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"disqusTitle": "Online School Has Started in Oakland, But Will Students Show Up?",
"title": "Online School Has Started in Oakland, But Will Students Show Up?",
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"content": "\u003cp>Oakland students are back in virtual classrooms this week, where school officials will be tracking their attendance for the first time since the coronavirus pandemic forced learning online this spring. But there are still questions about how to ensure kids show up — and what happens if they don't.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s not clear how many Oakland students were unaccounted for during spring distance learning, because districts weren’t required to report attendance under the circumstances. Before the pandemic, in 2018-2019, about \u003ca href=\"https://dashboards.ousd.org/views/ChronicAbsence_0/Comparison?%3Aembed=y&%3Adisplay_count=no&%3Arender=false\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">1 in 3\u003c/a> Oakland Unified School District students was chronically absent — defined as missing 18 days of school or more — and district officials say anecdotally they know far fewer kids were present during distance learning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For teachers like Madison Park Academy’s Marisa Villegas, the stakes weighed heavily. Getting students to show up regularly is critical, and poor attendance increases the chances a child will struggle academically and be held back. It’s a \u003ca href=\"https://www.attendanceworks.org/chronic-absence/the-problem/10-facts-about-school-attendance/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">leading indicator\u003c/a> a student will go on to drop out of high school.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, Villegas said getting her high school students to attend last spring was the biggest challenge in a semester rife with them. She had 156 students across seven sections and said only a quarter of each class showed up regularly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Usually, she said, students weren’t showing up because they couldn’t. Some didn’t have internet or laptops, or multiple kids in a home were sharing one computer. Often her students were taking care of younger siblings, or they had to pick up jobs to help support their families.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside tag=\"distance-learning\" label=\"Related Stories\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I would make phone calls, I would email, I would text. I would do my best to get a hold of parents, aunts, grandparents, you name it,” Villegas said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When she couldn’t reach anyone, she turned to Community School Manager Francisco Alvarado for help. Though Alvarado and other school outreach workers were providing a vital source of support for families — answering questions, providing food, securing social services — those connections did not translate into success getting kids to participate in distance learning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our attendance team, we would meet and say, ‘What do we do here? Half of our school is not in class,’ ” Alvarado said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They reminded parents that school was still mandatory, handed out Chromebooks, offered to help get families online, and printed out paper packets of school work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All these things we're trying and it just wasn't landing,” said Alvarado.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition to keeping tabs on who’s participating every day, districts \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200SB98\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">will now be required\u003c/a> to come up with a plan to support students who are absent more than three days in a week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Is it going to be perfect when we return? Absolutely not,” said Misha Karigaca, who’s in charge of attendance for OUSD. “Will it be better? Yes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Beyond bending the student information computer system to the newly mandated measures of attendance, Karigaca said, the district’s role is to provide clear guidelines on meeting new legal requirements while allowing individual schools some freedom in developing plans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Hedy Chang, executive director of Attendance Works\"]'We already have some information from last year about who needs extra support and we should start the year off with a deeper plan so those students get extra engagement, extra support.'[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>School attendance teams, like Alvarado’s, will be tasked with monitoring weekly attendance data and pairing students with needed interventions and support. One option, Karigaca said, is to assign mentors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Somebody who's going be that extra special liaison, that's going to be a conduit between the school and the family,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The good news is we don't have to reinvent everything, even in a global pandemic,” said Hedy Chang, executive director of \u003ca href=\"https://www.attendanceworks.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Attendance Works\u003c/a>, a nonprofit focused on reducing chronic absences.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One key thing schools can do is use past data on chronic absenteeism proactively.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The idea is that we should be thinking about prevention,” Chang said. “We already have some information from last year about who needs extra support and we should start the year off with a deeper plan so those students get extra engagement, extra support.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Attendance Works is also suggesting \u003ca href=\"https://www.attendanceworks.org/chronic-absence/addressing-chronic-absence/monitoring-attendance-in-distance-learning/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">additional metrics\u003c/a> that districts can track to help inform efforts to improve attendance during distance learning, including internet access.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But what happens if these efforts to monitor and intervene don’t work? What if outreach workers run into the same issues Alvarado faced in the spring? Under normal circumstances, truancy laws eventually kick in, initiating a formal process meant to hold parents accountable. But distance learning has upended that system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The law doesn't seem to apply in the same way as when children aren’t physically in a classroom,” said Teresa Drenick, who runs the \u003ca href=\"https://atschool.alcoda.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">truancy and attendance program\u003c/a> for the Alameda County District Attorney’s Office, noting there are some legal gray areas she hopes to see clarified in the coming months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The key issue, she said, is that under the new law governing distance learning, there doesn’t appear to be a way to differentiate between excused and unexcused absences, and truancy law is only triggered by unexcused absences.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While it’s rare for families to end up in her office — she works with about 100 each year — other parts of the truancy process touch many more. One of the earliest steps in the process is often a hearing with a School Attendance Review Team where families and administrators try to work out a plan to address root causes of truancy. When that's not enough, cases get referred to a district's \u003ca href=\"https://www.ousd.org/Page/539\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">School Attendance Review Board\u003c/a> for more intensive intervention. In Oakland, Karigaca said, around 200 cases go to the board each year. Usually that’s enough to improve attendance, but not always.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"My experience has been that there are certain families and certain students that for one reason or another — and oftentimes it’s due to extreme hardships — they aren't able to turn it around,\" Drenick said. That's when cases end up on her desk.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though truancy can lead to fines, Drenick and experts like Chang say a punitive approach to discipline isn’t necessarily effective. What works best is addressing the underlying family issues that keep kids out of school. That’s what Alameda County’s truancy system is geared toward — offering support with things like transportation, health care and counseling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Drenick said she hopes that without the court's intervention, school districts can bring the needed services to bear. And she hopes to continue to play a role. “I hope that we, as DAs, can reimagine how we can support our local school districts to make sure that kids are getting what they need,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the absence of a formal truancy process during distance learning, Karigaca said Oakland Unified will still try to follow its general framework, even if it doesn’t have the force of law. Whether the district can successfully do that — by convening families, administrators and social service providers for hearings remotely — remains to be seen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chang sees silver linings in all of this. For her, the fact that the new law requires schools to intervene when students are missing school for any reason, whether the absences are excused or unexcused, is good news. “That's actually an improvement,” she said. “It’s really critical.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A few days before school started, Madison Park Academy's Alvarado was busy trying to lay the groundwork to prevent absenteeism. He was preparing to host a Facebook Live to answer parents’ questions and making video tutorials to help students create study areas at home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ultimately, he and Villegas said, when it comes to attendance, the biggest challenge of all may be proving to students that it’s worth showing up and that teachers will be delivering a compelling educational experience online.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I'm excited and I am nervous and terrified all at once,” Villegas said of the new school year. “But I have to have faith that it's going to go well, and that we're going to be with our students and we're going to teach and they're going to learn.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Oakland students are back in virtual classrooms this week, where school officials will be tracking their attendance for the first time since the coronavirus pandemic forced learning online this spring. But there are still questions about how to ensure kids show up — and what happens if they don't.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s not clear how many Oakland students were unaccounted for during spring distance learning, because districts weren’t required to report attendance under the circumstances. Before the pandemic, in 2018-2019, about \u003ca href=\"https://dashboards.ousd.org/views/ChronicAbsence_0/Comparison?%3Aembed=y&%3Adisplay_count=no&%3Arender=false\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">1 in 3\u003c/a> Oakland Unified School District students was chronically absent — defined as missing 18 days of school or more — and district officials say anecdotally they know far fewer kids were present during distance learning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For teachers like Madison Park Academy’s Marisa Villegas, the stakes weighed heavily. Getting students to show up regularly is critical, and poor attendance increases the chances a child will struggle academically and be held back. It’s a \u003ca href=\"https://www.attendanceworks.org/chronic-absence/the-problem/10-facts-about-school-attendance/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">leading indicator\u003c/a> a student will go on to drop out of high school.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, Villegas said getting her high school students to attend last spring was the biggest challenge in a semester rife with them. She had 156 students across seven sections and said only a quarter of each class showed up regularly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Usually, she said, students weren’t showing up because they couldn’t. Some didn’t have internet or laptops, or multiple kids in a home were sharing one computer. Often her students were taking care of younger siblings, or they had to pick up jobs to help support their families.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I would make phone calls, I would email, I would text. I would do my best to get a hold of parents, aunts, grandparents, you name it,” Villegas said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When she couldn’t reach anyone, she turned to Community School Manager Francisco Alvarado for help. Though Alvarado and other school outreach workers were providing a vital source of support for families — answering questions, providing food, securing social services — those connections did not translate into success getting kids to participate in distance learning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our attendance team, we would meet and say, ‘What do we do here? Half of our school is not in class,’ ” Alvarado said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They reminded parents that school was still mandatory, handed out Chromebooks, offered to help get families online, and printed out paper packets of school work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All these things we're trying and it just wasn't landing,” said Alvarado.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition to keeping tabs on who’s participating every day, districts \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200SB98\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">will now be required\u003c/a> to come up with a plan to support students who are absent more than three days in a week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Is it going to be perfect when we return? Absolutely not,” said Misha Karigaca, who’s in charge of attendance for OUSD. “Will it be better? Yes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Beyond bending the student information computer system to the newly mandated measures of attendance, Karigaca said, the district’s role is to provide clear guidelines on meeting new legal requirements while allowing individual schools some freedom in developing plans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "'We already have some information from last year about who needs extra support and we should start the year off with a deeper plan so those students get extra engagement, extra support.'",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>School attendance teams, like Alvarado’s, will be tasked with monitoring weekly attendance data and pairing students with needed interventions and support. One option, Karigaca said, is to assign mentors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Somebody who's going be that extra special liaison, that's going to be a conduit between the school and the family,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The good news is we don't have to reinvent everything, even in a global pandemic,” said Hedy Chang, executive director of \u003ca href=\"https://www.attendanceworks.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Attendance Works\u003c/a>, a nonprofit focused on reducing chronic absences.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One key thing schools can do is use past data on chronic absenteeism proactively.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The idea is that we should be thinking about prevention,” Chang said. “We already have some information from last year about who needs extra support and we should start the year off with a deeper plan so those students get extra engagement, extra support.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Attendance Works is also suggesting \u003ca href=\"https://www.attendanceworks.org/chronic-absence/addressing-chronic-absence/monitoring-attendance-in-distance-learning/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">additional metrics\u003c/a> that districts can track to help inform efforts to improve attendance during distance learning, including internet access.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But what happens if these efforts to monitor and intervene don’t work? What if outreach workers run into the same issues Alvarado faced in the spring? Under normal circumstances, truancy laws eventually kick in, initiating a formal process meant to hold parents accountable. But distance learning has upended that system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The law doesn't seem to apply in the same way as when children aren’t physically in a classroom,” said Teresa Drenick, who runs the \u003ca href=\"https://atschool.alcoda.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">truancy and attendance program\u003c/a> for the Alameda County District Attorney’s Office, noting there are some legal gray areas she hopes to see clarified in the coming months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The key issue, she said, is that under the new law governing distance learning, there doesn’t appear to be a way to differentiate between excused and unexcused absences, and truancy law is only triggered by unexcused absences.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While it’s rare for families to end up in her office — she works with about 100 each year — other parts of the truancy process touch many more. One of the earliest steps in the process is often a hearing with a School Attendance Review Team where families and administrators try to work out a plan to address root causes of truancy. When that's not enough, cases get referred to a district's \u003ca href=\"https://www.ousd.org/Page/539\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">School Attendance Review Board\u003c/a> for more intensive intervention. In Oakland, Karigaca said, around 200 cases go to the board each year. Usually that’s enough to improve attendance, but not always.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"My experience has been that there are certain families and certain students that for one reason or another — and oftentimes it’s due to extreme hardships — they aren't able to turn it around,\" Drenick said. That's when cases end up on her desk.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though truancy can lead to fines, Drenick and experts like Chang say a punitive approach to discipline isn’t necessarily effective. What works best is addressing the underlying family issues that keep kids out of school. That’s what Alameda County’s truancy system is geared toward — offering support with things like transportation, health care and counseling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Drenick said she hopes that without the court's intervention, school districts can bring the needed services to bear. And she hopes to continue to play a role. “I hope that we, as DAs, can reimagine how we can support our local school districts to make sure that kids are getting what they need,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the absence of a formal truancy process during distance learning, Karigaca said Oakland Unified will still try to follow its general framework, even if it doesn’t have the force of law. Whether the district can successfully do that — by convening families, administrators and social service providers for hearings remotely — remains to be seen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chang sees silver linings in all of this. For her, the fact that the new law requires schools to intervene when students are missing school for any reason, whether the absences are excused or unexcused, is good news. “That's actually an improvement,” she said. “It’s really critical.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A few days before school started, Madison Park Academy's Alvarado was busy trying to lay the groundwork to prevent absenteeism. He was preparing to host a Facebook Live to answer parents’ questions and making video tutorials to help students create study areas at home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ultimately, he and Villegas said, when it comes to attendance, the biggest challenge of all may be proving to students that it’s worth showing up and that teachers will be delivering a compelling educational experience online.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Almost all Bay Area schools are required to start the school year remotely to prevent the further spread of COVID-19 this fall. In response, many families are starting their own small, in-person “learning pods” instead. But not everyone has access to one. Some parents are paying extra just so their child can get access. And there are also fears that these pods will exacerbate inequities that have already existed in the education system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guest\u003c/strong>: \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MsHossaini?ref_src=twsrc%5Egoogle%7Ctwcamp%5Eserp%7Ctwgr%5Eauthor\">Sara Hossaini\u003c/a>, KQED reporter\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cp>The Oakland A’s are suing the California Department of Toxic Substances Control for failing to regulate an industrial recycling plant located next to Howard Terminal, the waterfront where \u003ca href=\"https://www.mlb.com/athletics/oakland-ballpark\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">the team plans to build a new ballpark\u003c/a>. Schnitzer Steel is the largest metal shredding plant in California, and the A’s say that state regulators have given the company a pass on its hazardous emissions for decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Athletics President Dave Kaval said the team met with community groups like the West Oakland Environmental Indicators Project and kept hearing complaints about the plant. “23,000 West Oakland residents live within a mile of the location,” Kaval said. “This steel recycler generates materials that are constantly exceeding the toxicity thresholds of hazardous waste. It leaches into the soil and groundwater. It blows off site and it catches fire.” Kaval said there have been five fires since 2018.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.change.org/p/california-department-of-toxic-substances-control-stop-schnitzer-steels-unlawful-pollution-in-west-oakland?recruiter=877667520&utm_campaign=signature_receipt&utm_medium=twitter&utm_source=share_petition\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">A Change.org petition posted by the A’s\u003c/a> gained more than 1,000 signatures within eight hours of going live. [aside tag=\"pollution\" label=\"More Related Stories\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement, a spokesperson for DTSC said that while the agency wouldn’t comment on pending litigation, “it is deeply committed to protecting Californians and the environment from toxic harm — particularly those who suffer from a disparate level of pollution.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oregon-based \u003ca href=\"https://www.schnitzersteel.com/\">Schnitzer Steel\u003c/a> said they’ve invested more than $30 million in emission control projects at the facility. Colin Kelly, the company’s director of public affairs, wrote, “Suing the state agency that regulates industrial businesses is an attempt by the A’s to distract from the lack of information and accountability they have demonstrated in their planning for a commercial real estate development at the working waterfront.” Additionally, the facility has been serving the Oakland community for over 50 years and is “committed to reducing emissions, saving water, conserving energy, and reducing landfill usage,” the statement said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Schnitzer has allied itself with a \u003ca href=\"https://www.eastoaklandstadiumalliance.com/partners\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">group that includes maritime businesses and the International Longshore and Warehouse Union\u003c/a> in opposing the Port of Oakland’s willingness to lease the Howard Terminal site near Jack London Square to the A’s. Former ILWU official Clarence Thomas said as a third-generation longshore worker, he feared the attempt to regulate Schnitzer was the beginning of a process to move the Port away from the industries that have historically supported a Black working class in Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We who work at the Port realize that Schnitzer is just the first domino to fall,” Thomas said. “If this deal goes through, there’s no way that Schnitzer Steel can stay there. Who’s going to be paying millions of dollars for a condominium right next door to a metal recycling plant?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Kaval, in an email to A’s season ticket holders, described the suit as an attempt to support current residents of the neighborhoods bordering the Port. “West Oakland has long dealt with unacceptably high levels of pollution, as well as elevated risks of health problems like asthma, heart disease and most recently, COVID-19. A better future is possible, and we want to be part of the solution,” Kaval said.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The Oakland A’s are suing the California Department of Toxic Substances Control for failing to regulate an industrial recycling plant located next to Howard Terminal, the waterfront where \u003ca href=\"https://www.mlb.com/athletics/oakland-ballpark\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">the team plans to build a new ballpark\u003c/a>. Schnitzer Steel is the largest metal shredding plant in California, and the A’s say that state regulators have given the company a pass on its hazardous emissions for decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Athletics President Dave Kaval said the team met with community groups like the West Oakland Environmental Indicators Project and kept hearing complaints about the plant. “23,000 West Oakland residents live within a mile of the location,” Kaval said. “This steel recycler generates materials that are constantly exceeding the toxicity thresholds of hazardous waste. It leaches into the soil and groundwater. It blows off site and it catches fire.” Kaval said there have been five fires since 2018.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.change.org/p/california-department-of-toxic-substances-control-stop-schnitzer-steels-unlawful-pollution-in-west-oakland?recruiter=877667520&utm_campaign=signature_receipt&utm_medium=twitter&utm_source=share_petition\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">A Change.org petition posted by the A’s\u003c/a> gained more than 1,000 signatures within eight hours of going live. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement, a spokesperson for DTSC said that while the agency wouldn’t comment on pending litigation, “it is deeply committed to protecting Californians and the environment from toxic harm — particularly those who suffer from a disparate level of pollution.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oregon-based \u003ca href=\"https://www.schnitzersteel.com/\">Schnitzer Steel\u003c/a> said they’ve invested more than $30 million in emission control projects at the facility. Colin Kelly, the company’s director of public affairs, wrote, “Suing the state agency that regulates industrial businesses is an attempt by the A’s to distract from the lack of information and accountability they have demonstrated in their planning for a commercial real estate development at the working waterfront.” Additionally, the facility has been serving the Oakland community for over 50 years and is “committed to reducing emissions, saving water, conserving energy, and reducing landfill usage,” the statement said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Schnitzer has allied itself with a \u003ca href=\"https://www.eastoaklandstadiumalliance.com/partners\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">group that includes maritime businesses and the International Longshore and Warehouse Union\u003c/a> in opposing the Port of Oakland’s willingness to lease the Howard Terminal site near Jack London Square to the A’s. Former ILWU official Clarence Thomas said as a third-generation longshore worker, he feared the attempt to regulate Schnitzer was the beginning of a process to move the Port away from the industries that have historically supported a Black working class in Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We who work at the Port realize that Schnitzer is just the first domino to fall,” Thomas said. “If this deal goes through, there’s no way that Schnitzer Steel can stay there. Who’s going to be paying millions of dollars for a condominium right next door to a metal recycling plant?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Kaval, in an email to A’s season ticket holders, described the suit as an attempt to support current residents of the neighborhoods bordering the Port. “West Oakland has long dealt with unacceptably high levels of pollution, as well as elevated risks of health problems like asthma, heart disease and most recently, COVID-19. A better future is possible, and we want to be part of the solution,” Kaval said.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Families Navigate the Maze of Pandemic Pods, Distance Learning and Inequity",
"title": "Families Navigate the Maze of Pandemic Pods, Distance Learning and Inequity",
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"content": "\u003cp>If you’re a Bay Area parent, you’ve probably heard by now that most schools are starting the fall in distance learning mode. That’s got some parents looking to create or find small in-person learning groups for their kids as they seek to limit their exposure to COVID-19 and blunt the havoc remote learning is wreaking on child care needs and educational norms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But even as the idea of so-called pandemic pods is catching fire, so, too, are concerns that these arrangements will worsen inequities among students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Berkeley mom Liana Chavarín said that despite the best efforts of her 9-year-old son's public school teachers, the experience of distance learning during the spring semester after schools were shut down was “absolute hell.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While trying to keep the preschool she founded and its staff afloat, she was also overseeing her son’s Zoom lessons and homework. She even recruited relatives to virtually tutor him while she worked. But it got to be too much.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So we ended up just saying, forget it,” Chavarín said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It wasn’t an easy choice, she said, in part because of the attitudes ingrained in her as the child of Mexican immigrant parents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Coming from a background common in immigrant communities, you listen to the teacher. You do the work. You don't question the teacher,” Chavarín said. “ I had to just let that go and say, ‘You know what? We can't do it.’ ”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, Chavarín and her son came up with an individual learning plan and schedule of their own.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With fall approaching, she decided to go even further: She withdrew her son from public school. Even if it were to reopen for in-person instruction, she wants to avoid yet another transition. As a single mom who sends money back to support her parents, she's also worried about either of them catching the virus if school campuses were to reopen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now Chavarín plans to expand her preschool, the Berkeley Forest School, to create small pods for her son and other elementary school-aged children in the same boat. She plans to prioritize former preschoolers, other families of color, and less-resourced families. She’s already hearing from parents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They just emailed me off the bat and they want to pay double to guarantee them a spot,” Chavarín said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But she said she isn’t offering enrollment to the highest bidder.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Parents in her preschool pay a sliding scale of tuition from anywhere between $50 to $2,000 per month, and she intends to do the same with the elementary groupings as part of her mission to “center less-resourced families, and families of color seeking a safer space (outdoors) to have community and mitigate risk, since we all know of the inequity in medical care for us.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11832045\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11832045\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44041_003_KQED_Berkeley_ForestPreschoolPortrait_07242020-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Liana Chavarín runs the private Berkeley Forest School and is expanding it to include small learning groups for elementary-school-aged students.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44041_003_KQED_Berkeley_ForestPreschoolPortrait_07242020-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44041_003_KQED_Berkeley_ForestPreschoolPortrait_07242020-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44041_003_KQED_Berkeley_ForestPreschoolPortrait_07242020-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44041_003_KQED_Berkeley_ForestPreschoolPortrait_07242020-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44041_003_KQED_Berkeley_ForestPreschoolPortrait_07242020-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Liana Chavarín runs the private Berkeley Forest School and is expanding it to include small learning groups for elementary school-aged students. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>While Chavarín’s profession allowed for a fortuitous fix to her child care and educational woes, many parents aren’t so well positioned. The frenzy is palpable. The types of pods and small groupings proliferating through grassroots networks and being discussed on Facebook groups (one hub quadrupled in size to nearly 30,000 members in little more than a week) vary in form. Some are shared child care arrangements, others are more like microschools with tutors and teachers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By design, however, there is one thing about pandemic pods that remains constant: exclusivity. Who gets in and who's left out isn’t just about money, however; it can be about how strictly your family is quarantining.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When El Cerrito mother of two Andrea Wildenberg heard that her eldest daughter wouldn't be able to start kindergarten in a classroom, she thought, “I just can't do another year of just ignoring her while I sit at my laptop.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wildenberg explored joining together with another family to bring in a tutor to teach and also give the kids some opportunity to socialize, maybe in her own backyard.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But she sensed that others might not share the same standards when it came to quarantining. Wildenberg said her family is careful — both she and her husband work from home, but they do take their kids out for hikes and other allowed activities. She thought that didn’t sit well with one mom she courted who had been more strictly sheltering in place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“After meeting with this one person, I just feel like she's going to say no,” Wildenberg said. “I don't want her to say no. But on the other hand, I think she's going to.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wildenberg instead ended up securing a spot for her daughter at the preschool she attended in the spring, which opened a kindergarten program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Safety concerns can be an even bigger barrier for families with living arrangements or jobs that are perceived as less safe — say, a grocery store or health care worker, or residents of a multifamily household.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While some well-intentioned families have floated the idea of sponsoring other children in their pod, for example by covering that child’s share of the costs for a tutor, safety concerns can thwart such a match.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nevertheless, Oakland mom Elisa Cecaci supports the much-debated idea.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think it's vital that a child with less resources be offered a space, tutoring,” Cecaci said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11832044\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11832044\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44113_002_KQED_Oakland_SchoolPods_ElisaCecaci_07272020-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Elisa Cecaci and her two sons Keli'i, 6, and Kanoa, 18, at their home in Oakland on July 27, 2020. \" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44113_002_KQED_Oakland_SchoolPods_ElisaCecaci_07272020-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44113_002_KQED_Oakland_SchoolPods_ElisaCecaci_07272020-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44113_002_KQED_Oakland_SchoolPods_ElisaCecaci_07272020-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44113_002_KQED_Oakland_SchoolPods_ElisaCecaci_07272020-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44113_002_KQED_Oakland_SchoolPods_ElisaCecaci_07272020-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Elisa Cecaci and her two sons Keli'i, 6, and Kanoa, 18, at their home in Oakland on July 27, 2020. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Cecaci has been working behind the scenes in online forums to try to get moms — yes, they’re mostly moms — to think more critically about issues of fairness and community. That’s despite the fact that she won’t be participating in a pod herself. One of her sons has Type 1 diabetes. Their grandmother, 72, also lives in the home. Cecaci feared that her son and his grandmother would be more vulnerable to COVID-19, so she quit her lifelong job as a nanny and said it’s unlikely she’ll send the boys back to a physical school until there is a vaccine.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Cecaci is committed to sticking with distance learning for another reason.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think the thing that's really sad for me is that in all the time that all four of my sons have been in school, it has been maybe once or twice that they've had an African American male teacher,” she said. “[My son] has an African American male teacher this year.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For now, her husband’s income as a truck driver will allow their first grader to continue on — virtually — at the private school where he has a teacher who resembles him. Cecaci is of Mexican and European heritage, while her husband is African American.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"related coverage\" postID=mindshift_56329,forum_2010101878793]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Berkeley Unified School District Superintendent Brent Stephens acknowledged that many parents feel abandoned by schools and state leaders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While many public school districts like \u003ca href=\"https://docs.google.com/document/d/1_4GEhNuxNxNeS_zShRAsasAS6f_2il5P5n78GRlbC-k/edit\">Oakland Unified\u003c/a> and Berkeley won’t endorse families creating small learning pods on their own, some are trying to make it easier for parents to connect by doing things like providing early class lists.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Berkeley is also exploring ways to try and address the inequity inherent in both distance learning and microschools.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stephens said he’s considering the creation of all-day \"fall camps\" on campuses for between 50 to 100 students who “receive special education services, students who are receiving English language development services or intervention. And then, it might be possible to also consider prioritizing students who are not right now a part of a pod.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, Stephens said the district is working hard to improve the distance learning experience, by making it more predictable, interactive and supportive. He's urging parents to try it on for size before opting out.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>If you’re a Bay Area parent, you’ve probably heard by now that most schools are starting the fall in distance learning mode. That’s got some parents looking to create or find small in-person learning groups for their kids as they seek to limit their exposure to COVID-19 and blunt the havoc remote learning is wreaking on child care needs and educational norms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But even as the idea of so-called pandemic pods is catching fire, so, too, are concerns that these arrangements will worsen inequities among students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Berkeley mom Liana Chavarín said that despite the best efforts of her 9-year-old son's public school teachers, the experience of distance learning during the spring semester after schools were shut down was “absolute hell.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While trying to keep the preschool she founded and its staff afloat, she was also overseeing her son’s Zoom lessons and homework. She even recruited relatives to virtually tutor him while she worked. But it got to be too much.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So we ended up just saying, forget it,” Chavarín said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It wasn’t an easy choice, she said, in part because of the attitudes ingrained in her as the child of Mexican immigrant parents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Coming from a background common in immigrant communities, you listen to the teacher. You do the work. You don't question the teacher,” Chavarín said. “ I had to just let that go and say, ‘You know what? We can't do it.’ ”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, Chavarín and her son came up with an individual learning plan and schedule of their own.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With fall approaching, she decided to go even further: She withdrew her son from public school. Even if it were to reopen for in-person instruction, she wants to avoid yet another transition. As a single mom who sends money back to support her parents, she's also worried about either of them catching the virus if school campuses were to reopen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now Chavarín plans to expand her preschool, the Berkeley Forest School, to create small pods for her son and other elementary school-aged children in the same boat. She plans to prioritize former preschoolers, other families of color, and less-resourced families. She’s already hearing from parents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They just emailed me off the bat and they want to pay double to guarantee them a spot,” Chavarín said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But she said she isn’t offering enrollment to the highest bidder.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Parents in her preschool pay a sliding scale of tuition from anywhere between $50 to $2,000 per month, and she intends to do the same with the elementary groupings as part of her mission to “center less-resourced families, and families of color seeking a safer space (outdoors) to have community and mitigate risk, since we all know of the inequity in medical care for us.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11832045\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11832045\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44041_003_KQED_Berkeley_ForestPreschoolPortrait_07242020-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Liana Chavarín runs the private Berkeley Forest School and is expanding it to include small learning groups for elementary-school-aged students.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44041_003_KQED_Berkeley_ForestPreschoolPortrait_07242020-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44041_003_KQED_Berkeley_ForestPreschoolPortrait_07242020-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44041_003_KQED_Berkeley_ForestPreschoolPortrait_07242020-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44041_003_KQED_Berkeley_ForestPreschoolPortrait_07242020-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44041_003_KQED_Berkeley_ForestPreschoolPortrait_07242020-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Liana Chavarín runs the private Berkeley Forest School and is expanding it to include small learning groups for elementary school-aged students. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>While Chavarín’s profession allowed for a fortuitous fix to her child care and educational woes, many parents aren’t so well positioned. The frenzy is palpable. The types of pods and small groupings proliferating through grassroots networks and being discussed on Facebook groups (one hub quadrupled in size to nearly 30,000 members in little more than a week) vary in form. Some are shared child care arrangements, others are more like microschools with tutors and teachers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By design, however, there is one thing about pandemic pods that remains constant: exclusivity. Who gets in and who's left out isn’t just about money, however; it can be about how strictly your family is quarantining.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When El Cerrito mother of two Andrea Wildenberg heard that her eldest daughter wouldn't be able to start kindergarten in a classroom, she thought, “I just can't do another year of just ignoring her while I sit at my laptop.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wildenberg explored joining together with another family to bring in a tutor to teach and also give the kids some opportunity to socialize, maybe in her own backyard.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But she sensed that others might not share the same standards when it came to quarantining. Wildenberg said her family is careful — both she and her husband work from home, but they do take their kids out for hikes and other allowed activities. She thought that didn’t sit well with one mom she courted who had been more strictly sheltering in place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“After meeting with this one person, I just feel like she's going to say no,” Wildenberg said. “I don't want her to say no. But on the other hand, I think she's going to.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wildenberg instead ended up securing a spot for her daughter at the preschool she attended in the spring, which opened a kindergarten program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Safety concerns can be an even bigger barrier for families with living arrangements or jobs that are perceived as less safe — say, a grocery store or health care worker, or residents of a multifamily household.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While some well-intentioned families have floated the idea of sponsoring other children in their pod, for example by covering that child’s share of the costs for a tutor, safety concerns can thwart such a match.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nevertheless, Oakland mom Elisa Cecaci supports the much-debated idea.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think it's vital that a child with less resources be offered a space, tutoring,” Cecaci said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11832044\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11832044\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44113_002_KQED_Oakland_SchoolPods_ElisaCecaci_07272020-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Elisa Cecaci and her two sons Keli'i, 6, and Kanoa, 18, at their home in Oakland on July 27, 2020. \" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44113_002_KQED_Oakland_SchoolPods_ElisaCecaci_07272020-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44113_002_KQED_Oakland_SchoolPods_ElisaCecaci_07272020-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44113_002_KQED_Oakland_SchoolPods_ElisaCecaci_07272020-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44113_002_KQED_Oakland_SchoolPods_ElisaCecaci_07272020-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44113_002_KQED_Oakland_SchoolPods_ElisaCecaci_07272020-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Elisa Cecaci and her two sons Keli'i, 6, and Kanoa, 18, at their home in Oakland on July 27, 2020. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Cecaci has been working behind the scenes in online forums to try to get moms — yes, they’re mostly moms — to think more critically about issues of fairness and community. That’s despite the fact that she won’t be participating in a pod herself. One of her sons has Type 1 diabetes. Their grandmother, 72, also lives in the home. Cecaci feared that her son and his grandmother would be more vulnerable to COVID-19, so she quit her lifelong job as a nanny and said it’s unlikely she’ll send the boys back to a physical school until there is a vaccine.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Cecaci is committed to sticking with distance learning for another reason.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think the thing that's really sad for me is that in all the time that all four of my sons have been in school, it has been maybe once or twice that they've had an African American male teacher,” she said. “[My son] has an African American male teacher this year.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For now, her husband’s income as a truck driver will allow their first grader to continue on — virtually — at the private school where he has a teacher who resembles him. Cecaci is of Mexican and European heritage, while her husband is African American.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Berkeley Unified School District Superintendent Brent Stephens acknowledged that many parents feel abandoned by schools and state leaders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While many public school districts like \u003ca href=\"https://docs.google.com/document/d/1_4GEhNuxNxNeS_zShRAsasAS6f_2il5P5n78GRlbC-k/edit\">Oakland Unified\u003c/a> and Berkeley won’t endorse families creating small learning pods on their own, some are trying to make it easier for parents to connect by doing things like providing early class lists.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Berkeley is also exploring ways to try and address the inequity inherent in both distance learning and microschools.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stephens said he’s considering the creation of all-day \"fall camps\" on campuses for between 50 to 100 students who “receive special education services, students who are receiving English language development services or intervention. And then, it might be possible to also consider prioritizing students who are not right now a part of a pod.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, Stephens said the district is working hard to improve the distance learning experience, by making it more predictable, interactive and supportive. He's urging parents to try it on for size before opting out.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "First the Pandemic Hit, Then the Recession – Now Debt Collectors Are Calling",
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"headTitle": "First the Pandemic Hit, Then the Recession – Now Debt Collectors Are Calling | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>Thousands of Californians are struggling to pay their bills during one of the nation’s worst health crises, which has wiped out millions of jobs and left many businesses hobbling. But despite their financial hardships, many are being asked to pay their debts or have their wages garnished in the middle of a global pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Richard Gonzales works as a mechanical engineer in San Jose. Before the pandemic hit, he was using the extra money he made to pay for continuing education classes. But since May, he’s been furloughed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I just went back to work a couple weeks ago,” Gonzales said. “And that’s on a day-by-day basis at this time.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gonzales is afraid he’ll get laid off. He wasn’t able to pay his rent while he was furloughed, but San Jose and many other cities in the Bay Area have \u003ca href=\"https://www.sanjoseca.gov/your-government/departments-offices/housing/eviction-moratorium\">eviction moratoriums\u003c/a> in place, which prohibit landlords from evicting their tenants if they can’t pay rent due to financial hardships brought on by the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Jose’s moratorium ends on Aug. 31, and Gonzales’ landlord has already threatened to evict him if he doesn’t pay his back-rent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s become difficult to pay it. And I have every intention [of paying the rent] because I’ve never had any problems like this,” Gonzales said. “But it’s making me worried and stressed out about … am I going to be able to do it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last month, the Federal Reserve released a \u003ca href=\"https://www.federalreserve.gov/releases/z1/20200611/html/introductory_text.htm\">report\u003c/a> showing that household debt increased by almost 4% across the United States in the first quarter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kiran Sidhu, policy counsel for the \u003ca href=\"https://www.responsiblelending.org/\">Center for Responsible Lending\u003c/a>, has been seeing debt collection cases from people who are already struggling financially, and particularly from borrowers of color.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Debt collection cases disproportionately impact borrowers of color and we can expect these debt collection cases are going to increase because of the situation that existed before the pandemic even began,” Sidhu said. “We can imagine that debt collection cases are going to be on the rise.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Jessica Nowlan, Young Women's Freedom Center executive director\"]‘I have a history of poverty that I haven’t been able to climb out of. And so a hit from the IRS was pretty devastating to my family.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Back in April, Gov. Gavin Newsom signed an \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/2020/04/4.23.20-EO-N-57-20-text.pdf\">executive order\u003c/a> to stop debt collectors from garnishing COVID-19 stimulus checks. He also provided relief for private student loan borrowers. But Sidhu doesn’t believe this relief is enough to save families struggling from debt, especially as the pandemic continues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“States should really be careful about how they begin to reopen and continue business as usual,” Sidhu said. “Families still have not recovered from the 2008 financial recession and this on top of that is going to exacerbate issues for folks who are already reeling.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jessica Nowlan’s debt fits into that category. She lives in Oakland with her three kids and, after experiencing homelessness for several years, worked her way up to become executive director of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.youngwomenfree.org/\">Young Women’s Freedom Center\u003c/a>, a local nonprofit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think that I finally felt like a grown-up. I can take care of myself. I just moved, I bought a couch,” Nowlan said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11831725\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11831725\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/Jessica-Nowlan-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Jessica Nowlan lives in Oakland with her sons, Myles Green (left) and James Green (right) in Oakland. Money has been tight during the pandemic, but debt collectors are knocking on her door anyway.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/Jessica-Nowlan-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/Jessica-Nowlan-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/Jessica-Nowlan.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Jessica Nowlan lives in Oakland with her sons, Myles Green (left) and James Green (right) in Oakland. Money has been tight during the pandemic, but debt collectors are knocking on her door anyway. \u003ccite>(Photo Courtesy of Jessica Nowlan)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Because of her low-income status, she was used to receiving tax credits every year. Since starting her role as executive director of her organization, she has instead owed money to the IRS when she filed taxes. But Nowlan didn’t realize that and now owes the IRS over $20,000 in back taxes. Two weeks ago, the IRS garnished $6,000 from her bank account.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I have a history of poverty that I haven’t been able to climb out of. And so a hit from the IRS was pretty devastating to my family,” Nowlan said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She’s now on a six-year payment plan with the IRS to pay those back taxes, but there won’t be a lot of money left in her account for extra purchases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Coronavirus Resources\" tag=\"resource\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sharon Djemal, director of the Consumer Justice Clinic at the \u003ca href=\"https://ebclc.org/\">East Bay Community Law Center\u003c/a>, is getting calls from clients concerned about the debt they’re accumulating now, on top of the debt they already had pre-pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People are getting lots of calls and are very stressed about getting calls or letters regarding some of the debt they’ve accumulated over the past few months,” Djemal said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She says it can take a year for a case to get into the court system and she expects to see a deluge of cases next year because of debt accumulated during the pandemic. The cases she handles today are related to pre-pandemic debt.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On the legislative front, state Sen. Bob Wieckowski, D-Fremont, has been working on bills to reform the debt collection process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His legislation, \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200SB616\">Senate Bill 616\u003c/a>, which passed in 2019, prohibits debt collectors from cleaning out bank accounts. Starting in September, collectors will have to leave at least \u003ca href=\"https://wclp.org/press-release-governor-signs-bill-stopping-debt-collectors-from-draining-bank-accounts/\">$1,724\u003c/a> in a family’s bank account — enough to provide a “minimum basic standard of adequate care for a family of four.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wieckowski is working on another bill, \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200SB908\">SB 908\u003c/a>, which would expand oversight on debt collectors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s no regulation, there’s no licensing,” Wieckowski said. “It’s nothing new — it’s the crescendo now because there’s so many more people that are financially vulnerable.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SB 908 passed the state Senate in late June and is now waiting for an Assembly vote.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Thousands of Californians are struggling to pay their bills during one of the nation’s worst health crises, which has wiped out millions of jobs and left many businesses hobbling. But despite their financial hardships, many are being asked to pay their debts or have their wages garnished in the middle of a global pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Richard Gonzales works as a mechanical engineer in San Jose. Before the pandemic hit, he was using the extra money he made to pay for continuing education classes. But since May, he’s been furloughed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I just went back to work a couple weeks ago,” Gonzales said. “And that’s on a day-by-day basis at this time.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gonzales is afraid he’ll get laid off. He wasn’t able to pay his rent while he was furloughed, but San Jose and many other cities in the Bay Area have \u003ca href=\"https://www.sanjoseca.gov/your-government/departments-offices/housing/eviction-moratorium\">eviction moratoriums\u003c/a> in place, which prohibit landlords from evicting their tenants if they can’t pay rent due to financial hardships brought on by the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Jose’s moratorium ends on Aug. 31, and Gonzales’ landlord has already threatened to evict him if he doesn’t pay his back-rent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s become difficult to pay it. And I have every intention [of paying the rent] because I’ve never had any problems like this,” Gonzales said. “But it’s making me worried and stressed out about … am I going to be able to do it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last month, the Federal Reserve released a \u003ca href=\"https://www.federalreserve.gov/releases/z1/20200611/html/introductory_text.htm\">report\u003c/a> showing that household debt increased by almost 4% across the United States in the first quarter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kiran Sidhu, policy counsel for the \u003ca href=\"https://www.responsiblelending.org/\">Center for Responsible Lending\u003c/a>, has been seeing debt collection cases from people who are already struggling financially, and particularly from borrowers of color.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Debt collection cases disproportionately impact borrowers of color and we can expect these debt collection cases are going to increase because of the situation that existed before the pandemic even began,” Sidhu said. “We can imagine that debt collection cases are going to be on the rise.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘I have a history of poverty that I haven’t been able to climb out of. And so a hit from the IRS was pretty devastating to my family.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Back in April, Gov. Gavin Newsom signed an \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/2020/04/4.23.20-EO-N-57-20-text.pdf\">executive order\u003c/a> to stop debt collectors from garnishing COVID-19 stimulus checks. He also provided relief for private student loan borrowers. But Sidhu doesn’t believe this relief is enough to save families struggling from debt, especially as the pandemic continues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“States should really be careful about how they begin to reopen and continue business as usual,” Sidhu said. “Families still have not recovered from the 2008 financial recession and this on top of that is going to exacerbate issues for folks who are already reeling.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jessica Nowlan’s debt fits into that category. She lives in Oakland with her three kids and, after experiencing homelessness for several years, worked her way up to become executive director of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.youngwomenfree.org/\">Young Women’s Freedom Center\u003c/a>, a local nonprofit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think that I finally felt like a grown-up. I can take care of myself. I just moved, I bought a couch,” Nowlan said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11831725\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11831725\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/Jessica-Nowlan-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Jessica Nowlan lives in Oakland with her sons, Myles Green (left) and James Green (right) in Oakland. Money has been tight during the pandemic, but debt collectors are knocking on her door anyway.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/Jessica-Nowlan-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/Jessica-Nowlan-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/Jessica-Nowlan.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Jessica Nowlan lives in Oakland with her sons, Myles Green (left) and James Green (right) in Oakland. Money has been tight during the pandemic, but debt collectors are knocking on her door anyway. \u003ccite>(Photo Courtesy of Jessica Nowlan)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Because of her low-income status, she was used to receiving tax credits every year. Since starting her role as executive director of her organization, she has instead owed money to the IRS when she filed taxes. But Nowlan didn’t realize that and now owes the IRS over $20,000 in back taxes. Two weeks ago, the IRS garnished $6,000 from her bank account.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I have a history of poverty that I haven’t been able to climb out of. And so a hit from the IRS was pretty devastating to my family,” Nowlan said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She’s now on a six-year payment plan with the IRS to pay those back taxes, but there won’t be a lot of money left in her account for extra purchases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sharon Djemal, director of the Consumer Justice Clinic at the \u003ca href=\"https://ebclc.org/\">East Bay Community Law Center\u003c/a>, is getting calls from clients concerned about the debt they’re accumulating now, on top of the debt they already had pre-pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People are getting lots of calls and are very stressed about getting calls or letters regarding some of the debt they’ve accumulated over the past few months,” Djemal said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She says it can take a year for a case to get into the court system and she expects to see a deluge of cases next year because of debt accumulated during the pandemic. The cases she handles today are related to pre-pandemic debt.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On the legislative front, state Sen. Bob Wieckowski, D-Fremont, has been working on bills to reform the debt collection process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His legislation, \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200SB616\">Senate Bill 616\u003c/a>, which passed in 2019, prohibits debt collectors from cleaning out bank accounts. Starting in September, collectors will have to leave at least \u003ca href=\"https://wclp.org/press-release-governor-signs-bill-stopping-debt-collectors-from-draining-bank-accounts/\">$1,724\u003c/a> in a family’s bank account — enough to provide a “minimum basic standard of adequate care for a family of four.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wieckowski is working on another bill, \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200SB908\">SB 908\u003c/a>, which would expand oversight on debt collectors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s no regulation, there’s no licensing,” Wieckowski said. “It’s nothing new — it’s the crescendo now because there’s so many more people that are financially vulnerable.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SB 908 passed the state Senate in late June and is now waiting for an Assembly vote.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Casi Todas las Escuelas de California Tienen Orden de Cerrar. Las Clases en Línea son Obligatorias",
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"headTitle": "Casi Todas las Escuelas de California Tienen Orden de Cerrar. Las Clases en Línea son Obligatorias | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11829438/newsom-outlines-strict-new-reopening-rules-for-california-schools\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">\u003cem>Read KQED’s English version.\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>El gobernador Gavin Newsom anunció el 17 de junio que más de 5.5 millones de alumnos de California no podrán asistir a clases presenciales en otoño. En su lugar, toda la formación de al menos el 90% de los alumnos del estado deberá realizarse en línea.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://files.covid19.ca.gov/pdf/guidance-schools.pdf\">Según los requisitos\u003c/a>, los distritos escolares de California no podrán reabrir sus instalaciones hasta que se estabilice el contagio y las hospitalizaciones por coronavirus en sus respectivos condados.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>El anuncio del gobernador es el resultado de semanas de \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/commentary/dan-walters/2020/07/newsom-california-schools-reopen-covid-19/\">peticiones de los administradores escolares \u003c/a> para que se les indique cómo gestionar la reapertura. Este causará un \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/2020/07/california-digital-divide-distance-learning/\">impacto extraordinario\u003c/a> sobres los padres trabajadores y sus hijos, quienes deben permanecer en casa, así como también sobre la maltrecha economía del estado.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>La decisión marca una participación más enérgica del gobernador en lo referente a las escuelas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside tag='elcoronavirus' label='Leer más artículos en español']“No se negocia con el aprendizaje. Las escuelas deben proporcionar una instrucción sólida durante la pandemia, independientemente de que estén abiertas físicamente o no. Todos preferimos el aprendizaje en clase, pero sólo si se puede hacer de forma segura. Creo en esto como padre que soy”, dijo Newsom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>El mandato se aplica a las escuelas públicas y privadas del kindergarten al grado 12, indicó.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Treinta y tres de los 58 condados de California —que abarcan alrededor del 90% de los niños en edad escolar del estado— están en la \u003ca href=\"https://covid19.ca.gov/roadmap-counties/\">lista de vigilancia\u003c/a> del estado y no cumplen con los \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdph.ca.gov/Programs/CID/DCDC/Pages/COVID-19/COVID19CountyDataTable.aspx\">criterios de referencia de contagio\u003c/a>, por lo que sus centros educativos tendrán que permanecer físicamente cerradas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Esto incluye todo el sur de California y la mayor parte del área de la Bahía y el Valle Central.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ya que en algunas escuelas comienzan el nuevo año lectivo el 3 de agosto, sería demasiado tarde para que la mayoría de estas cambien de rumbo para el otoño si sus condados no figuran en la lista.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Según los nuevos requisitos del estado, los planteles pueden ofrecer instrucción en persona sólo si su condado no figura en la lista de vigilancia de COVID-19 del estado por más de 14 días. Además, los distritos deben efectuar pruebas para detectar el coronavirus en los maestros cada dos meses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://e.infogram.com/f7a2c335-568b-4474-bd63-f9a9e0e68b1c?src=embed\" title=\"Spanish Copy: Distance Learning Standards\" width=\"100%\" height=\"2000\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border:none;\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/elcoronavirus\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Leer más reportes de KQED en Español. \u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Síga CalMatters en Twitter y Facebook. Siga su canal RSS para artículos en español.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>CalMatters.org es una organización de medios de comunicación sin fines de lucro, no partidista, que explica las políticas públicas y los temas políticos de California.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11829438/newsom-outlines-strict-new-reopening-rules-for-california-schools\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">\u003cem>Read KQED’s English version.\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>El gobernador Gavin Newsom anunció el 17 de junio que más de 5.5 millones de alumnos de California no podrán asistir a clases presenciales en otoño. En su lugar, toda la formación de al menos el 90% de los alumnos del estado deberá realizarse en línea.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://files.covid19.ca.gov/pdf/guidance-schools.pdf\">Según los requisitos\u003c/a>, los distritos escolares de California no podrán reabrir sus instalaciones hasta que se estabilice el contagio y las hospitalizaciones por coronavirus en sus respectivos condados.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>El anuncio del gobernador es el resultado de semanas de \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/commentary/dan-walters/2020/07/newsom-california-schools-reopen-covid-19/\">peticiones de los administradores escolares \u003c/a> para que se les indique cómo gestionar la reapertura. Este causará un \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/2020/07/california-digital-divide-distance-learning/\">impacto extraordinario\u003c/a> sobres los padres trabajadores y sus hijos, quienes deben permanecer en casa, así como también sobre la maltrecha economía del estado.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>La decisión marca una participación más enérgica del gobernador en lo referente a las escuelas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“No se negocia con el aprendizaje. Las escuelas deben proporcionar una instrucción sólida durante la pandemia, independientemente de que estén abiertas físicamente o no. Todos preferimos el aprendizaje en clase, pero sólo si se puede hacer de forma segura. Creo en esto como padre que soy”, dijo Newsom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>El mandato se aplica a las escuelas públicas y privadas del kindergarten al grado 12, indicó.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Treinta y tres de los 58 condados de California —que abarcan alrededor del 90% de los niños en edad escolar del estado— están en la \u003ca href=\"https://covid19.ca.gov/roadmap-counties/\">lista de vigilancia\u003c/a> del estado y no cumplen con los \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdph.ca.gov/Programs/CID/DCDC/Pages/COVID-19/COVID19CountyDataTable.aspx\">criterios de referencia de contagio\u003c/a>, por lo que sus centros educativos tendrán que permanecer físicamente cerradas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Esto incluye todo el sur de California y la mayor parte del área de la Bahía y el Valle Central.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ya que en algunas escuelas comienzan el nuevo año lectivo el 3 de agosto, sería demasiado tarde para que la mayoría de estas cambien de rumbo para el otoño si sus condados no figuran en la lista.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Según los nuevos requisitos del estado, los planteles pueden ofrecer instrucción en persona sólo si su condado no figura en la lista de vigilancia de COVID-19 del estado por más de 14 días. Además, los distritos deben efectuar pruebas para detectar el coronavirus en los maestros cada dos meses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://e.infogram.com/f7a2c335-568b-4474-bd63-f9a9e0e68b1c?src=embed\" title=\"Spanish Copy: Distance Learning Standards\" width=\"100%\" height=\"2000\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border:none;\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/elcoronavirus\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Leer más reportes de KQED en Español. \u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Síga CalMatters en Twitter y Facebook. Siga su canal RSS para artículos en español.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>CalMatters.org es una organización de medios de comunicación sin fines de lucro, no partidista, que explica las políticas públicas y los temas políticos de California.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "how-the-longest-student-strike-in-u-s-history-created-ethnic-studies",
"title": "Ethnic Studies: Born in the Bay Area from History's Biggest Student Strike",
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"content": "\u003cp>Earlier this summer, education advocates scored a major win in the California state Assembly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Legislation passed \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11825573/ethnic-studies-to-be-required-for-cal-state-university-students\">requiring all California State University students to take courses in ethnic studies\u003c/a>, including African American, Asian American, Latinx and Native American studies. Gov. Gavin Newsom is expected to sign the bill later this summer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[baycuriouspodcastinfo]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bay Curious received a question about ethnic studies from 23-year-old Michael Viray: “I’ve heard from one of my professors of ethnic studies at UC Davis that there was actually a revolution in the Bay Area for an ethnic studies field. Is this true? And how did it happen?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Viray minored in Asian American Studies, fascinated by coursework that revealed the history and contributions of Filipino Americans, Asian Americans and Latinx Americans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not being taught in classrooms,” he said. “I didn’t know my own history.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Michael’s professor was right. Ethnic studies was born from a revolution that began at San Francisco State in 1968. How it happened, is a fascinating story.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>The Origins of Black Activism on Campus\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>November of 1968 was a tumultuous time. The United States was 13 years into the Vietnam War, Martin Luther King Jr. had been assassinated and the Black Panther Party was demanding systemic change for Black communities plagued by poverty and police brutality.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There were members of the Black Student Union who were also members of the Black Panther Party,” said Nesbit Crutchfield, who started his studies at San Francisco State as a business school student in 1967. Crutchfield — who considered himself an “aspiring revolutionary” — soon joined San Francisco State’s Black Student Union, the very first in the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11830386\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 750px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11830386 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/1515532.750x.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"750\" height=\"521\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/1515532.750x.png 750w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/1515532.750x-160x111.png 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 750px) 100vw, 750px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Nesbit Crutchfield in a crowd at a San Francisco State College strike. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Labor Archives and Research Center, San Francisco State University)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“I felt very privileged to be a member of the Black Student Union,” Crutchfield said. “It was clear to me that the Black Student Union represented a very progressive energy and thought among Black students in the Bay Area.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, just a small percentage of Black students attended San Francisco State. Enrollment rates for minority students had dwindled down to just 4%, even though 70% of students in the San Francisco Unified School District were from minority backgrounds. Black students were just a fraction of that 4%. Crutchfield remembers it as a time when “white supremacy was the norm of the day.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was very unusual to see Black people in any positive positions,” Crutchfield said. “As a Black person, you expected to be one of the very few Black people in any classroom, laboratory or auditorium. [The campus] was overwhelmingly white.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, Black students were hungry to study their own history. The Black Student Union had been pushing the university to create a Black studies department for nearly three years, but administrators resisted the idea.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Even though ethnic studies was not validated by the university, it doesn’t mean that that study wasn’t taking place,” said \u003ca href=\"https://faculty.sfsu.edu/~cheo/\">Jason Ferreira\u003c/a>, a professor in the Department of Race and Resistance Studies at San Francisco State’s College of Ethnic Studies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ferreira has spent years collecting oral histories on the student strike. Back in 1968, he said, students had to create their own spaces to learn about their history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11830387\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 293px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11830387\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/IMG_4106.jpeg\" alt=\"\" width=\"293\" height=\"391\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/IMG_4106.jpeg 480w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/IMG_4106-160x213.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/IMG_4106-414x552.jpeg 414w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/IMG_4106-354x472.jpeg 354w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 293px) 100vw, 293px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Historian Jason Ferreira. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Jason Ferreira)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“There was something called the Experimental College, which was a student-run initiative for them to teach their own classes,” Ferreira said. “The Black Student Union had its own classes, so that was another space.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But students didn’t just learn untold histories, they connected them to the ongoing struggle against systemic issues plaguing their communities, including poverty, police brutality and lack of affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was an era of young people asking questions and wanting to transform their communities,” Ferreira explained. “That impulse, that hunger to transform one’s community is actually what forms the basis of ethnic studies.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Students of Color Create the Third World Liberation Front\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In fall 1968, Penny Nakatsu — originally from San Francisco’s Western Addition neighborhood — was grappling with her own questions about race and identity. At San Francisco State, she pursued a self-directed degree in Asian American studies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We weren’t ‘Asian Americans’ then, we were ‘Orientals,’ ” Nakatsu said. “ ‘Oriental’ is a term that was imposed on us by the larger society. Starting to use the term ‘Asian American’ was a way of taking back our own destiny.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11830398\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11830398\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/Screen-Shot-2020-07-23-at-4.26.06-PM-800x449.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"449\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/Screen-Shot-2020-07-23-at-4.26.06-PM-800x449.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/Screen-Shot-2020-07-23-at-4.26.06-PM-160x90.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/Screen-Shot-2020-07-23-at-4.26.06-PM.png 973w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A KTVU News report from November 1968 at San Francisco State College in which Roger Alvarado (center) and Penny Nakatsu (right) announce the Third World Liberation Front’s support of the Black Student Union. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Penny Nakatsu)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>At San Francisco State, Nakatsu found herself gravitating toward people with like-minded values and who were involved in the anti-war movement. She became a member of a student organization called the Asian American Political Alliance, which was one of many ethnic student organizations on campus. In early Fall of 1968, these organizations banded together and formed a coalition called \u003ca href=\"https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Third_World_Liberation_Front\">the Third World Liberation Front.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“At that particular time, ‘Third World’ referred to the nonaligned countries or cultures in Asia, Africa and Latin America,” Nakatsu explained.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though students in the Third World Liberation Front came from different cultures, they believed they were united in their shared history of colonial and imperial oppression. The students saw parallels between their tension with the school and what they viewed as the oppression of the Vietnamese by the United States military.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The Firing of a Beloved Teacher Sparks Protest\u003c/h2>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11830392\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 750px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11830392\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/681438b78e080128a0ca3c065b53176b.jpeg\" alt=\"\" width=\"750\" height=\"492\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/681438b78e080128a0ca3c065b53176b.jpeg 500w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/681438b78e080128a0ca3c065b53176b-160x105.jpeg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 750px) 100vw, 750px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">George Murray, Minister of Education for the Black Panthers, teaching English at San Francisco State College. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of the California State Library)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>One of San Francisco State’s most influential anti-Vietnam War organizers was a popular English instructor named George Mason Murray. He also happened to be the minister of education for the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/arts/tag/black-panthers\">Black Panther Party\u003c/a>. Students loved Murray, but his outspoken politics were not tolerated by San Francisco State administrators.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The war in Vietnam is racist,” Murray said in a \u003ca href=\"https://diva.sfsu.edu/collections/sfbatv/bundles/187251?searchOffset=0\">televised press conference\u003c/a>. “It is the war that crackers like Johnson are using Black soldiers and poor white soldiers and Mexican soldiers as dupes and fools to fight against people of color in Vietnam.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The board of trustees forced San Francisco State’s president, Robert Smith, to fire Murray on Nov. 1, 1968. Five days later, the Black Student Union and the Third World Liberation Front joined together and went on strike.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Murray’s suspension was like setting fire to kindling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Student strikers wanted the right to define their own educational experience. Together they drafted \u003ca href=\"https://diva.sfsu.edu/collections/strike/bundles/187915\">15 demands\u003c/a>, including a \u003ca href=\"https://diva.sfsu.edu/collections/strike/bundles/187979?searchOffset=88\">school of Third World studies\u003c/a>, and a Black studies degree and department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11830393\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 750px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11830393 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/1515517.750x.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"750\" height=\"522\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/1515517.750x.png 750w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/1515517.750x-160x111.png 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 750px) 100vw, 750px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Nesbit Crutchfield during the San Francisco State College strike. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Labor Archives and Research Center, San Francisco State University)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“In 1968, the vast majority of white people, a whole lot of Black people, and other people of color did not feel that it was reasonable to know more about themselves,” Crutchfield explained.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He disagreed. He and the other strikers felt it was vital.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We knew that geniuses were falling by the wayside,” he said. “I’m talking about geniuses in education, in literature, in drama, in art … geniuses, in politics.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The strikers also wanted to raise admission rates for students of color. At the time, a special admissions program intended to prioritize marginalized students continued to allocate spots to white students. Meanwhile, the United States military was disproportionately drafting Black and brown men to fight in the Vietnam War. They weren’t eligible for student exemption if they weren’t in school, which meant that their right to an education was a matter of life or death.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Strikers vowed to boycott all classes until the school met their demands.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We wanted to find out and be educated about ourselves,” Crutchfield said. “If we could not get that, then nobody could get an education.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Five Months of Striking\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Initially, strikers engaged in acts of disruption known as the “War of the Flea,” a campaign to disrupt the normal operations of the school. Students put cherry bombs in toilets and checked out huge quantities of books to overwhelm the school’s library system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Almost immediately, administrators invited police on campus. They swarmed San Francisco State, dressed in full riot gear and armed with five-foot batons. Students responded by throwing rocks and yelling obscenities at police and administrators.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11830426\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 750px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11830426 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/1515826.750x.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"750\" height=\"609\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/1515826.750x.png 750w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/1515826.750x-160x130.png 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 750px) 100vw, 750px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Police officers in riot gear marching in formation. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of University Archives, J. Paul Leonard Library, San Francisco State University)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>By this time, Crutchfield had become a leader of the strike, often \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=0QtlxIPNiQ0\">speaking to huge crowds of protesters\u003c/a>. He said his involvement put a target on his back.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m quite sure they wouldn’t have cared if some of us had died. They definitely wanted some of us to go to prison. Some of us went to prison,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One day early on in the strike, police surrounded the Black Student Union office. Crutchfield said police were looking to arrest its members.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11830444\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 214px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11830444\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/1495646.750x.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"214\" height=\"334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/1495646.750x.png 750w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/1495646.750x-160x250.png 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 214px) 100vw, 214px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">An unidentified, bloody-faced student is taken away in handcuffs during a protest. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of San Francisco State University Photographic Timeline Project)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“I volunteered to leave the Black Student Union first,” Crutchfield said. “The police started running at me. I got beat up with nightsticks and boots and fists.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The police arrested Crutchfield and escorted him off campus. He faced charges for illegal assembly, resisting arrest and intent to injure and maim, resulting in more than a year in jail. At 80 years old, Crutchfield, now a mental health administrator in Richmond, said he is still dealing with the trauma of that time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t think you can talk to anyone who was at S.F. State, who participated [in the strike], who ran from the police and can say that they’re the same person,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said he has no regrets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was the great, great grandson of Africans who were made slaves,” he said. “I realized the things I got arrested for were really important to me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many white students, especially white radicals, followed the lead of strike leaders like Crutchfield. They believed that without ethnic studies, they themselves had been denied a proper education. Their support intensified as the strike dragged on and the violence continued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About a month into the strike, teachers joined with demands of their own. As tensions escalated, President Smith shut down the school indefinitely. However, Gov. Ronald Reagan and the California State University Board of Trustees demanded he reopen the campus. Smith resigned in December 1968.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In his place, the board appointed \u003ca href=\"https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/S._I._Hayakawa\">S.I. Hayakawa\u003c/a>, an English professor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hayakawa was popular with conservatives in Sacramento, but extremely unpopular with strikers. Their confrontations were heated and frequent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Early on in his role as interim president, Hayakawa famously climbed aboard a sound truck and yanked the wires from a loud speaker during a student protest. Strikers, in return, called Hayakawa “The Puppet.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11830442\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 750px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11830442 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/1495648.750x.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"750\" height=\"483\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/1495648.750x.png 750w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/1495648.750x-160x103.png 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 750px) 100vw, 750px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Francisco State College acting-President S. I. Hayakawa holds press conference after violent demonstrations in December 1968. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of San Francisco State University Photographic Timeline Project)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In early January, Hayakawa declared an end to student gatherings on campus. In a press conference he said he believed in the right to free speech, but that “freedom of speech does not mean freedom to incite riot.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The Mass Bust\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Strikers ignored Hayakawa’s ban on gatherings. Penny Nakatsu was protesting on Jan. 23, 1969 in what many call “the mass bust.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Two lines of police came up,” Nakatsu said. “They surrounded over 500 people who were there for the rally and trapped all of the individuals who were caught within a human net.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Police charged at the students. Nakatsu said it was one of the bloodiest and most frightening days of the entire strike.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The power of the state was trying to literally beat down the strike and strikers,” she said. “It was literally a practiced, orchestrated, military movement.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hundreds of protesters were arrested, backing up San Francisco’s court system for months. Students, faculty and members of the community were affected, Nakatsu said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Many people suffered. Virtually all of the individuals who were arrested had to spend some jail time. A lot of those folks were blacklisted. University lecturers or teachers lost their jobs. There were real consequences to having participated in that event,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Strikers Prevail\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>After two more months of striking, Hayakawa and strikers negotiated a deal on March 20, 1969.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The school agreed to accept virtually all nonwhite applicants for the fall 1969 semester, and establish a College of Ethnic Studies, the first in the country, with classes geared towards communities of color. Hayakawa gave Nakatsu and her peers the job of designing a curriculum from scratch in a matter of months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11830484\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 750px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11830484 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/1515751.750x.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"750\" height=\"612\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/1515751.750x.png 750w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/1515751.750x-160x131.png 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 750px) 100vw, 750px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Protesters in action during the San Francisco State College strike. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of San Francisco State College Strike Collection)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“I have a feeling that one of the reasons why the administration agreed to that was I don’t think they thought we could pull it off,” Nakatsu said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The College of Ethnic Studies was ready by fall of 1969. Today, Nakatsu is a civil rights lawyer in San Francisco and believes in the importance of ethnic studies as much as ever.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Ethnic studies is a way of embracing all of the cultures that make up the world,” she said. “If we don’t understand each other, how are we going to get along? Ethnic studies is something that’s important, not just for people of color so we know about our histories and cultures and destinies, but for all people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like many strikers, Ferreira believes ethnic studies should be required in K-12 schools, as well as universities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The demand for ethnic studies is as important today as it ever was, if not more,” he said. “The inability of this country to come to terms with the ongoing practices of racism and white supremacy speaks to the demands of the Third World Liberation Front and the Black Student Union for an education that was relevant and transformative. It’s still an uphill battle. But we’ll win.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[baycuriousquestion]\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"title": "Ethnic Studies: Born in the Bay Area from History's Biggest Student Strike | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Earlier this summer, education advocates scored a major win in the California state Assembly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Legislation passed \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11825573/ethnic-studies-to-be-required-for-cal-state-university-students\">requiring all California State University students to take courses in ethnic studies\u003c/a>, including African American, Asian American, Latinx and Native American studies. Gov. Gavin Newsom is expected to sign the bill later this summer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003caside class=\"alignleft utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__bayCuriousPodcastShortcode__bayCurious\">\u003cimg src=https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/02/bayCuriousLogo.png alt=\"Bay Curious Podcast\" loading=\"lazy\" />\n \u003ca href=\"/news/series/baycurious\">Bay Curious\u003c/a> is a podcast that answers your questions about the Bay Area.\n Subscribe on \u003ca href=\"https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/bay-curious/id1172473406\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Apple Podcasts\u003c/a>,\n \u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/podcasts/500557090/bay-curious\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">NPR One\u003c/a> or your favorite podcast platform.\u003c/aside>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bay Curious received a question about ethnic studies from 23-year-old Michael Viray: “I’ve heard from one of my professors of ethnic studies at UC Davis that there was actually a revolution in the Bay Area for an ethnic studies field. Is this true? And how did it happen?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Viray minored in Asian American Studies, fascinated by coursework that revealed the history and contributions of Filipino Americans, Asian Americans and Latinx Americans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not being taught in classrooms,” he said. “I didn’t know my own history.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Michael’s professor was right. Ethnic studies was born from a revolution that began at San Francisco State in 1968. How it happened, is a fascinating story.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>The Origins of Black Activism on Campus\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>November of 1968 was a tumultuous time. The United States was 13 years into the Vietnam War, Martin Luther King Jr. had been assassinated and the Black Panther Party was demanding systemic change for Black communities plagued by poverty and police brutality.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There were members of the Black Student Union who were also members of the Black Panther Party,” said Nesbit Crutchfield, who started his studies at San Francisco State as a business school student in 1967. Crutchfield — who considered himself an “aspiring revolutionary” — soon joined San Francisco State’s Black Student Union, the very first in the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11830386\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 750px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11830386 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/1515532.750x.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"750\" height=\"521\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/1515532.750x.png 750w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/1515532.750x-160x111.png 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 750px) 100vw, 750px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Nesbit Crutchfield in a crowd at a San Francisco State College strike. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Labor Archives and Research Center, San Francisco State University)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“I felt very privileged to be a member of the Black Student Union,” Crutchfield said. “It was clear to me that the Black Student Union represented a very progressive energy and thought among Black students in the Bay Area.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, just a small percentage of Black students attended San Francisco State. Enrollment rates for minority students had dwindled down to just 4%, even though 70% of students in the San Francisco Unified School District were from minority backgrounds. Black students were just a fraction of that 4%. Crutchfield remembers it as a time when “white supremacy was the norm of the day.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was very unusual to see Black people in any positive positions,” Crutchfield said. “As a Black person, you expected to be one of the very few Black people in any classroom, laboratory or auditorium. [The campus] was overwhelmingly white.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, Black students were hungry to study their own history. The Black Student Union had been pushing the university to create a Black studies department for nearly three years, but administrators resisted the idea.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Even though ethnic studies was not validated by the university, it doesn’t mean that that study wasn’t taking place,” said \u003ca href=\"https://faculty.sfsu.edu/~cheo/\">Jason Ferreira\u003c/a>, a professor in the Department of Race and Resistance Studies at San Francisco State’s College of Ethnic Studies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ferreira has spent years collecting oral histories on the student strike. Back in 1968, he said, students had to create their own spaces to learn about their history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11830387\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 293px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11830387\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/IMG_4106.jpeg\" alt=\"\" width=\"293\" height=\"391\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/IMG_4106.jpeg 480w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/IMG_4106-160x213.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/IMG_4106-414x552.jpeg 414w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/IMG_4106-354x472.jpeg 354w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 293px) 100vw, 293px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Historian Jason Ferreira. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Jason Ferreira)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“There was something called the Experimental College, which was a student-run initiative for them to teach their own classes,” Ferreira said. “The Black Student Union had its own classes, so that was another space.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But students didn’t just learn untold histories, they connected them to the ongoing struggle against systemic issues plaguing their communities, including poverty, police brutality and lack of affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was an era of young people asking questions and wanting to transform their communities,” Ferreira explained. “That impulse, that hunger to transform one’s community is actually what forms the basis of ethnic studies.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Students of Color Create the Third World Liberation Front\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In fall 1968, Penny Nakatsu — originally from San Francisco’s Western Addition neighborhood — was grappling with her own questions about race and identity. At San Francisco State, she pursued a self-directed degree in Asian American studies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We weren’t ‘Asian Americans’ then, we were ‘Orientals,’ ” Nakatsu said. “ ‘Oriental’ is a term that was imposed on us by the larger society. Starting to use the term ‘Asian American’ was a way of taking back our own destiny.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11830398\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11830398\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/Screen-Shot-2020-07-23-at-4.26.06-PM-800x449.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"449\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/Screen-Shot-2020-07-23-at-4.26.06-PM-800x449.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/Screen-Shot-2020-07-23-at-4.26.06-PM-160x90.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/Screen-Shot-2020-07-23-at-4.26.06-PM.png 973w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A KTVU News report from November 1968 at San Francisco State College in which Roger Alvarado (center) and Penny Nakatsu (right) announce the Third World Liberation Front’s support of the Black Student Union. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Penny Nakatsu)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>At San Francisco State, Nakatsu found herself gravitating toward people with like-minded values and who were involved in the anti-war movement. She became a member of a student organization called the Asian American Political Alliance, which was one of many ethnic student organizations on campus. In early Fall of 1968, these organizations banded together and formed a coalition called \u003ca href=\"https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Third_World_Liberation_Front\">the Third World Liberation Front.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“At that particular time, ‘Third World’ referred to the nonaligned countries or cultures in Asia, Africa and Latin America,” Nakatsu explained.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though students in the Third World Liberation Front came from different cultures, they believed they were united in their shared history of colonial and imperial oppression. The students saw parallels between their tension with the school and what they viewed as the oppression of the Vietnamese by the United States military.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The Firing of a Beloved Teacher Sparks Protest\u003c/h2>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11830392\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 750px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11830392\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/681438b78e080128a0ca3c065b53176b.jpeg\" alt=\"\" width=\"750\" height=\"492\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/681438b78e080128a0ca3c065b53176b.jpeg 500w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/681438b78e080128a0ca3c065b53176b-160x105.jpeg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 750px) 100vw, 750px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">George Murray, Minister of Education for the Black Panthers, teaching English at San Francisco State College. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of the California State Library)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>One of San Francisco State’s most influential anti-Vietnam War organizers was a popular English instructor named George Mason Murray. He also happened to be the minister of education for the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/arts/tag/black-panthers\">Black Panther Party\u003c/a>. Students loved Murray, but his outspoken politics were not tolerated by San Francisco State administrators.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The war in Vietnam is racist,” Murray said in a \u003ca href=\"https://diva.sfsu.edu/collections/sfbatv/bundles/187251?searchOffset=0\">televised press conference\u003c/a>. “It is the war that crackers like Johnson are using Black soldiers and poor white soldiers and Mexican soldiers as dupes and fools to fight against people of color in Vietnam.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The board of trustees forced San Francisco State’s president, Robert Smith, to fire Murray on Nov. 1, 1968. Five days later, the Black Student Union and the Third World Liberation Front joined together and went on strike.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Murray’s suspension was like setting fire to kindling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Student strikers wanted the right to define their own educational experience. Together they drafted \u003ca href=\"https://diva.sfsu.edu/collections/strike/bundles/187915\">15 demands\u003c/a>, including a \u003ca href=\"https://diva.sfsu.edu/collections/strike/bundles/187979?searchOffset=88\">school of Third World studies\u003c/a>, and a Black studies degree and department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11830393\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 750px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11830393 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/1515517.750x.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"750\" height=\"522\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/1515517.750x.png 750w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/1515517.750x-160x111.png 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 750px) 100vw, 750px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Nesbit Crutchfield during the San Francisco State College strike. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Labor Archives and Research Center, San Francisco State University)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“In 1968, the vast majority of white people, a whole lot of Black people, and other people of color did not feel that it was reasonable to know more about themselves,” Crutchfield explained.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He disagreed. He and the other strikers felt it was vital.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We knew that geniuses were falling by the wayside,” he said. “I’m talking about geniuses in education, in literature, in drama, in art … geniuses, in politics.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The strikers also wanted to raise admission rates for students of color. At the time, a special admissions program intended to prioritize marginalized students continued to allocate spots to white students. Meanwhile, the United States military was disproportionately drafting Black and brown men to fight in the Vietnam War. They weren’t eligible for student exemption if they weren’t in school, which meant that their right to an education was a matter of life or death.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Strikers vowed to boycott all classes until the school met their demands.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We wanted to find out and be educated about ourselves,” Crutchfield said. “If we could not get that, then nobody could get an education.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Five Months of Striking\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Initially, strikers engaged in acts of disruption known as the “War of the Flea,” a campaign to disrupt the normal operations of the school. Students put cherry bombs in toilets and checked out huge quantities of books to overwhelm the school’s library system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Almost immediately, administrators invited police on campus. They swarmed San Francisco State, dressed in full riot gear and armed with five-foot batons. Students responded by throwing rocks and yelling obscenities at police and administrators.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11830426\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 750px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11830426 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/1515826.750x.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"750\" height=\"609\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/1515826.750x.png 750w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/1515826.750x-160x130.png 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 750px) 100vw, 750px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Police officers in riot gear marching in formation. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of University Archives, J. Paul Leonard Library, San Francisco State University)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>By this time, Crutchfield had become a leader of the strike, often \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=0QtlxIPNiQ0\">speaking to huge crowds of protesters\u003c/a>. He said his involvement put a target on his back.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m quite sure they wouldn’t have cared if some of us had died. They definitely wanted some of us to go to prison. Some of us went to prison,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One day early on in the strike, police surrounded the Black Student Union office. Crutchfield said police were looking to arrest its members.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11830444\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 214px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11830444\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/1495646.750x.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"214\" height=\"334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/1495646.750x.png 750w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/1495646.750x-160x250.png 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 214px) 100vw, 214px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">An unidentified, bloody-faced student is taken away in handcuffs during a protest. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of San Francisco State University Photographic Timeline Project)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“I volunteered to leave the Black Student Union first,” Crutchfield said. “The police started running at me. I got beat up with nightsticks and boots and fists.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The police arrested Crutchfield and escorted him off campus. He faced charges for illegal assembly, resisting arrest and intent to injure and maim, resulting in more than a year in jail. At 80 years old, Crutchfield, now a mental health administrator in Richmond, said he is still dealing with the trauma of that time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t think you can talk to anyone who was at S.F. State, who participated [in the strike], who ran from the police and can say that they’re the same person,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said he has no regrets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was the great, great grandson of Africans who were made slaves,” he said. “I realized the things I got arrested for were really important to me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many white students, especially white radicals, followed the lead of strike leaders like Crutchfield. They believed that without ethnic studies, they themselves had been denied a proper education. Their support intensified as the strike dragged on and the violence continued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About a month into the strike, teachers joined with demands of their own. As tensions escalated, President Smith shut down the school indefinitely. However, Gov. Ronald Reagan and the California State University Board of Trustees demanded he reopen the campus. Smith resigned in December 1968.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In his place, the board appointed \u003ca href=\"https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/S._I._Hayakawa\">S.I. Hayakawa\u003c/a>, an English professor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hayakawa was popular with conservatives in Sacramento, but extremely unpopular with strikers. Their confrontations were heated and frequent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Early on in his role as interim president, Hayakawa famously climbed aboard a sound truck and yanked the wires from a loud speaker during a student protest. Strikers, in return, called Hayakawa “The Puppet.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11830442\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 750px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11830442 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/1495648.750x.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"750\" height=\"483\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/1495648.750x.png 750w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/1495648.750x-160x103.png 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 750px) 100vw, 750px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Francisco State College acting-President S. I. Hayakawa holds press conference after violent demonstrations in December 1968. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of San Francisco State University Photographic Timeline Project)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In early January, Hayakawa declared an end to student gatherings on campus. In a press conference he said he believed in the right to free speech, but that “freedom of speech does not mean freedom to incite riot.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The Mass Bust\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Strikers ignored Hayakawa’s ban on gatherings. Penny Nakatsu was protesting on Jan. 23, 1969 in what many call “the mass bust.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Two lines of police came up,” Nakatsu said. “They surrounded over 500 people who were there for the rally and trapped all of the individuals who were caught within a human net.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Police charged at the students. Nakatsu said it was one of the bloodiest and most frightening days of the entire strike.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The power of the state was trying to literally beat down the strike and strikers,” she said. “It was literally a practiced, orchestrated, military movement.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hundreds of protesters were arrested, backing up San Francisco’s court system for months. Students, faculty and members of the community were affected, Nakatsu said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Many people suffered. Virtually all of the individuals who were arrested had to spend some jail time. A lot of those folks were blacklisted. University lecturers or teachers lost their jobs. There were real consequences to having participated in that event,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Strikers Prevail\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>After two more months of striking, Hayakawa and strikers negotiated a deal on March 20, 1969.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The school agreed to accept virtually all nonwhite applicants for the fall 1969 semester, and establish a College of Ethnic Studies, the first in the country, with classes geared towards communities of color. Hayakawa gave Nakatsu and her peers the job of designing a curriculum from scratch in a matter of months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11830484\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 750px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11830484 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/1515751.750x.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"750\" height=\"612\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/1515751.750x.png 750w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/1515751.750x-160x131.png 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 750px) 100vw, 750px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Protesters in action during the San Francisco State College strike. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of San Francisco State College Strike Collection)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“I have a feeling that one of the reasons why the administration agreed to that was I don’t think they thought we could pull it off,” Nakatsu said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The College of Ethnic Studies was ready by fall of 1969. Today, Nakatsu is a civil rights lawyer in San Francisco and believes in the importance of ethnic studies as much as ever.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Ethnic studies is a way of embracing all of the cultures that make up the world,” she said. “If we don’t understand each other, how are we going to get along? Ethnic studies is something that’s important, not just for people of color so we know about our histories and cultures and destinies, but for all people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like many strikers, Ferreira believes ethnic studies should be required in K-12 schools, as well as universities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The demand for ethnic studies is as important today as it ever was, if not more,” he said. “The inability of this country to come to terms with the ongoing practices of racism and white supremacy speaks to the demands of the Third World Liberation Front and the Black Student Union for an education that was relevant and transformative. It’s still an uphill battle. But we’ll win.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"disqusTitle": "Tens of Thousands of California Child Care Providers Vote to Unionize",
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"content": "\u003cp>More than 40,000 child care providers across California can now bargain with the state for better pay and benefits after voting overwhelmingly to unionize on Monday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The victory comes after years of fighting to win the right to bargain in an industry that is notorious for low pay and long hours.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We want and deserve a seat at the table and the state will now recognize us,\" said Nancy Harvey, who runs a child care facility in West Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ninety-seven percent of those babysitters, early childhood educators and home day care providers — mostly women of color — who voted by mail-in ballot, voted to become \u003ca href=\"https://childcareprovidersunited.org\">Child Care Providers United\u003c/a>. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"As a child I witnessed first-hand seeing the Black Panther Party marching for justice and equality a block away from my home. And here I am today, 58 years young, fighting for some of the same issues that folks were fighting for in the '60s,\" Harvey said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The vote was made possible after Gov. Gavin Newsom signed a bill last fall allowing family child care providers who are paid by the state, and who serve low-income families, to unionize.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This decision to unionize comes as the pandemic has caused \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11830033/california-child-care-system-on-brink-of-collapse-study-says\">one in four child care facilities\u003c/a> to close, according to a recent report from UC Berkeley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The survey of nearly 1,000 providers found that a majority – 80% – are taking care of less children due to health and safety concerns due the pandemic, while centers are simultaneously seeing increased cleaning and staffing costs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11830033 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/06/RS19704_Yolanda-WIlson-2-kids-qut-1920x1081.jpg']The governor's office \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2020/04/10/governor-newsom-announces-release-of-100-million-to-support-child-care-services-for-essential-workers-and-vulnerable-populations/\">authorized $100 million\u003c/a> to support child care service providers during the coronavirus pandemic. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But that money isn't enough, according to the UC Berkeley report, and the industry will need a significant boost to stabilize.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, with the vote to unionize, child care providers across the state will be able to have a bigger say in their industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"This seat at the table means everything. It means everything for your economic security,\" said Lee Saunders, president of the American Federation of State, County and Municipal Employees. \"It means everything for your livelihood and the working families you serve and the affordable accessible child care system (California) needs to rebuild its economy.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>More than 40,000 child care providers across California can now bargain with the state for better pay and benefits after voting overwhelmingly to unionize on Monday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The victory comes after years of fighting to win the right to bargain in an industry that is notorious for low pay and long hours.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We want and deserve a seat at the table and the state will now recognize us,\" said Nancy Harvey, who runs a child care facility in West Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ninety-seven percent of those babysitters, early childhood educators and home day care providers — mostly women of color — who voted by mail-in ballot, voted to become \u003ca href=\"https://childcareprovidersunited.org\">Child Care Providers United\u003c/a>. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"As a child I witnessed first-hand seeing the Black Panther Party marching for justice and equality a block away from my home. And here I am today, 58 years young, fighting for some of the same issues that folks were fighting for in the '60s,\" Harvey said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The vote was made possible after Gov. Gavin Newsom signed a bill last fall allowing family child care providers who are paid by the state, and who serve low-income families, to unionize.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This decision to unionize comes as the pandemic has caused \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11830033/california-child-care-system-on-brink-of-collapse-study-says\">one in four child care facilities\u003c/a> to close, according to a recent report from UC Berkeley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The survey of nearly 1,000 providers found that a majority – 80% – are taking care of less children due to health and safety concerns due the pandemic, while centers are simultaneously seeing increased cleaning and staffing costs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The governor's office \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2020/04/10/governor-newsom-announces-release-of-100-million-to-support-child-care-services-for-essential-workers-and-vulnerable-populations/\">authorized $100 million\u003c/a> to support child care service providers during the coronavirus pandemic. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But that money isn't enough, according to the UC Berkeley report, and the industry will need a significant boost to stabilize.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, with the vote to unionize, child care providers across the state will be able to have a bigger say in their industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"This seat at the table means everything. It means everything for your economic security,\" said Lee Saunders, president of the American Federation of State, County and Municipal Employees. \"It means everything for your livelihood and the working families you serve and the affordable accessible child care system (California) needs to rebuild its economy.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "California Schools Reopening Plan: What We Know (and Don't) Right Now",
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"content": "\u003cp>Ever since schools closed their doors in the spring to stop the spread of the coronavirus, parents and educators have been worried about what the fall would bring, and what California’s plan for reopening schools might look like.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For a brief few weeks, it seemed that the rate of new COVID-19 infections and hospitalizations was stabilizing in California — and that schools might reopen with new safety precautions in place. But Gov. Gavin Newsom recently announced that with the number of new cases and hospitalizations spiking around the state, the majority of public and private schools will \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11829438/newsom-outlines-strict-new-reopening-rules-for-california-schools\">start the school year remotely\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The most \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdph.ca.gov/Programs/CID/DCDC/CDPH%20Document%20Library/COVID-19/Schools%20Reopening%20Recommendations.pdf\">recent guidance\u003c/a> states that schools located in counties on the state’s watch list for rising cases of the coronavirus cannot hold in person classes. Only once the county has been off that list for 14 days can schools consider reopening if they follow strict guidelines laid out by the state. Currently all Bay Area counties — except San Mateo — are on the state’s watch list.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>What kind of interaction between kids and schools can we expect?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The state will require schools to offer daily live interaction with every student — but the details of what that \u003cem>looks\u003c/em> like are still vague. It could include synchronous online video lessons, but might also include calls or texts. Teachers will be required to take attendance, and the state is \u003ca href=\"https://www.cde.ca.gov/nr/ne/yr20/yr20rel46.asp\">scrambling to close a digital divide\u003c/a> that has made it difficult for many California students to access online learning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Without that expectation that every student is going to have an interaction with someone at their school site, we are worried we’ll see what we saw in the spring, which was students lost completely,” said Sarah Lillis, executive director of the nonprofit Teach Plus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And, true to many aspects of the coronavirus pandemic, that loss of instructional time was deeply inequitable. Low-income students — along with English language learners and kids with special needs — were disproportionately missing from online classes in the spring; a time Lillis labeled “crisis schooling.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>What about elementary schools?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>District superintendents can apply for state waivers that would allow elementary schools to open, but those will be issued on a case-by-case basis, taking into account local conditions and in consultation with public health experts and the California Department of Public Health.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11829782\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11829782\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/grumpy-learning.jpg\" alt=\"A mom and her son look fed up with learning at home.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1080\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/grumpy-learning.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/grumpy-learning-800x450.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/grumpy-learning-1020x574.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/grumpy-learning-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/grumpy-learning-1536x864.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Many parents aren’t sure how they’re going to make distance learning this fall work. \u003ccite>(iStock/JackF)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Many parents of elementary school-aged children have struggled to work from home while guiding their young children’s education. It isn’t developmentally appropriate for little kids to sit in front of the computer all day, but parents are also concerned that they aren’t trained to be their children’s teachers.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>What’s being done locally?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>“We don’t have an optimal learning situation right now,” said Oakland Unified’s COVID-19 taskforce leader Sailaja Suresh on \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101878719/gov-newsom-orders-most-california-schools-online-for-fall\">KQED Forum\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID='mindshift_56309,mindshift_56305,mindshift_56297' label='Further Reading']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said she understands how frustrating this situation is for everyone. However, she’s hopeful that when Oakland students start school in the fall it will be more orderly than it was last spring, when teachers were flung into remote teaching situations for which they weren’t prepared.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oakland has convened a group of 100 stakeholders since the spring to think through various scenarios. That group helped Suresh identify priority groups who have the most difficulty learning remotely. Those include students with special education needs, English language learners, homeless students and those without access to technology. Suresh says Oakland is focusing on ideas to bring those groups back to school buildings first, when it is safe.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, she stressed that most districts are currently in negotiations with teachers’ unions and the outcome will determine what is possible in the coming year. Additionally, as public health data continues to shift, district leaders’ primary concern is everyone’s safety.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">[ad fullwidth]\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>What kind of help will parents get?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>For many parents, vague guidance from the state and little-to-no help with handling the practicalities of keeping kids at home has been incredibly stressful.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When I go to work I have to leave my home,” said \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101878719/gov-newsom-orders-most-california-schools-online-for-fall\">a caller on Forum\u003c/a>. “What is the support for parents who can’t stay home and do distance learning?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On this point, there are no easy answers. But districts are thinking through how they can collaborate more with parents, Suresh said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oakland hopes to start training its teachers in online learning best practices earlier than usual, and include ideas for how teachers can support parents. Suresh also mentioned making online resources available to parents, and coaching them in how to use other community resources, like \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/education/athomelearning\">public access television\u003c/a>, to aid their children’s learning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It will require a much tighter collaboration around the public health aspects, but also the instruction aspects,” Suresh said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Teachers are scrambling too. Many have spent their summers trying to learn effective ways to teach online after struggling through the spring with little training. Still others worry that a variety of barriers — like incorrect phone numbers and a lack of strong internet — will prevent them from getting in touch with every student on a daily basis.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Are there any creative solutions out there already?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Some parents and caregivers are putting together informal \u003ca href=\"https://www.marinij.com/2020/07/18/marin-parents-seek-micro-pods-to-share-homeschool-distance-learning-duties/\">education pods \u003c/a>to both give students social stimulation and lessen the burden of learning at home. The idea is for parents to pool resources to either hire a tutor for a small group of students, or rotate teaching the group, in a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/mindshift/36216/guide-to-the-best-homeschooling-and-unschooling-resources\">homeschooling\u003c/a> model. This won’t be a solution for all families, however, and is likely to exacerbate the already deep equity divides that exist in education.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One Forum caller, a long time teacher herself, suggested that this crisis might be an opportunity to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/mindshift/34658/to-advance-education-we-must-first-reimagine-society\">upend an education system\u003c/a> that hasn’t been working for a long time. She ran independent study programs as a teacher, and suggested that could be a model for teachers in a distance environment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11830012\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1900px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11830012\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/boy-learning.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1900\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/boy-learning.jpg 1900w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/boy-learning-800x539.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/boy-learning-1020x687.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/boy-learning-160x108.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/boy-learning-1536x1035.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1900px) 100vw, 1900px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The lack of clarity around California school reopening has many families wondering exactly how it’s going to work \u003ccite>(Julia M Cameron/Pexels)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“I think it’s time we think outside the traditional school box,” said the caller. She suggested that now is the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/mindshift/56118/5-radical-schooling-ideas-for-an-uncertain-fall-and-beyond\">time to be radical\u003c/a>, even considering a democratic school model like \u003ca href=\"http://www.summerhillschool.co.uk/\">Summerhill School\u003c/a> in the UK or \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/mindshift/32254/harnessing-childrens-natural-ways-of-learning\">Sudbury Valley School\u003c/a> in Massachusetts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State Superintendent of Public Instruction Tony Thurmond is expected to clarify and flesh out the Governor’s plan with districts this week. While many are thankful for a more unified approach and guidance, the many unknowns have everyone wondering exactly how it’s all going to work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Want more updates on schooling during the pandemic? Follow our \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/category/education\">education coverage\u003c/a>, and\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/mindshift/get-mindshift-in-your-inbox\"> subscribe to the Mindshift newsletter\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Gov. Gavin Newsom says the majority of public and private school students will be starting the year learning from home. The details of how it will all work are still uncertain.",
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"title": "California Schools Reopening Plan: What We Know (and Don't) Right Now | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Ever since schools closed their doors in the spring to stop the spread of the coronavirus, parents and educators have been worried about what the fall would bring, and what California’s plan for reopening schools might look like.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For a brief few weeks, it seemed that the rate of new COVID-19 infections and hospitalizations was stabilizing in California — and that schools might reopen with new safety precautions in place. But Gov. Gavin Newsom recently announced that with the number of new cases and hospitalizations spiking around the state, the majority of public and private schools will \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11829438/newsom-outlines-strict-new-reopening-rules-for-california-schools\">start the school year remotely\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The most \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdph.ca.gov/Programs/CID/DCDC/CDPH%20Document%20Library/COVID-19/Schools%20Reopening%20Recommendations.pdf\">recent guidance\u003c/a> states that schools located in counties on the state’s watch list for rising cases of the coronavirus cannot hold in person classes. Only once the county has been off that list for 14 days can schools consider reopening if they follow strict guidelines laid out by the state. Currently all Bay Area counties — except San Mateo — are on the state’s watch list.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>What kind of interaction between kids and schools can we expect?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The state will require schools to offer daily live interaction with every student — but the details of what that \u003cem>looks\u003c/em> like are still vague. It could include synchronous online video lessons, but might also include calls or texts. Teachers will be required to take attendance, and the state is \u003ca href=\"https://www.cde.ca.gov/nr/ne/yr20/yr20rel46.asp\">scrambling to close a digital divide\u003c/a> that has made it difficult for many California students to access online learning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Without that expectation that every student is going to have an interaction with someone at their school site, we are worried we’ll see what we saw in the spring, which was students lost completely,” said Sarah Lillis, executive director of the nonprofit Teach Plus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And, true to many aspects of the coronavirus pandemic, that loss of instructional time was deeply inequitable. Low-income students — along with English language learners and kids with special needs — were disproportionately missing from online classes in the spring; a time Lillis labeled “crisis schooling.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>What about elementary schools?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>District superintendents can apply for state waivers that would allow elementary schools to open, but those will be issued on a case-by-case basis, taking into account local conditions and in consultation with public health experts and the California Department of Public Health.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11829782\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11829782\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/grumpy-learning.jpg\" alt=\"A mom and her son look fed up with learning at home.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1080\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/grumpy-learning.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/grumpy-learning-800x450.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/grumpy-learning-1020x574.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/grumpy-learning-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/grumpy-learning-1536x864.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Many parents aren’t sure how they’re going to make distance learning this fall work. \u003ccite>(iStock/JackF)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Many parents of elementary school-aged children have struggled to work from home while guiding their young children’s education. It isn’t developmentally appropriate for little kids to sit in front of the computer all day, but parents are also concerned that they aren’t trained to be their children’s teachers.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>What’s being done locally?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>“We don’t have an optimal learning situation right now,” said Oakland Unified’s COVID-19 taskforce leader Sailaja Suresh on \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101878719/gov-newsom-orders-most-california-schools-online-for-fall\">KQED Forum\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said she understands how frustrating this situation is for everyone. However, she’s hopeful that when Oakland students start school in the fall it will be more orderly than it was last spring, when teachers were flung into remote teaching situations for which they weren’t prepared.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oakland has convened a group of 100 stakeholders since the spring to think through various scenarios. That group helped Suresh identify priority groups who have the most difficulty learning remotely. Those include students with special education needs, English language learners, homeless students and those without access to technology. Suresh says Oakland is focusing on ideas to bring those groups back to school buildings first, when it is safe.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, she stressed that most districts are currently in negotiations with teachers’ unions and the outcome will determine what is possible in the coming year. Additionally, as public health data continues to shift, district leaders’ primary concern is everyone’s safety.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>What kind of help will parents get?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>For many parents, vague guidance from the state and little-to-no help with handling the practicalities of keeping kids at home has been incredibly stressful.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When I go to work I have to leave my home,” said \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101878719/gov-newsom-orders-most-california-schools-online-for-fall\">a caller on Forum\u003c/a>. “What is the support for parents who can’t stay home and do distance learning?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On this point, there are no easy answers. But districts are thinking through how they can collaborate more with parents, Suresh said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oakland hopes to start training its teachers in online learning best practices earlier than usual, and include ideas for how teachers can support parents. Suresh also mentioned making online resources available to parents, and coaching them in how to use other community resources, like \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/education/athomelearning\">public access television\u003c/a>, to aid their children’s learning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It will require a much tighter collaboration around the public health aspects, but also the instruction aspects,” Suresh said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Teachers are scrambling too. Many have spent their summers trying to learn effective ways to teach online after struggling through the spring with little training. Still others worry that a variety of barriers — like incorrect phone numbers and a lack of strong internet — will prevent them from getting in touch with every student on a daily basis.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Are there any creative solutions out there already?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Some parents and caregivers are putting together informal \u003ca href=\"https://www.marinij.com/2020/07/18/marin-parents-seek-micro-pods-to-share-homeschool-distance-learning-duties/\">education pods \u003c/a>to both give students social stimulation and lessen the burden of learning at home. The idea is for parents to pool resources to either hire a tutor for a small group of students, or rotate teaching the group, in a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/mindshift/36216/guide-to-the-best-homeschooling-and-unschooling-resources\">homeschooling\u003c/a> model. This won’t be a solution for all families, however, and is likely to exacerbate the already deep equity divides that exist in education.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One Forum caller, a long time teacher herself, suggested that this crisis might be an opportunity to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/mindshift/34658/to-advance-education-we-must-first-reimagine-society\">upend an education system\u003c/a> that hasn’t been working for a long time. She ran independent study programs as a teacher, and suggested that could be a model for teachers in a distance environment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11830012\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1900px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11830012\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/boy-learning.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1900\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/boy-learning.jpg 1900w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/boy-learning-800x539.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/boy-learning-1020x687.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/boy-learning-160x108.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/boy-learning-1536x1035.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1900px) 100vw, 1900px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The lack of clarity around California school reopening has many families wondering exactly how it’s going to work \u003ccite>(Julia M Cameron/Pexels)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“I think it’s time we think outside the traditional school box,” said the caller. She suggested that now is the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/mindshift/56118/5-radical-schooling-ideas-for-an-uncertain-fall-and-beyond\">time to be radical\u003c/a>, even considering a democratic school model like \u003ca href=\"http://www.summerhillschool.co.uk/\">Summerhill School\u003c/a> in the UK or \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/mindshift/32254/harnessing-childrens-natural-ways-of-learning\">Sudbury Valley School\u003c/a> in Massachusetts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State Superintendent of Public Instruction Tony Thurmond is expected to clarify and flesh out the Governor’s plan with districts this week. While many are thankful for a more unified approach and guidance, the many unknowns have everyone wondering exactly how it’s all going to work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Want more updates on schooling during the pandemic? Follow our \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/category/education\">education coverage\u003c/a>, and\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/mindshift/get-mindshift-in-your-inbox\"> subscribe to the Mindshift newsletter\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "unions-join-black-lives-matter-protesters-in-walk-out-for-economic-justice",
"title": "Unions Join Black Lives Matter Protesters in Walk Out for Economic Justice",
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"headTitle": "Unions Join Black Lives Matter Protesters in Walk Out for Economic Justice | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>Workers in 25 cities across the country protested economic and racial injustice on Monday by walking off the job for eight minutes and 46 seconds, the amount of time that Minneapolis police officer Derek Chauvin reportedly knelt on George Floyd’s neck.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Oakland, Black Lives Matter and union protesters started at a McDonald’s location on Telegraph Avenue, where the owner allegedly told employees to make COVID-19 masks out of coffee filters and unused dog diapers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Four workers there have since filed a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11824634/oakland-mcdonalds-workers-sue-management-over-covid-19-outbreak\">public nuisance lawsuit\u003c/a>, alleging that management failed to provide protective equipment, forced workers to continue working while showing virus symptoms and discouraged workers from using paid sick leave.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11829885\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11829885\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/RS44002_005_KQED_Oakland_McDonaldsStrike_07202020-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1278\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/RS44002_005_KQED_Oakland_McDonaldsStrike_07202020-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/RS44002_005_KQED_Oakland_McDonaldsStrike_07202020-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/RS44002_005_KQED_Oakland_McDonaldsStrike_07202020-qut-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/RS44002_005_KQED_Oakland_McDonaldsStrike_07202020-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/RS44002_005_KQED_Oakland_McDonaldsStrike_07202020-qut-1536x1022.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Cherri Murphy, a minister at Speak Life Ministries, speaks during a ‘Strike for Black Lives’ rally at a McDonald’s restaurant on Telegraph Avenue in Oakland on July 20, 2020. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>At the protest, Cherri Murphy, a minister at Speak Life Ministries, said corporations are hypocritical for running advertising campaigns that profess support for the Black Lives Matter movement, while at the same time they keep profits instead of raising wages or providing adequate protective equipment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s easy for corporations to point the finger at police. What they should do is point the fingers at themselves as well, because racial justice is economic justice. Those things are linked together,” Murphy said. “The same conditions that exploit and harm and cause the killing of Black and brown lives are the same conditions that exploit and harm black and brown folks who want to earn a livable wage.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11829888\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11829888\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/RS44014_017_KQED_Oakland_McDonaldsStrike_07202020-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/RS44014_017_KQED_Oakland_McDonaldsStrike_07202020-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/RS44014_017_KQED_Oakland_McDonaldsStrike_07202020-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/RS44014_017_KQED_Oakland_McDonaldsStrike_07202020-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/RS44014_017_KQED_Oakland_McDonaldsStrike_07202020-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/RS44014_017_KQED_Oakland_McDonaldsStrike_07202020-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Bonnie Alexander (left) and Jacob Klein hold signs saying that the McDonald’s is closed during a ‘Strike for Black Lives’ rally at a McDonalds on Telegraph Avenue in Oakland on July 20, 2020. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>One of the biggest issues at the protest was how corporations use stock buybacks and dividends to enrich shareholders. McDonald’s in particular has been criticised for paying dividends to shareholders during the pandemic. In just the last 5 years, the company has spent over 40 billion in stock buybacks and dividends to enrich shareholders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11829892\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11829892\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/RS44019_022_KQED_Oakland_McDonaldsStrike_07202020-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1278\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/RS44019_022_KQED_Oakland_McDonaldsStrike_07202020-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/RS44019_022_KQED_Oakland_McDonaldsStrike_07202020-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/RS44019_022_KQED_Oakland_McDonaldsStrike_07202020-qut-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/RS44019_022_KQED_Oakland_McDonaldsStrike_07202020-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/RS44019_022_KQED_Oakland_McDonaldsStrike_07202020-qut-1536x1022.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Demonstrators take a knee for eight minutes and 46 seconds, the time prosecutors say a Minneapolis police officer knelt on the neck of George Floyd, during a ‘Strike for Black Lives’ rally outside of a McDonalds on Telegraph Avenue in Oakland on July 20, 2020. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>SEIU president Mary Kay Henry was at the rally. She says some of those profits over the years should have been used to pay workers a living wage, “McDonald’s employs overwhelmingly majority Black, brown, asian workers and pays them poverty wages.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement, McDonald’s says “it is our responsibility to continue to listen and learn and push for a more equitable and inclusive society.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Monday's protest in Oakland started at a McDonald's that has faced legal trouble for lacking COVID-19 protective equipment for employees.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Workers in 25 cities across the country protested economic and racial injustice on Monday by walking off the job for eight minutes and 46 seconds, the amount of time that Minneapolis police officer Derek Chauvin reportedly knelt on George Floyd’s neck.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Oakland, Black Lives Matter and union protesters started at a McDonald’s location on Telegraph Avenue, where the owner allegedly told employees to make COVID-19 masks out of coffee filters and unused dog diapers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Four workers there have since filed a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11824634/oakland-mcdonalds-workers-sue-management-over-covid-19-outbreak\">public nuisance lawsuit\u003c/a>, alleging that management failed to provide protective equipment, forced workers to continue working while showing virus symptoms and discouraged workers from using paid sick leave.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11829885\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11829885\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/RS44002_005_KQED_Oakland_McDonaldsStrike_07202020-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1278\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/RS44002_005_KQED_Oakland_McDonaldsStrike_07202020-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/RS44002_005_KQED_Oakland_McDonaldsStrike_07202020-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/RS44002_005_KQED_Oakland_McDonaldsStrike_07202020-qut-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/RS44002_005_KQED_Oakland_McDonaldsStrike_07202020-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/RS44002_005_KQED_Oakland_McDonaldsStrike_07202020-qut-1536x1022.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Cherri Murphy, a minister at Speak Life Ministries, speaks during a ‘Strike for Black Lives’ rally at a McDonald’s restaurant on Telegraph Avenue in Oakland on July 20, 2020. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>At the protest, Cherri Murphy, a minister at Speak Life Ministries, said corporations are hypocritical for running advertising campaigns that profess support for the Black Lives Matter movement, while at the same time they keep profits instead of raising wages or providing adequate protective equipment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s easy for corporations to point the finger at police. What they should do is point the fingers at themselves as well, because racial justice is economic justice. Those things are linked together,” Murphy said. “The same conditions that exploit and harm and cause the killing of Black and brown lives are the same conditions that exploit and harm black and brown folks who want to earn a livable wage.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11829888\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11829888\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/RS44014_017_KQED_Oakland_McDonaldsStrike_07202020-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/RS44014_017_KQED_Oakland_McDonaldsStrike_07202020-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/RS44014_017_KQED_Oakland_McDonaldsStrike_07202020-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/RS44014_017_KQED_Oakland_McDonaldsStrike_07202020-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/RS44014_017_KQED_Oakland_McDonaldsStrike_07202020-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/RS44014_017_KQED_Oakland_McDonaldsStrike_07202020-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Bonnie Alexander (left) and Jacob Klein hold signs saying that the McDonald’s is closed during a ‘Strike for Black Lives’ rally at a McDonalds on Telegraph Avenue in Oakland on July 20, 2020. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>One of the biggest issues at the protest was how corporations use stock buybacks and dividends to enrich shareholders. McDonald’s in particular has been criticised for paying dividends to shareholders during the pandemic. In just the last 5 years, the company has spent over 40 billion in stock buybacks and dividends to enrich shareholders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11829892\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11829892\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/RS44019_022_KQED_Oakland_McDonaldsStrike_07202020-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1278\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/RS44019_022_KQED_Oakland_McDonaldsStrike_07202020-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/RS44019_022_KQED_Oakland_McDonaldsStrike_07202020-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/RS44019_022_KQED_Oakland_McDonaldsStrike_07202020-qut-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/RS44019_022_KQED_Oakland_McDonaldsStrike_07202020-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/RS44019_022_KQED_Oakland_McDonaldsStrike_07202020-qut-1536x1022.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Demonstrators take a knee for eight minutes and 46 seconds, the time prosecutors say a Minneapolis police officer knelt on the neck of George Floyd, during a ‘Strike for Black Lives’ rally outside of a McDonalds on Telegraph Avenue in Oakland on July 20, 2020. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>SEIU president Mary Kay Henry was at the rally. She says some of those profits over the years should have been used to pay workers a living wage, “McDonald’s employs overwhelmingly majority Black, brown, asian workers and pays them poverty wages.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement, McDonald’s says “it is our responsibility to continue to listen and learn and push for a more equitable and inclusive society.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "After Portland, Trump Threatens to Send Federal Agents to Oakland and Other Cities 'Run by Liberal Democrats'",
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"content": "\u003cp>Oakland was among the half dozen major U.S. cities that President Trump said Monday would soon see “more federal law enforcement,” while lauding the recent deployment of federal agents in Portland, Oregon.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Hill \u003ca href=\"https://thehill.com/homenews/administration/508138-trump-signals-he-will-send-federal-agents-to-major-cities\">posted the comments\u003c/a> Trump made to reporters from the Oval Office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re not going to let New York and Chicago and Philadelphia and Detroit and Baltimore and all of these — Oakland is a mess. We’re not going to let this happen in our country,” Trump said, before noting that all of those cities are “run by liberal Democrats.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Oakland Mayor Libby Schaaf\"]‘We are not experiencing any civil unrest right now. But I can think of nothing more likely to incite it than the presence of Trump-ordered military troops into Oakland.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump went on to say that federal officers have done a “fantastic job” in Portland. “No problem,” he said. “They grab ’em — a lot of people in jail. Their leaders — these are anarchists, these are not protesters.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unsurprisingly, the response from Oakland leaders has been fast and furious.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People have a constitutional right to protest,” East Bay Democratic Rep. Barbara Lee responded on Twitter. “Stay away from Oakland.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a quickly issued statement, Oakland Mayor Libby Schaaf said, “Oakland needs COVID relief — not troops — from our President. He should stop slandering diverse, progressive cities like Oakland in his racist dog whistles and divisive campaign tactics.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump’s comments come after Oregon Public Broadcasting last week reported unidentified \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2020/07/17/892277592/federal-officers-use-unmarked-vehicles-to-grab-protesters-in-portland\">federal agents in camouflage and tactical gear\u003c/a> firing tear gas and non-lethal rounds at demonstrators in Portland, and pulling some protesters into unmarked vans, in an effort to quell the city’s more than 50 consecutive nights of protests against racism and police brutality.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/RepBarbaraLee/status/1285317749170896899?s=20\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Following outcry from Portland city officials and the governor, Oregon’s attorney general \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2020/07/18/892617402/oregon-to-sue-federal-agencies-over-protest-enforcement\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">filed a lawsuit\u003c/a> Friday accusing officers from U.S. Customs and Border Protection and other federal agencies of violating the constitutional right of protesters, \u003ca href=\"https://www.opb.org/news/article/federal-law-enforcement-unmarked-vehicles-portland-protesters/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">OPB\u003c/a> reported.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Ordinarily, a person exercising his right to walk through the streets of Portland who is confronted by anonymous men in military-type fatigues and ordered into an unmarked van can reasonably assume that he is being kidnapped and is the victim of a crime,” the \u003ca href=\"http://opb-imgserve-production.s3-website-us-west-2.amazonaws.com/original/ag_rosenblum_xxxx_updated_complaint_1595086491349.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">lawsuit\u003c/a> states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The U.S. Justice and Homeland Security departments did not respond to requests for comment. But a recent \u003ca href=\"https://www.dhs.gov/news/2020/07/19/backgrounder-day-50-continued-violence-portland\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">DHS press release\u003c/a> accused “violent anarchists” of laying siege to a federal courthouse over the weekend and shooting fireworks at the building, “attempting to injure or kill federal officers.” The perpetrators also “attempted to blind federal officers by targeting their eyes with laser weapons,” according to DHS statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unlike in Portland, Bay Area demonstrations against police violence have subsided in recent weeks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are not experiencing any civil unrest right now,” Schaaf said in her statement. “But I can think of nothing more likely to incite it than the presence of Trump-ordered military troops into Oakland.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Oakland Police Department “has not, nor would we, request federal assistance to address crowd management within our city,” a department spokeswoman said in an emailed response.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"more protest coverage\" tag=\"george-floyd\"]But the exact role of the\u003ca href=\"https://thehill.com/homenews/administration/508138-trump-signals-he-will-send-federal-agents-to-major-cities\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\"> 175 federal agents\u003c/a> that Trump threatened to deploy is unclear. In his remarks Monday, Trump cited spikes in violent crime in New York and Chicago. Oakland, too, has seen a rise in homicides and shootings compared to this time last year, according to the Police Department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Federal assistance for violent crime investigations is nothing new. The FBI, for example, has long assisted OPD with homicide investigations. But that’s a different role than crowd management, and arresting people for vandalism is unlikely to affect murder rates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California Democratic Sen. Kamala Harris was among seven U.S. lawmakers who introduced legislation Monday to curtail some of the federal enforcement tactics seen in Portland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The legislation, introduced as an amendment to the National Defense Authorization Act, would require federal officers to be clearly identified and limit their crowd control activities to federal property. It would also require public notice within 24 hours when agents are deployed, including the reason for their deployment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Donald Trump is ordering unidentified law enforcement to violate Americans’ civil rights,” Harris said in a statement. “These actions are those of an authoritarian regime and do not represent who we are as a nation. I call on my colleagues in the Senate to pass this measure immediately — we are better than this.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump went on to say that federal officers have done a “fantastic job” in Portland. “No problem,” he said. “They grab ’em — a lot of people in jail. Their leaders — these are anarchists, these are not protesters.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unsurprisingly, the response from Oakland leaders has been fast and furious.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People have a constitutional right to protest,” East Bay Democratic Rep. Barbara Lee responded on Twitter. “Stay away from Oakland.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a quickly issued statement, Oakland Mayor Libby Schaaf said, “Oakland needs COVID relief — not troops — from our President. He should stop slandering diverse, progressive cities like Oakland in his racist dog whistles and divisive campaign tactics.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump’s comments come after Oregon Public Broadcasting last week reported unidentified \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2020/07/17/892277592/federal-officers-use-unmarked-vehicles-to-grab-protesters-in-portland\">federal agents in camouflage and tactical gear\u003c/a> firing tear gas and non-lethal rounds at demonstrators in Portland, and pulling some protesters into unmarked vans, in an effort to quell the city’s more than 50 consecutive nights of protests against racism and police brutality.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>Following outcry from Portland city officials and the governor, Oregon’s attorney general \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2020/07/18/892617402/oregon-to-sue-federal-agencies-over-protest-enforcement\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">filed a lawsuit\u003c/a> Friday accusing officers from U.S. Customs and Border Protection and other federal agencies of violating the constitutional right of protesters, \u003ca href=\"https://www.opb.org/news/article/federal-law-enforcement-unmarked-vehicles-portland-protesters/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">OPB\u003c/a> reported.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Ordinarily, a person exercising his right to walk through the streets of Portland who is confronted by anonymous men in military-type fatigues and ordered into an unmarked van can reasonably assume that he is being kidnapped and is the victim of a crime,” the \u003ca href=\"http://opb-imgserve-production.s3-website-us-west-2.amazonaws.com/original/ag_rosenblum_xxxx_updated_complaint_1595086491349.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">lawsuit\u003c/a> states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The U.S. Justice and Homeland Security departments did not respond to requests for comment. But a recent \u003ca href=\"https://www.dhs.gov/news/2020/07/19/backgrounder-day-50-continued-violence-portland\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">DHS press release\u003c/a> accused “violent anarchists” of laying siege to a federal courthouse over the weekend and shooting fireworks at the building, “attempting to injure or kill federal officers.” The perpetrators also “attempted to blind federal officers by targeting their eyes with laser weapons,” according to DHS statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unlike in Portland, Bay Area demonstrations against police violence have subsided in recent weeks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are not experiencing any civil unrest right now,” Schaaf said in her statement. “But I can think of nothing more likely to incite it than the presence of Trump-ordered military troops into Oakland.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Oakland Police Department “has not, nor would we, request federal assistance to address crowd management within our city,” a department spokeswoman said in an emailed response.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>But the exact role of the\u003ca href=\"https://thehill.com/homenews/administration/508138-trump-signals-he-will-send-federal-agents-to-major-cities\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\"> 175 federal agents\u003c/a> that Trump threatened to deploy is unclear. In his remarks Monday, Trump cited spikes in violent crime in New York and Chicago. Oakland, too, has seen a rise in homicides and shootings compared to this time last year, according to the Police Department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Federal assistance for violent crime investigations is nothing new. The FBI, for example, has long assisted OPD with homicide investigations. But that’s a different role than crowd management, and arresting people for vandalism is unlikely to affect murder rates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California Democratic Sen. Kamala Harris was among seven U.S. lawmakers who introduced legislation Monday to curtail some of the federal enforcement tactics seen in Portland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The legislation, introduced as an amendment to the National Defense Authorization Act, would require federal officers to be clearly identified and limit their crowd control activities to federal property. It would also require public notice within 24 hours when agents are deployed, including the reason for their deployment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Donald Trump is ordering unidentified law enforcement to violate Americans’ civil rights,” Harris said in a statement. “These actions are those of an authoritarian regime and do not represent who we are as a nation. I call on my colleagues in the Senate to pass this measure immediately — we are better than this.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
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"soldout": {
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"title": "SOLD OUT: Rethinking Housing in America",
"tagline": "A new future for housing",
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