800%20employees,totalling%20%24230%20million\">cut off to campuses\u003c/a>. Much, if not all, of those friction points between California and Trump could be resolved through settlements and negotiations, which are political in nature, said UCLA law professor Hiroshi Motomura in an interview.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before Trump was elected, state leaders, including Assemblymember \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/legislators/david-alvarez-112993\">David Alvarez\u003c/a>, a Chula Vista Democrat, pushed for California to offer additional benefits to students without legal status, such as the opportunity to work \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/higher-education/2024/05/undocumented-students-work/\">campus jobs\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, with access to financial aid programs at risk for these students, Alvarez said the focus is shifting. “We didn’t expect it would go this low as to go after students that the president had previously said should be welcomed here.” In 2024, Trump told a podcast host that students should \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/theallinpod/status/1803932968794108081?lang=en\">“automatically”\u003c/a> receive “a Green Card,” otherwise known as permanent residency, when they get their college diploma.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Legal scholars doubt Trump’s lawsuit will win\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The lawsuit against California is the Trump administration’s sixth against states with policies allowing in-state tuition for students without legal status. The White House went after \u003ca href=\"https://www.texastribune.org/2025/06/04/texas-justice-department-lawsuit-undocumented-in-state-tuition/\">Texas first\u003c/a>, in June. Underscoring how much of a bipartisan issue in-state tuition is, Texan lawmakers were the first in the U.S. to enshrine the policy in 2001. In all, \u003ca href=\"https://www.higheredimmigrationportal.org/states/\">more than\u003c/a> 20 states passed some in-state tuition policy benefiting some residents without legal status.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump’s legal attacks on the policy this year prompted leaders in \u003ca href=\"https://www.courtlistener.com/docket/70562424/united-states-v-beshear/\">Kentucky\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.insidehighered.com/news/quick-takes/2025/08/06/after-doj-sues-okla-ends-state-tuition-noncitizens\">Oklahoma\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.texastribune.org/2025/06/04/texas-justice-department-lawsuit-undocumented-in-state-tuition/\">Texas\u003c/a> to side with the White House to terminate the benefit in those respective states. Some \u003ca href=\"https://www.insidehighered.com/news/quick-takes/2025/11/20/judge-lets-group-defend-kys-undocumented-state-tuition\">legal groups\u003c/a> that want to continue in-state tuition for students lacking legal status are challenging those states’ moves.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Trump has also sued Minnesota and Illinois, states with Democrats as governors and attorneys general who are \u003ca href=\"https://storage.courtlistener.com/recap/gov.uscourts.mnd.226137/gov.uscourts.mnd.226137.9.0.pdf\">challenging\u003c/a> Trump’s \u003ca href=\"https://storage.courtlistener.com/recap/gov.uscourts.ilsd.106533/gov.uscourts.ilsd.106533.18.0.pdf\">lawsuits\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The U.S. Department of Justice \u003ca href=\"https://storage.courtlistener.com/recap/gov.uscourts.caed.475466/gov.uscourts.caed.475466.1.0.pdf#page=12\">says that\u003c/a> the federal law in question bars students without legal status from receiving in-state tuition and financial aid benefits based on their living in the state. This, the federal lawyers argue, violates federal law since public campuses in California require U.S. citizens from other states to pay higher tuition rates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, California’s law, \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=200120020AB540\">Assembly Bill 540\u003c/a>, doesn’t extend in-state tuition based on where students live, scholars and a previous court ruling say. Instead, students generally need to prove that they \u003ca href=\"https://www.csac.ca.gov/post/california-nonresident-tuition-exemption\">attended three years of high school\u003c/a> or community college in California; they also need to earn in California a high school diploma or obtain enough community college credits to be eligible for transfer into a public university.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Department of Justice says those three-year high school or community college requirements are tantamount to an in-state residency criteria and therefore violate the 1996 federal law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the California Supreme Court in 2010 already \u003ca href=\"https://cases.justia.com/california/supreme-court/S167791.PDF?ts=1462305163\">struck down that interpretation\u003c/a>. The high court observed that some students living in areas bordering California are permitted to study at California high schools. High school students from out of state enrolled in private boarding schools also satisfy the requirement; they don’t count as residents of California either. And students who were residents of California during high school but moved to a different state could still enroll in California colleges or universities paying in-state tuition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All of these scenarios require a student to complete the same AB 540 application as students who lack legal status. The only difference is that students without status must also complete an affidavit that they’ll pursue legal residency as soon as they can.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In fact, the University of California enrolled more students under AB 540 who were legal U.S. residents than those who weren’t, the state high court said then.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If Congress had intended to prohibit states entirely from making unlawful aliens eligible for in-state tuition, it could easily have done so,” the state Supreme Court wrote in 2010. But Congress didn’t do that, the court noted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lawmakers in California who passed AB 540 in 2001 knew what the federal law restricted, said Motomura, and they crafted a state law that wouldn’t contravene what Congress intended. “It was drafted to avoid the residency test, and it was drafted to avoid the exclusion of U.S. citizens,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What’s likely next\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>California has already signaled that it will fight the lawsuit. “The Trump Administration has once again missed the mark with its latest attack on California, and we look forward to proving it in court,” wrote Nina Sheridan, a spokesperson for the California Department of Justice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both the UC and the community college system said their tuition and financial aid policies have always been legally compliant. The Cal State University system did not respond to a request for comment.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The Trump administration may also seek a preliminary injunction to halt California’s in-state tuition law for nonresidents, which would again expose Californians to a seesaw of temporary court orders, sometimes contradictory in nature, while the full legal merits of the case play out slowly in court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thomas A. Saenz, president and general counsel for the Mexican American Legal Defense and Educational Fund, or MALDEF, thinks the U.S. Supreme Court will likely side with California despite its conservative orientation if the case goes that far.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A major legal question underscoring the case against California is when and how federal rules preempt or supersede state laws. The Trump White House is arguing California’s in-state policies are preempted by federal law. But the legal concept of preemption is a pillar in jurisprudence. Liberal and conservative interests benefit similarly from a consistent application of preemption as a legal concept, Saenz said. For example, businesses rely on preemption rules in situations where a state law is more progressive or consumer-friendly than a federal rule and want courts to defend them from following the more demanding state rules.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The U.S. Supreme Court is “going to be very wary of making bad law in the realm of preemption, because it could then come back to bite the right wing in protecting businesses,” Saenz said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Michelle and other students without legal status navigating their own financial aid applications — and the misinformation online — a series of temporary court orders could create more panic. Financial aid is top of mind, said Michelle, but she doesn’t have time to track the legal back-and-forth of her eligibility.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition to being a full-time student, Michelle works four days a week at a restaurant, saving up money not only to support herself but also her family. She’s the oldest of four kids and said she sends $500 to her parents each month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>College is “an opportunity for me to be someone in life, to make my parents proud,” she said. Asked about the lawsuit at the cafeteria of her college, Michelle made a choking gesture with her hand, as though the threat of losing financial aid next year could kill her. “Trump is taking that opportunity away because he doesn’t like immigrants.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The deadline to submit financial aid applications for community college is Sept. 2, but Michelle is already working on her application, just in case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This article was \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/economy/2025/11/electric-bills-will-not-reflect-historically-low-profit-margins/\">originally published on CalMatters\u003c/a> and was republished under the \u003ca href=\"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/\">Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives\u003c/a> license.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "california-is-about-to-cut-power-company-profits-to-historic-lows-your-bill-will-barely-drop",
"title": "California Is About to Cut Power Company Profits to Historic Lows. Your Bill Will Barely Drop",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was originally published by \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\">CalMatters\u003c/a>. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/subscribe-to-calmatters/\">Sign up\u003c/a> for their newsletters.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With California electric rates stuck at nearly the highest in the nation, the state’s utility regulator is poised to lower the payout shareholders can receive from California’s three large investor-owned power companies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://docs.cpuc.ca.gov/PublishedDocs/Efile/G000/M587/K323/587323962.PDF\">In a proposed decision\u003c/a>, the California Public Utilities Commission recommended dropping the “return on equity” by 0.35% each for Pacific Gas & Electric, Southern California Edison and San Diego Gas & Electric. If approved, shareholders of all three companies would see a potential return next year of just under 10%. Such returns for PG&E and Edison haven’t dipped below double digits in at least 20 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Utilities said the decline would affect their ability to bring in needed investment for their work. Critics of the decision said that the decline is too small to meaningfully impact ratepayers’ bills, even if it’s a step in the right direction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“California and other [public utility commissions] authorize rates of return that are far in excess of the statutory requirement,” said Mark Ellis, former chief economist at Sempra, which owns San Diego Gas & Electric.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Public Utility Commission is expected to vote on the decision in December.[aside postID=science_1998536 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2025/07/GavinNewsomGetty.jpg']Californians pay \u003ca href=\"https://www.eia.gov/electricity/monthly/epm_table_grapher.php?t=epmt_5_6_a\">the second-highest electric rates\u003c/a> in the U.S. after Hawaii, according to the most recent figures from the U.S. Energy Information Administration. A number of factors go into those rates, including \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/environment/2024/12/pge-utilities-wildfire-prevention-customer-bills-california/\">wildfire mitigation costs\u003c/a>. PG&E in particular has attracted the ire of California customers for its \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/climate/article/pge-rate-hikes-2025-19993571.php\">frequent rate hikes\u003c/a> within the last year. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Baked into those bills is the return on equity, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/economy/2025/01/electricity-bills-include-bonuses-for-utility-companies/\">money meant to compensate shareholders\u003c/a> for the risk of doing business. These shareholder return rates are set by each state’s utility regulators and hover nationally around 10%. If approved, PG&E’s rate would be 9.93% (down from 10.28%), Edison would be 9.98% (down from 10.33%), and San Diego Gas & Electric would be 9.88% (down from 10.23%). These rates are not automatically guaranteed – utilities can fall short of this return if they don’t keep down costs, such as project overruns or unexpected lawsuit fees. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A small change in this rate can be a difference of millions of dollars for ratepayers. The return is a percentage of the rate base, the total value of a utility’s assets it can earn a return on; this includes projects such as building a new power plant, for example. The rate bases for California’s three large investor-owned utilities have steadily grown each year as they add new customers and projects, increasing the amount that shareholders can receive. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>PG&E, for example, had a 10% shareholder return in 2023, a possible return of about $125 million. Had it been 1% lower, the potential return would have been $12.5 million less.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The proposed cost of capital decision needs refinement to better reflect California’s unique risks and market realities,” said Edison spokesperson Jeff Monford. “Making those refinements in the final decision will enhance SCE’s ability to finance essential infrastructure projects for a more reliable, resilient and ready electric grid.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>PG&E spokesperson Jennifer Robison echoed this sentiment, saying the decision “fails to acknowledge current elevated risks to help attract the needed investment for California’s energy systems.”[aside postID=news_12060292 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/ClimateBill_lede.jpg']Anthony Wagner, spokesperson at San Diego Gas & Electric, said, “A decision that accurately reflects these realities is essential to enabling investments that reduce wildfire risk, strengthen reliability, replace aging infrastructure and advance California’s clean energy transition for the benefit of the communities we serve.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Utilities routinely request these rates be pushed higher because they are a key part of what goes into utilities’ credit rating, affecting the interest they pay on loans for infrastructure investments. But in recent years, experts and consumer advocates point to a mismatch – the utility industry is typically considered low-risk, but critics say the shareholder return rates don’t reflect that. Rates for U.S. 10-year treasury bonds, which are considered the benchmark for a risk-free investment, are about half of the national average for approved utility shareholder return rates. And it’s costing utility ratepayers across the country \u003ca href=\"https://haas.berkeley.edu/wp-content/uploads/WP329.pdf\">as much as $7 billion annually\u003c/a>, according to academics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ellis, the former Sempra economist, said there is a way to lower shareholder returns while keeping customer bills in check and maintaining credit ratings that the commission has not yet explored – changing the balance of debt and equity each utility has. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You really need to understand credit,” he said. “This is where they’re going to get you.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The commission is allowed to set the debt-equity balance when it determines shareholder returns, but it left this unchanged for all three utilities in its proposed decision for 2026. Keeping shareholder return rates high as the main means for keeping credit ratings up, Ellis said, unnecessarily burdens ratepayers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This article was \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/economy/2025/11/electric-bills-will-not-reflect-historically-low-profit-margins/\">originally published on CalMatters\u003c/a> and was republished under the \u003ca href=\"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/\">Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives\u003c/a> license.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "California utilities regulators are bringing down “return on equity” payments to power company shareholders. It’s the lowest profit margin in 20 years for PG&E and Southern California Edison, but will be hard to notice in your payments.\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was originally published by \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\">CalMatters\u003c/a>. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/subscribe-to-calmatters/\">Sign up\u003c/a> for their newsletters.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With California electric rates stuck at nearly the highest in the nation, the state’s utility regulator is poised to lower the payout shareholders can receive from California’s three large investor-owned power companies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://docs.cpuc.ca.gov/PublishedDocs/Efile/G000/M587/K323/587323962.PDF\">In a proposed decision\u003c/a>, the California Public Utilities Commission recommended dropping the “return on equity” by 0.35% each for Pacific Gas & Electric, Southern California Edison and San Diego Gas & Electric. If approved, shareholders of all three companies would see a potential return next year of just under 10%. Such returns for PG&E and Edison haven’t dipped below double digits in at least 20 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Utilities said the decline would affect their ability to bring in needed investment for their work. Critics of the decision said that the decline is too small to meaningfully impact ratepayers’ bills, even if it’s a step in the right direction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“California and other [public utility commissions] authorize rates of return that are far in excess of the statutory requirement,” said Mark Ellis, former chief economist at Sempra, which owns San Diego Gas & Electric.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Public Utility Commission is expected to vote on the decision in December.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Californians pay \u003ca href=\"https://www.eia.gov/electricity/monthly/epm_table_grapher.php?t=epmt_5_6_a\">the second-highest electric rates\u003c/a> in the U.S. after Hawaii, according to the most recent figures from the U.S. Energy Information Administration. A number of factors go into those rates, including \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/environment/2024/12/pge-utilities-wildfire-prevention-customer-bills-california/\">wildfire mitigation costs\u003c/a>. PG&E in particular has attracted the ire of California customers for its \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/climate/article/pge-rate-hikes-2025-19993571.php\">frequent rate hikes\u003c/a> within the last year. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Baked into those bills is the return on equity, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/economy/2025/01/electricity-bills-include-bonuses-for-utility-companies/\">money meant to compensate shareholders\u003c/a> for the risk of doing business. These shareholder return rates are set by each state’s utility regulators and hover nationally around 10%. If approved, PG&E’s rate would be 9.93% (down from 10.28%), Edison would be 9.98% (down from 10.33%), and San Diego Gas & Electric would be 9.88% (down from 10.23%). These rates are not automatically guaranteed – utilities can fall short of this return if they don’t keep down costs, such as project overruns or unexpected lawsuit fees. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A small change in this rate can be a difference of millions of dollars for ratepayers. The return is a percentage of the rate base, the total value of a utility’s assets it can earn a return on; this includes projects such as building a new power plant, for example. The rate bases for California’s three large investor-owned utilities have steadily grown each year as they add new customers and projects, increasing the amount that shareholders can receive. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>PG&E, for example, had a 10% shareholder return in 2023, a possible return of about $125 million. Had it been 1% lower, the potential return would have been $12.5 million less.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The proposed cost of capital decision needs refinement to better reflect California’s unique risks and market realities,” said Edison spokesperson Jeff Monford. “Making those refinements in the final decision will enhance SCE’s ability to finance essential infrastructure projects for a more reliable, resilient and ready electric grid.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>PG&E spokesperson Jennifer Robison echoed this sentiment, saying the decision “fails to acknowledge current elevated risks to help attract the needed investment for California’s energy systems.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Anthony Wagner, spokesperson at San Diego Gas & Electric, said, “A decision that accurately reflects these realities is essential to enabling investments that reduce wildfire risk, strengthen reliability, replace aging infrastructure and advance California’s clean energy transition for the benefit of the communities we serve.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Utilities routinely request these rates be pushed higher because they are a key part of what goes into utilities’ credit rating, affecting the interest they pay on loans for infrastructure investments. But in recent years, experts and consumer advocates point to a mismatch – the utility industry is typically considered low-risk, but critics say the shareholder return rates don’t reflect that. Rates for U.S. 10-year treasury bonds, which are considered the benchmark for a risk-free investment, are about half of the national average for approved utility shareholder return rates. And it’s costing utility ratepayers across the country \u003ca href=\"https://haas.berkeley.edu/wp-content/uploads/WP329.pdf\">as much as $7 billion annually\u003c/a>, according to academics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ellis, the former Sempra economist, said there is a way to lower shareholder returns while keeping customer bills in check and maintaining credit ratings that the commission has not yet explored – changing the balance of debt and equity each utility has. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You really need to understand credit,” he said. “This is where they’re going to get you.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The commission is allowed to set the debt-equity balance when it determines shareholder returns, but it left this unchanged for all three utilities in its proposed decision for 2026. Keeping shareholder return rates high as the main means for keeping credit ratings up, Ellis said, unnecessarily burdens ratepayers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This article was \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/economy/2025/11/electric-bills-will-not-reflect-historically-low-profit-margins/\">originally published on CalMatters\u003c/a> and was republished under the \u003ca href=\"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/\">Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives\u003c/a> license.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>At a time when the federal government is dismantling civil rights protections in K-12 schools, California is expanding them — although some wonder how far the state will go to combat discrimination in schools.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/bills/ca_202520260ab715\">A new law\u003c/a>, signed by Gov. Gavin Newsom last month, creates an Office of Civil Rights within the California Department of Education. The office will have a staff of at least six, including an antisemitism coordinator, who will educate school districts about the harms of bias and investigate discrimination complaints.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think it’s a good idea and the state of California will pull it off. The risks are small and the possibility for good is large,” said Gary Orfield, co-director of the Civil Rights Project at UCLA. “But for it to be successful, it has to have real responsibility and real power.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new law stems from a \u003ca href=\"https://data-openjustice.doj.ca.gov/sites/default/files/2025-06/Hate%20Crime%20In%20CA%202024.pdf\">surge in antisemitic incidents\u003c/a> in California last year following the Oct. 7, 2023 attacks in Israel and the ensuing violence in Gaza. Authored by Assemblyman Rick Zbur and Assemblywoman Dawn Addis, the law is intended to eliminate anti-Jewish and other bias in the classroom and ensure that students of all ethnicities and religions feel protected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the road to Newsom’s desk was not smooth. The bill faced \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2025/10/school-antisemitism-bill-signed/\">tough opposition\u003c/a> from the California Teachers Association, the state’s largest teachers union, which argued that the law would limit teachers’ right to free speech by curbing their ability to discuss the conflict in Gaza or other topical issues. The union declined to comment for this article.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Zbur, a Democrat from Los Angeles who was among the law’s authors, said the new Office of Civil Rights and the antisemitism coordinator are not intended to punish teachers. The idea, he said, is to help schools stamp out bullying, discrimination and other acts targeting specific groups of students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The idea that this law is about policing is hogwash,” Zbur said. “It’s intended to be productive, to provide districts with resources so they can prevent students from being harmed in school.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Federal layoffs and closures\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Discrimination has long been illegal in California schools. Individuals who feel they’ve been discriminated against can file complaints with the state’s \u003ca href=\"https://calcivilrights.ca.gov/\">Civil Rights Department\u003c/a> or with their \u003ca href=\"https://www.cde.ca.gov/re/di/eo/complaint.asp\">local school district\u003c/a>. But much K-12 anti-discrimination enforcement has fallen on the federal government’s Office of Civil Rights. Created in the mid-1960s, the office investigates complaints about a range of issues, such as school segregation, unfair discipline practices and whether students with disabilities or English learners are receiving the services they’re entitled to.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In March, the Trump administration announced it was laying off nearly half of the U.S. Department of Education workforce and closing numerous branches of the Office of Civil Rights, including the one in California. That’s meant a steep decline in the number of cases and long delays for those the office investigates. In the three months after the Department of Education cuts, for example, the office received nearly 5,000 complaints but\u003ca href=\"https://www.insidehighered.com/news/government/politics-elections/2025/07/08/trump-admin-dismisses-34k-civil-rights-complaints-3\"> investigated only 309\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Tuesday, the Department of Education went even further, spinning off some of the agency’s largest responsibilities to other federal departments — including much of the administration of \u003ca href=\"https://www.ed.gov/media/document/fact-sheet-department-of-education-ed-and-department-of-labor-dol-elementary-and-secondary-education-partnership-112465.pdf\">elementary and high school funding\u003c/a>. Project 2025, the Heritage Foundation’s conservative vision for the country that so far Trump has followed, calls for the Office of Civil Rights to become part of the Department of Justice and for it to “reject gender ideology and critical race theory.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The U.S. Department of Education didn’t respond to a request for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘Cutting off funding, that’s what works’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>California’s new Office of Civil Rights will have a director and several coordinators who will oversee anti-discrimination cases based on race and ethnicity, gender, sexual orientation and religion. The director and anti-discrimination coordinators will be appointed by the governor and confirmed by the Legislature, likely after Jan. 1.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The office will provide schools with materials about preventing discrimination, and work with districts that have been the subject of complaints from students, families or the public. In serious cases, the office will recommend more intensive assistance to the state Department of Education to correct problems. For districts that persistently flout anti-discrimination laws, “the department may use any means necessary to effect compliance,” according to laws already in place. That may include cutting funding for textbooks or other materials found to be discriminatory.\u003cbr>\n[aside postID=\"news_12055560,news_12056118\" label=\"Related Stories\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The office will also submit an annual report to the Legislature on the overall picture of discrimination in schools, including the number of complaints, how they were resolved, and their outcomes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But to be successful, the office will have to be nonpartisan, transparent and fair, Orfield said. Cases against a school should include strong evidence, and schools should have the opportunity to defend themselves and appeal a verdict if they believe it was wrongly issued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And the office should not shy away from cutting funds to schools that don’t comply, he said. In the 1960s and ‘70s, the federal Office of Civil Rights cut funds to more than 100 schools in the South that refused to desegregate — a move that may have been the only way to force compliance, Orfield said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Cutting off funding, that’s what works,” he said. “Although if you’re going to have sanctions, there must be due process.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Photo ops and reports?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Mark Rosenbaum, senior special counsel for strategic litigation for the public interest law firm Public Counsel, agreed that enforcement will be the key to whether the new office is effective.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If the office just issues reports and does photo ops, we don’t need another one of those,” Rosenbaum said. “The issue is whether or not they can enforce these rights across the board.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He’d also like to see the office take a more proactive approach instead of only responding to individuals’ complaints. Education itself, he said, is a civil right, and too many students are not receiving the high-quality lessons in safe, well-equipped schools that they’re entitled to.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, he’s happy to see the office get off the ground, particularly in light of the federal cuts to civil rights enforcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s an urgency for California to fill a void,” Rosenbaum said. “It should have happened decades ago, but it’s a good start.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>At a time when the federal government is dismantling civil rights protections in K-12 schools, California is expanding them — although some wonder how far the state will go to combat discrimination in schools.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/bills/ca_202520260ab715\">A new law\u003c/a>, signed by Gov. Gavin Newsom last month, creates an Office of Civil Rights within the California Department of Education. The office will have a staff of at least six, including an antisemitism coordinator, who will educate school districts about the harms of bias and investigate discrimination complaints.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think it’s a good idea and the state of California will pull it off. The risks are small and the possibility for good is large,” said Gary Orfield, co-director of the Civil Rights Project at UCLA. “But for it to be successful, it has to have real responsibility and real power.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new law stems from a \u003ca href=\"https://data-openjustice.doj.ca.gov/sites/default/files/2025-06/Hate%20Crime%20In%20CA%202024.pdf\">surge in antisemitic incidents\u003c/a> in California last year following the Oct. 7, 2023 attacks in Israel and the ensuing violence in Gaza. Authored by Assemblyman Rick Zbur and Assemblywoman Dawn Addis, the law is intended to eliminate anti-Jewish and other bias in the classroom and ensure that students of all ethnicities and religions feel protected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the road to Newsom’s desk was not smooth. The bill faced \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2025/10/school-antisemitism-bill-signed/\">tough opposition\u003c/a> from the California Teachers Association, the state’s largest teachers union, which argued that the law would limit teachers’ right to free speech by curbing their ability to discuss the conflict in Gaza or other topical issues. The union declined to comment for this article.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Zbur, a Democrat from Los Angeles who was among the law’s authors, said the new Office of Civil Rights and the antisemitism coordinator are not intended to punish teachers. The idea, he said, is to help schools stamp out bullying, discrimination and other acts targeting specific groups of students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The idea that this law is about policing is hogwash,” Zbur said. “It’s intended to be productive, to provide districts with resources so they can prevent students from being harmed in school.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Federal layoffs and closures\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Discrimination has long been illegal in California schools. Individuals who feel they’ve been discriminated against can file complaints with the state’s \u003ca href=\"https://calcivilrights.ca.gov/\">Civil Rights Department\u003c/a> or with their \u003ca href=\"https://www.cde.ca.gov/re/di/eo/complaint.asp\">local school district\u003c/a>. But much K-12 anti-discrimination enforcement has fallen on the federal government’s Office of Civil Rights. Created in the mid-1960s, the office investigates complaints about a range of issues, such as school segregation, unfair discipline practices and whether students with disabilities or English learners are receiving the services they’re entitled to.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In March, the Trump administration announced it was laying off nearly half of the U.S. Department of Education workforce and closing numerous branches of the Office of Civil Rights, including the one in California. That’s meant a steep decline in the number of cases and long delays for those the office investigates. In the three months after the Department of Education cuts, for example, the office received nearly 5,000 complaints but\u003ca href=\"https://www.insidehighered.com/news/government/politics-elections/2025/07/08/trump-admin-dismisses-34k-civil-rights-complaints-3\"> investigated only 309\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Tuesday, the Department of Education went even further, spinning off some of the agency’s largest responsibilities to other federal departments — including much of the administration of \u003ca href=\"https://www.ed.gov/media/document/fact-sheet-department-of-education-ed-and-department-of-labor-dol-elementary-and-secondary-education-partnership-112465.pdf\">elementary and high school funding\u003c/a>. Project 2025, the Heritage Foundation’s conservative vision for the country that so far Trump has followed, calls for the Office of Civil Rights to become part of the Department of Justice and for it to “reject gender ideology and critical race theory.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The U.S. Department of Education didn’t respond to a request for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘Cutting off funding, that’s what works’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>California’s new Office of Civil Rights will have a director and several coordinators who will oversee anti-discrimination cases based on race and ethnicity, gender, sexual orientation and religion. The director and anti-discrimination coordinators will be appointed by the governor and confirmed by the Legislature, likely after Jan. 1.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The office will provide schools with materials about preventing discrimination, and work with districts that have been the subject of complaints from students, families or the public. In serious cases, the office will recommend more intensive assistance to the state Department of Education to correct problems. For districts that persistently flout anti-discrimination laws, “the department may use any means necessary to effect compliance,” according to laws already in place. That may include cutting funding for textbooks or other materials found to be discriminatory.\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The office will also submit an annual report to the Legislature on the overall picture of discrimination in schools, including the number of complaints, how they were resolved, and their outcomes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But to be successful, the office will have to be nonpartisan, transparent and fair, Orfield said. Cases against a school should include strong evidence, and schools should have the opportunity to defend themselves and appeal a verdict if they believe it was wrongly issued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And the office should not shy away from cutting funds to schools that don’t comply, he said. In the 1960s and ‘70s, the federal Office of Civil Rights cut funds to more than 100 schools in the South that refused to desegregate — a move that may have been the only way to force compliance, Orfield said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Cutting off funding, that’s what works,” he said. “Although if you’re going to have sanctions, there must be due process.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Photo ops and reports?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Mark Rosenbaum, senior special counsel for strategic litigation for the public interest law firm Public Counsel, agreed that enforcement will be the key to whether the new office is effective.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If the office just issues reports and does photo ops, we don’t need another one of those,” Rosenbaum said. “The issue is whether or not they can enforce these rights across the board.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He’d also like to see the office take a more proactive approach instead of only responding to individuals’ complaints. Education itself, he said, is a civil right, and too many students are not receiving the high-quality lessons in safe, well-equipped schools that they’re entitled to.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, he’s happy to see the office get off the ground, particularly in light of the federal cuts to civil rights enforcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "uc-continues-annual-tuition-hikes-despite-student-appeals-heres-how-much-it-will-increase",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This story was originally published by \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\">CalMatters\u003c/a>. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/subscribe-to-calmatters/\">Sign up\u003c/a> for their newsletters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/university-of-california\">University of California\u003c/a> has renewed its policy of annual tuition hikes today after the UC Board of Regents voted 13 to 3 to approve the measure, despite fierce opposition from undergraduates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Broadly, what undergraduates will expect to pay for tuition doesn’t change once they enroll. The model regents approved still allows the system to increase undergraduate tuition and systemwide fees by as much as 5% annually, depending on inflation, and locks in that rate for students enrolling that year for up to six years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Each cohort of incoming students pays the same tuition, but what they pay is more than the previous year’s cohort, and less than what the next cohort will pay. This means that current undergraduate students would see no change to their tuition. Graduate students, however, would continue to see annual increases because they’re not on the cohort model.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The revised plan begins in 2026-27.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This “stability” plan is a way to ensure UC can collect more revenue to finance the ever-increasing costs of educating students that signals consistency and predictability to students and their families, UC officials contend. The approach is a departure from a boom-and-bust cycle at UC in which tuition stays flat for several years until recessions and state cutbacks prompt double-digit tuition spikes in consecutive years. That happened during the 2007 Great Recession. After six years, tuition \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/explainers/cost-of-college-california/#:~:text=Here%E2%80%99s%20a%20primer%20on%20how%20costs%20have%20changed%20%E2%80%94%20and%20how%20and%20where%20higher%20education%20can%20be%20affordable.\">had doubled\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The regents first adopted this cohort tuition model in 2021 and it took effect in 2022. Since 2021, tuition for entering undergraduates has risen from \u003ca href=\"https://www.ucop.edu/operating-budget/_files/fees/202223/2022-23.pdf\">$12,570\u003c/a> to \u003ca href=\"https://www.ucop.edu/operating-budget/_files/fees/202526/2025-26.pdf\">$14,934\u003c/a> this year. UC first began charging tuition in 1970 — the enrollment fees were $450.[aside postID=news_12064357 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251117-UCStrike-08-BL.jpg']Students were livid in 2021 and remained so today.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Students should not be fighting for our lives,” said Diego Emilio Bollo, president of the undergraduate student association at UCLA. He spoke at a rally today with dozens of students opposing the tuition plan and said the UC should look elsewhere for money. “The UC should be fighting in Sacramento and in Washington, DC. And the students are not the UC’s backup budget plan.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>UC says 98% of California students with household incomes below $60,000 and who applied for financial aid don’t pay tuition, though student advocates say some undergraduates still fall through the cracks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Regent Michael Cohen, who helped to secure more financial aid for UC students when the board voted to launch the cohort plan in 2021, said he supported the model today because tuition stays flat for individual students for up to six years after they see a tuition hike once. To him, that means students get an increasing discount, as tuition stays flat while inflation rises.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cohen added that the revenue from the tuition increases allowed the UC to enroll 15,000 more new California undergraduates. “That’s remarkable,” he said. State aid alone couldn’t have given more Californians access to the UC, he noted. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Lt. Gov. Eleni Kounalakis vehemently opposed the continuation of the tuition increases. She said these decisions should be reviewed at least annually, not left alone for years at a time. “Our students sleep in their cars. Our students go to food banks in order to be able to eat,” she said. “I think that any time we raise tuition, we should be going back and understanding whether or not we’ve done every other possible thing to avoid raising tuition.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The original plan proposed today would have led to endless ongoing tuition increases. But students and some regents were critical of the cohort model continuing without end, so the board voted to revisit the model in seven years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Guided by UC Office of the President officials, the board also lowered from 45% to 40% the share of new tuition revenue that flows to undergraduate financial aid. When regents installed this tuition hike plan, the return-to-aid figure was 33%.[aside postID=news_12062080 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/20250929_UCBERKELEY_GC-5-KQED.jpg']Counterintuitively, this means that low- and moderate-income students \u003ca href=\"https://regents.universityofcalifornia.edu/regmeet/july25/b2.pdf#page=5\">got thousands more in financial aid\u003c/a> to cover tuition and additional living costs under these tuition increases than they would have had the UC not increased tuition. On the other hand, higher-income students, those from families with incomes above $120,000, generally paid hundreds of dollars more for their cost of attendance because they get less financial aid, median data from UC show. UC projections show that those \u003ca href=\"https://regents.universityofcalifornia.edu/regmeet/nov25/b3.pdf#page=8\">trends will continue\u003c/a> through the end of the decade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, some higher-income students receive UC grants from return-to-aid. For example, a quarter of students whose families make between $147,000 and $184,000 \u003ca href=\"https://www.ucop.edu/enrollment-services/data-and-reporting/reports-to-the-regents-on-student-financial-support/2025-guea-student-financial-support-report-nf-final.pdf#page=7\">received a UC grant in 2023-24\u003c/a>. Students receive financial aid based on a federal formula that takes into account household income, money in certain financial accounts and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kiplinger.com/taxes/types-of-nontaxable-income\">untaxed income\u003c/a>, such as life insurance payouts and inheritances.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About half of in-state undergraduate students at UC live in households with incomes below $120,000, \u003ca href=\"https://accountability.universityofcalifornia.edu/2025/chapters/chapter-2.html#:~:text=31%20percent%20of%20in%2Dstate%20students%2C%20come%20from%20low%2Dincome%C2%A0families.\">UC data show\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Funneling a portion of tuition increases to financial aid has resulted in an extra roughly $1 billion in financial aid for students, a UC finance official said today. Overall, 35% of UC undergraduates from California take out loans to attend the system and the average debt has been constant at about $17,000, said Shawn Brick, who heads financial aid, at the regents meeting. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003ch2>UC budget struggles\u003c/h2>\n\n\u003cp>The drop in return-to-aid is a way to route more funding to campuses that have been rocked by federal cutbacks tied up in legal battles and state support that is less than Gov. Gavin Newsom and the state Legislature had indicated the UC \u003ca href=\"https://regents.universityofcalifornia.edu/regmeet/sept25/f2.pdf#page=3\">would receive in past years\u003c/a>.[aside postID=news_12056908 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/230817-UC-BERKELEY-CAMPUS-MD-03-1020x680.jpg']Already, the UC is enrolling about 4,000 more California students than the state is giving them money for. Because of this, UC reported that it brings in less money per student to educate them than the system collected four years ago — down to $28,000 from $30,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nearly 800 employees have been laid off across the UC system this year, UC President James B. Milliken said. “These layoffs reflect the seriousness of the financial pressures we are navigating,” he said this morning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>UC has also fought to recover 1,600 federal research grants that the Trump administration suspended or terminated. While many have been restored through court orders, 400 are still defunded, totalling $230 million, Milliken said. Meanwhile the UC \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/2025/03/university-of-california/#:~:text=is%20antisemitism.-,UC%20lawsuits,-In%20protecting%20its\">has sued to halt\u003c/a> Trump from changing a formula for how much campuses receive in grant funds to maintain labs. At stake is \u003ca href=\"https://www.chronicle.com/article/trump-wants-to-cut-billions-in-research-spending-heres-how-much-it-might-cost-your-university\">another half-billion dollars\u003c/a>. That money supports jobs and regional economies; the UC is the state’s \u003ca href=\"https://accountability.universityofcalifornia.edu/2025/exec-sum.html\">second-largest employer\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>UC officials persuaded the regents to make other technical changes that increase the odds that tuition for the next cohort would rise more than it has so far, but tuition increases would still be capped at 5%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One allows UC to defer the financial impact if inflation exceeds 5%. In that case, the percent that is above 5% would be applied to a future year when the inflation rate is lower. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Had this plan been in place since 2022, tuition would have risen by 1.5% \u003ca href=\"https://regents.universityofcalifornia.edu/regmeet/nov25/b3.pdf#page=4\">more than it did this year\u003c/a>, UC finance staff said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The UC Regents also agreed to include another one-percentage-point increase in cohort tuition that would be dedicated to building maintenance or another campus need. Still, tuition increases wouldn’t exceed 5%. The system regularly asks for hundreds of millions in money but often gets much less. The system is able to issue bonds for new construction, but the amount is limited. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the original plan today, the additional revenue from this 1% bump would have been limited to structures that service students. Now, the extra 1% can be used by campus chancellors for other spending priorities. The system has a deferred maintenance backlog of $9 billion, UC officials said today.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The UC student association said capital projects shouldn’t be paid for with tuition dollars. “We urge the Board to reject the proposed 1% step increase, or commit to dedicating a portion of the revenue to go to vital student supports, such as basic needs, retention programs and health services,” \u003ca href=\"https://docs.google.com/document/d/1MVEZ3qRSLbGP-WwUXrRL6zn_V2oULqa8qEgVCnUMazo/edit?tab=t.0\">the group wrote in a public letter\u003c/a>. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003ch2>Some students fall through the cracks\u003c/h2>\n\n\u003cp>Even with generous financial aid, some California students at UC still incur hardship and a bureaucratic runaround. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Joshua Mata entered UC Berkeley in 2019 intent on taking on no debt. He arranged to pay a friend $300 to use the parking spot in her apartment building to park a used van he bought to sleep in. The friend provided him with a key to her apartment so he could bathe.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He was no stranger to residing in cars — housing stability was sporadic after he moved to California to attend community college. A year into his studies, he received in-state tuition status. His story is unusual: He lived with his father in China, who taught English, until Mata graduated from high school and moved back to the U.S. to live with his grandmother for a year in Texas before driving to California. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After three years at community college, he transferred to California’s top public university, thinking he’d retain his in-state residency status and the much lower tuition bill, with financial aid to both cover his enrollment fees and some extra money for living costs. A half-semester later, he dropped out: The campus rejected his in-state claim and froze his financial aid, leaving him with a roughly $40,000 bill, he recalled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He wishes the campus gave him more of a heads up during the summer so he could have cleared the issue before school started. “Maybe I’d have a degree by now,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though he re-enrolled in 2023, students with unique financial issues such as Mata must also be looked out for, said Alexis Zaragoza during public comments today. Zaragoza was a UC student regent when the UC board approved the cohort tuition model. While she opposed it, she led board members in increasing how much new tuition revenue flows to financial aid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Dozens of those students go through residency and income appeals, but those processes take months– sometimes up to 6 or 7 months, to be resolved. For low-income and even homeless students– those months are crucial. Many students drop out to avoid $30,000-plus charges, but are still charged them,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Asked whether the additional revenue from tuition would flow toward more student services positions such as financial aid staff or those that deal with residency disputes, UC spokesperson Omar Rodriguez wrote in an email that “any new funding generated for operating support will be used at the discretion of each location to meet their local needs.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A few dozen students briefly shut down the meeting on the vote today after they shouted prewritten slogans at regents condemning the ongoing tuition increases. The regents asked UC police to declare an unlawful assembly and a row of police clutching batons and wearing helmets with facial shields assembled as the students left the meeting chamber. There was no confrontation between police and protesters. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This article was \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/higher-education/2025/11/uc-tuition/\">originally published on CalMatters\u003c/a> and was republished under the \u003ca href=\"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/\">Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives\u003c/a> license.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This story was originally published by \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\">CalMatters\u003c/a>. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/subscribe-to-calmatters/\">Sign up\u003c/a> for their newsletters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/university-of-california\">University of California\u003c/a> has renewed its policy of annual tuition hikes today after the UC Board of Regents voted 13 to 3 to approve the measure, despite fierce opposition from undergraduates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Broadly, what undergraduates will expect to pay for tuition doesn’t change once they enroll. The model regents approved still allows the system to increase undergraduate tuition and systemwide fees by as much as 5% annually, depending on inflation, and locks in that rate for students enrolling that year for up to six years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Each cohort of incoming students pays the same tuition, but what they pay is more than the previous year’s cohort, and less than what the next cohort will pay. This means that current undergraduate students would see no change to their tuition. Graduate students, however, would continue to see annual increases because they’re not on the cohort model.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The revised plan begins in 2026-27.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This “stability” plan is a way to ensure UC can collect more revenue to finance the ever-increasing costs of educating students that signals consistency and predictability to students and their families, UC officials contend. The approach is a departure from a boom-and-bust cycle at UC in which tuition stays flat for several years until recessions and state cutbacks prompt double-digit tuition spikes in consecutive years. That happened during the 2007 Great Recession. After six years, tuition \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/explainers/cost-of-college-california/#:~:text=Here%E2%80%99s%20a%20primer%20on%20how%20costs%20have%20changed%20%E2%80%94%20and%20how%20and%20where%20higher%20education%20can%20be%20affordable.\">had doubled\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The regents first adopted this cohort tuition model in 2021 and it took effect in 2022. Since 2021, tuition for entering undergraduates has risen from \u003ca href=\"https://www.ucop.edu/operating-budget/_files/fees/202223/2022-23.pdf\">$12,570\u003c/a> to \u003ca href=\"https://www.ucop.edu/operating-budget/_files/fees/202526/2025-26.pdf\">$14,934\u003c/a> this year. UC first began charging tuition in 1970 — the enrollment fees were $450.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Students were livid in 2021 and remained so today.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Students should not be fighting for our lives,” said Diego Emilio Bollo, president of the undergraduate student association at UCLA. He spoke at a rally today with dozens of students opposing the tuition plan and said the UC should look elsewhere for money. “The UC should be fighting in Sacramento and in Washington, DC. And the students are not the UC’s backup budget plan.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>UC says 98% of California students with household incomes below $60,000 and who applied for financial aid don’t pay tuition, though student advocates say some undergraduates still fall through the cracks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Regent Michael Cohen, who helped to secure more financial aid for UC students when the board voted to launch the cohort plan in 2021, said he supported the model today because tuition stays flat for individual students for up to six years after they see a tuition hike once. To him, that means students get an increasing discount, as tuition stays flat while inflation rises.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cohen added that the revenue from the tuition increases allowed the UC to enroll 15,000 more new California undergraduates. “That’s remarkable,” he said. State aid alone couldn’t have given more Californians access to the UC, he noted. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Lt. Gov. Eleni Kounalakis vehemently opposed the continuation of the tuition increases. She said these decisions should be reviewed at least annually, not left alone for years at a time. “Our students sleep in their cars. Our students go to food banks in order to be able to eat,” she said. “I think that any time we raise tuition, we should be going back and understanding whether or not we’ve done every other possible thing to avoid raising tuition.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The original plan proposed today would have led to endless ongoing tuition increases. But students and some regents were critical of the cohort model continuing without end, so the board voted to revisit the model in seven years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Guided by UC Office of the President officials, the board also lowered from 45% to 40% the share of new tuition revenue that flows to undergraduate financial aid. When regents installed this tuition hike plan, the return-to-aid figure was 33%.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Counterintuitively, this means that low- and moderate-income students \u003ca href=\"https://regents.universityofcalifornia.edu/regmeet/july25/b2.pdf#page=5\">got thousands more in financial aid\u003c/a> to cover tuition and additional living costs under these tuition increases than they would have had the UC not increased tuition. On the other hand, higher-income students, those from families with incomes above $120,000, generally paid hundreds of dollars more for their cost of attendance because they get less financial aid, median data from UC show. UC projections show that those \u003ca href=\"https://regents.universityofcalifornia.edu/regmeet/nov25/b3.pdf#page=8\">trends will continue\u003c/a> through the end of the decade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, some higher-income students receive UC grants from return-to-aid. For example, a quarter of students whose families make between $147,000 and $184,000 \u003ca href=\"https://www.ucop.edu/enrollment-services/data-and-reporting/reports-to-the-regents-on-student-financial-support/2025-guea-student-financial-support-report-nf-final.pdf#page=7\">received a UC grant in 2023-24\u003c/a>. Students receive financial aid based on a federal formula that takes into account household income, money in certain financial accounts and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kiplinger.com/taxes/types-of-nontaxable-income\">untaxed income\u003c/a>, such as life insurance payouts and inheritances.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About half of in-state undergraduate students at UC live in households with incomes below $120,000, \u003ca href=\"https://accountability.universityofcalifornia.edu/2025/chapters/chapter-2.html#:~:text=31%20percent%20of%20in%2Dstate%20students%2C%20come%20from%20low%2Dincome%C2%A0families.\">UC data show\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Funneling a portion of tuition increases to financial aid has resulted in an extra roughly $1 billion in financial aid for students, a UC finance official said today. Overall, 35% of UC undergraduates from California take out loans to attend the system and the average debt has been constant at about $17,000, said Shawn Brick, who heads financial aid, at the regents meeting. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003ch2>UC budget struggles\u003c/h2>\n\n\u003cp>The drop in return-to-aid is a way to route more funding to campuses that have been rocked by federal cutbacks tied up in legal battles and state support that is less than Gov. Gavin Newsom and the state Legislature had indicated the UC \u003ca href=\"https://regents.universityofcalifornia.edu/regmeet/sept25/f2.pdf#page=3\">would receive in past years\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Already, the UC is enrolling about 4,000 more California students than the state is giving them money for. Because of this, UC reported that it brings in less money per student to educate them than the system collected four years ago — down to $28,000 from $30,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nearly 800 employees have been laid off across the UC system this year, UC President James B. Milliken said. “These layoffs reflect the seriousness of the financial pressures we are navigating,” he said this morning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>UC has also fought to recover 1,600 federal research grants that the Trump administration suspended or terminated. While many have been restored through court orders, 400 are still defunded, totalling $230 million, Milliken said. Meanwhile the UC \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/2025/03/university-of-california/#:~:text=is%20antisemitism.-,UC%20lawsuits,-In%20protecting%20its\">has sued to halt\u003c/a> Trump from changing a formula for how much campuses receive in grant funds to maintain labs. At stake is \u003ca href=\"https://www.chronicle.com/article/trump-wants-to-cut-billions-in-research-spending-heres-how-much-it-might-cost-your-university\">another half-billion dollars\u003c/a>. That money supports jobs and regional economies; the UC is the state’s \u003ca href=\"https://accountability.universityofcalifornia.edu/2025/exec-sum.html\">second-largest employer\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>UC officials persuaded the regents to make other technical changes that increase the odds that tuition for the next cohort would rise more than it has so far, but tuition increases would still be capped at 5%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One allows UC to defer the financial impact if inflation exceeds 5%. In that case, the percent that is above 5% would be applied to a future year when the inflation rate is lower. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Had this plan been in place since 2022, tuition would have risen by 1.5% \u003ca href=\"https://regents.universityofcalifornia.edu/regmeet/nov25/b3.pdf#page=4\">more than it did this year\u003c/a>, UC finance staff said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The UC Regents also agreed to include another one-percentage-point increase in cohort tuition that would be dedicated to building maintenance or another campus need. Still, tuition increases wouldn’t exceed 5%. The system regularly asks for hundreds of millions in money but often gets much less. The system is able to issue bonds for new construction, but the amount is limited. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the original plan today, the additional revenue from this 1% bump would have been limited to structures that service students. Now, the extra 1% can be used by campus chancellors for other spending priorities. The system has a deferred maintenance backlog of $9 billion, UC officials said today.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The UC student association said capital projects shouldn’t be paid for with tuition dollars. “We urge the Board to reject the proposed 1% step increase, or commit to dedicating a portion of the revenue to go to vital student supports, such as basic needs, retention programs and health services,” \u003ca href=\"https://docs.google.com/document/d/1MVEZ3qRSLbGP-WwUXrRL6zn_V2oULqa8qEgVCnUMazo/edit?tab=t.0\">the group wrote in a public letter\u003c/a>. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003ch2>Some students fall through the cracks\u003c/h2>\n\n\u003cp>Even with generous financial aid, some California students at UC still incur hardship and a bureaucratic runaround. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Joshua Mata entered UC Berkeley in 2019 intent on taking on no debt. He arranged to pay a friend $300 to use the parking spot in her apartment building to park a used van he bought to sleep in. The friend provided him with a key to her apartment so he could bathe.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He was no stranger to residing in cars — housing stability was sporadic after he moved to California to attend community college. A year into his studies, he received in-state tuition status. His story is unusual: He lived with his father in China, who taught English, until Mata graduated from high school and moved back to the U.S. to live with his grandmother for a year in Texas before driving to California. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After three years at community college, he transferred to California’s top public university, thinking he’d retain his in-state residency status and the much lower tuition bill, with financial aid to both cover his enrollment fees and some extra money for living costs. A half-semester later, he dropped out: The campus rejected his in-state claim and froze his financial aid, leaving him with a roughly $40,000 bill, he recalled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He wishes the campus gave him more of a heads up during the summer so he could have cleared the issue before school started. “Maybe I’d have a degree by now,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though he re-enrolled in 2023, students with unique financial issues such as Mata must also be looked out for, said Alexis Zaragoza during public comments today. Zaragoza was a UC student regent when the UC board approved the cohort tuition model. While she opposed it, she led board members in increasing how much new tuition revenue flows to financial aid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Dozens of those students go through residency and income appeals, but those processes take months– sometimes up to 6 or 7 months, to be resolved. For low-income and even homeless students– those months are crucial. Many students drop out to avoid $30,000-plus charges, but are still charged them,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Asked whether the additional revenue from tuition would flow toward more student services positions such as financial aid staff or those that deal with residency disputes, UC spokesperson Omar Rodriguez wrote in an email that “any new funding generated for operating support will be used at the discretion of each location to meet their local needs.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A few dozen students briefly shut down the meeting on the vote today after they shouted prewritten slogans at regents condemning the ongoing tuition increases. The regents asked UC police to declare an unlawful assembly and a row of police clutching batons and wearing helmets with facial shields assembled as the students left the meeting chamber. There was no confrontation between police and protesters. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This article was \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/higher-education/2025/11/uc-tuition/\">originally published on CalMatters\u003c/a> and was republished under the \u003ca href=\"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/\">Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives\u003c/a> license.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "democrat-mike-mcguire-challenges-gop-rep-doug-lamalfa-for-new-prop-50-seat",
"title": "Democrat Mike McGuire Challenges GOP Rep. Doug LaMalfa for New Prop. 50 Seat",
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"headTitle": "Democrat Mike McGuire Challenges GOP Rep. Doug LaMalfa for New Prop. 50 Seat | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003c!-- Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/ -->\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was originally published by \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\">CalMatters\u003c/a>. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/subscribe-to-calmatters/\">Sign up\u003c/a> for their newsletters.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California Senate President Pro Tem Mike McGuire has officially launched his challenge to longtime Republican Rep. Doug LaMalfa in a congressional district \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12063016/how-prop-50s-win-reshapes-californias-2026-elections\">drastically redrawn \u003c/a>by Proposition 50.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Santa Rosa Democrat, who will hit his 12-year term limit in the Legislature next year, was widely viewed once the new maps were drawn as a prospective challenger to LaMalfa, a rice farmer from Oroville who has represented the North State in Congress since 2013.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>LaMalfa’s current district stretches from Siskiyou County and much of the Oregon-California border down through rural Shasta and Sutter Counties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/proposition-50\">new voter-approved\u003c/a> Prop. 50 maps, the district shifts south out of Modoc County and jogs westward to pick up parts of Sonoma County and McGuire’s home base of Santa Rosa.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>McGuire will face heavy skepticism from some northern rural residents in the 1st Congressional District, who just a few years ago tried to secede from liberal California to form the conservative “state of Jefferson” with rural parts of southern Oregon.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an apparent effort to head off inevitable accusations of being out of touch with rural life, McGuire spent much of \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/ilike_mike/status/1988984850825519432\">his launch video\u003c/a> doubling down on promises to prioritize farmers’ needs and “make sure rural communities get their fair share.”[aside postID=news_12063055 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/AP25309664191702-KQED.jpg']“I know these roads. I know these towns,” McGuire says as he strolls down a tree-lined country road, a white pickup truck clearly visible in the background. “This district is big, it’s rural, and now more than ever, it needs a fighter.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After devastating wildfires that wiped out thousands of homes and killed dozens in Sonoma and Napa counties in 2017, McGuire made wildfire prevention his signature issue in the Legislature.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Following the Palisades and Eaton fires in January, McGuire ushered through an ambitious 13-bill package that expanded insurance coverage and sped up rebuilding of damaged homes after destructive fires.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His critics have said McGuire’s singular focus on wildfire issues sometimes clouded his ability to balance and prioritize other policy areas, especially once he ascended to the role of pro tem last February, succeeding the well-regarded former Sen. Toni Atkins and becoming the chief traffic cop for which bills could come to the Senate floor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>McGuire also developed a reputation for holding out on negotiations until he could extract a win for his policy priorities or his constituents: He was the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2025/11/california-budget-earmarks-2025/\">top recipient of budget “earmarks”\u003c/a> for local projects back home, funds that he will surely tout as major wins during his campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12060675\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12060675\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/GettyImages-2230160972-scaled-e1760990148740.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1356\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">California Gov. Gavin Newsom speaks about California redistricting plans at a press conference at the Democracy Center, Japanese American Museum on August 14, 2025 in Los Angeles, California. Newsom spoke about a possible California referendum on redistricting to counter the legislative effort to add five Republican House seats in the state of Texas. \u003ccite>(Mario Tama/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>During \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12055461/california-lawmakers-reach-last-minute-deals-on-climate-energy\">last-minute negotiations\u003c/a> on a multi-pronged climate and energy policy deal earlier this fall, Gov. Gavin Newsom had to make an eleventh hour visit to the Capitol to push McGuire and his team onto the same page as him and Assembly leadership.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>McGuire promised in his launch video to deliver “no drama, no BS, no gimmicks” if elected to Congress.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And while he mostly shied away from the argument that he would flip a seat from Republican to Democratic control, he did acknowledge that he would push back on the Trump administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Don’t worry, I will always stand up to the destructive policies of Donald Trump,” he said in the video. “I’m all in — every damn day.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This article was \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2025/11/mcguire-1st-congressional-district/\">originally published on CalMatters\u003c/a> and was republished under the \u003ca href=\"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/\">Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives\u003c/a> license.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "McGuire, who terms out of the Legislature next year, hopes to capitalize on Democrats’ new voter registration advantage in LaMalfa’s post-Prop. 50 district to flip a congressional seat from red to blue. His launch video appears to preemptively address the criticism that he’s out of touch with rural Californians.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003c!-- Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/ -->\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was originally published by \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\">CalMatters\u003c/a>. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/subscribe-to-calmatters/\">Sign up\u003c/a> for their newsletters.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California Senate President Pro Tem Mike McGuire has officially launched his challenge to longtime Republican Rep. Doug LaMalfa in a congressional district \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12063016/how-prop-50s-win-reshapes-californias-2026-elections\">drastically redrawn \u003c/a>by Proposition 50.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Santa Rosa Democrat, who will hit his 12-year term limit in the Legislature next year, was widely viewed once the new maps were drawn as a prospective challenger to LaMalfa, a rice farmer from Oroville who has represented the North State in Congress since 2013.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>LaMalfa’s current district stretches from Siskiyou County and much of the Oregon-California border down through rural Shasta and Sutter Counties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/proposition-50\">new voter-approved\u003c/a> Prop. 50 maps, the district shifts south out of Modoc County and jogs westward to pick up parts of Sonoma County and McGuire’s home base of Santa Rosa.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>McGuire will face heavy skepticism from some northern rural residents in the 1st Congressional District, who just a few years ago tried to secede from liberal California to form the conservative “state of Jefferson” with rural parts of southern Oregon.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an apparent effort to head off inevitable accusations of being out of touch with rural life, McGuire spent much of \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/ilike_mike/status/1988984850825519432\">his launch video\u003c/a> doubling down on promises to prioritize farmers’ needs and “make sure rural communities get their fair share.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“I know these roads. I know these towns,” McGuire says as he strolls down a tree-lined country road, a white pickup truck clearly visible in the background. “This district is big, it’s rural, and now more than ever, it needs a fighter.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After devastating wildfires that wiped out thousands of homes and killed dozens in Sonoma and Napa counties in 2017, McGuire made wildfire prevention his signature issue in the Legislature.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Following the Palisades and Eaton fires in January, McGuire ushered through an ambitious 13-bill package that expanded insurance coverage and sped up rebuilding of damaged homes after destructive fires.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His critics have said McGuire’s singular focus on wildfire issues sometimes clouded his ability to balance and prioritize other policy areas, especially once he ascended to the role of pro tem last February, succeeding the well-regarded former Sen. Toni Atkins and becoming the chief traffic cop for which bills could come to the Senate floor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>McGuire also developed a reputation for holding out on negotiations until he could extract a win for his policy priorities or his constituents: He was the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2025/11/california-budget-earmarks-2025/\">top recipient of budget “earmarks”\u003c/a> for local projects back home, funds that he will surely tout as major wins during his campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12060675\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12060675\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/GettyImages-2230160972-scaled-e1760990148740.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1356\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">California Gov. Gavin Newsom speaks about California redistricting plans at a press conference at the Democracy Center, Japanese American Museum on August 14, 2025 in Los Angeles, California. Newsom spoke about a possible California referendum on redistricting to counter the legislative effort to add five Republican House seats in the state of Texas. \u003ccite>(Mario Tama/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>During \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12055461/california-lawmakers-reach-last-minute-deals-on-climate-energy\">last-minute negotiations\u003c/a> on a multi-pronged climate and energy policy deal earlier this fall, Gov. Gavin Newsom had to make an eleventh hour visit to the Capitol to push McGuire and his team onto the same page as him and Assembly leadership.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>McGuire promised in his launch video to deliver “no drama, no BS, no gimmicks” if elected to Congress.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And while he mostly shied away from the argument that he would flip a seat from Republican to Democratic control, he did acknowledge that he would push back on the Trump administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Don’t worry, I will always stand up to the destructive policies of Donald Trump,” he said in the video. “I’m all in — every damn day.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This article was \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2025/11/mcguire-1st-congressional-district/\">originally published on CalMatters\u003c/a> and was republished under the \u003ca href=\"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/\">Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives\u003c/a> license.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was originally published by \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\">CalMatters\u003c/a>. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/subscribe-to-calmatters/\">Sign up\u003c/a> for their newsletters.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/category/technology\">OpenAI\u003c/a> said Tuesday it would restructure as a for-profit company in a way that addresses concerns from California Attorney General Rob Bonta, who signed off on the transformation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But details of the move could revive worries that OpenAI is misusing charitable tax exemptions, experts and advocates told CalMatters. The ChatGPT maker is putting its nonprofit arm nominally in control of the for-profit entity, but there are numerous ways the for-profit company could end up calling the shots, these people said. There are also important, unanswered questions about the safeguards that are supposed to keep that from happening.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under the restructuring, the newly-formed OpenAI Foundation will hold about 26 percent of \u003ca href=\"https://www.reuters.com/technology/openai-hits-500-billion-valuation-after-share-sale-source-says-2025-10-02/\">OpenAI’s valuation\u003c/a>, a share amounting to $130 billion, instantly making it one of the most well-endowed philanthropic organizations in the world. Microsoft, company employees, and other investors will hold the rest. The controlling nonprofit foundation can appoint members of the for-profit board of directors and, through a special committee, step in to address AI safety concerns. The company also pledged to remain in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>OpenAI did not respond to a CalMatters request for additional details about potential safeguards to preserve the independence of the OpenAI Foundation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>OpenAI’s plans \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/economy/technology/2025/01/openai-investigation-california/\">came under scrutiny in California because\u003c/a> Bonta, along with Delaware Attorney General Kathy Jennings, wanted to ensure the company stayed true to the mission laid out in its charter when the organization was founded as a nonprofit a decade ago to make artificial intelligence that benefits humanity. The company had pledged all “assets are irrevocably dedicated” to this purpose.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>OpenAI has faced criticism for a wide range of impacts on society. In August, \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2025/08/26/technology/chatgpt-openai-suicide.html\">the parents of California teenager Adam Raine alleged in a lawsuit that ChatGPT \u003c/a>coached him on how to commit suicide. The company put restrictions on its generative AI video app Sora 2 after depictions \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbsnews.com/news/openai-martin-luther-depictions-king-jr-sora-2-app/\">of Martin Luther King Jr\u003c/a> were criticized as disrespectful. Lawmakers in California \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/environment/2025/09/data-centers-california-electricity-rates/\">have also moved to mitigate\u003c/a> rising power consumption and proliferation of data centers driven by ChatGPT and similar tools. At the same time, the company has helped drive an AI boom that has seen Big Tech companies \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/economy/technology/2024/10/ca-corporate-tax-revenue-surge/\">surge money into state tax coffers\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bonta and Jennings have both now signed \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/system/files/attachments/press-docs/Final%20Executed%20MOU%20Between%20OpenAI%20and%20California%20AG%20re%20Notice%20of%20Conditions%20of%20Non-Objection%20%2810.27.2025%29%20%28Signed%20by%20OpenAI%29%20%28Signed%20by%20CA%20DOJ%29.pdf\">agreements with OpenAI\u003c/a> blessing its new structure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12060365 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/SamAltmanGetty.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We will be keeping a close eye on OpenAI to ensure ongoing adherence to its charitable mission and the protection of the safety of all Californians,” Bonta \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/news/press-releases/attorney-general-bonta-issues-statement-openai%E2%80%99s-recapitalization-plan\">wrote\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Robert Bartlett, a professor of law and business at Stanford Law School, has studied and worked in the venture capital ecosystem for three decades. He said OpenAI’s start as a nonprofit was unusual and related to its unique mission around artificial intelligence. But it found being a nonprofit restrictive, making it difficult to raise capital and compensate its employees with equity in the company. Its restructuring should pave the way for an eventual \u003ca href=\"https://www.reuters.com/business/openai-lays-groundwork-juggernaut-ipo-up-1-trillion-valuation-2025-10-29/\">initial public offering\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bartlett said the new arrangement that the nonprofit, a minority stakeholder, will have oversight of the public benefit corporation is also unusual. He said the deal envisions a “pretty active role” for the nonprofit’s safety committee, which will include the right to control safety procedures and halt the release of AI models made by the corporation. OpenAI previously \u003ca href=\"https://openai.com/index/update-on-safety-and-security-practices/\">named four members\u003c/a> of the safety committee on its website and has \u003ca href=\"https://openai.com/our-structure/\">said all current members\u003c/a> of the non-profit board will serve on the for-profit board, with some as observers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But not knowing exactly how much overlap there might be between the boards of the nonprofit and the corporation is a big question, as is the ultimate composition of the committee, Bartlett said. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ll have to see what happens, who’s on the committee, how active (they are), and their relationship to OpenAI,” Bartlett said. “Will (the structure) be meaningful and consistent with the AG’s focus on safety?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Steven Adler previously led a product safety team at OpenAI. On Tuesday he published an\u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2025/10/28/opinion/openai-chatgpt-safety.html\"> op-ed in the New York Times\u003c/a> that argues that the company can’t be trusted when they say they can safely\u003ca href=\"https://x.com/sama/status/1978129344598827128\"> deploy erotica chatbots\u003c/a> in part because it has a history of ignoring risks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He told CalMatters that under the restructure that he thinks the nonprofit’s safety committee needs more independence to operate effectively. “I hope that a truly independent body will do a better job of protecting the organization’s mission than one that feels any pull toward profits,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure>\n\u003cblockquote>\n\u003cp>“There’s a bazillion conflicts of interest here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ccite>Judith Bell, San Francisco Foundation\u003c/cite>\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>OpenAI’s restructuring drew ire from \u003ca href=\"https://www.eyesonopenai.org/\">Eyes On OpenAI\u003c/a>, a coalition of more than 60 California nonprofit organizations who have argued for more than a year that attorneys general should force the company to transfer its assets to an independent nonprofit entity. The precedent for this approach comes from Blue Cross of California, which started as a nonprofit. Following a transfer of assets to a for-profit subsidiary in the 1990s, that organization \u003ca href=\"https://pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/articles/PMC2690248/\">gave more than $3 billion in stock to two foundations\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco Foundation chief Impact Officer Judith Bell, a member of the Eyes on OpenAI coalition, said the deal could set a precedent for startups to evade taxes, and is also concerned that under the restructuring the same people can serve on boards of directors for the for-profit and the nonprofit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s a bazillion conflicts of interest here,” she said, adding that those conflicts are particularly worrisome given the broad potential harms the foundation needs to keep an eye on, including how the tech impacts children, the economy, the workplace, and society.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The deal speaks to the tremendous influence of a corporation to push forward a deal, said Orson Aguilar, director of the advocacy nonprofit LatinoProsperity and a member of the Eyes On OpenAI coalition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He believes OpenAI lost its way when key executives realized they could make an enormous amount of money for themselves. Members of the nonprofit board, meanwhile, variously quit and lost influence after some of them attempted to oust CEO Sam Altman in 2023.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The nonprofit continues to operate under the influence of the for-profit it supposedly oversees and that’s been our biggest objection and nothing today tells us that anything meaningful has changed that,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This article was \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/economy/technology/2025/10/openai-restructuring-deal-full-of-holes-critics-say/\">originally published on CalMatters\u003c/a> and was republished under the \u003ca href=\"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/\">Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives\u003c/a> license.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was originally published by \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\">CalMatters\u003c/a>. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/subscribe-to-calmatters/\">Sign up\u003c/a> for their newsletters.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/category/technology\">OpenAI\u003c/a> said Tuesday it would restructure as a for-profit company in a way that addresses concerns from California Attorney General Rob Bonta, who signed off on the transformation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But details of the move could revive worries that OpenAI is misusing charitable tax exemptions, experts and advocates told CalMatters. The ChatGPT maker is putting its nonprofit arm nominally in control of the for-profit entity, but there are numerous ways the for-profit company could end up calling the shots, these people said. There are also important, unanswered questions about the safeguards that are supposed to keep that from happening.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under the restructuring, the newly-formed OpenAI Foundation will hold about 26 percent of \u003ca href=\"https://www.reuters.com/technology/openai-hits-500-billion-valuation-after-share-sale-source-says-2025-10-02/\">OpenAI’s valuation\u003c/a>, a share amounting to $130 billion, instantly making it one of the most well-endowed philanthropic organizations in the world. Microsoft, company employees, and other investors will hold the rest. The controlling nonprofit foundation can appoint members of the for-profit board of directors and, through a special committee, step in to address AI safety concerns. The company also pledged to remain in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>OpenAI did not respond to a CalMatters request for additional details about potential safeguards to preserve the independence of the OpenAI Foundation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>OpenAI’s plans \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/economy/technology/2025/01/openai-investigation-california/\">came under scrutiny in California because\u003c/a> Bonta, along with Delaware Attorney General Kathy Jennings, wanted to ensure the company stayed true to the mission laid out in its charter when the organization was founded as a nonprofit a decade ago to make artificial intelligence that benefits humanity. The company had pledged all “assets are irrevocably dedicated” to this purpose.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>OpenAI has faced criticism for a wide range of impacts on society. In August, \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2025/08/26/technology/chatgpt-openai-suicide.html\">the parents of California teenager Adam Raine alleged in a lawsuit that ChatGPT \u003c/a>coached him on how to commit suicide. The company put restrictions on its generative AI video app Sora 2 after depictions \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbsnews.com/news/openai-martin-luther-depictions-king-jr-sora-2-app/\">of Martin Luther King Jr\u003c/a> were criticized as disrespectful. Lawmakers in California \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/environment/2025/09/data-centers-california-electricity-rates/\">have also moved to mitigate\u003c/a> rising power consumption and proliferation of data centers driven by ChatGPT and similar tools. At the same time, the company has helped drive an AI boom that has seen Big Tech companies \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/economy/technology/2024/10/ca-corporate-tax-revenue-surge/\">surge money into state tax coffers\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bonta and Jennings have both now signed \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/system/files/attachments/press-docs/Final%20Executed%20MOU%20Between%20OpenAI%20and%20California%20AG%20re%20Notice%20of%20Conditions%20of%20Non-Objection%20%2810.27.2025%29%20%28Signed%20by%20OpenAI%29%20%28Signed%20by%20CA%20DOJ%29.pdf\">agreements with OpenAI\u003c/a> blessing its new structure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We will be keeping a close eye on OpenAI to ensure ongoing adherence to its charitable mission and the protection of the safety of all Californians,” Bonta \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/news/press-releases/attorney-general-bonta-issues-statement-openai%E2%80%99s-recapitalization-plan\">wrote\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Robert Bartlett, a professor of law and business at Stanford Law School, has studied and worked in the venture capital ecosystem for three decades. He said OpenAI’s start as a nonprofit was unusual and related to its unique mission around artificial intelligence. But it found being a nonprofit restrictive, making it difficult to raise capital and compensate its employees with equity in the company. Its restructuring should pave the way for an eventual \u003ca href=\"https://www.reuters.com/business/openai-lays-groundwork-juggernaut-ipo-up-1-trillion-valuation-2025-10-29/\">initial public offering\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bartlett said the new arrangement that the nonprofit, a minority stakeholder, will have oversight of the public benefit corporation is also unusual. He said the deal envisions a “pretty active role” for the nonprofit’s safety committee, which will include the right to control safety procedures and halt the release of AI models made by the corporation. OpenAI previously \u003ca href=\"https://openai.com/index/update-on-safety-and-security-practices/\">named four members\u003c/a> of the safety committee on its website and has \u003ca href=\"https://openai.com/our-structure/\">said all current members\u003c/a> of the non-profit board will serve on the for-profit board, with some as observers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But not knowing exactly how much overlap there might be between the boards of the nonprofit and the corporation is a big question, as is the ultimate composition of the committee, Bartlett said. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ll have to see what happens, who’s on the committee, how active (they are), and their relationship to OpenAI,” Bartlett said. “Will (the structure) be meaningful and consistent with the AG’s focus on safety?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Steven Adler previously led a product safety team at OpenAI. On Tuesday he published an\u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2025/10/28/opinion/openai-chatgpt-safety.html\"> op-ed in the New York Times\u003c/a> that argues that the company can’t be trusted when they say they can safely\u003ca href=\"https://x.com/sama/status/1978129344598827128\"> deploy erotica chatbots\u003c/a> in part because it has a history of ignoring risks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He told CalMatters that under the restructure that he thinks the nonprofit’s safety committee needs more independence to operate effectively. “I hope that a truly independent body will do a better job of protecting the organization’s mission than one that feels any pull toward profits,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure>\n\u003cblockquote>\n\u003cp>“There’s a bazillion conflicts of interest here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ccite>Judith Bell, San Francisco Foundation\u003c/cite>\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>OpenAI’s restructuring drew ire from \u003ca href=\"https://www.eyesonopenai.org/\">Eyes On OpenAI\u003c/a>, a coalition of more than 60 California nonprofit organizations who have argued for more than a year that attorneys general should force the company to transfer its assets to an independent nonprofit entity. The precedent for this approach comes from Blue Cross of California, which started as a nonprofit. Following a transfer of assets to a for-profit subsidiary in the 1990s, that organization \u003ca href=\"https://pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/articles/PMC2690248/\">gave more than $3 billion in stock to two foundations\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco Foundation chief Impact Officer Judith Bell, a member of the Eyes on OpenAI coalition, said the deal could set a precedent for startups to evade taxes, and is also concerned that under the restructuring the same people can serve on boards of directors for the for-profit and the nonprofit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s a bazillion conflicts of interest here,” she said, adding that those conflicts are particularly worrisome given the broad potential harms the foundation needs to keep an eye on, including how the tech impacts children, the economy, the workplace, and society.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The deal speaks to the tremendous influence of a corporation to push forward a deal, said Orson Aguilar, director of the advocacy nonprofit LatinoProsperity and a member of the Eyes On OpenAI coalition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He believes OpenAI lost its way when key executives realized they could make an enormous amount of money for themselves. Members of the nonprofit board, meanwhile, variously quit and lost influence after some of them attempted to oust CEO Sam Altman in 2023.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The nonprofit continues to operate under the influence of the for-profit it supposedly oversees and that’s been our biggest objection and nothing today tells us that anything meaningful has changed that,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This article was \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/economy/technology/2025/10/openai-restructuring-deal-full-of-holes-critics-say/\">originally published on CalMatters\u003c/a> and was republished under the \u003ca href=\"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/\">Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives\u003c/a> license.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>As in-person voting begins in California’s special election on redistricting, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/gavin-newsom\">Gov. Gavin Newsom\u003c/a> has repeatedly asserted that the Trump administration could send immigration agents to polling places in an attempt to intimidate voters and depress turnout.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The governor’s warnings, while unspecific, speak to what community leaders call real, palpable fears within some Latino communities that immigration agents could show up on Election Day. And ever since the Supreme Court greenlit using \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/justice/2025/09/la-immigration-sweeps-supreme-court/\">racial profiling in immigration stops\u003c/a>, even U.S. citizens are scared they could be detained simply for being in the wrong place at the wrong time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You’re going to likely see members of our military in and around polling booths and voting places all across this country,” Newsom warned last week during a virtual event with former President Barack Obama in support of \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/tag/prop-50/\">Proposition 50\u003c/a>. “I would say the same about ICE and Border Patrol, and I say that soberly.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom has not provided any evidence to suggest that the Department of Homeland Security will deploy immigration agents to polling sites. But he pointed to the Los Angeles campaign launch event for Prop. 50, his plan to redraw the state’s congressional districts to favor Democrats, where federal immigration agents blocked supporters from entering the area and detained a nearby strawberry vendor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesperson for Immigration and Customs Enforcement wrote in a statement that the agency “is not planning operations targeting polling locations,” but that if agents are tracking “a dangerous criminal alien” who goes near a voting site they could be arrested there. A spokesperson for Customs and Border Patrol did not respond to emailed questions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12061617\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/20251023_BAYRESISTANCE_HERNANDEZ-13-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12061617\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/20251023_BAYRESISTANCE_HERNANDEZ-13-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/20251023_BAYRESISTANCE_HERNANDEZ-13-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/20251023_BAYRESISTANCE_HERNANDEZ-13-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/20251023_BAYRESISTANCE_HERNANDEZ-13-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A man watches from an office window as protesters pass by during the Bay Resistance march in San Francisco on Oct. 23, 2025. \u003ccite>(Gustavo Hernandez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The governor argues that the Trump administration’s indiscriminate immigration raids, military and National Guard deployments are intended to suppress Democratic voters and keep Republicans in control of Congress for the duration of Trump’s presidency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We know the intention of this administration — to rig next year’s midterms,” Newsom told reporters recently. “It’s absolutely predictable. It’s a script that’s been written for centuries. It’s the authoritarian playbook.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Trump administration’s Justice Department \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/opa/pr/justice-department-monitor-polling-sites-california-new-jersey\">announced on Friday\u003c/a> that it will \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2025/10/proposition-50-election-monitors/\">deploy personnel to monitor polling sites in five counties\u003c/a>: Fresno, Kern, Los Angeles, Orange and Riverside on Election Day. Fresno, Kern and Riverside counties are majority Latino.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The poll monitors will “ensure transparency, ballot security, and compliance with federal law,” according to the department. The administration has not said whether the agents will be stationed at polling sites in addition to county election offices where ballots are counted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democrats denounced the plan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Deploying federal forces to ‘monitor’ elections is nothing more than an intimidation tactic meant to suppress the vote,” said Rusty Hicks, chair of the California Democratic Party. “What Republicans are really afraid of is record voter participation and a clear verdict from the people of California in support of Prop. 50.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>‘Alarming’ number of Latinos fear ICE at polls\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The vast majority of Californians vote by mail, especially since the state adopted universal mail-in voting during the COVID-19 pandemic. Just over 80% of votes cast in the 2024 presidential election were mail-in ballots.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But casting a ballot in-person on Election Day is a point of pride for many American immigrants, especially Latinos, said Yvette Martinez, executive director of the California Democratic Party.[aside postID=news_12061545 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251023-MAYOR-LEE-PRESSER-MD-05-KQED.jpg']“It’s a cultural thing,” said Martinez. “People want to show up and say, ‘I’m patriotic, here’s my civic duty. I’m here to vote, I’m here to make my voice heard.’ And when you quell that, it’s dangerous. And it’s actually sad.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a \u003ca href=\"https://latinocf.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/09/1.-LCF-Latino-Survey-Sept-2025-Results-by-Region.pdf\">September survey\u003c/a> of 1,200 registered Latino voters conducted by the Latino Community Foundation, a nonprofit that funds Latino advocacy, 53% said they planned to vote in person. Of those, more than half said they would vote on Election Day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The same survey also found that two-thirds of the Latino voters surveyed said they were at least somewhat worried that ICE or Border Patrol agents could show up at polling places. The poll had a sampling error margin of plus or minus 2.8 percentage points.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These are citizens of this country. And if they are concerned about immigration or any type of federal presence at in-person voting sites, that is alarming,” said Christian Arana, who leads policy strategy for the foundation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If people want to vote in person, it is their fundamental right,” Arana said. “I never want us to buy into the fear that you can’t participate in democracy because immigration enforcement may show up.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So far in the race for Prop. 50, only 9% of registered Latino voters have returned their ballots, according to the most recent data available from Political Data Inc., compared to 19% of white voters and 13% of Black voters. California pollster Ben Tulchin, who recently surveyed Latino voters about Prop. 50, said those numbers “are not unusual” since Latino voters tend to lag other ethnic and racial groups in casting ballots.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/legislators/anna-caballero-101330\">Sen. Anna Caballero\u003c/a>, Democrat of Merced, said U.S. citizens told her they’re afraid to go outside, especially when there have been reports of ICE sightings in the region. Many of her constituents come from mixed-status families in which some family members are citizens and others aren’t. She blames the Trump administration for terrifying those families so much that they don’t want to leave their homes unless absolutely necessary.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure>\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://calmatters.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/06/060625_ICE-Raid-DTLA_JWBH_CM_02-1024x683.jpg\" alt='A heavily armed individual in military-style gear and a gas mask stands behind yellow caution tape marked \"crime scene do not cross.\" They are holding a rifle and surrounded by others in tactical uniforms. Behind them, a crowd of onlookers gathers near a building with a sign that reads \"ambiance – not open to the public.\" The scene appears tense, unfolding in an urban area.'>\u003cfigcaption>Federal immigration authorities face off against protesters during an ICE raid at Ambiance Apparel in Downtown Los Angeles on June 6, 2025. \u003cem>(J.W. Hendricks for CalMatters)\u003c/em>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“This idea that all you have to do is pull out your driver’s license, or pull out some kind of documentation, that’s a fantasy,” said Caballero. “U.S. citizens have been detained and taken into custody.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A recent \u003ca href=\"https://www.propublica.org/article/immigration-dhs-american-citizens-arrested-detained-against-will\">investigation by ProPublica\u003c/a> found that at least 170 U.S. citizens have been wrongfully detained by ICE since the second Trump administration took office, prompting intense criticism from opponents. Top Democrats on the House and Senate government oversight committees, Rep. Robert Garcia of California and Sen. Richard Blumenthal of Connecticut, have opened an investigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/legislators/esmeralda-soria-1989\">Assemblymember Esmeralda Soria\u003c/a>, another Merced Democrat and the daughter of Mexican immigrants, said ever since the Supreme Court \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/justice/2025/09/la-immigration-sweeps-supreme-court/\">issued its racial profiling ruling\u003c/a> earlier this summer, she keeps her passport in her bag at all times.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Just because you may look like an immigrant — which I don’t even know what that really means — you know, I could also be targeted,” Soria said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>‘My voice will be heard’\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Opponents of Newsom’s redistricting plan say the governor’s warnings about Election Day intimidation and interference from federal agents are exaggerated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People see it for what it is. It’s politics, it’s headline-grabbing,” said Hector Barajas, a spokesperson for the No on 50 campaign.[aside postID=news_12061080 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/GettyImages-2220045842-2000x1334.jpg']Barajas denounced Democrats for what he said was intentional disenfranchisement of nonwhite voters, since white college-educated voters are historically far more likely to turn out during off-year elections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is what happens with special elections, is people don’t turn out to vote, especially Hispanics, which is a sad tragedy in itself,” Barajas said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Martinez said Democratic Party volunteers are for the first time urging voters to return their ballots early via mail or drop-off when they go door to door and handing out pamphlets with instructions for how to report any suspicious activity near polling sites.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The party has also trained hundreds of volunteers as poll watchers who will monitor polling sites for signs of intimidation or federal interference starting the weekend before Election Day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Arana, with the Latino Community Foundation, said he’s choosing to vote in person as an act of defiance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m seeing this as a form of a declaration that I am a Latino man in the state,” he said. “My voice will be heard on this issue, and no one is ever gonna take that right away from me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was originally published by \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\">CalMatters\u003c/a>. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/subscribe-to-calmatters/\">Sign up\u003c/a> for their newsletters.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Gov. Gavin Newsom has repeatedly warned that immigration agents could show up at polling sites the way they did at the launch for Proposition 50. Community members and local leaders say those fears are real.\r\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>As in-person voting begins in California’s special election on redistricting, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/gavin-newsom\">Gov. Gavin Newsom\u003c/a> has repeatedly asserted that the Trump administration could send immigration agents to polling places in an attempt to intimidate voters and depress turnout.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The governor’s warnings, while unspecific, speak to what community leaders call real, palpable fears within some Latino communities that immigration agents could show up on Election Day. And ever since the Supreme Court greenlit using \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/justice/2025/09/la-immigration-sweeps-supreme-court/\">racial profiling in immigration stops\u003c/a>, even U.S. citizens are scared they could be detained simply for being in the wrong place at the wrong time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You’re going to likely see members of our military in and around polling booths and voting places all across this country,” Newsom warned last week during a virtual event with former President Barack Obama in support of \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/tag/prop-50/\">Proposition 50\u003c/a>. “I would say the same about ICE and Border Patrol, and I say that soberly.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom has not provided any evidence to suggest that the Department of Homeland Security will deploy immigration agents to polling sites. But he pointed to the Los Angeles campaign launch event for Prop. 50, his plan to redraw the state’s congressional districts to favor Democrats, where federal immigration agents blocked supporters from entering the area and detained a nearby strawberry vendor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesperson for Immigration and Customs Enforcement wrote in a statement that the agency “is not planning operations targeting polling locations,” but that if agents are tracking “a dangerous criminal alien” who goes near a voting site they could be arrested there. A spokesperson for Customs and Border Patrol did not respond to emailed questions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12061617\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/20251023_BAYRESISTANCE_HERNANDEZ-13-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12061617\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/20251023_BAYRESISTANCE_HERNANDEZ-13-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/20251023_BAYRESISTANCE_HERNANDEZ-13-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/20251023_BAYRESISTANCE_HERNANDEZ-13-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/20251023_BAYRESISTANCE_HERNANDEZ-13-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A man watches from an office window as protesters pass by during the Bay Resistance march in San Francisco on Oct. 23, 2025. \u003ccite>(Gustavo Hernandez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The governor argues that the Trump administration’s indiscriminate immigration raids, military and National Guard deployments are intended to suppress Democratic voters and keep Republicans in control of Congress for the duration of Trump’s presidency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We know the intention of this administration — to rig next year’s midterms,” Newsom told reporters recently. “It’s absolutely predictable. It’s a script that’s been written for centuries. It’s the authoritarian playbook.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Trump administration’s Justice Department \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/opa/pr/justice-department-monitor-polling-sites-california-new-jersey\">announced on Friday\u003c/a> that it will \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2025/10/proposition-50-election-monitors/\">deploy personnel to monitor polling sites in five counties\u003c/a>: Fresno, Kern, Los Angeles, Orange and Riverside on Election Day. Fresno, Kern and Riverside counties are majority Latino.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The poll monitors will “ensure transparency, ballot security, and compliance with federal law,” according to the department. The administration has not said whether the agents will be stationed at polling sites in addition to county election offices where ballots are counted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democrats denounced the plan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Deploying federal forces to ‘monitor’ elections is nothing more than an intimidation tactic meant to suppress the vote,” said Rusty Hicks, chair of the California Democratic Party. “What Republicans are really afraid of is record voter participation and a clear verdict from the people of California in support of Prop. 50.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>‘Alarming’ number of Latinos fear ICE at polls\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The vast majority of Californians vote by mail, especially since the state adopted universal mail-in voting during the COVID-19 pandemic. Just over 80% of votes cast in the 2024 presidential election were mail-in ballots.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But casting a ballot in-person on Election Day is a point of pride for many American immigrants, especially Latinos, said Yvette Martinez, executive director of the California Democratic Party.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“It’s a cultural thing,” said Martinez. “People want to show up and say, ‘I’m patriotic, here’s my civic duty. I’m here to vote, I’m here to make my voice heard.’ And when you quell that, it’s dangerous. And it’s actually sad.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a \u003ca href=\"https://latinocf.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/09/1.-LCF-Latino-Survey-Sept-2025-Results-by-Region.pdf\">September survey\u003c/a> of 1,200 registered Latino voters conducted by the Latino Community Foundation, a nonprofit that funds Latino advocacy, 53% said they planned to vote in person. Of those, more than half said they would vote on Election Day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The same survey also found that two-thirds of the Latino voters surveyed said they were at least somewhat worried that ICE or Border Patrol agents could show up at polling places. The poll had a sampling error margin of plus or minus 2.8 percentage points.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These are citizens of this country. And if they are concerned about immigration or any type of federal presence at in-person voting sites, that is alarming,” said Christian Arana, who leads policy strategy for the foundation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If people want to vote in person, it is their fundamental right,” Arana said. “I never want us to buy into the fear that you can’t participate in democracy because immigration enforcement may show up.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So far in the race for Prop. 50, only 9% of registered Latino voters have returned their ballots, according to the most recent data available from Political Data Inc., compared to 19% of white voters and 13% of Black voters. California pollster Ben Tulchin, who recently surveyed Latino voters about Prop. 50, said those numbers “are not unusual” since Latino voters tend to lag other ethnic and racial groups in casting ballots.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/legislators/anna-caballero-101330\">Sen. Anna Caballero\u003c/a>, Democrat of Merced, said U.S. citizens told her they’re afraid to go outside, especially when there have been reports of ICE sightings in the region. Many of her constituents come from mixed-status families in which some family members are citizens and others aren’t. She blames the Trump administration for terrifying those families so much that they don’t want to leave their homes unless absolutely necessary.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure>\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://calmatters.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/06/060625_ICE-Raid-DTLA_JWBH_CM_02-1024x683.jpg\" alt='A heavily armed individual in military-style gear and a gas mask stands behind yellow caution tape marked \"crime scene do not cross.\" They are holding a rifle and surrounded by others in tactical uniforms. Behind them, a crowd of onlookers gathers near a building with a sign that reads \"ambiance – not open to the public.\" The scene appears tense, unfolding in an urban area.'>\u003cfigcaption>Federal immigration authorities face off against protesters during an ICE raid at Ambiance Apparel in Downtown Los Angeles on June 6, 2025. \u003cem>(J.W. Hendricks for CalMatters)\u003c/em>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“This idea that all you have to do is pull out your driver’s license, or pull out some kind of documentation, that’s a fantasy,” said Caballero. “U.S. citizens have been detained and taken into custody.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A recent \u003ca href=\"https://www.propublica.org/article/immigration-dhs-american-citizens-arrested-detained-against-will\">investigation by ProPublica\u003c/a> found that at least 170 U.S. citizens have been wrongfully detained by ICE since the second Trump administration took office, prompting intense criticism from opponents. Top Democrats on the House and Senate government oversight committees, Rep. Robert Garcia of California and Sen. Richard Blumenthal of Connecticut, have opened an investigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/legislators/esmeralda-soria-1989\">Assemblymember Esmeralda Soria\u003c/a>, another Merced Democrat and the daughter of Mexican immigrants, said ever since the Supreme Court \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/justice/2025/09/la-immigration-sweeps-supreme-court/\">issued its racial profiling ruling\u003c/a> earlier this summer, she keeps her passport in her bag at all times.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Just because you may look like an immigrant — which I don’t even know what that really means — you know, I could also be targeted,” Soria said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>‘My voice will be heard’\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Opponents of Newsom’s redistricting plan say the governor’s warnings about Election Day intimidation and interference from federal agents are exaggerated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People see it for what it is. It’s politics, it’s headline-grabbing,” said Hector Barajas, a spokesperson for the No on 50 campaign.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Barajas denounced Democrats for what he said was intentional disenfranchisement of nonwhite voters, since white college-educated voters are historically far more likely to turn out during off-year elections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is what happens with special elections, is people don’t turn out to vote, especially Hispanics, which is a sad tragedy in itself,” Barajas said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Martinez said Democratic Party volunteers are for the first time urging voters to return their ballots early via mail or drop-off when they go door to door and handing out pamphlets with instructions for how to report any suspicious activity near polling sites.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The party has also trained hundreds of volunteers as poll watchers who will monitor polling sites for signs of intimidation or federal interference starting the weekend before Election Day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Arana, with the Latino Community Foundation, said he’s choosing to vote in person as an act of defiance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m seeing this as a form of a declaration that I am a Latino man in the state,” he said. “My voice will be heard on this issue, and no one is ever gonna take that right away from me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was originally published by \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\">CalMatters\u003c/a>. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/subscribe-to-calmatters/\">Sign up\u003c/a> for their newsletters.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "Newsom Expands CARE Court Mental Health Law to Reach More Californians",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003c!-- Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/ -->\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was originally published by \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\">CalMatters\u003c/a>. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/subscribe-to-calmatters/\">Sign up\u003c/a> for their newsletters.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of Gov. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/gavin-newsom\">Gavin Newsom\u003c/a>’s marquee mental health programs may broaden its reach despite persistent questions about the number of people it’s helping and whether it’s achieving the goals he set out for it \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12007175/care-court-was-supposed-to-help-those-hardest-to-treat-heres-how-its-going\">when it launched\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom today signed a law that expands eligibility for CARE Court to include people who experience psychotic symptoms as a result of bipolar disorder. Under the law’s previous constraints, only people with schizophrenia and other limited psychotic disorders were eligible.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom, in a written statement, called the law and its expansion an important part of his administration’s efforts to bring people with serious \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/mental-health\">mental illness\u003c/a> into treatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“California doesn’t sit on the sidelines while people fall through the cracks,” he said. “We don’t stand by while people spiral on our sidewalks or cycle through emergency rooms and jail cells — we step up. We built CARE Court to connect people to treatment, dignity, and accountability — because care and accountability belong at the center of how we serve our communities.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/2022/03/newsom-california-mental-illness-treatment/\">introduced CARE Court in 2022\u003c/a>, creating a program that allows family members, first responders, doctors and others to petition the courts on behalf of people with severe psychosis who couldn’t care for themselves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12047982\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12047982\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/230707-ORANGE-COUNTY-CARE-COURT-AD-02-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/230707-ORANGE-COUNTY-CARE-COURT-AD-02-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/230707-ORANGE-COUNTY-CARE-COURT-AD-02-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/230707-ORANGE-COUNTY-CARE-COURT-AD-02-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Orange County Superior Court will technically house the local CARE Court, though judges say they will more likely hold meetings with patients at a more neutral site, like a conference room at the county health office. \u003ccite>(April Dembosky/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Once a petition is accepted, individuals are presented with a voluntary treatment plan, which can include counseling, medication and housing. If they refuse, a judge can, in theory, order them to participate in a treatment plan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Almost two years in, CARE Court has struggled to fulfill Newsom’s initial promises. A recent \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/mental-health/2025/09/care-court-2025-data/\">CalMatters investigation\u003c/a> found that the program has so far reached a few hundred people, far short of the thousands originally projected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new law, by \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/legislators/thomas-umberg-165043\">Sen. Tom Umberg,\u003c/a> a Santa Ana Democrat, sailed through the Legislature with \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/bills/ca_202520260sb27\">nearly unanimous bipartisan support,\u003c/a> no votes against and just a handful of abstentions.[aside postID=news_12048062 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/Rodriguez_CARE_07_07_2025-1.jpg']“The beauty of CARE Court is that it holds both institutions and individuals accountable, ensures individuals get the care they need and gives judges a clear role in overseeing and guiding the process,” Umberg said in a written statement today. “This bill focuses on implementation by listening to and learning from counties about what’s working and what’s not, in order to meet the goals of the original CARE Court legislation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the bill faced plenty of criticism in the community, with counties \u003ca href=\"https://www.abridged.org/news/low-use-program-mental-illness-homelessness/\">questioning how they will implement\u003c/a> an expanded program on a tight timeline and disability rights advocates raising concerns about the effectiveness of a program they consider “unimplementable.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have to tell the truth,” said Lex Steppling, a founding member of All People’s Health Collective. “This is not workable. It’s not going to be workable. And I personally believe the cracks in the foundation are getting bigger and bigger and it’s going to collapse.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Steppling saved his harshest criticism for “the state’s self-described ‘liberal and progressive’ politicians,” who he said were too afraid of the Newsom administration to oppose the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Wide estimates on CARE Court expansion\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Umberg’s legislation could expand CARE Court enrollment, though it’s unclear by how much. Umberg’s office doesn’t have an estimate of how many more people will be eligible for the program under the new parameters. San Diego County said the new rules could increase its numbers by anywhere from 3.5% to 48.1%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re trying to focus on the right populations,” Umberg said. “I do think it will expand it, but not dramatically.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11983393\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1980px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11983393\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/GettyImages-1244278587-scaled-e1713477910867.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1980\" height=\"1319\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">California State Sen. Tom Umberg during the opening of Hope Center in Fullerton, California, on Oct. 27, 2022. \u003ccite>(Jeff Gritchen/MediaNews Group/Orange County Register via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Monica Porter Gilbert, a mental health policy advocate with Disability Rights California, said the lack of clear information from the state about how the program has been implemented thus far is a big part of the problem.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It feels concerning to massively open the gates to expand eligibility for the program when we really have no evidence that the program is having a positive impact,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Umberg initially wanted to expand CARE Court in a way that would have made even more people eligible for it. An earlier draft of his legislation would have included all mood disorders with psychotic features. But critics, including the County Behavioral Health Directors Association, warned that “massive expansion” would lead to people flooding into CARE Court faster than counties could provide services. As a concession, Umberg eventually limited his bill to bipolar disorder.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Newsom’s mental health overhaul\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In addition to expanding eligibility, Umberg’s bill also eliminates what he said are some “inefficiencies” from the CARE Court process. That includes combining two early court hearings into one, he said, thereby reducing the amount of time participants have to spend in court and saving administrative resources.[aside postID=news_12007420 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-1612098398-1020x691.jpg']The legislation also allows the criminal justice system to refer someone directly into CARE Court if they are charged with a crime and are deemed incompetent to stand trial.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Michelle Doty Cabrera, executive director of the California Behavioral Health Directors Association, said her organization opposed the new law. She worries that counties won’t have the staffing or housing resources necessary to handle an influx of people. And they are still working out kinks in a system that is still relatively new, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the same time, she said, county behavioral health departments are also pivoting to address dozens of other new initiatives, including Newsom’s 2024 \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/mental-health/2025/06/prop-1-mental-health-awards/\">mental health housing bond\u003c/a> known as Proposition 1 as well as CalAIM, the governor’s overhaul of \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/homelessness/2024/12/calaim-federal-waivers/\">Medi-Cal for mental health services\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We need to allow counties to implement the very many things that have been put on the table,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This article was \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/mental-health/2025/10/care-court-expansion-new-law/\">originally published on CalMatters\u003c/a> and was republished under the \u003ca href=\"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/\">Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives\u003c/a> license.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003c!-- Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/ -->\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was originally published by \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\">CalMatters\u003c/a>. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/subscribe-to-calmatters/\">Sign up\u003c/a> for their newsletters.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of Gov. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/gavin-newsom\">Gavin Newsom\u003c/a>’s marquee mental health programs may broaden its reach despite persistent questions about the number of people it’s helping and whether it’s achieving the goals he set out for it \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12007175/care-court-was-supposed-to-help-those-hardest-to-treat-heres-how-its-going\">when it launched\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom today signed a law that expands eligibility for CARE Court to include people who experience psychotic symptoms as a result of bipolar disorder. Under the law’s previous constraints, only people with schizophrenia and other limited psychotic disorders were eligible.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom, in a written statement, called the law and its expansion an important part of his administration’s efforts to bring people with serious \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/mental-health\">mental illness\u003c/a> into treatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“California doesn’t sit on the sidelines while people fall through the cracks,” he said. “We don’t stand by while people spiral on our sidewalks or cycle through emergency rooms and jail cells — we step up. We built CARE Court to connect people to treatment, dignity, and accountability — because care and accountability belong at the center of how we serve our communities.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/2022/03/newsom-california-mental-illness-treatment/\">introduced CARE Court in 2022\u003c/a>, creating a program that allows family members, first responders, doctors and others to petition the courts on behalf of people with severe psychosis who couldn’t care for themselves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12047982\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12047982\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/230707-ORANGE-COUNTY-CARE-COURT-AD-02-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/230707-ORANGE-COUNTY-CARE-COURT-AD-02-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/230707-ORANGE-COUNTY-CARE-COURT-AD-02-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/230707-ORANGE-COUNTY-CARE-COURT-AD-02-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Orange County Superior Court will technically house the local CARE Court, though judges say they will more likely hold meetings with patients at a more neutral site, like a conference room at the county health office. \u003ccite>(April Dembosky/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Once a petition is accepted, individuals are presented with a voluntary treatment plan, which can include counseling, medication and housing. If they refuse, a judge can, in theory, order them to participate in a treatment plan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Almost two years in, CARE Court has struggled to fulfill Newsom’s initial promises. A recent \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/mental-health/2025/09/care-court-2025-data/\">CalMatters investigation\u003c/a> found that the program has so far reached a few hundred people, far short of the thousands originally projected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new law, by \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/legislators/thomas-umberg-165043\">Sen. Tom Umberg,\u003c/a> a Santa Ana Democrat, sailed through the Legislature with \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/bills/ca_202520260sb27\">nearly unanimous bipartisan support,\u003c/a> no votes against and just a handful of abstentions.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“The beauty of CARE Court is that it holds both institutions and individuals accountable, ensures individuals get the care they need and gives judges a clear role in overseeing and guiding the process,” Umberg said in a written statement today. “This bill focuses on implementation by listening to and learning from counties about what’s working and what’s not, in order to meet the goals of the original CARE Court legislation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the bill faced plenty of criticism in the community, with counties \u003ca href=\"https://www.abridged.org/news/low-use-program-mental-illness-homelessness/\">questioning how they will implement\u003c/a> an expanded program on a tight timeline and disability rights advocates raising concerns about the effectiveness of a program they consider “unimplementable.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have to tell the truth,” said Lex Steppling, a founding member of All People’s Health Collective. “This is not workable. It’s not going to be workable. And I personally believe the cracks in the foundation are getting bigger and bigger and it’s going to collapse.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Steppling saved his harshest criticism for “the state’s self-described ‘liberal and progressive’ politicians,” who he said were too afraid of the Newsom administration to oppose the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Wide estimates on CARE Court expansion\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Umberg’s legislation could expand CARE Court enrollment, though it’s unclear by how much. Umberg’s office doesn’t have an estimate of how many more people will be eligible for the program under the new parameters. San Diego County said the new rules could increase its numbers by anywhere from 3.5% to 48.1%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re trying to focus on the right populations,” Umberg said. “I do think it will expand it, but not dramatically.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11983393\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1980px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11983393\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/GettyImages-1244278587-scaled-e1713477910867.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1980\" height=\"1319\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">California State Sen. Tom Umberg during the opening of Hope Center in Fullerton, California, on Oct. 27, 2022. \u003ccite>(Jeff Gritchen/MediaNews Group/Orange County Register via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Monica Porter Gilbert, a mental health policy advocate with Disability Rights California, said the lack of clear information from the state about how the program has been implemented thus far is a big part of the problem.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It feels concerning to massively open the gates to expand eligibility for the program when we really have no evidence that the program is having a positive impact,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Umberg initially wanted to expand CARE Court in a way that would have made even more people eligible for it. An earlier draft of his legislation would have included all mood disorders with psychotic features. But critics, including the County Behavioral Health Directors Association, warned that “massive expansion” would lead to people flooding into CARE Court faster than counties could provide services. As a concession, Umberg eventually limited his bill to bipolar disorder.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Newsom’s mental health overhaul\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In addition to expanding eligibility, Umberg’s bill also eliminates what he said are some “inefficiencies” from the CARE Court process. That includes combining two early court hearings into one, he said, thereby reducing the amount of time participants have to spend in court and saving administrative resources.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The legislation also allows the criminal justice system to refer someone directly into CARE Court if they are charged with a crime and are deemed incompetent to stand trial.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Michelle Doty Cabrera, executive director of the California Behavioral Health Directors Association, said her organization opposed the new law. She worries that counties won’t have the staffing or housing resources necessary to handle an influx of people. And they are still working out kinks in a system that is still relatively new, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the same time, she said, county behavioral health departments are also pivoting to address dozens of other new initiatives, including Newsom’s 2024 \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/mental-health/2025/06/prop-1-mental-health-awards/\">mental health housing bond\u003c/a> known as Proposition 1 as well as CalAIM, the governor’s overhaul of \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/homelessness/2024/12/calaim-federal-waivers/\">Medi-Cal for mental health services\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We need to allow counties to implement the very many things that have been put on the table,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This article was \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/mental-health/2025/10/care-court-expansion-new-law/\">originally published on CalMatters\u003c/a> and was republished under the \u003ca href=\"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/\">Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives\u003c/a> license.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003c!-- Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/ -->\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was originally published by \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\">CalMatters\u003c/a>. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/subscribe-to-calmatters/\">Sign up\u003c/a> for their newsletters.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Imagine you’ve finally taken your car to the mechanic to investigate that mysterious warning light that’s been flashing on your dashboard for the past week and a half.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The mechanic informs you that your car’s brake fluid is too low. Dangerously low. Your brake fluid supply, he says, has reached “crisis” levels, which sounds both scary and very expensive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Naturally, you would prefer that your car have a non-critical amount of brake fluid. “How much more do I need?” you ask.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A quart,” the mechanic responds. “No, actually, three quarts. Or maybe seven gallons — but only routed to your rear brakes. Actually, let’s settle on half an ounce.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Such is the situation with \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/podcasts/soldout\">California’s housing\u003c/a> shortage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For nearly a decade now, the Legislature has been churning out bills, Attorney General Rob Bonta has been \u003ca href=\"https://voiceofoc.org/2025/09/huntington-beach-housing-penalty/\">filing lawsuits\u003c/a> and Gov. Gavin Newsom has been \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2025/07/california-construction-unions-housing-2/\">revamping agencies\u003c/a>, dashing off executive orders and \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2025/06/30/governor-newsom-signs-into-law-groundbreaking-reforms-to-build-more-housing-affordability/\">quoting Ezra Klein\u003c/a> with the explicit goal of easing the state’s chronic undersupply of places to live.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California simply doesn’t have enough housing and this shortage is the leading cause of our housing affordability concerns — virtually everyone in and around the state government, along with the vast \u003ca href=\"https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/10511482.2024.2418044\">majority of academics\u003c/a> who have studied the issue, seems now to agree on this point.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This consensus was on display this year when lawmakers passed two sweeping changes to state housing law, one that \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2025/06/ceqa-urban-development-infill-budget/\">shields apartment developments\u003c/a> from environmental litigation and the other that would \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2025/09/neighborhood-transit-upzoning/\">permit denser development\u003c/a> near major public transit stops in big cities. Both were legislative non-starters just a few years ago. These days even the opponents of these bills have accepted the premise that the state faces a “housing shortage,” a term evoked \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/search?s=%22housing+shortage%22&variant=hearings&sort=latest&page=1\">at least 30 times\u003c/a> in committee hearings and floor speeches this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, if only anyone could agree on how big the housing shortage actually is.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=forum_2010101910955 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/43/2025/08/housing.png']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Plenty of people have tried to put a number on the problem. In 2015, the \u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/reports/2015/finance/housing-costs/housing-costs.aspx\">Legislative Analyst’s Office\u003c/a>, which serves as a policy analysis shop and think tank for the Legislature, took an early crack at quantifying the state’s shortage by calculating how many additional units major metro areas would have had to build over the prior three decades to keep housing cost inflation on par with that of the rest of the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It came up with 2.7 million missing units.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A year later, consulting giant McKinsey one-upped the LAO, putting the state’s “housing shortfall” at \u003ca href=\"https://www.mckinsey.com/~/media/mckinsey/industries/public%20and%20social%20sector/our%20insights/closing%20californias%20housing%20gap/closing-californias-housing-gap-full-report.pdf\">3.5 million houses\u003c/a>, apartments and condos, a number \u003ca href=\"https://medium.com/@GavinNewsom/the-california-dream-starts-at-home-9dbb38c51cae\">Newsom campaigned on\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Not all estimates hit seven digits. In 2024, the housing policy nonprofit Up For Growth published the more modest \u003ca href=\"https://upforgrowth.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/10/2024_Housing-Underproduction-in-the-U.S.-Report_Final-c-1.pdf\">estimated shortfall\u003c/a> of 840,000 units, which comes pretty close to the 820,000 \u003ca href=\"https://www.freddiemac.com/research/insight/20200227-the-housing-supply-shortage\">Freddie Mac\u003c/a> put forward a few years earlier.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California Housing Partnership, a nonprofit that advocates for affordable housing, has \u003ca href=\"https://chpc.net/housingneeds/\">counted the deficit\u003c/a> at 1.3 million units — but not just any units. That’s how many homes the state needs to add that are affordable to people making under a certain income.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then, this summer, a group of housing analysts including an economist at Moody’s Analytics, came up with the strikingly low figure of \u003ca href=\"https://www.economy.com/bringing-the-housing-shortage-into-sharper-focus\">just 56,000\u003c/a> — though the authors acknowledged that it’s probably an underestimate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Estimates of the nation’s overall housing supply are similarly all over the place: From as high as \u003ca href=\"https://www.mckinsey.com/~/media/mckinsey/mckinsey%20institute%20for%20economic%20mobility/our%20insights/investing%20in%20housing%20unlocking%20economic%20mobility%20for%20black%20families%20and%20all%20americans/investing%20in%20housing%20unlocking%20economic%20mobility%20for%20black%20families%20and%20all%20americans%20full.pdf\">8.2 million\u003c/a> to \u003ca href=\"https://eyeonhousing.org/2022/12/the-size-of-the-housing-shortage-2021-data/\">1.5 million\u003c/a> (and, in one \u003ca href=\"https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/10511482.2024.2334011\">controversial paper\u003c/a>, zero).\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What even is a housing shortage?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The concept of a “housing shortage” is, in theory, pretty simple, said Anjali Kolachalam, an analyst at Up For Growth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s basically just the gap between the housing you have and the housing you need,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In practice, defining and then setting out to quantify the “housing you need” is an exercise fraught with messy data, guestimation and an inconvenient need for judgement calls.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most estimates begin with a target vacancy rate. In any reasonably well-functioning housing market, the logic goes, some houses and apartments sit empty, either because they’re between renters, they’ve just been built or sold, they’re being fixed or renovated or they’re someone’s second home. A modest vacancy rate is what allows you to pull up Zillow or Craigslist and not get a “No Results Found” error. A very low one suggests there aren’t enough homes to go around.[aside postID=news_12057068 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250519-AffordableHousingFile-13-BL_qed.jpg']But choosing a “healthy” vacancy rate — one that reflects a functional housing market — and then backing out the number of additional homes needed to hit it, is more art than science. Most estimates turn to historical data to find some level when supply and demand weren’t completely out of whack. Whether that halcyon period of relative affordability is 2015 or 2006 or 2000 or 1980 varies by researcher and, likely, by the region being considered.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Beyond that, many researchers have tried to put a value on what is sometimes called “pent up” demand or “missing households.” Those are all the people who would have gone off and gotten their own apartment or bought their own place, but, because of the unavailability of affordable places to live, have opted to keep living with housemates, with parents or, in more extreme cases, without shelter of any kind.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Absent a survey of every living person, there’s no way to precisely measure how many people fall into this camp.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This notion of ‘pent up demand’ is necessarily in an economist’s judgment call,” said Elena Patel, a fellow at the Brookings Institution who helped put together a nationwide shortage estimate last year (\u003ca href=\"https://www.brookings.edu/articles/make-it-count-measuring-our-housing-supply-shortage/\">4.9 million\u003c/a>).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These variations in methods help explain some of the differences in the shortage estimates. Other differences pop up thanks to the vagaries of data.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Moody’s Analytics-led report, for example, calculated a national shortage of roughly 2 million units by adding together both the number of new units needed to raise the overall vacancy rate and the homes needed to backfill their measure of “pent up” demand. But for its California-specific estimate, the data wasn’t available to do the latter, potentially leaving out a big chunk of the statewide shortage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then some estimates differ because the analysts are defining the shortage in a completely different way.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Housing Partnership looks at the difference between the number of households deemed by federal housing guidelines to have “very” or “extremely” low incomes and the number of units that those households could conceivably rent with less than 30% of their incomes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That gap of 1.3 million gets at a problem totally distinct from an overall shortage of homes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Finally, there’s the question of scale. Housing markets are, on the whole, local. A national shortage is going to add together San Francisco and Detroit, masking the extremes of both. A shortage estimate for a state as large and diverse as California may have the same problem.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is like looking for a weather forecast for a trip to the beach and being told that the average temperature nationwide is likely to be 67 degrees,” the authors of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.economy.com/bringing-the-housing-shortage-into-sharper-focus\">Moody’s-led analysis\u003c/a> wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Why estimate a shortage?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>What might be more valuable than fixating on any one shortage estimate, said Daniel McCue, a researcher at the Harvard Joint Center for Housing Studies, is to look at all the estimates together and appreciate that, by and large, they’re all huge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Whether it’s one-and-a-half million or five-and-a-half million, these are big numbers,” he said. That leads to an inescapable takeaway, he said. “There’s so much to do. There’s so far to go.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Patel, from Brookings, said trying to put a precise tally on what is ultimately the somewhat nebulous concept of a “housing shortage” is still a worthwhile exercise because it gives lawmakers and planners a benchmark against which to measure progress.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>How much additional taxpayer money should a state throw at affordable housing development? How aggressive should a locality be in pursuing changes to local zoning? “The more concrete you can be in policy making land, the better,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state of California does in fact have its own set of concrete numbers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Every eight years, the Department of Housing and Community Development issues planning goals to regions across the state — a number of additional homes, broken down by affordability level, that every municipality should plan for. These are, effectively, California government’s official estimates of the state shortage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To cobble together these numbers, state regulators look at projections of population growth to accommodate the need for future homes and then tack on adjustments to account for all the homes that weren’t built in prior periods, but perhaps ought to have been. If a region has an excess number of households deemed overcrowded, it gets more units. If vacancy rates are below a predetermined level, it gets more units. If there is a bevy of people spending more than 30% of their incomes on rent, more (affordable) units.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s a process that the state regulators have come to \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2024/01/california-zoning/\">take somewhat more seriously\u003c/a> in recent years, engendering an ongoing political backlash from density-averse local governments and neighborhood activists.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the state’s last estimate, the topline total was 2.5 million units.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This coming cycle, which has already begun in the rural north and will slowly roll out across the state in the coming years, will produce yet another number. That will be one more estimate for state lawmakers of how much brake fluid the car needs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This article was \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2025/09/california-housing-shortage/\">originally published on CalMatters\u003c/a> and was republished under the \u003ca href=\"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/\">Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives\u003c/a> license.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003c!-- Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/ -->\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was originally published by \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\">CalMatters\u003c/a>. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/subscribe-to-calmatters/\">Sign up\u003c/a> for their newsletters.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Imagine you’ve finally taken your car to the mechanic to investigate that mysterious warning light that’s been flashing on your dashboard for the past week and a half.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The mechanic informs you that your car’s brake fluid is too low. Dangerously low. Your brake fluid supply, he says, has reached “crisis” levels, which sounds both scary and very expensive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Naturally, you would prefer that your car have a non-critical amount of brake fluid. “How much more do I need?” you ask.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A quart,” the mechanic responds. “No, actually, three quarts. Or maybe seven gallons — but only routed to your rear brakes. Actually, let’s settle on half an ounce.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Such is the situation with \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/podcasts/soldout\">California’s housing\u003c/a> shortage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For nearly a decade now, the Legislature has been churning out bills, Attorney General Rob Bonta has been \u003ca href=\"https://voiceofoc.org/2025/09/huntington-beach-housing-penalty/\">filing lawsuits\u003c/a> and Gov. Gavin Newsom has been \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2025/07/california-construction-unions-housing-2/\">revamping agencies\u003c/a>, dashing off executive orders and \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2025/06/30/governor-newsom-signs-into-law-groundbreaking-reforms-to-build-more-housing-affordability/\">quoting Ezra Klein\u003c/a> with the explicit goal of easing the state’s chronic undersupply of places to live.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California simply doesn’t have enough housing and this shortage is the leading cause of our housing affordability concerns — virtually everyone in and around the state government, along with the vast \u003ca href=\"https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/10511482.2024.2418044\">majority of academics\u003c/a> who have studied the issue, seems now to agree on this point.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This consensus was on display this year when lawmakers passed two sweeping changes to state housing law, one that \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2025/06/ceqa-urban-development-infill-budget/\">shields apartment developments\u003c/a> from environmental litigation and the other that would \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2025/09/neighborhood-transit-upzoning/\">permit denser development\u003c/a> near major public transit stops in big cities. Both were legislative non-starters just a few years ago. These days even the opponents of these bills have accepted the premise that the state faces a “housing shortage,” a term evoked \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/search?s=%22housing+shortage%22&variant=hearings&sort=latest&page=1\">at least 30 times\u003c/a> in committee hearings and floor speeches this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, if only anyone could agree on how big the housing shortage actually is.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Plenty of people have tried to put a number on the problem. In 2015, the \u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/reports/2015/finance/housing-costs/housing-costs.aspx\">Legislative Analyst’s Office\u003c/a>, which serves as a policy analysis shop and think tank for the Legislature, took an early crack at quantifying the state’s shortage by calculating how many additional units major metro areas would have had to build over the prior three decades to keep housing cost inflation on par with that of the rest of the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It came up with 2.7 million missing units.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A year later, consulting giant McKinsey one-upped the LAO, putting the state’s “housing shortfall” at \u003ca href=\"https://www.mckinsey.com/~/media/mckinsey/industries/public%20and%20social%20sector/our%20insights/closing%20californias%20housing%20gap/closing-californias-housing-gap-full-report.pdf\">3.5 million houses\u003c/a>, apartments and condos, a number \u003ca href=\"https://medium.com/@GavinNewsom/the-california-dream-starts-at-home-9dbb38c51cae\">Newsom campaigned on\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Not all estimates hit seven digits. In 2024, the housing policy nonprofit Up For Growth published the more modest \u003ca href=\"https://upforgrowth.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/10/2024_Housing-Underproduction-in-the-U.S.-Report_Final-c-1.pdf\">estimated shortfall\u003c/a> of 840,000 units, which comes pretty close to the 820,000 \u003ca href=\"https://www.freddiemac.com/research/insight/20200227-the-housing-supply-shortage\">Freddie Mac\u003c/a> put forward a few years earlier.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California Housing Partnership, a nonprofit that advocates for affordable housing, has \u003ca href=\"https://chpc.net/housingneeds/\">counted the deficit\u003c/a> at 1.3 million units — but not just any units. That’s how many homes the state needs to add that are affordable to people making under a certain income.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then, this summer, a group of housing analysts including an economist at Moody’s Analytics, came up with the strikingly low figure of \u003ca href=\"https://www.economy.com/bringing-the-housing-shortage-into-sharper-focus\">just 56,000\u003c/a> — though the authors acknowledged that it’s probably an underestimate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Estimates of the nation’s overall housing supply are similarly all over the place: From as high as \u003ca href=\"https://www.mckinsey.com/~/media/mckinsey/mckinsey%20institute%20for%20economic%20mobility/our%20insights/investing%20in%20housing%20unlocking%20economic%20mobility%20for%20black%20families%20and%20all%20americans/investing%20in%20housing%20unlocking%20economic%20mobility%20for%20black%20families%20and%20all%20americans%20full.pdf\">8.2 million\u003c/a> to \u003ca href=\"https://eyeonhousing.org/2022/12/the-size-of-the-housing-shortage-2021-data/\">1.5 million\u003c/a> (and, in one \u003ca href=\"https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/10511482.2024.2334011\">controversial paper\u003c/a>, zero).\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What even is a housing shortage?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The concept of a “housing shortage” is, in theory, pretty simple, said Anjali Kolachalam, an analyst at Up For Growth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s basically just the gap between the housing you have and the housing you need,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In practice, defining and then setting out to quantify the “housing you need” is an exercise fraught with messy data, guestimation and an inconvenient need for judgement calls.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most estimates begin with a target vacancy rate. In any reasonably well-functioning housing market, the logic goes, some houses and apartments sit empty, either because they’re between renters, they’ve just been built or sold, they’re being fixed or renovated or they’re someone’s second home. A modest vacancy rate is what allows you to pull up Zillow or Craigslist and not get a “No Results Found” error. A very low one suggests there aren’t enough homes to go around.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>But choosing a “healthy” vacancy rate — one that reflects a functional housing market — and then backing out the number of additional homes needed to hit it, is more art than science. Most estimates turn to historical data to find some level when supply and demand weren’t completely out of whack. Whether that halcyon period of relative affordability is 2015 or 2006 or 2000 or 1980 varies by researcher and, likely, by the region being considered.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Beyond that, many researchers have tried to put a value on what is sometimes called “pent up” demand or “missing households.” Those are all the people who would have gone off and gotten their own apartment or bought their own place, but, because of the unavailability of affordable places to live, have opted to keep living with housemates, with parents or, in more extreme cases, without shelter of any kind.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Absent a survey of every living person, there’s no way to precisely measure how many people fall into this camp.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This notion of ‘pent up demand’ is necessarily in an economist’s judgment call,” said Elena Patel, a fellow at the Brookings Institution who helped put together a nationwide shortage estimate last year (\u003ca href=\"https://www.brookings.edu/articles/make-it-count-measuring-our-housing-supply-shortage/\">4.9 million\u003c/a>).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These variations in methods help explain some of the differences in the shortage estimates. Other differences pop up thanks to the vagaries of data.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Moody’s Analytics-led report, for example, calculated a national shortage of roughly 2 million units by adding together both the number of new units needed to raise the overall vacancy rate and the homes needed to backfill their measure of “pent up” demand. But for its California-specific estimate, the data wasn’t available to do the latter, potentially leaving out a big chunk of the statewide shortage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then some estimates differ because the analysts are defining the shortage in a completely different way.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Housing Partnership looks at the difference between the number of households deemed by federal housing guidelines to have “very” or “extremely” low incomes and the number of units that those households could conceivably rent with less than 30% of their incomes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That gap of 1.3 million gets at a problem totally distinct from an overall shortage of homes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Finally, there’s the question of scale. Housing markets are, on the whole, local. A national shortage is going to add together San Francisco and Detroit, masking the extremes of both. A shortage estimate for a state as large and diverse as California may have the same problem.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is like looking for a weather forecast for a trip to the beach and being told that the average temperature nationwide is likely to be 67 degrees,” the authors of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.economy.com/bringing-the-housing-shortage-into-sharper-focus\">Moody’s-led analysis\u003c/a> wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Why estimate a shortage?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>What might be more valuable than fixating on any one shortage estimate, said Daniel McCue, a researcher at the Harvard Joint Center for Housing Studies, is to look at all the estimates together and appreciate that, by and large, they’re all huge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Whether it’s one-and-a-half million or five-and-a-half million, these are big numbers,” he said. That leads to an inescapable takeaway, he said. “There’s so much to do. There’s so far to go.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Patel, from Brookings, said trying to put a precise tally on what is ultimately the somewhat nebulous concept of a “housing shortage” is still a worthwhile exercise because it gives lawmakers and planners a benchmark against which to measure progress.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>How much additional taxpayer money should a state throw at affordable housing development? How aggressive should a locality be in pursuing changes to local zoning? “The more concrete you can be in policy making land, the better,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state of California does in fact have its own set of concrete numbers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Every eight years, the Department of Housing and Community Development issues planning goals to regions across the state — a number of additional homes, broken down by affordability level, that every municipality should plan for. These are, effectively, California government’s official estimates of the state shortage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To cobble together these numbers, state regulators look at projections of population growth to accommodate the need for future homes and then tack on adjustments to account for all the homes that weren’t built in prior periods, but perhaps ought to have been. If a region has an excess number of households deemed overcrowded, it gets more units. If vacancy rates are below a predetermined level, it gets more units. If there is a bevy of people spending more than 30% of their incomes on rent, more (affordable) units.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s a process that the state regulators have come to \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2024/01/california-zoning/\">take somewhat more seriously\u003c/a> in recent years, engendering an ongoing political backlash from density-averse local governments and neighborhood activists.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the state’s last estimate, the topline total was 2.5 million units.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This coming cycle, which has already begun in the rural north and will slowly roll out across the state in the coming years, will produce yet another number. That will be one more estimate for state lawmakers of how much brake fluid the car needs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This article was \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2025/09/california-housing-shortage/\">originally published on CalMatters\u003c/a> and was republished under the \u003ca href=\"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/\">Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives\u003c/a> license.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"radiolab": {
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"title": "Selected Shorts",
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"title": "Snap Judgment",
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"info": "The Snap Judgment radio show and podcast mixes real stories with killer beats to produce cinematic, dramatic radio. Snap's musical brand of storytelling dares listeners to see the world through the eyes of another. This is storytelling... with a BEAT!! Snap first aired on public radio stations nationwide in July 2010. Today, Snap Judgment airs on over 450 public radio stations and is brought to the airwaves by KQED & PRX.",
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"soldout": {
"id": "soldout",
"title": "SOLD OUT: Rethinking Housing in America",
"tagline": "A new future for housing",
"info": "Sold Out: Rethinking Housing in America",
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