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"content": "\u003cp>Dozens of immigrants who clean dormitories and bathrooms for just $1 a day while locked up at federal detention centers in California are waging a labor strike.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The detainees, who are being held at two privately run facilities in the Bakersfield area as they fight deportation, have been protesting compensation well below the state’s $15/hour minimum wage for weeks. These workers, known as “housing porters,” are also demanding the private operator of these facilities address alleged hazardous conditions, inedible food and other issues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation=\"Statement from Golden State Annex strikers\"]‘We are being exploited for our labor and are being paid $1 per day to clean the dormitories. Meanwhile, private prison corporations like The GEO Group receive tens of millions each year to accommodate us detained in ICE custody.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both of the U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement facilities facing a work stoppage — Golden State Annex in McFarland since June 6 and the Mesa Verde ICE Processing Center in Bakersfield for 55 days, according to immigrant advocates — are operated by \u003ca href=\"https://www.geogroup.com/\">The GEO Group\u003c/a>, one of the largest for-profit prison companies in the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are being exploited for our labor and are being paid $1 per day to clean the dormitories,” strikers at Golden State Annex said in a statement released last week. “Meanwhile, private prison corporations like The GEO Group receive tens of millions each year to accommodate us detained in ICE custody.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many detainees participate in the volunteer working program to afford what they say are high-cost phone calls and commissary items such as dental floss and tortillas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>GEO, which runs four out of seven active immigration detention centers in California, \u003ca href=\"https://www.businesswire.com/news/home/20220502005931/en/The-GEO-Group-Reports-First-Quarter-2022-Results\">reported\u003c/a> total revenues of $551 million in the first quarter of 2022. The Florida-based company also operates secure facilities in the United Kingdom, Australia and South Africa.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>State regulators launch investigation\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The labor strikes come as California’s Division of Occupational Safety and Health, also known as Cal/OSHA, is investigating conditions for workers detained at Golden State Annex, in response to a complaint alleging serious violations at the facility.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The complaint to Cal/OSHA, which was filed by the California Collaborative for Immigrant Justice last month on behalf of seven detainees, charges that they work and live in a toxic environment that includes black mold patches up to 10 inches wide in the showers, and black fibrous dust particles that HVAC vents spew into the dormitories.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The company has also allegedly failed to provide these workers with proper protective equipment, cleaning materials and training on how to handle mold-infested areas, according to the complaint.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The environment here is very, very unsanitary,” said Garcia, one of the housing porters who complained to state regulators. “The mold in the showers… is very dangerous, we shouldn’t be cleaning there. We’ve raised the issue countless times with the administration with no result, no solution.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size='medium' align='left' citation=\"Housing Porter Garcia\"]‘The environment here is very, very unsanitary. The mold in the showers… is very dangerous, we shouldn’t be cleaning there. We’ve raised the issue countless times with the administration with no result, no solution.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KQED is not using the full names of complainants, who have requested anonymity from Cal/OSHA during its investigation because they fear retaliation during detention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agency, which declined to comment on its inspection, has six months to issue citations if any violations are found.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A California bill enacted last year, \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB263\">AB 263\u003c/a>, clarifies that private operators of immigrant detention centers must follow all state occupational health and safety regulations and public health orders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vladimir, who was included in the complaint, said he developed a persistent cough and shortness of breath while working at Golden State Annex. He said X-ray images revealed a dark spot in one of his lungs, but it remains undiagnosed. He fears it is connected to exposure to mold.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breathing mold spores can lead to asthma, respiratory infections, cough and difficulty breathing, according to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdph.ca.gov/Programs/CCDPHP/DEODC/EHLB/AQS/Pages/Mold.aspx#HealthEffects\">California Department of Public Health\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I am afraid because my lung has been impacted. I have problems breathing,” the father of five said in Spanish. “The dust and mold are bad for our health and unfortunately, we are in a place where it feels that they don’t care about our health.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>The GEO Group responds\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>A spokesperson for GEO said the company strongly rejects the allegations while also denying a strike is taking place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our ICE Processing Centers, including the Golden State Annex, are maintained in accordance with all applicable federal sanitation standards, with or without the contributions of Voluntary Work Program participants,” the spokesman said in a statement. “Choosing not to participate in a voluntary program cannot constitute a labor strike.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation=\"Legal Director Lisa Knox, California Collaborative for Immigrant Justice\"]‘We want California to use its authority to protect the health and safety of these workers. And that means going in to inspect the facility. And we want them to take appropriate action, be that fines, be that requiring GEO to address some of these issues.”’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The company also rejected the allegation that Golden State Annex has not adequately implemented COVID-19 protections required for employers in California. State \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/title8/3205.html\">rules\u003c/a> include notifying employees within one business day if they were exposed to an infected person, and training workers on the employer’s policies to protect them from virus hazards.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Attorney Lisa Knox, who helped detainees submit the Cal/OSHA complaint, said GEO’s health and safety record shows the company can’t be trusted to fix current problems at detention centers on its own.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We want California to use its authority to protect the health and safety of these workers. And that means going in to inspect the facility,” said Knox, legal director at the California Collaborative for Immigrant Justice. “And we want them to take appropriate action, be that fines, be that requiring GEO to address some of these issues.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Knox and other advocates have requested that California’s attorney general investigate additional potential labor issues at the detention center, such as minimum wage violations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesperson for California Attorney General Rob Bonta’s Office said the office is reviewing that request, but declined to comment further.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“To protect its integrity, we’re unable to comment on a potential or ongoing investigation,” the spokesperson wrote in an email.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A federal judge in Riverside ruled earlier this year that detainees working at another GEO-run facility in Southern California are considered employees under state law, Knox said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Is it wage theft? Dispute playing out in other states\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Last fall, a federal judge in Washington state ordered GEO to pay \u003ca href=\"https://www.seattletimes.com/business/private-prison-company-ordered-to-pay-23-2m-in-tacoma-detainee-minimum-wage-cases/#:~:text=The%20first%20trial%20ended%20in,and%20awarding%20the%20back%20pay\">$23.2 million\u003c/a> for failing to pay minimum wage to immigrant detainees who volunteered to cook and clean for $1 a day while held at a facility in Tacoma. The lawsuit was brought by Washington state’s attorney general and other plaintiffs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>GEO responded to the ruling by \u003ca href=\"https://www.knkx.org/law/2021-11-05/geo-group-halts-work-program-at-tacoma-jail-instead-of-upping-detainee-pay\">reportedly\u003c/a> closing its worker program at the Tacoma detention center. The company is seeking to reverse the judge’s order before the 9th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals, arguing that states lack the authority to dictate how much to pay detainees because the work program they volunteer for is established by the federal government and is paid for by federal dollars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"More Stories\" tag=\"immigrant-detention\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last month, Bonta joined more than a dozen other attorney generals to support the state of Washington in the ongoing lawsuit against GEO.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Washington’s Minimum Wage Act advances the important public interest states have in protecting their workers and the broader community from the economic burdens that result from unscrupulous and exploitative employment practices,” according to the \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/news/press-releases/attorney-general-bonta-leads-multistate-coalition-defense-state-minimum-wage\">brief\u003c/a> filed with the Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals last month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cal/OSHA has inspected at least one other immigration detention center in the state for worksite violations. After a guard at the Otay Mesa Detention Center in San Diego died of COVID-19 last year, the agency \u003ca href=\"https://www.osha.gov/pls/imis/establishment.inspection_detail?id=1530188.015\">fined\u003c/a> the facility’s operator, CoreCivic Inc., more than $23,000 for, in part, failing to meet reporting requirements about the death, according to agency records. CoreCivic contested the fines, and the case remains open.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Immigrant advocates say Cal/OSHA’s inspection of Golden State Annex is the first in California to be prompted by a complaint on behalf of detained workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KQED is not using the full names of complainants, who have requested anonymity from Cal/OSHA during its investigation because they fear retaliation during detention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agency, which declined to comment on its inspection, has six months to issue citations if any violations are found.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A California bill enacted last year, \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB263\">AB 263\u003c/a>, clarifies that private operators of immigrant detention centers must follow all state occupational health and safety regulations and public health orders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vladimir, who was included in the complaint, said he developed a persistent cough and shortness of breath while working at Golden State Annex. He said X-ray images revealed a dark spot in one of his lungs, but it remains undiagnosed. He fears it is connected to exposure to mold.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breathing mold spores can lead to asthma, respiratory infections, cough and difficulty breathing, according to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdph.ca.gov/Programs/CCDPHP/DEODC/EHLB/AQS/Pages/Mold.aspx#HealthEffects\">California Department of Public Health\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I am afraid because my lung has been impacted. I have problems breathing,” the father of five said in Spanish. “The dust and mold are bad for our health and unfortunately, we are in a place where it feels that they don’t care about our health.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>The GEO Group responds\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>A spokesperson for GEO said the company strongly rejects the allegations while also denying a strike is taking place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our ICE Processing Centers, including the Golden State Annex, are maintained in accordance with all applicable federal sanitation standards, with or without the contributions of Voluntary Work Program participants,” the spokesman said in a statement. “Choosing not to participate in a voluntary program cannot constitute a labor strike.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘We want California to use its authority to protect the health and safety of these workers. And that means going in to inspect the facility. And we want them to take appropriate action, be that fines, be that requiring GEO to address some of these issues.”’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The company also rejected the allegation that Golden State Annex has not adequately implemented COVID-19 protections required for employers in California. State \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/title8/3205.html\">rules\u003c/a> include notifying employees within one business day if they were exposed to an infected person, and training workers on the employer’s policies to protect them from virus hazards.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Attorney Lisa Knox, who helped detainees submit the Cal/OSHA complaint, said GEO’s health and safety record shows the company can’t be trusted to fix current problems at detention centers on its own.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We want California to use its authority to protect the health and safety of these workers. And that means going in to inspect the facility,” said Knox, legal director at the California Collaborative for Immigrant Justice. “And we want them to take appropriate action, be that fines, be that requiring GEO to address some of these issues.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Knox and other advocates have requested that California’s attorney general investigate additional potential labor issues at the detention center, such as minimum wage violations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesperson for California Attorney General Rob Bonta’s Office said the office is reviewing that request, but declined to comment further.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“To protect its integrity, we’re unable to comment on a potential or ongoing investigation,” the spokesperson wrote in an email.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A federal judge in Riverside ruled earlier this year that detainees working at another GEO-run facility in Southern California are considered employees under state law, Knox said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Is it wage theft? Dispute playing out in other states\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Last fall, a federal judge in Washington state ordered GEO to pay \u003ca href=\"https://www.seattletimes.com/business/private-prison-company-ordered-to-pay-23-2m-in-tacoma-detainee-minimum-wage-cases/#:~:text=The%20first%20trial%20ended%20in,and%20awarding%20the%20back%20pay\">$23.2 million\u003c/a> for failing to pay minimum wage to immigrant detainees who volunteered to cook and clean for $1 a day while held at a facility in Tacoma. The lawsuit was brought by Washington state’s attorney general and other plaintiffs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>GEO responded to the ruling by \u003ca href=\"https://www.knkx.org/law/2021-11-05/geo-group-halts-work-program-at-tacoma-jail-instead-of-upping-detainee-pay\">reportedly\u003c/a> closing its worker program at the Tacoma detention center. The company is seeking to reverse the judge’s order before the 9th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals, arguing that states lack the authority to dictate how much to pay detainees because the work program they volunteer for is established by the federal government and is paid for by federal dollars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last month, Bonta joined more than a dozen other attorney generals to support the state of Washington in the ongoing lawsuit against GEO.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Washington’s Minimum Wage Act advances the important public interest states have in protecting their workers and the broader community from the economic burdens that result from unscrupulous and exploitative employment practices,” according to the \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/news/press-releases/attorney-general-bonta-leads-multistate-coalition-defense-state-minimum-wage\">brief\u003c/a> filed with the Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals last month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cal/OSHA has inspected at least one other immigration detention center in the state for worksite violations. After a guard at the Otay Mesa Detention Center in San Diego died of COVID-19 last year, the agency \u003ca href=\"https://www.osha.gov/pls/imis/establishment.inspection_detail?id=1530188.015\">fined\u003c/a> the facility’s operator, CoreCivic Inc., more than $23,000 for, in part, failing to meet reporting requirements about the death, according to agency records. CoreCivic contested the fines, and the case remains open.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Immigrant advocates say Cal/OSHA’s inspection of Golden State Annex is the first in California to be prompted by a complaint on behalf of detained workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"disqusTitle": "'I'm Still Vulnerable': Bay Area Dreamers on 10-Year DACA Anniversary",
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"content": "\u003cp>Hayward resident Ju Hong remembers when President Barack Obama signed an executive order aimed at protecting young undocumented immigrants like himself from deportation. It was June 15, 2012, and Hong was a UC Berkeley senior, studying in a coffee shop next to campus when he got the news.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All of a sudden, my friends are texting me,” he said. “And people are saying, ‘Hey, check out Obama's new announcement.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He applied right away, and he said the \u003ca href=\"https://www.uscis.gov/DACA\">Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals\u003c/a> program, or DACA, was a game-changer. It not only shielded him from deportation but also provided a renewable, two-year work permit. It was the first quasi-legal status he’d had since he was 11 and his family came to the Bay Area from South Korea on a temporary visa and stayed after it expired.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Ju Hong, DACA recipient\"]'It's very frustrating, and it's tiring too, sometimes, to wait for politicians to prioritize the immigrant community.'[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hong, 32, was able to get work in nonprofit organizations, and then went on for a master’s degree and started building a career as a staff member in state and local government agencies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>“\u003c/strong>I had the opportunity to earn income, to support myself and my family while getting generous benefits like health care that you get through an employer,” he said. “My mental and physical well-being improved dramatically.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This week marks the 10th anniversary of DACA. Over the decade it has \u003ca href=\"https://www.uscis.gov/sites/default/files/document/reports/DACA_performancedata_fy2022_qtr1.pdf\">benefited roughly 835,000\u003c/a> young undocumented immigrants who were brought to the U.S. as children. More than a quarter of them call California home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But today, DACA’s future is uncertain. And so is the future of the people who’ve come to rely on it, including Hong.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, he was working for Alameda County as a grants administrator. But \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11881855/tired-of-living-in-limbo-daca-application-backlog-puts-immigrant-lives-on-hold\">his work permit expired\u003c/a> when his DACA renewal application got caught in a federal backlog. And overnight, Hong was let go from his job.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was a wake-up call for me that I'm still vulnerable, that I'm still in this limbo status,” he said. “DACA is still temporary.”[aside postID=\"news_11913665,news_11885260,news_11881855\" label=\"Related Posts\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hong mobilized, and got 600 supporters to call Congress. Within days, his DACA protection was renewed. And he probably could have gotten his job back. But after that experience, he decided to work full-time for immigrants’ rights. Today, he’s the director of \u003ca href=\"https://www.labor.ucla.edu/what-we-do/dream-resource-center/\">UCLA’s Dream Resource Center\u003c/a>, which supports undocumented students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He’s committed to the work, and pushing for a path to citizenship for all 11 million undocumented immigrants in the country — including his mother and older sister. But it wears on him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It's very frustrating, and it’s tiring, too, sometimes, to wait for politicians to prioritize the immigrant community,” said Hong. “It's a lot of mixed emotions as we're entering into this 10th-year DACA anniversary.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>DACA was always a stopgap measure: an executive action Obama took because Congress hadn’t passed the Dream Act, which would offer permanent legal residence — that path to citizenship — for young undocumented immigrants brought to the country as children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Obama was persuaded to act after years of outspoken activism by \"Dreamers\" — young undocumented immigrants who’d grown up in the U.S. and were yearning to build a life here legally.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Coming out and risking deportation\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Yahaira Carrillo was one of those activists. She was 7 when her mother brought her from Mexico to California so they could reunite with Carrillo’s dad. He was a farmworker in the Central Valley, and later found a job in a bakery in Napa, the same town where her mother worked as a cleaner at a nursing home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11917177\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS24952_20170414_YahairaCarrillo_Credit_BertJohnson-3-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-11917177 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS24952_20170414_YahairaCarrillo_Credit_BertJohnson-3-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"A Latina woman with long, thick, wavy dark brown hair and a gold hoop earring looks directly at the camera, unsmiling. She wears a black long-sleeved top. In the blurry background is an interior brick wall and another woman, facing away, sitting at a wooden desk with a laptop.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS24952_20170414_YahairaCarrillo_Credit_BertJohnson-3-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS24952_20170414_YahairaCarrillo_Credit_BertJohnson-3-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS24952_20170414_YahairaCarrillo_Credit_BertJohnson-3-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS24952_20170414_YahairaCarrillo_Credit_BertJohnson-3-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS24952_20170414_YahairaCarrillo_Credit_BertJohnson-3-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Yahaira Carrillo was photographed in the East Bay Community Law Center office on April 14, 2017. \u003ccite>(Bert Johnson/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Carrillo, 37, came of age with the stifling awareness that her family was always in danger. She said her parents taught her to drive when she was 9 so that if anything happened to them, she could reach safety with other relatives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It felt like you could go to work and end up deported, you could go to the market and end up deported,” she said. “I didn’t want to live with that hanging over my head.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After years of keeping her head down and striving to be a model student, Carrillo began organizing for the Dream Act. Then, in 2010, she took a bold step: She and four other college students staged a sit-in at the Arizona office of the late Senator John McCain — and she was arrested. She says she risked deportation with the sit-in because she was at the end of her rope.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was feeling like I was going to be stuck,” she said. “And that all of my personal effort, but also all of my mother's effort in trying to provide for me, was going to be wasted.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Carrillo had come out of the closet once already, telling her loved ones she was queer. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11405917/queer-and-undocumented-a-powerful-force-in-the-dreamer-movement\">Along with other LGBTQ+ immigrant advocates\u003c/a>, she realized there was a similar power in having the courage to come out as undocumented.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The sit-in at Sen. McCain's office was a more extreme version of that, of really scaling it up a notch,” she said. “But it started from coming out of the shadows and it was very much steeped in queer history and of coming out and sharing our stories.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When DACA was created, Carrillo applied, but she got rejected. The program has strict requirements to prove you’ve been in the U.S. continuously since 2007. And not everyone can come up with all the school records, utility bills and other paperwork to document their presence for every single month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Carrillo did eventually get permanent residence, as the result of a terrible circumstance: She was a survivor of domestic violence. Her lawyer told her about one of the only avenues for undocumented people to become legal immigrants: Under a 2000 law, crime victims are eligible for a U visa, and later a green card, if they cooperate with the police. She can apply for citizenship next year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Others are not so fortunate. The Dream Act was first introduced in Congress in 2001, but despite strong support from voters of both parties in public opinion polls, it has never been enacted. A \u003ca href=\"https://www.congress.gov/bill/117th-congress/house-bill/6\">version of the bill\u003c/a> passed the House of Representatives last year — and could benefit 2.3 million \"Dreamers.\" But it’s stuck in the U.S. Senate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California Democratic Senator Alex Padilla has been trying to break the logjam, with bipartisan talks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What frustrates me the most is a lot of my Republican colleagues will tell me in private that they're supportive of Dreamers but don't seem to be willing to say so or act accordingly publicly when it comes to being able to support legislation,” Padilla told KQED. “So the fact that we’ve resumed negotiations is encouraging, and I'm going to keep pressing for it until we get it done.\u003cem>”\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s unclear, though, that he can win over the 10 or more Republicans he would need for the bill to pass.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A pivotal moment with DACA's future at stake\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, DACA has survived in the courts, but barely. In 2017 President Trump declared an end to the program. Legal challenges went all the way up to the U.S. Supreme Court, and in 2020 the justices ruled that Trump’s termination had violated proper procedure, so DACA could stand.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11881668/after-texas-court-ruling-whats-the-future-for-young-immigrants-and-daca-recipients\">another case, filed by Texas and six other states, is challenging the program’s legality\u003c/a>. Last year a federal judge in Texas blocked the government from considering new DACA applications as the case proceeds. The U.S. Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit will hear the case on July 6, and it could reach the Supreme Court next year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>University of Pennsylvania sociologist \u003ca href=\"https://sociology.sas.upenn.edu/people/roberto-gonzales\">Roberto Gonzales \u003c/a>has followed the life paths of hundreds of undocumented young people in Los Angeles. He says this is a pivotal moment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The question becomes, do we make good on the promise of DACA that has really catapulted young adults in this country into better lives? Or do we leave them without answers to their future?” asked Gonzales. “It's a critical question right now. And I think it will really define this contemporary moment.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gonzales called DACA “probably the most successful policy of immigrant integration in the last several decades.” And, he said, it’s not just \"Dreamers\" like Hong who will lose out if the program is wiped away. It’s a loss for the whole country to forfeit their talents and the contributions they make to the economy and their communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Immigration has always been a contentious issue,” he said. “And that issue has been framed around this question of who belongs in the ‘we’ of our nation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Twelve days too late\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>As the years go by, fewer and fewer young people can qualify for DACA. That’s because the rules say an immigrant has to have been in the U.S. since June 15, 2007. By some estimates, \u003ca href=\"https://www.fwd.us/news/undocumented-high-school-graduates/\">the majority of this year’s 100,000 undocumented high school graduates\u003c/a> have missed the program’s cutoff date.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jennifer is a 20-year-old high school graduate in Oakland. She came from El Salvador with her grandmother when she was 5. We’re not using her last name because she’s undocumented.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I didn't qualify for it because I came here 12 days too late,” she said. “It made me feel really sad, very disappointed, because I really had high hopes for it, thinking that it was going to work out.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jennifer says she wants to go to college and study for a job in the health professions, a plan that was inspired by an aunt who became a doctor. For now, she’s getting by working in a fast food restaurant, under the table.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hong, 32, was able to get work in nonprofit organizations, and then went on for a master’s degree and started building a career as a staff member in state and local government agencies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>“\u003c/strong>I had the opportunity to earn income, to support myself and my family while getting generous benefits like health care that you get through an employer,” he said. “My mental and physical well-being improved dramatically.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This week marks the 10th anniversary of DACA. Over the decade it has \u003ca href=\"https://www.uscis.gov/sites/default/files/document/reports/DACA_performancedata_fy2022_qtr1.pdf\">benefited roughly 835,000\u003c/a> young undocumented immigrants who were brought to the U.S. as children. More than a quarter of them call California home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But today, DACA’s future is uncertain. And so is the future of the people who’ve come to rely on it, including Hong.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, he was working for Alameda County as a grants administrator. But \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11881855/tired-of-living-in-limbo-daca-application-backlog-puts-immigrant-lives-on-hold\">his work permit expired\u003c/a> when his DACA renewal application got caught in a federal backlog. And overnight, Hong was let go from his job.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was a wake-up call for me that I'm still vulnerable, that I'm still in this limbo status,” he said. “DACA is still temporary.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hong mobilized, and got 600 supporters to call Congress. Within days, his DACA protection was renewed. And he probably could have gotten his job back. But after that experience, he decided to work full-time for immigrants’ rights. Today, he’s the director of \u003ca href=\"https://www.labor.ucla.edu/what-we-do/dream-resource-center/\">UCLA’s Dream Resource Center\u003c/a>, which supports undocumented students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He’s committed to the work, and pushing for a path to citizenship for all 11 million undocumented immigrants in the country — including his mother and older sister. But it wears on him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It's very frustrating, and it’s tiring, too, sometimes, to wait for politicians to prioritize the immigrant community,” said Hong. “It's a lot of mixed emotions as we're entering into this 10th-year DACA anniversary.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>DACA was always a stopgap measure: an executive action Obama took because Congress hadn’t passed the Dream Act, which would offer permanent legal residence — that path to citizenship — for young undocumented immigrants brought to the country as children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Obama was persuaded to act after years of outspoken activism by \"Dreamers\" — young undocumented immigrants who’d grown up in the U.S. and were yearning to build a life here legally.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Coming out and risking deportation\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Yahaira Carrillo was one of those activists. She was 7 when her mother brought her from Mexico to California so they could reunite with Carrillo’s dad. He was a farmworker in the Central Valley, and later found a job in a bakery in Napa, the same town where her mother worked as a cleaner at a nursing home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11917177\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS24952_20170414_YahairaCarrillo_Credit_BertJohnson-3-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-11917177 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS24952_20170414_YahairaCarrillo_Credit_BertJohnson-3-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"A Latina woman with long, thick, wavy dark brown hair and a gold hoop earring looks directly at the camera, unsmiling. She wears a black long-sleeved top. In the blurry background is an interior brick wall and another woman, facing away, sitting at a wooden desk with a laptop.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS24952_20170414_YahairaCarrillo_Credit_BertJohnson-3-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS24952_20170414_YahairaCarrillo_Credit_BertJohnson-3-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS24952_20170414_YahairaCarrillo_Credit_BertJohnson-3-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS24952_20170414_YahairaCarrillo_Credit_BertJohnson-3-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS24952_20170414_YahairaCarrillo_Credit_BertJohnson-3-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Yahaira Carrillo was photographed in the East Bay Community Law Center office on April 14, 2017. \u003ccite>(Bert Johnson/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Carrillo, 37, came of age with the stifling awareness that her family was always in danger. She said her parents taught her to drive when she was 9 so that if anything happened to them, she could reach safety with other relatives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It felt like you could go to work and end up deported, you could go to the market and end up deported,” she said. “I didn’t want to live with that hanging over my head.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After years of keeping her head down and striving to be a model student, Carrillo began organizing for the Dream Act. Then, in 2010, she took a bold step: She and four other college students staged a sit-in at the Arizona office of the late Senator John McCain — and she was arrested. She says she risked deportation with the sit-in because she was at the end of her rope.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was feeling like I was going to be stuck,” she said. “And that all of my personal effort, but also all of my mother's effort in trying to provide for me, was going to be wasted.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Carrillo had come out of the closet once already, telling her loved ones she was queer. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11405917/queer-and-undocumented-a-powerful-force-in-the-dreamer-movement\">Along with other LGBTQ+ immigrant advocates\u003c/a>, she realized there was a similar power in having the courage to come out as undocumented.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The sit-in at Sen. McCain's office was a more extreme version of that, of really scaling it up a notch,” she said. “But it started from coming out of the shadows and it was very much steeped in queer history and of coming out and sharing our stories.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When DACA was created, Carrillo applied, but she got rejected. The program has strict requirements to prove you’ve been in the U.S. continuously since 2007. And not everyone can come up with all the school records, utility bills and other paperwork to document their presence for every single month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Carrillo did eventually get permanent residence, as the result of a terrible circumstance: She was a survivor of domestic violence. Her lawyer told her about one of the only avenues for undocumented people to become legal immigrants: Under a 2000 law, crime victims are eligible for a U visa, and later a green card, if they cooperate with the police. She can apply for citizenship next year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Others are not so fortunate. The Dream Act was first introduced in Congress in 2001, but despite strong support from voters of both parties in public opinion polls, it has never been enacted. A \u003ca href=\"https://www.congress.gov/bill/117th-congress/house-bill/6\">version of the bill\u003c/a> passed the House of Representatives last year — and could benefit 2.3 million \"Dreamers.\" But it’s stuck in the U.S. Senate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California Democratic Senator Alex Padilla has been trying to break the logjam, with bipartisan talks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What frustrates me the most is a lot of my Republican colleagues will tell me in private that they're supportive of Dreamers but don't seem to be willing to say so or act accordingly publicly when it comes to being able to support legislation,” Padilla told KQED. “So the fact that we’ve resumed negotiations is encouraging, and I'm going to keep pressing for it until we get it done.\u003cem>”\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s unclear, though, that he can win over the 10 or more Republicans he would need for the bill to pass.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A pivotal moment with DACA's future at stake\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, DACA has survived in the courts, but barely. In 2017 President Trump declared an end to the program. Legal challenges went all the way up to the U.S. Supreme Court, and in 2020 the justices ruled that Trump’s termination had violated proper procedure, so DACA could stand.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11881668/after-texas-court-ruling-whats-the-future-for-young-immigrants-and-daca-recipients\">another case, filed by Texas and six other states, is challenging the program’s legality\u003c/a>. Last year a federal judge in Texas blocked the government from considering new DACA applications as the case proceeds. The U.S. Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit will hear the case on July 6, and it could reach the Supreme Court next year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>University of Pennsylvania sociologist \u003ca href=\"https://sociology.sas.upenn.edu/people/roberto-gonzales\">Roberto Gonzales \u003c/a>has followed the life paths of hundreds of undocumented young people in Los Angeles. He says this is a pivotal moment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The question becomes, do we make good on the promise of DACA that has really catapulted young adults in this country into better lives? Or do we leave them without answers to their future?” asked Gonzales. “It's a critical question right now. And I think it will really define this contemporary moment.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gonzales called DACA “probably the most successful policy of immigrant integration in the last several decades.” And, he said, it’s not just \"Dreamers\" like Hong who will lose out if the program is wiped away. It’s a loss for the whole country to forfeit their talents and the contributions they make to the economy and their communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Immigration has always been a contentious issue,” he said. “And that issue has been framed around this question of who belongs in the ‘we’ of our nation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Twelve days too late\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>As the years go by, fewer and fewer young people can qualify for DACA. That’s because the rules say an immigrant has to have been in the U.S. since June 15, 2007. By some estimates, \u003ca href=\"https://www.fwd.us/news/undocumented-high-school-graduates/\">the majority of this year’s 100,000 undocumented high school graduates\u003c/a> have missed the program’s cutoff date.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jennifer is a 20-year-old high school graduate in Oakland. She came from El Salvador with her grandmother when she was 5. We’re not using her last name because she’s undocumented.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I didn't qualify for it because I came here 12 days too late,” she said. “It made me feel really sad, very disappointed, because I really had high hopes for it, thinking that it was going to work out.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jennifer says she wants to go to college and study for a job in the health professions, a plan that was inspired by an aunt who became a doctor. For now, she’s getting by working in a fast food restaurant, under the table.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"http://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/the-california-report-magazine/id1314750545?mt=2\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Listen to this and more in-depth storytelling by subscribing to The California Report Magazine podcast.\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To a lot of people outside our state, California is one of two places: L.A. or San Francisco. Hollywood or high tech. The beaches or the redwoods. And frankly, to a lot of Californians who live here, there’s a vast part of our state that people consider “drive-through” country: the San Joaquin Valley, which stretches from the Sierra Nevada to the Coastal range, from Stockton to Bakersfield. It’s a place that – culturally, politically, and geographically – could almost be its own state. It’s “\u003ca href=\"https://www.kvpr.org/podcast/the-other-california\">The Other California\u003c/a>.” That’s the name of a new podcast from our friends at KVPR that explores the richness of this region. Each episode takes listeners on a journey to visit a different small town. We chat with host Alice Daniel and reporter Kathleen Schock, and hear excerpts from the podcast, including a profile of an 87-year-old rodeo star, and a visit to the historically Black farmworker community of Fairmead.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"disqusTitle": "Newsom Wants to Expand Medi-Cal to All Undocumented Immigrants by 2024. Advocates Say They Need It Sooner",
"title": "Newsom Wants to Expand Medi-Cal to All Undocumented Immigrants by 2024. Advocates Say They Need It Sooner",
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"content": "\u003cp>California immigrant advocates applauded Gov. Gavin Newsom's budget proposal that would make this the first state in the nation to extend safety-net health care coverage to all residents, regardless of immigration status. But with a $97 billion surplus projected in the governor's May budget revision, they say it's time for state leaders to go even further to strengthen the social safety net for unauthorized immigrants, many of whom have played an essential role as frontline workers during the COVID-19 pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The fact that we have such a huge surplus is because we have widening inequality, because the rich did so well,\" said Alexis Castro, government affairs director at the California Immigrant Policy Center, referring to the fact that much of the surplus revenue comes from income taxes on high earnings and capital gains from investments. \"Can we use that to invest in those that were most impacted, that are at the front lines, that are really the backbone of our communities?\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But even with an unprecedented budget surplus, plans to further expand social programs will have to contend with a state spending limit approved by voters in 1979, along with uncertainty about where the state economy is headed and resistance from fiscal conservatives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since 2016, California has expanded Medi-Cal to undocumented children and, beginning this month, adults over age 50. Newsom's plan, first announced in January, would cover the last remaining group: roughly 700,000 undocumented adults, age 26 to 49, at a cost of $800 million next year and $2.7 billion in future years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the governor's Medi-Cal expansion is enacted, though, it won't take effect until 2024. Castro and other advocates want it in place sooner. They say the pandemic showed why everyone needs access to medical care, particularly the uninsured immigrants who grew, processed and distributed food, and who worked in construction, cleaning and child care through shelter-in-place orders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A USC study last year of 2020 COVID-19 deaths in California found that working-age Latino immigrants were 11 times more likely to die from the disease than U.S.-born non-Hispanic adults.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Castro's group and others back a plan by Senate Democrats to spend an extra $1 billion to accelerate the Medi-Cal expansion to June 2023.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">They also are endorsing Democrats' proposals to use the additional surplus in the following ways:\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">$284 million to expand nutrition assistance under the Food for All bill to undocumented immigrants of all ages (not just those over 55, as Newsom proposes).\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">$400 million to increase the state's \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.ftb.ca.gov/file/personal/credits/california-earned-income-tax-credit.html\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">earned income tax credit\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> to a minimum of $255 for workers who earn less than $30,000 a year.\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">An expansion of the state's young child tax credit, for families with children under 6.\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>In addition, a statewide network of more than 100 immigrant and labor advocacy groups, dubbed the Safety Net for All Coalition, is getting behind a bill, AB 2847, that would put $690 million into a pilot program to fund unemployment insurance for undocumented workers. California employers contribute to the state unemployment insurance trust fund on behalf of undocumented workers, but those workers are ineligible for its benefits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Growing up in Calexico with a single mother who was a farmworker, Castro said he experienced firsthand the importance of the social safety net when his mom lost her job.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I know what it's like to need these services — what it's like to need food assistance, unemployment benefits, Medi-Cal — to be able to not so much thrive, but to be able to survive,\" he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11914810\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/GettyImages-1232637005-scaled.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11914810\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/GettyImages-1232637005-800x533.jpg\" alt='Amid a crowd of people wearing caps and face masks, one person wearing a black hoodie with the word \"justice\" in rainbow colors holds a sign reading \"Reforma Migratoria Ahora!\"' width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/GettyImages-1232637005-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/GettyImages-1232637005-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/GettyImages-1232637005-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/GettyImages-1232637005-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/GettyImages-1232637005-2048x1365.jpg 2048w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/GettyImages-1232637005-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Latino immigrant children call for immigration reform as a coalition of activist groups and labor unions participate in a May Day march for workers' and human rights in Los Angeles, on May 1, 2021. \u003ccite>(DAVID MCNEW/AFP via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In California, 1 in 4 residents was born in another country, and roughly 2 million Californians are unauthorized immigrants — most of whom have been here for over a decade and have no clear way to obtain legal status. Lawmakers have gradually made more state benefits available to these immigrants, who are denied many federal services. Access to everything from college financial aid to legal services to pandemic relief has been the result of persistent organizing by pro-immigrant advocacy groups in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eduardo Garcia, senior policy manager with the Latino Community Foundation, is calling on the governor to embrace the Senate Democrats' proposals to target funding to the state's lower-income residents, including unauthorized immigrants, rather than use $11.5 billion for a gas tax rebate for all vehicle owners, as Newsom proposed in the May budget revision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We actually see that as a missed opportunity to help some of the most vulnerable Californians, many of whom we know don't own a vehicle,\" said Garcia. \"We actually think there are other initiatives to help reduce poverty in the state that must be taken seriously into consideration in time for the final budget.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 1979 spending restriction, known as the Gann limit, is likely to be a huge hurdle. It says the state may not spend more per capita than it did in 1978, adjusted for inflation. There are some exceptions, including for infrastructure and tax rebates. But the state's legislative analyst says Newsom's current budget proposal is already $3.5 billion over the limit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The surplus is so large that it's putting us up against, if not over, this proposition for state appropriations,\" said Gabriel Petek, the legislative analyst. \"In our judgment, that's going to force the Legislature to have to make some trade-offs.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The gas tax rebate isn't affected by the Gann limit, he said, but spending more on the social safety net will only make the imbalance worse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"If the Legislature wanted to increase spending on some social services, our recommendation would be for them to consider reducing other types of services,\" he said. \"It is a difficult set of choices.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Beyond that, lawmakers and the governor need to keep an eye on the overall economy, which Petek says is at risk of falling into a recession, as the U.S. Federal Reserve raises interest rates in an effort to rein in inflation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If Californians' incomes drop in the coming year, tax revenues will, too, forcing cuts to programs that were expanded when times were flush, pointed out Andrew Pederson, capitol director for Govern for California, a nonprofit organization working to counter the influence of special interests in Sacramento.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It's not comfortable to fall off a fiscal cliff,\" said Pederson. \"That's where programs funded with one-time funding tend to fold up and people are left empty-handed. So we tend to take a more conservative approach when it comes to these things.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republican consultant Mike Madrid argues that a lot of the unexpected revenue should be refunded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"California, unfortunately, I think, is becoming a state with a tax system that is overly reliant on very high-income earners and is extraordinarily generous to very low-income earners,\" he said. \"I do think with this size of a surplus, there needs to be some sort of rebate or refund back to the taxpayers who paid it.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Madrid also said the pandemic showed the importance of providing health care for all Californians, even at taxpayer expense.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We've learned: contagion, public health — it's all intertwined. Viruses don't care if you're undocumented or not,\" he said. \"We also, I think, realize that there's some benefit to ensuring that everybody in our society around us, regardless of status, is healthy.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As state lawmakers hammer out their version of a budget bill this month and then negotiate with the governor on a version he's willing to sign by the June 30 deadline, the debate over extending services to undocumented immigrants builds on a political consensus that's been growing for more than a decade: that immigrants, regardless of status, are an integral part of California's economic and social fabric.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"California is actually leading in a lot of ways,\" said Garcia. \"But at the same time, we have a historic budget surplus. We can afford to include these essential workers in the safety net. … We think that this budget has to reflect the values that we have as a state.\"\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "Advocates for undocumented immigrants are fighting for bills that would strengthen the social safety net for people who were essential frontline workers during the COVID-19 pandemic.",
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"title": "Newsom Wants to Expand Medi-Cal to All Undocumented Immigrants by 2024. Advocates Say They Need It Sooner | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>California immigrant advocates applauded Gov. Gavin Newsom's budget proposal that would make this the first state in the nation to extend safety-net health care coverage to all residents, regardless of immigration status. But with a $97 billion surplus projected in the governor's May budget revision, they say it's time for state leaders to go even further to strengthen the social safety net for unauthorized immigrants, many of whom have played an essential role as frontline workers during the COVID-19 pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The fact that we have such a huge surplus is because we have widening inequality, because the rich did so well,\" said Alexis Castro, government affairs director at the California Immigrant Policy Center, referring to the fact that much of the surplus revenue comes from income taxes on high earnings and capital gains from investments. \"Can we use that to invest in those that were most impacted, that are at the front lines, that are really the backbone of our communities?\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But even with an unprecedented budget surplus, plans to further expand social programs will have to contend with a state spending limit approved by voters in 1979, along with uncertainty about where the state economy is headed and resistance from fiscal conservatives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since 2016, California has expanded Medi-Cal to undocumented children and, beginning this month, adults over age 50. Newsom's plan, first announced in January, would cover the last remaining group: roughly 700,000 undocumented adults, age 26 to 49, at a cost of $800 million next year and $2.7 billion in future years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the governor's Medi-Cal expansion is enacted, though, it won't take effect until 2024. Castro and other advocates want it in place sooner. They say the pandemic showed why everyone needs access to medical care, particularly the uninsured immigrants who grew, processed and distributed food, and who worked in construction, cleaning and child care through shelter-in-place orders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A USC study last year of 2020 COVID-19 deaths in California found that working-age Latino immigrants were 11 times more likely to die from the disease than U.S.-born non-Hispanic adults.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Castro's group and others back a plan by Senate Democrats to spend an extra $1 billion to accelerate the Medi-Cal expansion to June 2023.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">They also are endorsing Democrats' proposals to use the additional surplus in the following ways:\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">$284 million to expand nutrition assistance under the Food for All bill to undocumented immigrants of all ages (not just those over 55, as Newsom proposes).\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">$400 million to increase the state's \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.ftb.ca.gov/file/personal/credits/california-earned-income-tax-credit.html\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">earned income tax credit\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> to a minimum of $255 for workers who earn less than $30,000 a year.\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">An expansion of the state's young child tax credit, for families with children under 6.\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>In addition, a statewide network of more than 100 immigrant and labor advocacy groups, dubbed the Safety Net for All Coalition, is getting behind a bill, AB 2847, that would put $690 million into a pilot program to fund unemployment insurance for undocumented workers. California employers contribute to the state unemployment insurance trust fund on behalf of undocumented workers, but those workers are ineligible for its benefits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Growing up in Calexico with a single mother who was a farmworker, Castro said he experienced firsthand the importance of the social safety net when his mom lost her job.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I know what it's like to need these services — what it's like to need food assistance, unemployment benefits, Medi-Cal — to be able to not so much thrive, but to be able to survive,\" he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11914810\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/GettyImages-1232637005-scaled.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11914810\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/GettyImages-1232637005-800x533.jpg\" alt='Amid a crowd of people wearing caps and face masks, one person wearing a black hoodie with the word \"justice\" in rainbow colors holds a sign reading \"Reforma Migratoria Ahora!\"' width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/GettyImages-1232637005-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/GettyImages-1232637005-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/GettyImages-1232637005-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/GettyImages-1232637005-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/GettyImages-1232637005-2048x1365.jpg 2048w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/GettyImages-1232637005-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Latino immigrant children call for immigration reform as a coalition of activist groups and labor unions participate in a May Day march for workers' and human rights in Los Angeles, on May 1, 2021. \u003ccite>(DAVID MCNEW/AFP via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In California, 1 in 4 residents was born in another country, and roughly 2 million Californians are unauthorized immigrants — most of whom have been here for over a decade and have no clear way to obtain legal status. Lawmakers have gradually made more state benefits available to these immigrants, who are denied many federal services. Access to everything from college financial aid to legal services to pandemic relief has been the result of persistent organizing by pro-immigrant advocacy groups in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eduardo Garcia, senior policy manager with the Latino Community Foundation, is calling on the governor to embrace the Senate Democrats' proposals to target funding to the state's lower-income residents, including unauthorized immigrants, rather than use $11.5 billion for a gas tax rebate for all vehicle owners, as Newsom proposed in the May budget revision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We actually see that as a missed opportunity to help some of the most vulnerable Californians, many of whom we know don't own a vehicle,\" said Garcia. \"We actually think there are other initiatives to help reduce poverty in the state that must be taken seriously into consideration in time for the final budget.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 1979 spending restriction, known as the Gann limit, is likely to be a huge hurdle. It says the state may not spend more per capita than it did in 1978, adjusted for inflation. There are some exceptions, including for infrastructure and tax rebates. But the state's legislative analyst says Newsom's current budget proposal is already $3.5 billion over the limit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The surplus is so large that it's putting us up against, if not over, this proposition for state appropriations,\" said Gabriel Petek, the legislative analyst. \"In our judgment, that's going to force the Legislature to have to make some trade-offs.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The gas tax rebate isn't affected by the Gann limit, he said, but spending more on the social safety net will only make the imbalance worse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"If the Legislature wanted to increase spending on some social services, our recommendation would be for them to consider reducing other types of services,\" he said. \"It is a difficult set of choices.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Beyond that, lawmakers and the governor need to keep an eye on the overall economy, which Petek says is at risk of falling into a recession, as the U.S. Federal Reserve raises interest rates in an effort to rein in inflation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If Californians' incomes drop in the coming year, tax revenues will, too, forcing cuts to programs that were expanded when times were flush, pointed out Andrew Pederson, capitol director for Govern for California, a nonprofit organization working to counter the influence of special interests in Sacramento.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It's not comfortable to fall off a fiscal cliff,\" said Pederson. \"That's where programs funded with one-time funding tend to fold up and people are left empty-handed. So we tend to take a more conservative approach when it comes to these things.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republican consultant Mike Madrid argues that a lot of the unexpected revenue should be refunded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"California, unfortunately, I think, is becoming a state with a tax system that is overly reliant on very high-income earners and is extraordinarily generous to very low-income earners,\" he said. \"I do think with this size of a surplus, there needs to be some sort of rebate or refund back to the taxpayers who paid it.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Madrid also said the pandemic showed the importance of providing health care for all Californians, even at taxpayer expense.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We've learned: contagion, public health — it's all intertwined. Viruses don't care if you're undocumented or not,\" he said. \"We also, I think, realize that there's some benefit to ensuring that everybody in our society around us, regardless of status, is healthy.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As state lawmakers hammer out their version of a budget bill this month and then negotiate with the governor on a version he's willing to sign by the June 30 deadline, the debate over extending services to undocumented immigrants builds on a political consensus that's been growing for more than a decade: that immigrants, regardless of status, are an integral part of California's economic and social fabric.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"California is actually leading in a lot of ways,\" said Garcia. \"But at the same time, we have a historic budget surplus. We can afford to include these essential workers in the safety net. … We think that this budget has to reflect the values that we have as a state.\"\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"http://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/the-california-report-magazine/id1314750545?mt=2\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Listen to this and more in-depth storytelling by subscribing to The California Report Magazine podcast.\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2022/05/13/how-a-santa-rosa-psych-ward-nurse-became-one-of-the-bay-areas-most-unique-bandleaders/\">How a Santa Rosa Psych Ward Nurse Became One of the Bay Area’s Most Tenacious Bandleaders\u003c/a>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp class=\"x_MsoNormal\">We’ve been bringing you stories about Californians who are finding their passions, creating connections, and lifting up their communities. A few months ago, KQED culture reporter Chloe Veltman headed out with friends to a restaurant in the Sonoma County town of Guerneville. There was a cover band\u003ci data-stringify-type=\"italic\"> \u003c/i>playing called “Suzi’s Last Resort.” Chloe was blown away by how charismatic and fun the group was, and got even more excited when she learned about the woman behind the music. How she started her showbiz career when she was pushing forty and how, at nearly eighty, she’s still at it. Chloe knew she had to track the bandleader down and bottle her magic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"description": "Listen to this and more in-depth storytelling by subscribing to The California Report Magazine podcast. How a Santa Rosa Psych Ward Nurse Became One of the Bay Area's Most Tenacious Bandleaders We’ve been bringing you stories about Californians who are finding their passions, creating connections, and lifting up their communities. A few months ago, KQED culture reporter Chloe Veltman headed out with friends to a restaurant in the Sonoma County town of Guerneville. There was a cover band playing called “Suzi’s Last Resort.” Chloe was blown away by how charismatic and fun the group was, and got even more excited when",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"http://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/the-california-report-magazine/id1314750545?mt=2\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Listen to this and more in-depth storytelling by subscribing to The California Report Magazine podcast.\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2022/05/13/how-a-santa-rosa-psych-ward-nurse-became-one-of-the-bay-areas-most-unique-bandleaders/\">How a Santa Rosa Psych Ward Nurse Became One of the Bay Area’s Most Tenacious Bandleaders\u003c/a>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp class=\"x_MsoNormal\">We’ve been bringing you stories about Californians who are finding their passions, creating connections, and lifting up their communities. A few months ago, KQED culture reporter Chloe Veltman headed out with friends to a restaurant in the Sonoma County town of Guerneville. There was a cover band\u003ci data-stringify-type=\"italic\"> \u003c/i>playing called “Suzi’s Last Resort.” Chloe was blown away by how charismatic and fun the group was, and got even more excited when she learned about the woman behind the music. How she started her showbiz career when she was pushing forty and how, at nearly eighty, she’s still at it. Chloe knew she had to track the bandleader down and bottle her magic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "para-inmigrantes-que-huyen-de-la-violencia-de-genero-el-camino-hacia-el-asilo-en-los-estados-unidos-es-largo",
"title": "Para inmigrantes que huyen de la violencia de género, el camino hacia el asilo en los Estados Unidos es largo",
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"headTitle": "Para inmigrantes que huyen de la violencia de género, el camino hacia el asilo en los Estados Unidos es largo | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11910789/for-guatemalan-women-fleeing-gender-based-violence-a-long-road-to-asylum-in-us\">Leer en inglés\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Deisy Ramírez se despertó antes del amanecer el día de su audiencia final de asilo el pasado noviembre. Estaba temblando de nervios, pero se levantó y se preparó una taza de té para calmarse. Su destino estaba en manos de uno de los jueces de inmigración más duros de San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ramírez y su abogado se habían preparado tres veces para que ella declarara, pero cada vez, la audiencia programada se pospuso debido a la pandemia del COVID-19. Revisar lo que había vivido cada vez seguía siendo algo desgarrador.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ramírez, de 24 años, creció en el altiplano rural de la provincia de San Marcos, en Guatemala. Es una de ocho hijos, y dijo que su padre a menudo golpeaba a su madre y maltrataba a sus hijas. Cuando Ramírez tenía 14 años, dijo, su padre la vendió a Ernesto y Eugenia Cinto, los propietarios de un bar donde él solía beber. Estaba a 30 minutos a pie de su casa.\u003cbr>\n[ad fullwidth]\u003cbr>\nEsta familia la aprisionó, exigiendo que cocinara, limpiara y sirviera a los clientes del bar sin pagarle. Dijo que fue obligada a mantener una relación sexual con el hijo de la pareja, Dembler Cinto, de 18 años, que la golpeaba y violaba habitualmente. Este engendró sus dos hijos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Me trataron como una esclava”, dijo. “Estuve muy asustada todo el tiempo”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ramírez es una de las miles de personas que buscan protección frente a la violencia de género en un sistema de asilo estadounidense que fue eviscerado durante la presidencia de Donald Trump y que solo ha sido restaurado parcialmente por el presidente Joe Biden.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Deisy Ramírez\"]‘Me trataron como una esclava”, dijo. “Estuve muy asustada todo el tiempo.’[/pullquote]El gobierno de Biden se está preparando para levantar el Título 42, la normativa de salud pública que se desplegó en marzo de 2020 al comienzo de la pandemia para expulsar a los solicitantes de asilo en las fronteras de los Estados Unidos. Pero el presidente Biden aún no ha cumplido su promesa de aclarar los motivos por los que las personas pueden solicitar asilo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hace más de un año, el presidente prometió una \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/presidential-actions/2021/02/02/executive-order-creating-a-comprehensive-regional-framework-to-address-the-causes-of-migration-to-manage-migration-throughout-north-and-central-america-and-to-provide-safe-and-orderly-processing/\">pauta que detallaría quién puede ser considerado miembro de un “grupo social particular”\u003c/a> (enlace sólo en inglés), una categoría de asilo ambigua que proviene de una convención internacional de refugiados de 1951. Los defensores de inmigrantes esperan que la nueva definición incluya a las personas que han sufrido violencia de género, y afirman que el retraso está poniendo a mujeres como Ramírez, que han huido de la persecución infligida específicamente por ser mujeres, en riesgo de sufrir más violencia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>En 2019, cuando Ramírez tenía 21 años, logró escapar de Guatemala con sus hijos, que entonces tenían 3 y 5 años.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Una vez que llegó a San Francisco, Ramírez pasó seis meses buscando un abogado que la ayudara a presentar su caso ante el tribunal de inmigración. Finalmente, encontró ayuda gratuita en el \u003ca href=\"https://www.centrolegal.org/?lang=es\">Centro Legal de la Raza\u003c/a>, una organización sin fines de lucro de Oakland, \u003ca href=\"https://trac.syr.edu/phptools/immigration/asyfile/\">una asistencia crucial de la que carecen muchos solicitantes de asilo\u003c/a> (enlace sólo en inglés).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mónica Valencia, su abogada del Centro Legal, reforzó la solicitud de asilo de Ramírez con más de 500 páginas de documentos, incluyendo informes sobre las condiciones del país y declaraciones juradas de expertos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pero mientras se preparaba para ir al tribunal la tensa madrugada del 17 de noviembre, Ramírez sabía que tendría que contar su historia en voz alta y pedir protección al juez Joseph Park.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Park fue nombrado juez en 2017 por el entonces fiscal general Jeff Sessions. En sus primeros tres años como juez, \u003ca href=\"https://trac.syr.edu/immigration/reports/judgereports/00526SFR/index.html\">Park denegó casi el 87% de los casos de asilo que se le presentaron\u003c/a> (enlace sólo en inglés), mucho más que la tasa promedio de denegación del 67% a nivel nacional.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Según la ley de asilo estadounidense, Ramírez tendría que convencer a Park de tener un temor bien fundado a la persecución en Guatemala por uno de los cinco motivos: raza, religión, nacionalidad, opinión política o pertenecer a un grupo social determinado, y además tendría que demostrar que su gobierno tuvo responsabilidad en esta persecución o no la había protegido.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Valencia presentó el testimonio de un experto en el caso de Ramírez, demostrando que la violencia doméstica, la violación, \u003ca href=\"https://apps.who.int/iris/bitstream/handle/10665/77421/WHO_RHR_12.38_eng.pdf\">el feminicidio\u003c/a> (enlace sólo en inglés) y el matrimonio forzado, incluyendo a los padres que venden a sus hijas para que se casen a temprana edad, son prácticas comunes en Guatemala y se tratan con impunidad.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Karen Musalo, Directora del Centro de Estudios sobre Género y Refugiados de la Facultad de Derecho UC Hastings\"]‘La idea de la protección de los refugiados es que la comunidad internacional protege a las personas cuando su gobierno les falla.’[/pullquote]Ella basó el caso en parte en un fallo anterior, conocido como \u003ca href=\"https://harvardlawreview.org/wp-content/uploads/2015/05/Matter-of-ARCG.pdf\">Matter of ARCG\u003c/a> (enlace sólo en inglés), el cual catalogó a las mujeres guatemaltecas que huían de la violencia doméstica como miembros de un grupo social particular con motivos para solicitar asilo. Pero ese argumento iba en contra de la manera en que se interpretó la ley de asilo durante el mandato de Trump.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>En 2018, \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/eoir/page/file/1070866/download\">Sessions anuló esa norma y dictaminó\u003c/a> (enlace sólo en inglés) que la violencia doméstica, y otras “actividades criminales privadas”, no eran generalmente motivo de asilo. Un grupo de jueces de inmigración jubilados calificó el fallo de Sessions como “\u003ca href=\"https://www.aila.org/infonet/retired-ijs-and-former-members-of-the-bia-issue\">una afrenta al estado de derecho\u003c/a>” (enlace sólo en inglés). Los académicos dicen \u003ca href=\"https://www.americanbar.org/groups/crsj/publications/human_rights_magazine_home/immigration/the-history-and-future-of-gender-asylum-law/\">que revocó más de tres décadas de derecho estadounidense e internacional de refugiados\u003c/a> (enlace sólo en inglés) que reconoce a víctimas de la violencia de género como elegibles para la protección.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Antes se pensaba que las cosas que le ocurrían a la gente en la intimidad de sus hogares no eran motivo de preocupación para los derechos humanos”, dijo Karen Musalo, directora del Centro de Estudios de Género y Refugiados de la Facultad de Derecho de la Universidad de California Hastings. “Así que las mujeres podían morir quemadas, golpeadas y asesinadas”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pero desde la década de los 80, la comprensión de los derechos humanos ha evolucionado para reconocer que “los derechos de las mujeres son derechos humanos y los gobiernos tienen la responsabilidad de proteger los derechos humanos de sus ciudadanos”, dijo Musalo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“La idea de protección a refugiados es que la comunidad internacional proteja a las personas cuando su gobierno les falla”, añadió.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>En junio del 2021, Merrick Garland, el fiscal general del presidente Biden, \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/asg/page/file/1404826/download\">revocó las decisiones de Sessions sobre la violencia doméstica\u003c/a> (enlace sólo en inglés). Y en el último año, los jueces de inmigración, incluido Park, \u003ca href=\"https://trac.syr.edu/immigration/reports/667/\">han aprobado una mayor proporción de solicitudes de asilo\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"news_11859436\" hero=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/Honduras-Road-Main-1020x581-1.jpg\"]Sin embargo, las decisiones jurídicas sobre el asilo aún pueden verse influidas por las inclinaciones políticas de futuros gobiernos. Esto se debe a que los tribunales de inmigración no son independientes del Departamento de Justicia, y además, \u003ca href=\"https://lawreview.law.miami.edu/wp-content/uploads/2016/06/em_Matter-of-A-R-C-G-__em_-and-Domestic-Violence-Asylum_-A-Glimmer-of-Hope-Amidst-a-Continuing-Need-for-Reform.pdf\">el gobierno aún no define claramente\u003c/a> (enlace sólo en inglés) la categoría de asilo, “grupo social particular”. Está \u003ca href=\"https://lawreview.law.miami.edu/wp-content/uploads/2016/06/em_Matter-of-A-R-C-G-__em_-and-Domestic-Violence-Asylum_-A-Glimmer-of-Hope-Amidst-a-Continuing-Need-for-Reform.pdf\">mal definida\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>En su segunda semana en el cargo, \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/presidential-actions/2021/02/02/executive-order-creating-a-comprehensive-regional-framework-to-address-the-causes-of-migration-to-manage-migration-throughout-north-and-central-america-and-to-provide-safe-and-orderly-processing/\">Biden emitió una orden ejecutiva\u003c/a> (enlace sólo en inglés) en la que prometía revisar, en un plazo de seis meses, si las protecciones estadounidenses para las personas que huyen de la violencia doméstica o de las bandas criminales son “coherentes con las normas internacionales.” La orden \u003ca href=\"https://www.reginfo.gov/public/do/eAgendaViewRule?pubId=202104&RIN=1615-AC65\">también prometía una nueva norma\u003c/a> (enlace sólo en inglés), en un plazo de nueve meses, para definir “grupo social particular”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pero más de un año después, la revisión y la norma no están a la vista, y los solicitantes de asilo como Deisy Ramírez se enfrentan a una situación turbia en los tribunales de inmigración, mientras los jueces se enfrentan a una acumulación de casos agravada por la pandemia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>El retraso en la definición de los motivos de asilo, al igual que el retraso de Biden en terminar la aplicación del Título 42 en la frontera, refleja una tensión entre aquellos en la administración que quieren impulsar posiciones humanitarias, y aquellos que temen que el retroceso de las políticas restrictivas de la era de Trump podría perjudicar a los demócratas en las elecciones intermedias al Congreso, dijo Musalo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11912965\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1020px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11912965\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS55043_IMG_4347-qut-1-1020x729-1.jpg\" alt=\"Una mujer con un abrigo blanco está sentada en un parque para niños.\" width=\"1020\" height=\"729\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS55043_IMG_4347-qut-1-1020x729-1.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS55043_IMG_4347-qut-1-1020x729-1-800x572.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS55043_IMG_4347-qut-1-1020x729-1-160x114.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1020px) 100vw, 1020px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Deisy Ramírez dice que sus hijos le dieron la fuerza para liberarse de una relación abusiva en la que estaba retenida contra su voluntad. \u003ccite>(Tyche Hendricks/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Revivir el trauma en los tribunales\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Ramírez se preparaba para su día en el tribunal, no seguía estas sutilezas legales y políticas. Sólo sabía que ella y sus hijos habían sufrido horrores en Guatemala y que habían huido a los Estados Unidos en busca de seguridad.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Fue la decisión más difícil que he tomado”, dijo. “Pensé, ‘¿Qué voy a hacer si me encuentran? Me van a matar, y podrían matar a los niños, podrían hacerles daño, podrían venderlos'”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>La mañana de su audiencia, Ramírez se puso una falda larga y floreada, se peinó su pelo castaño que le llegaba hasta la cintura y consiguió que la llevaran al juzgado ubicado en el centro de San Francisco. Pasó por el detector de metales y tomó el ascensor hasta el cuarto piso. El tribunal estaba vacío, salvo por dos abogados y un asistente de su equipo jurídico. Ramírez también me había permitido asistir a esta sensible audiencia que cambiaría su vida.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Un empleado inició un enlace de vídeo que conectaría al juez y al intérprete del tribunal, y marcó la línea telefónica para el fiscal del Servicio de Inmigración y Control de Aduanas de Estados Unidos (ICE, por sus siglas en inglés). Luego volvió a caminar por el pasillo vacío hacia su oficina.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>El revestimiento de madera color marrón de las paredes de la sala estaba rayado y arañado. En el respaldo de uno de los bancos de madera para espectadores, alguien había grabado las palabras “amor” y “feliz”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Park apareció en un gran monitor de vídeo y explicó el procedimiento. Su voz estaba distorsionada, como si hablara desde el fondo de una piscina, pero cuando la intérprete repetía sus palabras en español, su voz era clara.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Durante la siguiente hora y media, Valencia guió a Ramírez a través de su desgarrador testimonio.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“¿Por qué cree que su padre la vendió a la familia Cinto?”, preguntó Valencia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Mi padre me dijo que nosotras, como mujeres, no valíamos nada”, respondió Ramírez. “Y que le pertenecíamos como su propiedad”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“¿Estás casada con Dembler Cinto?”, preguntó Valencia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Deisy Ramírez\"]‘No quería que [mis hijos] sufrieran lo mismo que yo, porque eso te marca, de verdad, para toda la vida.’[/pullquote]“No. Cuando tenía 14 años me obligaron a estar con él”, dijo Ramírez. “Sus padres me dijeron, cuando mi padre me dejó, que sería su mujer”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“¿Qué tipo de palabras usaba cuando abusaba de ti?”, preguntó Valencia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Dijo que las mujeres habían nacido para servir a los hombres”, respondió Ramírez, con la voz quebrada. “Dijo que yo era una puta y que era su esclava”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“¿Alguna vez hubo marcas físicas en tu cuerpo?”, preguntó la abogada.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Sí, cada vez que me hacía daño tenía moretones en las piernas y en los brazos, en la cintura y en la cara”, respondió Ramírez. “Me sangraba la nariz y la boca”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ramírez describió años de servidumbre forzada, lenguaje degradante y palizas y violaciones regulares. Dijo que se le exigía que llevara poca ropa cuando trabajaba en el bar, donde los hombres le tocaban el cuerpo. En algunas ocasiones, dijo, llegaron agentes de policía y bebieron en el bar.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Podían ver que era una niña de 14 años que estaba golpeada”, dijo Ramírez. “Y nunca intentaron ayudar”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Además, nunca había visto a la policía ayudar a las mujeres maltratadas. Cuando Ramírez aún vivía en su casa, dijo que su madre había acudido a la policía tras recibir una paliza sangrienta de su padre, pero los agentes dijeron que era un asunto doméstico y no intervinieron, al igual que ignoraron a otras mujeres del barrio que sufrían abusos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ramírez dijo que normalmente la encerraban en la casa y que Dembler Cinto la amenazaba con que si alguna vez le contaba a alguien sobre el trato que recibía o intentaba irse, la mataría y le haría daño a los niños.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>El relato de las experiencias traumáticas fue agotador. Para ayudarla a mantenerse firme, me dijo Ramírez más tarde, Valencia le había enseñado ejercicios de respiración.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Siempre terminaba nuestras conversaciones con un ejercicio para que yo supiera que estaba en un lugar seguro”, dijo Ramírez. “Sus palabras me ayudaron mucho”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Son técnicas de enraizamiento para volver a tu cuerpo”, dijo Valencia, que practica la meditación.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ramírez dijo que la práctica la ayudó a reunir el valor para contar su historia en el tribunal. Pero su mayor valor lo encontró tres años antes, cuando escapó de la familia Cinto.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11912964\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1020px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11912964\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS55044_IMG_4382-qut-1020x728-1.jpg\" alt=\"Una madre ve a sus pequeñas hijas jugar en un parque. La madre sonríe.\" width=\"1020\" height=\"728\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS55044_IMG_4382-qut-1020x728-1.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS55044_IMG_4382-qut-1020x728-1-800x571.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS55044_IMG_4382-qut-1020x728-1-160x114.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1020px) 100vw, 1020px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Deisy Ramírez observa a sus hijos jugar en un parque infantil en San Francisco el 22 de noviembre de 2021. “Sólo se es niño una vez”, dice Ramírez, que pasó gran parte de su propia infancia en régimen de servidumbre. \u003ccite>(Tyche Hendricks/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>La fuga\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Fueron sus hijas, Stefany y Alexis, quienes le dieron la fuerza para liberarse, dijo. Cuando pasaron de ser bebés a niños, su padre se volvió cada vez más abusivo, azotándolas con un cinturón.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Era muy difícil ver cómo les pegaba, cómo les hablaba”, dijo. “No quería que sufrieran lo mismo que yo, porque eso te deja cicatrices, realmente, para toda la vida”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mientras sus hijas crecían, Ramírez también se transformó de ser una adolescente a una mujer. Una mañana vio su oportunidad y la aprovechó.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Deisy Ramírez\"]‘Me dije: Es hoy. Si no lo intento hoy, ¿entonces cuándo?’[/pullquote]“Me dije: ‘Es hoy. Si no lo intento hoy, ¿entonces cuándo?'”, dijo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ese día de febrero del 2019, dijo que Dembler Cinto y su padre habían salido a comprar licor para surtir el bar y su madre estaba de compras. Con una hora rara a solas, Ramírez dijo que tomó un fajo de dinero en efectivo de Dembler, agarró a las niñas y se subieron a una camioneta que tenía una ruta diaria que conducía a los pobladores a Coatepeque, una ciudad más grande ubicada a 40 minutos de distancia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A partir de ahí, mi idea era llegar a México. Porque si me quedo en Guatemala, me van a encontrar más rápido”, me dijo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Al principio, Ramírez tenía mucho miedo de hablar con la gente. Tocaba las puertas y se ofrecía a lavar la ropa a cambio de comida o dinero. A veces, ella y las niñas dormían en las estaciones de autobús bajo tan sólo con una cobija. Pero también conocieron a extraños amables que les ayudaron, y Ramírez dijo que se dió cuenta de que había gente en la que podía confiar.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ramírez compró un teléfono móvil y llamó a su madre. Era la primera vez que hablaban en años, y se enteró de que varios de sus hermanos se habían trasladado a San Francisco, huyendo de la violencia en su país en cuanto pudieron salir.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Mi madre me dio el número de mi hermana porque sabía que necesitaba ayuda”, dijo.\u003cbr>\nAsí que Ramírez se fue rumbo a la frontera entre Estados Unidos y México, y cuando llegó allí, les dio el número de teléfono de su hermana a los agentes fronterizos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Mi hermana les dijo que tenía una habitación donde mis hijas y yo podíamos quedarnos. Fue como si se cayera el cielo, porque realmente no tenía ni idea de lo que iba a hacer”, dijo Ramírez. “Pero ella nos abrió las puertas. Y luego me ayudó a encontrar trabajo y a empezar a estabilizarme”.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Asilo concedido\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Al concluir la audiencia de asilo, Valencia se centró en unos últimos puntos cruciales para probar su caso ante el juez.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“¿Alguna vez pidió ayuda?”, preguntó la abogada.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No”, dijo Ramírez. “Tenía miedo de que si volvía a casa, mi padre me llevaría de nuevo con la familia Cinto. Decía que eran mis dueños”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ramírez explicó que no tenía ninguna base para confiar en que las autoridades locales la protegerían, y que no creía que pudiera estar segura en ningún lugar de Guatemala.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“En Guatemala se trata mal a las mujeres”, dijo Ramírez.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>La fiscal del ICE, Juliet Boss, dijo que no iba a interrogar a Ramírez, lo cual sorprendió a Valencia\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Ella ha cubierto todo”, dijo Boss al juez.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dijo que si Ramírez ganaba su caso, el gobierno no apelaría. Esto concuerda con las \u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/doclib/about/offices/opla/OPLA-immigration-enforcement_interim-guidance.pdf\">directrices de la administración Biden\u003c/a> (enlace sólo en inglés) del año pasado, en las que se pedía a los abogados del ICE que usaran su discreción para decidir a quién procesar, pero no era lo que el equipo del Centro Legal esperaba de los normalmente agresivos fiscales del ICE.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"news_11856583\" hero=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/01/Oakland-Mam-Aguilar-1020x680-1.jpg\"]Luego llegó el turno del juez. Ramírez y sus abogados miraron el monitor de vídeo en el que Park estaba sentado con su toga negra. De los 40 jueces del tribunal de San Francisco, sabían que él era uno de los menos propensos a conceder el asilo. Si Ramírez perdía, podría ser deportada.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Señora, hemos escuchado su testimonio”, dijo Park. “El tribunal ha determinado que usted es elegible y merece asilo a discreción del tribunal. Así que usted y sus hijos serán asilados en los Estados Unidos”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tras un agradecimiento de Ramírez y unas cuantas formalidades, la señal de vídeo se apagó. Ramírez y sus abogados se quedaron solos en la sala. Se levantaron y se abrazaron. Todos lloraron.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Gracias, gracias, gracias”, dijo Ramírez. “Son realmente personas muy especiales”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Las mujeres recogieron sus abrigos, sus documentos y pasaron por delante de los guardias de seguridad y salieron a la calle. Mientras se dirigían a una cafetería Peet’s cercana para celebrarlo, comenzaron a charlar.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Estaba nerviosa por este juez”, dijo Valencia. “El caso de Deisy es el más fuerte de asilo que he argumentado, pero él tiene fama de ser duro”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Y añadió: “Nunca había estado frente a un fiscal del ICE que se negara a interrogar”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>En el mostrador, Ramírez pidió un chocolate caliente con crema batida.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Era el tercer caso de asilo que el equipo de Centro Legal ganaba en sólo cuatro días, dijo la colega de Valencia, Abby Sullivan Engen, y probablemente el resultado de las interpretaciones más generosas de la ley de asilo por parte de la administración Biden.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unas semanas más tarde, otra clienta, también una mujer que huía de la violencia de género en Guatemala, obtuvo el asilo de un juez de inmigración de San Francisco igualmente duro.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Iris Diéguez declaró que estuvo casada con un policía guatemalteco que la violó y amenazó y que, cuando consiguió una orden de alejamiento, los compañeros de su marido se negaban a hacer cumplir la orden.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>La jueza Julie Nelson reconoció que Diéguez debía haberse sentido frustrada ya que llevaba esperando su día en el tribunal desde el 2013.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Pero”, le dijo a Engen, la abogada, “puede funcionar a su favor, dados los cambios en la ley”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Al concluir la audiencia, Nelson explicó su razonamiento a Diéguez.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Usted ha argumentado que fue perjudicada porque formaba parte del grupo social de mujeres guatemaltecas… sí encuentro que es un grupo social particular reconocible, basado en la ley”, dijo. “Y sí encuentro que usted testificó de manera creíble que [su esposo] y otros la trataron de la manera en que lo hicieron debido a su animadversión hacia las mujeres guatemaltecas y a usted como mujer guatemalteca”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Entonces Nelson concedió asilo a Diéguez y a su hija.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ramírez y Diéguez tienen ahora la seguridad de saber que pueden vivir permanentemente en los Estados Unidos. Pero los defensores dicen que hay demasiados solicitantes de asilo que se quedan sin saber cuáles son sus posibilidades de protección, porque el gobierno de Biden no ha emitido la norma que prometió en febrero de 2021 para aclarar los motivos de asilo basados en la pertenencia a un “grupo social particular”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Creo que será más claro para los solicitantes y será más claro para los adjudicatarios”, dijo Musalo. “Hará que las cosas funcionen mejor”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11912963\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1020px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11912963\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS55045_IMG_4334-copy-qut-1020x729-1.jpg\" alt=\"Una madre ve a sus pequeñas hijas jugar en un parque.\" width=\"1020\" height=\"729\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS55045_IMG_4334-copy-qut-1020x729-1.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS55045_IMG_4334-copy-qut-1020x729-1-800x572.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS55045_IMG_4334-copy-qut-1020x729-1-160x114.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1020px) 100vw, 1020px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Deisy Ramírez dice que la protección del asilo le permitirá centrarse en reconstruir su vida y crear un hogar seguro para sus hijas. \u003ccite>(Tyche Hendricks/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Una mejor vida en San Francisco\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Ahora que ya tiene asilo, y pronto una tarjeta de residencia que la establece como residente permanente en los Estados Unidos, Ramírez puede evaluar la nueva vida que está construyendo para su familia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Me reuní con ella unos días después de la audiencia de asilo en su casa del distrito Bayview de San Francisco, y nos dirigimos a un parque cercano.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mientras caminábamos por la calle bajo el sol otoñal, Stefany y Alexis, que ahora tienen 8 y 6 años, brincaban por delante. Las niñas se detuvieron para admirar una procesión de hormigas que escalaban por el tronco de un árbol, y luego se echaron a correr cuando llegamos al parque infantil.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label='Más en español' tag='kqed-en-espanol']“Son inseparables”, dijo Ramírez. “No sé si es por lo que han pasado, pero lo hacen todo juntas”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mientras caminábamos, Ramírez empujaba un cochecito (también conocido como una carriola). Sus hijas tienen ahora una hermanita, Irma. Nos sentamos en un banco del parque, y ella rebotaba a la bebé sobre sus piernas y me contó cómo conoció al padre de Irma.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>En San Francisco, Ramírez comenzó a asistir a la iglesia de su hermana. Allí conoció a otros guatemaltecos, entre ellos a Cristian Aguilar, un joven que había sido compañero de juegos de su infancia en su pueblo de San José Chibuj. Ramírez dice que Aguilar se convirtió en un amigo de confianza. Con el tiempo, su vínculo se convirtió en amor y se casaron.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Al principio fue muy difícil”, dijo. “Pero siempre me dio una sensación de seguridad. Y es maravilloso con mis hijas. Se sienten muy cómodas con él”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Aguilar trabaja como mensajero médico, llevando sangre entre hospitales y clínicas. El costo de la vida en San Francisco es elevado, pero se las arreglan compartiendo la casa de cuatro dormitorios con sus padres y hermanos, lo que hace que el hogar sea de 10 personas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Esperan tener su lugar propio algún día, y Ramírez, que sólo estudió hasta el séptimo grado en Guatemala, espera eventualmente volver a la escuela y encontrar un buen trabajo. Sabe que en éste país es difícil mantener a una familia con un solo ingreso.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Por ahora, sin embargo, Ramírez está enfocada en recuperarse. Ha acudido a un psicólogo y está estableciendo relaciones con sus hermanos y su madre, que, según ella, sigue sufriendo abusos en su país. Ramírez no ha hablado con su padre, así que quizá nunca sepa por qué la vendió a los Cinto. Tal vez fue una forma de cubrir su cuenta de bar, dijo. Sólo quiere dejar todo atrás.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lo más importante para Ramírez es el bienestar de sus hijos, y sabe que eso está relacionado con su propia condición de mujer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Aquí, en Estados Unidos, las mujeres son libres, son iguales, pueden hacer cualquier cosa”, dijo. “Aquí tengo oportunidades que serían imposibles en Guatemala. Y mi hija, mis hijos, estarán seguros aquí”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Las lleva al parque infantil casi todos los días.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Quiero que sus mentes estén en paz para que puedan disfrutar de su infancia”, dijo. “Porque sólo se es niño una vez en la vida. Y creo que merecen ser felices”.\u003c/p>\n\u003chr>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Este artículo fue traducido por la periodista, \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/soytapatia\">María Peña\u003c/a> y editado por el periodista, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/ccabreralomeli\">Carlos Cabrera-Lomelí\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"title": "Para inmigrantes que huyen de la violencia de género, el camino hacia el asilo en los Estados Unidos es largo | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11910789/for-guatemalan-women-fleeing-gender-based-violence-a-long-road-to-asylum-in-us\">Leer en inglés\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Deisy Ramírez se despertó antes del amanecer el día de su audiencia final de asilo el pasado noviembre. Estaba temblando de nervios, pero se levantó y se preparó una taza de té para calmarse. Su destino estaba en manos de uno de los jueces de inmigración más duros de San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ramírez y su abogado se habían preparado tres veces para que ella declarara, pero cada vez, la audiencia programada se pospuso debido a la pandemia del COVID-19. Revisar lo que había vivido cada vez seguía siendo algo desgarrador.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ramírez, de 24 años, creció en el altiplano rural de la provincia de San Marcos, en Guatemala. Es una de ocho hijos, y dijo que su padre a menudo golpeaba a su madre y maltrataba a sus hijas. Cuando Ramírez tenía 14 años, dijo, su padre la vendió a Ernesto y Eugenia Cinto, los propietarios de un bar donde él solía beber. Estaba a 30 minutos a pie de su casa.\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cbr>\nEsta familia la aprisionó, exigiendo que cocinara, limpiara y sirviera a los clientes del bar sin pagarle. Dijo que fue obligada a mantener una relación sexual con el hijo de la pareja, Dembler Cinto, de 18 años, que la golpeaba y violaba habitualmente. Este engendró sus dos hijos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Me trataron como una esclava”, dijo. “Estuve muy asustada todo el tiempo”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ramírez es una de las miles de personas que buscan protección frente a la violencia de género en un sistema de asilo estadounidense que fue eviscerado durante la presidencia de Donald Trump y que solo ha sido restaurado parcialmente por el presidente Joe Biden.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>El gobierno de Biden se está preparando para levantar el Título 42, la normativa de salud pública que se desplegó en marzo de 2020 al comienzo de la pandemia para expulsar a los solicitantes de asilo en las fronteras de los Estados Unidos. Pero el presidente Biden aún no ha cumplido su promesa de aclarar los motivos por los que las personas pueden solicitar asilo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hace más de un año, el presidente prometió una \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/presidential-actions/2021/02/02/executive-order-creating-a-comprehensive-regional-framework-to-address-the-causes-of-migration-to-manage-migration-throughout-north-and-central-america-and-to-provide-safe-and-orderly-processing/\">pauta que detallaría quién puede ser considerado miembro de un “grupo social particular”\u003c/a> (enlace sólo en inglés), una categoría de asilo ambigua que proviene de una convención internacional de refugiados de 1951. Los defensores de inmigrantes esperan que la nueva definición incluya a las personas que han sufrido violencia de género, y afirman que el retraso está poniendo a mujeres como Ramírez, que han huido de la persecución infligida específicamente por ser mujeres, en riesgo de sufrir más violencia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>En 2019, cuando Ramírez tenía 21 años, logró escapar de Guatemala con sus hijos, que entonces tenían 3 y 5 años.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Una vez que llegó a San Francisco, Ramírez pasó seis meses buscando un abogado que la ayudara a presentar su caso ante el tribunal de inmigración. Finalmente, encontró ayuda gratuita en el \u003ca href=\"https://www.centrolegal.org/?lang=es\">Centro Legal de la Raza\u003c/a>, una organización sin fines de lucro de Oakland, \u003ca href=\"https://trac.syr.edu/phptools/immigration/asyfile/\">una asistencia crucial de la que carecen muchos solicitantes de asilo\u003c/a> (enlace sólo en inglés).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mónica Valencia, su abogada del Centro Legal, reforzó la solicitud de asilo de Ramírez con más de 500 páginas de documentos, incluyendo informes sobre las condiciones del país y declaraciones juradas de expertos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pero mientras se preparaba para ir al tribunal la tensa madrugada del 17 de noviembre, Ramírez sabía que tendría que contar su historia en voz alta y pedir protección al juez Joseph Park.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Park fue nombrado juez en 2017 por el entonces fiscal general Jeff Sessions. En sus primeros tres años como juez, \u003ca href=\"https://trac.syr.edu/immigration/reports/judgereports/00526SFR/index.html\">Park denegó casi el 87% de los casos de asilo que se le presentaron\u003c/a> (enlace sólo en inglés), mucho más que la tasa promedio de denegación del 67% a nivel nacional.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Según la ley de asilo estadounidense, Ramírez tendría que convencer a Park de tener un temor bien fundado a la persecución en Guatemala por uno de los cinco motivos: raza, religión, nacionalidad, opinión política o pertenecer a un grupo social determinado, y además tendría que demostrar que su gobierno tuvo responsabilidad en esta persecución o no la había protegido.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Valencia presentó el testimonio de un experto en el caso de Ramírez, demostrando que la violencia doméstica, la violación, \u003ca href=\"https://apps.who.int/iris/bitstream/handle/10665/77421/WHO_RHR_12.38_eng.pdf\">el feminicidio\u003c/a> (enlace sólo en inglés) y el matrimonio forzado, incluyendo a los padres que venden a sus hijas para que se casen a temprana edad, son prácticas comunes en Guatemala y se tratan con impunidad.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Ella basó el caso en parte en un fallo anterior, conocido como \u003ca href=\"https://harvardlawreview.org/wp-content/uploads/2015/05/Matter-of-ARCG.pdf\">Matter of ARCG\u003c/a> (enlace sólo en inglés), el cual catalogó a las mujeres guatemaltecas que huían de la violencia doméstica como miembros de un grupo social particular con motivos para solicitar asilo. Pero ese argumento iba en contra de la manera en que se interpretó la ley de asilo durante el mandato de Trump.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>En 2018, \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/eoir/page/file/1070866/download\">Sessions anuló esa norma y dictaminó\u003c/a> (enlace sólo en inglés) que la violencia doméstica, y otras “actividades criminales privadas”, no eran generalmente motivo de asilo. Un grupo de jueces de inmigración jubilados calificó el fallo de Sessions como “\u003ca href=\"https://www.aila.org/infonet/retired-ijs-and-former-members-of-the-bia-issue\">una afrenta al estado de derecho\u003c/a>” (enlace sólo en inglés). Los académicos dicen \u003ca href=\"https://www.americanbar.org/groups/crsj/publications/human_rights_magazine_home/immigration/the-history-and-future-of-gender-asylum-law/\">que revocó más de tres décadas de derecho estadounidense e internacional de refugiados\u003c/a> (enlace sólo en inglés) que reconoce a víctimas de la violencia de género como elegibles para la protección.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Antes se pensaba que las cosas que le ocurrían a la gente en la intimidad de sus hogares no eran motivo de preocupación para los derechos humanos”, dijo Karen Musalo, directora del Centro de Estudios de Género y Refugiados de la Facultad de Derecho de la Universidad de California Hastings. “Así que las mujeres podían morir quemadas, golpeadas y asesinadas”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pero desde la década de los 80, la comprensión de los derechos humanos ha evolucionado para reconocer que “los derechos de las mujeres son derechos humanos y los gobiernos tienen la responsabilidad de proteger los derechos humanos de sus ciudadanos”, dijo Musalo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“La idea de protección a refugiados es que la comunidad internacional proteja a las personas cuando su gobierno les falla”, añadió.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>En junio del 2021, Merrick Garland, el fiscal general del presidente Biden, \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/asg/page/file/1404826/download\">revocó las decisiones de Sessions sobre la violencia doméstica\u003c/a> (enlace sólo en inglés). Y en el último año, los jueces de inmigración, incluido Park, \u003ca href=\"https://trac.syr.edu/immigration/reports/667/\">han aprobado una mayor proporción de solicitudes de asilo\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Sin embargo, las decisiones jurídicas sobre el asilo aún pueden verse influidas por las inclinaciones políticas de futuros gobiernos. Esto se debe a que los tribunales de inmigración no son independientes del Departamento de Justicia, y además, \u003ca href=\"https://lawreview.law.miami.edu/wp-content/uploads/2016/06/em_Matter-of-A-R-C-G-__em_-and-Domestic-Violence-Asylum_-A-Glimmer-of-Hope-Amidst-a-Continuing-Need-for-Reform.pdf\">el gobierno aún no define claramente\u003c/a> (enlace sólo en inglés) la categoría de asilo, “grupo social particular”. Está \u003ca href=\"https://lawreview.law.miami.edu/wp-content/uploads/2016/06/em_Matter-of-A-R-C-G-__em_-and-Domestic-Violence-Asylum_-A-Glimmer-of-Hope-Amidst-a-Continuing-Need-for-Reform.pdf\">mal definida\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>En su segunda semana en el cargo, \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/presidential-actions/2021/02/02/executive-order-creating-a-comprehensive-regional-framework-to-address-the-causes-of-migration-to-manage-migration-throughout-north-and-central-america-and-to-provide-safe-and-orderly-processing/\">Biden emitió una orden ejecutiva\u003c/a> (enlace sólo en inglés) en la que prometía revisar, en un plazo de seis meses, si las protecciones estadounidenses para las personas que huyen de la violencia doméstica o de las bandas criminales son “coherentes con las normas internacionales.” La orden \u003ca href=\"https://www.reginfo.gov/public/do/eAgendaViewRule?pubId=202104&RIN=1615-AC65\">también prometía una nueva norma\u003c/a> (enlace sólo en inglés), en un plazo de nueve meses, para definir “grupo social particular”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pero más de un año después, la revisión y la norma no están a la vista, y los solicitantes de asilo como Deisy Ramírez se enfrentan a una situación turbia en los tribunales de inmigración, mientras los jueces se enfrentan a una acumulación de casos agravada por la pandemia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>El retraso en la definición de los motivos de asilo, al igual que el retraso de Biden en terminar la aplicación del Título 42 en la frontera, refleja una tensión entre aquellos en la administración que quieren impulsar posiciones humanitarias, y aquellos que temen que el retroceso de las políticas restrictivas de la era de Trump podría perjudicar a los demócratas en las elecciones intermedias al Congreso, dijo Musalo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11912965\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1020px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11912965\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS55043_IMG_4347-qut-1-1020x729-1.jpg\" alt=\"Una mujer con un abrigo blanco está sentada en un parque para niños.\" width=\"1020\" height=\"729\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS55043_IMG_4347-qut-1-1020x729-1.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS55043_IMG_4347-qut-1-1020x729-1-800x572.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS55043_IMG_4347-qut-1-1020x729-1-160x114.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1020px) 100vw, 1020px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Deisy Ramírez dice que sus hijos le dieron la fuerza para liberarse de una relación abusiva en la que estaba retenida contra su voluntad. \u003ccite>(Tyche Hendricks/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Revivir el trauma en los tribunales\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Ramírez se preparaba para su día en el tribunal, no seguía estas sutilezas legales y políticas. Sólo sabía que ella y sus hijos habían sufrido horrores en Guatemala y que habían huido a los Estados Unidos en busca de seguridad.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Fue la decisión más difícil que he tomado”, dijo. “Pensé, ‘¿Qué voy a hacer si me encuentran? Me van a matar, y podrían matar a los niños, podrían hacerles daño, podrían venderlos'”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>La mañana de su audiencia, Ramírez se puso una falda larga y floreada, se peinó su pelo castaño que le llegaba hasta la cintura y consiguió que la llevaran al juzgado ubicado en el centro de San Francisco. Pasó por el detector de metales y tomó el ascensor hasta el cuarto piso. El tribunal estaba vacío, salvo por dos abogados y un asistente de su equipo jurídico. Ramírez también me había permitido asistir a esta sensible audiencia que cambiaría su vida.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Un empleado inició un enlace de vídeo que conectaría al juez y al intérprete del tribunal, y marcó la línea telefónica para el fiscal del Servicio de Inmigración y Control de Aduanas de Estados Unidos (ICE, por sus siglas en inglés). Luego volvió a caminar por el pasillo vacío hacia su oficina.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>El revestimiento de madera color marrón de las paredes de la sala estaba rayado y arañado. En el respaldo de uno de los bancos de madera para espectadores, alguien había grabado las palabras “amor” y “feliz”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Park apareció en un gran monitor de vídeo y explicó el procedimiento. Su voz estaba distorsionada, como si hablara desde el fondo de una piscina, pero cuando la intérprete repetía sus palabras en español, su voz era clara.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Durante la siguiente hora y media, Valencia guió a Ramírez a través de su desgarrador testimonio.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“¿Por qué cree que su padre la vendió a la familia Cinto?”, preguntó Valencia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Mi padre me dijo que nosotras, como mujeres, no valíamos nada”, respondió Ramírez. “Y que le pertenecíamos como su propiedad”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“¿Estás casada con Dembler Cinto?”, preguntó Valencia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘No quería que [mis hijos] sufrieran lo mismo que yo, porque eso te marca, de verdad, para toda la vida.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“No. Cuando tenía 14 años me obligaron a estar con él”, dijo Ramírez. “Sus padres me dijeron, cuando mi padre me dejó, que sería su mujer”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“¿Qué tipo de palabras usaba cuando abusaba de ti?”, preguntó Valencia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Dijo que las mujeres habían nacido para servir a los hombres”, respondió Ramírez, con la voz quebrada. “Dijo que yo era una puta y que era su esclava”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“¿Alguna vez hubo marcas físicas en tu cuerpo?”, preguntó la abogada.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Sí, cada vez que me hacía daño tenía moretones en las piernas y en los brazos, en la cintura y en la cara”, respondió Ramírez. “Me sangraba la nariz y la boca”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ramírez describió años de servidumbre forzada, lenguaje degradante y palizas y violaciones regulares. Dijo que se le exigía que llevara poca ropa cuando trabajaba en el bar, donde los hombres le tocaban el cuerpo. En algunas ocasiones, dijo, llegaron agentes de policía y bebieron en el bar.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Podían ver que era una niña de 14 años que estaba golpeada”, dijo Ramírez. “Y nunca intentaron ayudar”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Además, nunca había visto a la policía ayudar a las mujeres maltratadas. Cuando Ramírez aún vivía en su casa, dijo que su madre había acudido a la policía tras recibir una paliza sangrienta de su padre, pero los agentes dijeron que era un asunto doméstico y no intervinieron, al igual que ignoraron a otras mujeres del barrio que sufrían abusos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ramírez dijo que normalmente la encerraban en la casa y que Dembler Cinto la amenazaba con que si alguna vez le contaba a alguien sobre el trato que recibía o intentaba irse, la mataría y le haría daño a los niños.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>El relato de las experiencias traumáticas fue agotador. Para ayudarla a mantenerse firme, me dijo Ramírez más tarde, Valencia le había enseñado ejercicios de respiración.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Siempre terminaba nuestras conversaciones con un ejercicio para que yo supiera que estaba en un lugar seguro”, dijo Ramírez. “Sus palabras me ayudaron mucho”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Son técnicas de enraizamiento para volver a tu cuerpo”, dijo Valencia, que practica la meditación.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ramírez dijo que la práctica la ayudó a reunir el valor para contar su historia en el tribunal. Pero su mayor valor lo encontró tres años antes, cuando escapó de la familia Cinto.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11912964\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1020px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11912964\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS55044_IMG_4382-qut-1020x728-1.jpg\" alt=\"Una madre ve a sus pequeñas hijas jugar en un parque. La madre sonríe.\" width=\"1020\" height=\"728\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS55044_IMG_4382-qut-1020x728-1.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS55044_IMG_4382-qut-1020x728-1-800x571.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS55044_IMG_4382-qut-1020x728-1-160x114.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1020px) 100vw, 1020px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Deisy Ramírez observa a sus hijos jugar en un parque infantil en San Francisco el 22 de noviembre de 2021. “Sólo se es niño una vez”, dice Ramírez, que pasó gran parte de su propia infancia en régimen de servidumbre. \u003ccite>(Tyche Hendricks/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>La fuga\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Fueron sus hijas, Stefany y Alexis, quienes le dieron la fuerza para liberarse, dijo. Cuando pasaron de ser bebés a niños, su padre se volvió cada vez más abusivo, azotándolas con un cinturón.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Era muy difícil ver cómo les pegaba, cómo les hablaba”, dijo. “No quería que sufrieran lo mismo que yo, porque eso te deja cicatrices, realmente, para toda la vida”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mientras sus hijas crecían, Ramírez también se transformó de ser una adolescente a una mujer. Una mañana vio su oportunidad y la aprovechó.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘Me dije: Es hoy. Si no lo intento hoy, ¿entonces cuándo?’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“Me dije: ‘Es hoy. Si no lo intento hoy, ¿entonces cuándo?'”, dijo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ese día de febrero del 2019, dijo que Dembler Cinto y su padre habían salido a comprar licor para surtir el bar y su madre estaba de compras. Con una hora rara a solas, Ramírez dijo que tomó un fajo de dinero en efectivo de Dembler, agarró a las niñas y se subieron a una camioneta que tenía una ruta diaria que conducía a los pobladores a Coatepeque, una ciudad más grande ubicada a 40 minutos de distancia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A partir de ahí, mi idea era llegar a México. Porque si me quedo en Guatemala, me van a encontrar más rápido”, me dijo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Al principio, Ramírez tenía mucho miedo de hablar con la gente. Tocaba las puertas y se ofrecía a lavar la ropa a cambio de comida o dinero. A veces, ella y las niñas dormían en las estaciones de autobús bajo tan sólo con una cobija. Pero también conocieron a extraños amables que les ayudaron, y Ramírez dijo que se dió cuenta de que había gente en la que podía confiar.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ramírez compró un teléfono móvil y llamó a su madre. Era la primera vez que hablaban en años, y se enteró de que varios de sus hermanos se habían trasladado a San Francisco, huyendo de la violencia en su país en cuanto pudieron salir.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Mi madre me dio el número de mi hermana porque sabía que necesitaba ayuda”, dijo.\u003cbr>\nAsí que Ramírez se fue rumbo a la frontera entre Estados Unidos y México, y cuando llegó allí, les dio el número de teléfono de su hermana a los agentes fronterizos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Mi hermana les dijo que tenía una habitación donde mis hijas y yo podíamos quedarnos. Fue como si se cayera el cielo, porque realmente no tenía ni idea de lo que iba a hacer”, dijo Ramírez. “Pero ella nos abrió las puertas. Y luego me ayudó a encontrar trabajo y a empezar a estabilizarme”.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Asilo concedido\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Al concluir la audiencia de asilo, Valencia se centró en unos últimos puntos cruciales para probar su caso ante el juez.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“¿Alguna vez pidió ayuda?”, preguntó la abogada.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No”, dijo Ramírez. “Tenía miedo de que si volvía a casa, mi padre me llevaría de nuevo con la familia Cinto. Decía que eran mis dueños”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ramírez explicó que no tenía ninguna base para confiar en que las autoridades locales la protegerían, y que no creía que pudiera estar segura en ningún lugar de Guatemala.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“En Guatemala se trata mal a las mujeres”, dijo Ramírez.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>La fiscal del ICE, Juliet Boss, dijo que no iba a interrogar a Ramírez, lo cual sorprendió a Valencia\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Ella ha cubierto todo”, dijo Boss al juez.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dijo que si Ramírez ganaba su caso, el gobierno no apelaría. Esto concuerda con las \u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/doclib/about/offices/opla/OPLA-immigration-enforcement_interim-guidance.pdf\">directrices de la administración Biden\u003c/a> (enlace sólo en inglés) del año pasado, en las que se pedía a los abogados del ICE que usaran su discreción para decidir a quién procesar, pero no era lo que el equipo del Centro Legal esperaba de los normalmente agresivos fiscales del ICE.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Luego llegó el turno del juez. Ramírez y sus abogados miraron el monitor de vídeo en el que Park estaba sentado con su toga negra. De los 40 jueces del tribunal de San Francisco, sabían que él era uno de los menos propensos a conceder el asilo. Si Ramírez perdía, podría ser deportada.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Señora, hemos escuchado su testimonio”, dijo Park. “El tribunal ha determinado que usted es elegible y merece asilo a discreción del tribunal. Así que usted y sus hijos serán asilados en los Estados Unidos”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tras un agradecimiento de Ramírez y unas cuantas formalidades, la señal de vídeo se apagó. Ramírez y sus abogados se quedaron solos en la sala. Se levantaron y se abrazaron. Todos lloraron.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Gracias, gracias, gracias”, dijo Ramírez. “Son realmente personas muy especiales”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Las mujeres recogieron sus abrigos, sus documentos y pasaron por delante de los guardias de seguridad y salieron a la calle. Mientras se dirigían a una cafetería Peet’s cercana para celebrarlo, comenzaron a charlar.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Estaba nerviosa por este juez”, dijo Valencia. “El caso de Deisy es el más fuerte de asilo que he argumentado, pero él tiene fama de ser duro”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Y añadió: “Nunca había estado frente a un fiscal del ICE que se negara a interrogar”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>En el mostrador, Ramírez pidió un chocolate caliente con crema batida.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Era el tercer caso de asilo que el equipo de Centro Legal ganaba en sólo cuatro días, dijo la colega de Valencia, Abby Sullivan Engen, y probablemente el resultado de las interpretaciones más generosas de la ley de asilo por parte de la administración Biden.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unas semanas más tarde, otra clienta, también una mujer que huía de la violencia de género en Guatemala, obtuvo el asilo de un juez de inmigración de San Francisco igualmente duro.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Iris Diéguez declaró que estuvo casada con un policía guatemalteco que la violó y amenazó y que, cuando consiguió una orden de alejamiento, los compañeros de su marido se negaban a hacer cumplir la orden.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>La jueza Julie Nelson reconoció que Diéguez debía haberse sentido frustrada ya que llevaba esperando su día en el tribunal desde el 2013.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Pero”, le dijo a Engen, la abogada, “puede funcionar a su favor, dados los cambios en la ley”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Al concluir la audiencia, Nelson explicó su razonamiento a Diéguez.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Usted ha argumentado que fue perjudicada porque formaba parte del grupo social de mujeres guatemaltecas… sí encuentro que es un grupo social particular reconocible, basado en la ley”, dijo. “Y sí encuentro que usted testificó de manera creíble que [su esposo] y otros la trataron de la manera en que lo hicieron debido a su animadversión hacia las mujeres guatemaltecas y a usted como mujer guatemalteca”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Entonces Nelson concedió asilo a Diéguez y a su hija.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ramírez y Diéguez tienen ahora la seguridad de saber que pueden vivir permanentemente en los Estados Unidos. Pero los defensores dicen que hay demasiados solicitantes de asilo que se quedan sin saber cuáles son sus posibilidades de protección, porque el gobierno de Biden no ha emitido la norma que prometió en febrero de 2021 para aclarar los motivos de asilo basados en la pertenencia a un “grupo social particular”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Creo que será más claro para los solicitantes y será más claro para los adjudicatarios”, dijo Musalo. “Hará que las cosas funcionen mejor”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11912963\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1020px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11912963\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS55045_IMG_4334-copy-qut-1020x729-1.jpg\" alt=\"Una madre ve a sus pequeñas hijas jugar en un parque.\" width=\"1020\" height=\"729\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS55045_IMG_4334-copy-qut-1020x729-1.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS55045_IMG_4334-copy-qut-1020x729-1-800x572.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS55045_IMG_4334-copy-qut-1020x729-1-160x114.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1020px) 100vw, 1020px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Deisy Ramírez dice que la protección del asilo le permitirá centrarse en reconstruir su vida y crear un hogar seguro para sus hijas. \u003ccite>(Tyche Hendricks/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Una mejor vida en San Francisco\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Ahora que ya tiene asilo, y pronto una tarjeta de residencia que la establece como residente permanente en los Estados Unidos, Ramírez puede evaluar la nueva vida que está construyendo para su familia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Me reuní con ella unos días después de la audiencia de asilo en su casa del distrito Bayview de San Francisco, y nos dirigimos a un parque cercano.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mientras caminábamos por la calle bajo el sol otoñal, Stefany y Alexis, que ahora tienen 8 y 6 años, brincaban por delante. Las niñas se detuvieron para admirar una procesión de hormigas que escalaban por el tronco de un árbol, y luego se echaron a correr cuando llegamos al parque infantil.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“Son inseparables”, dijo Ramírez. “No sé si es por lo que han pasado, pero lo hacen todo juntas”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mientras caminábamos, Ramírez empujaba un cochecito (también conocido como una carriola). Sus hijas tienen ahora una hermanita, Irma. Nos sentamos en un banco del parque, y ella rebotaba a la bebé sobre sus piernas y me contó cómo conoció al padre de Irma.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>En San Francisco, Ramírez comenzó a asistir a la iglesia de su hermana. Allí conoció a otros guatemaltecos, entre ellos a Cristian Aguilar, un joven que había sido compañero de juegos de su infancia en su pueblo de San José Chibuj. Ramírez dice que Aguilar se convirtió en un amigo de confianza. Con el tiempo, su vínculo se convirtió en amor y se casaron.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Al principio fue muy difícil”, dijo. “Pero siempre me dio una sensación de seguridad. Y es maravilloso con mis hijas. Se sienten muy cómodas con él”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Aguilar trabaja como mensajero médico, llevando sangre entre hospitales y clínicas. El costo de la vida en San Francisco es elevado, pero se las arreglan compartiendo la casa de cuatro dormitorios con sus padres y hermanos, lo que hace que el hogar sea de 10 personas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Esperan tener su lugar propio algún día, y Ramírez, que sólo estudió hasta el séptimo grado en Guatemala, espera eventualmente volver a la escuela y encontrar un buen trabajo. Sabe que en éste país es difícil mantener a una familia con un solo ingreso.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Por ahora, sin embargo, Ramírez está enfocada en recuperarse. Ha acudido a un psicólogo y está estableciendo relaciones con sus hermanos y su madre, que, según ella, sigue sufriendo abusos en su país. Ramírez no ha hablado con su padre, así que quizá nunca sepa por qué la vendió a los Cinto. Tal vez fue una forma de cubrir su cuenta de bar, dijo. Sólo quiere dejar todo atrás.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lo más importante para Ramírez es el bienestar de sus hijos, y sabe que eso está relacionado con su propia condición de mujer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Aquí, en Estados Unidos, las mujeres son libres, son iguales, pueden hacer cualquier cosa”, dijo. “Aquí tengo oportunidades que serían imposibles en Guatemala. Y mi hija, mis hijos, estarán seguros aquí”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Las lleva al parque infantil casi todos los días.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Quiero que sus mentes estén en paz para que puedan disfrutar de su infancia”, dijo. “Porque sólo se es niño una vez en la vida. Y creo que merecen ser felices”.\u003c/p>\n\u003chr>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Este artículo fue traducido por la periodista, \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/soytapatia\">María Peña\u003c/a> y editado por el periodista, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/ccabreralomeli\">Carlos Cabrera-Lomelí\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>For many families waiting decades for the right to live and work permanently in the U.S. through the crazy, byzantine rules of America’s immigration system, a special nightmare occurs when a child turns 21—they age out of their parent’s work visas and are at risk for deportation. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, there are over 40,000 ‘Documented Dreamers’ aging out and labeled foreign nationals, with few options for permanent residency. And in Silicon Valley, where tech companies run on immigrant labor, this crisis is hitting especially hard.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Guest: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/rachael-myrow\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Rachael Myrow\u003c/a>, Senior Editor, Silicon Valley desk for KQED\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://bit.ly/3MrsA94\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Read the transcript.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp id=\"embed-code\" class=\"inconsolata\">\n\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" frameborder=\"0\" height=\"200\" scrolling=\"no\" src=\"https://playlist.megaphone.fm?e=KQINC3706091190\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\n\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\n",
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"disqusTitle": "For Migrant Kids Stuck in Tijuana, This School Offers a Place to Grow and Dream",
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"content": "\u003cp>In a canyon filled with makeshift shelters, a mile south of the U.S.-Mexico border, farm animals linger near a stream clogged with trash.[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Walter Orlando Campos, teacher, Canyon Nest\"]'When I arrived in Tijuana, I couldn't find anywhere to work, I wasn't happy at all, I couldn't enjoy anything. But when I found [this school], I felt refreshed. The children transmit ... so much positivity.'[/pullquote]For over two years, thousands of migrants seeking refuge in the United States — many of them children — have crowded into a network of shelters here, as two successive U.S. presidential administrations closed almost all access to asylum at the Southwest border.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One morning in March, on a patio behind a wooden fence along the canyon, classical music played from portable speakers as a teacher readied art supplies for her students. At this school, called Canyon Nest, all of the students, and many of the teachers, are migrants — many fleeing violence in their homelands — waiting to enter the U.S. The school serves over 100 students, ages 3 to 10, who attend free of charge, five days a week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ten-year-old Gabriel is one of the first through the door and gives his teachers big hugs. He’s especially excited because tomorrow is his birthday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11911188\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7271-scaled.jpeg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11911188\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7271-scaled.jpeg\" alt=\"A teacher stands by a white board talking to young students who sit on the floor.\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1920\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7271-scaled.jpeg 2560w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7271-800x600.jpeg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7271-1020x765.jpeg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7271-160x120.jpeg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7271-1536x1152.jpeg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7271-2048x1536.jpeg 2048w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7271-1920x1440.jpeg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Walter Orlando Campos teaches math to elementary school-age students at Canyon Nest school on March 10, 2022. Campos recently fled his native Honduras, after threats of violence were made against his community. \u003ccite>(Max Rivlin-Nadler/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Gabriel came here with his mother and 4-year-old brother in August, from the Mexican state of Michoacán, where drug cartel violence has exploded in recent years. He started attending the school in September.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What I like most here is to help my classmates with the subjects they have difficulties with,” Gabriel said in Spanish, explaining that he’s one of the older students at the school and already knows some of the material being taught.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He says the patio is his favorite place at the school, which is filled with playground equipment, toys and even a resident kitten.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The school, run by \u003ca href=\"https://www.pilaglobal.org/\">PILAglobal\u003c/a>, a Los Angeles-based nonprofit, opened its first school in 2018 in a more residential Tijuana neighborhood to accommodate kids in the large migrant caravans that began arriving in the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11911189\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7279-scaled.jpeg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11911189\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7279-scaled.jpeg\" alt=\"A group of young students sit at a table doing math problems, with a teaching standing overhead.\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1920\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7279-scaled.jpeg 2560w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7279-800x600.jpeg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7279-1020x765.jpeg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7279-160x120.jpeg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7279-1536x1152.jpeg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7279-2048x1536.jpeg 2048w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7279-1920x1440.jpeg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Students at Canyon Nest school, all of whom are migrants waiting to enter the United States, work on math problems on March 10, 2022. \u003ccite>(Max Rivlin-Nadler/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But after learning of the thousands of migrants crowded together in this canyon, the program quickly marshaled resources to build a new location here, which opened its doors in 2020 just before the beginning of the COVID-19 pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The organization, which also operates school sites serving migrants in Greece, the Democratic Republic of Congo and Zimbabwe, is funded by a variety of private donors and foundations, and partners with organizations like UNICEF.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gabriel says he hopes to someday become an English teacher in the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But he says here his favorite class is math, which is taught by Walter Orlando Campos, a veteran elementary school teacher from Honduras.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Science, social studies, math, Spanish, art,” Orlando Campos said in Spanish, ticking off the subjects he taught back home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11911183\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7226-scaled.jpeg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11911183\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7226-scaled.jpeg\" alt=\"Stools for small children set up in front of easels, with blank pieces of paper.\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1920\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7226-scaled.jpeg 2560w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7226-800x600.jpeg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7226-1020x765.jpeg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7226-160x120.jpeg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7226-1536x1152.jpeg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7226-2048x1536.jpeg 2048w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7226-1920x1440.jpeg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Art supplies are set up for students on the patio of Canyon Nest shortly before students arrive in the morning on March 10, 2022. \u003ccite>(Max Rivlin-Nadler/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Orlando Campos says he would have loved to stay in Honduras the rest of his life if conditions hadn't deteriorated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I didn’t want to go. I left because of the political crisis there,” he said. “It became too complicated for me to live there, and I saw no other way to escape the violence there than to leave.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Orlando Campos has been in Tijuana since July, and says the school allows him to earn some extra money, and to continue teaching students.[aside label=\"related coverage\" tag=\"immigration\"]Working here also has benefited his own mental health, he says, which took a big hit after his life was uprooted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s my passion to teach students. When I arrived in Tijuana, I couldn’t find anywhere to work, I wasn’t happy at all, I couldn’t enjoy anything. But when I found [this school], I felt refreshed. The children transmit ... so much positivity,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The school starts out every day with a song greeting each of its students. The goal, says PILAglobal CEO Lindsay Weissert, is to give children a break from the immense stress of migration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All children deserve to feel valued, and all children deserve to have a space where they can just be children, away from adult conversation where past violence against them may be retold,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Glenda Linares, the site’s program director, who migrated to the U.S. from El Salvador as a child, says the school also gives parents some much-needed time for themselves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When they go home to the shelter, the parents have attention and energy to be with their children. The parents are holding a lot of their own stories and journey, and their own trauma,” she said. Parenting classes, she notes, also are offered on weekends.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an effort to meet the growing demand, PILAglobal is now expanding the school into the hillside of the canyon and plans to be able to serve more children later this spring. The group also runs a mobile classroom that circulates to shelters in Tijuana, and a small playroom for children near the San Ysidro border crossing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11911186\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7255-scaled.jpeg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11911186\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7255-scaled.jpeg\" alt=\"Two young students play with clay at a table, as a teacher supervises.\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1920\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7255-scaled.jpeg 2560w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7255-800x600.jpeg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7255-1020x765.jpeg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7255-160x120.jpeg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7255-1536x1152.jpeg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7255-2048x1536.jpeg 2048w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7255-1920x1440.jpeg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Doris, a teacher's helper, supervises as students at Canyon Nest play with clay on March 10, 2022. \u003ccite>(Max Rivlin-Nadler)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Since August, Doris — who gave only her first name — has been working as a classroom helper at the school, which her daughter attends. The two fled violence in the Mexican state of Guerrero, and tried to cross the border into the U.S. last June, hoping to claim asylum. When border patrol agents thwarted their passage, they ended up at a nearby shelter and soon learned of the school.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Doris says working is giving her a chance to feel positive about her life again.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When the kids call out to me on the street, ‘Teacher, teacher,’ I’m so proud they’re saying that,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>In a canyon filled with makeshift shelters, a mile south of the U.S.-Mexico border, farm animals linger near a stream clogged with trash.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>For over two years, thousands of migrants seeking refuge in the United States — many of them children — have crowded into a network of shelters here, as two successive U.S. presidential administrations closed almost all access to asylum at the Southwest border.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One morning in March, on a patio behind a wooden fence along the canyon, classical music played from portable speakers as a teacher readied art supplies for her students. At this school, called Canyon Nest, all of the students, and many of the teachers, are migrants — many fleeing violence in their homelands — waiting to enter the U.S. The school serves over 100 students, ages 3 to 10, who attend free of charge, five days a week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ten-year-old Gabriel is one of the first through the door and gives his teachers big hugs. He’s especially excited because tomorrow is his birthday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11911188\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7271-scaled.jpeg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11911188\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7271-scaled.jpeg\" alt=\"A teacher stands by a white board talking to young students who sit on the floor.\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1920\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7271-scaled.jpeg 2560w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7271-800x600.jpeg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7271-1020x765.jpeg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7271-160x120.jpeg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7271-1536x1152.jpeg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7271-2048x1536.jpeg 2048w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7271-1920x1440.jpeg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Walter Orlando Campos teaches math to elementary school-age students at Canyon Nest school on March 10, 2022. Campos recently fled his native Honduras, after threats of violence were made against his community. \u003ccite>(Max Rivlin-Nadler/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Gabriel came here with his mother and 4-year-old brother in August, from the Mexican state of Michoacán, where drug cartel violence has exploded in recent years. He started attending the school in September.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What I like most here is to help my classmates with the subjects they have difficulties with,” Gabriel said in Spanish, explaining that he’s one of the older students at the school and already knows some of the material being taught.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He says the patio is his favorite place at the school, which is filled with playground equipment, toys and even a resident kitten.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The school, run by \u003ca href=\"https://www.pilaglobal.org/\">PILAglobal\u003c/a>, a Los Angeles-based nonprofit, opened its first school in 2018 in a more residential Tijuana neighborhood to accommodate kids in the large migrant caravans that began arriving in the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11911189\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7279-scaled.jpeg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11911189\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7279-scaled.jpeg\" alt=\"A group of young students sit at a table doing math problems, with a teaching standing overhead.\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1920\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7279-scaled.jpeg 2560w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7279-800x600.jpeg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7279-1020x765.jpeg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7279-160x120.jpeg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7279-1536x1152.jpeg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7279-2048x1536.jpeg 2048w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7279-1920x1440.jpeg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Students at Canyon Nest school, all of whom are migrants waiting to enter the United States, work on math problems on March 10, 2022. \u003ccite>(Max Rivlin-Nadler/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But after learning of the thousands of migrants crowded together in this canyon, the program quickly marshaled resources to build a new location here, which opened its doors in 2020 just before the beginning of the COVID-19 pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The organization, which also operates school sites serving migrants in Greece, the Democratic Republic of Congo and Zimbabwe, is funded by a variety of private donors and foundations, and partners with organizations like UNICEF.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gabriel says he hopes to someday become an English teacher in the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But he says here his favorite class is math, which is taught by Walter Orlando Campos, a veteran elementary school teacher from Honduras.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Science, social studies, math, Spanish, art,” Orlando Campos said in Spanish, ticking off the subjects he taught back home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11911183\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7226-scaled.jpeg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11911183\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7226-scaled.jpeg\" alt=\"Stools for small children set up in front of easels, with blank pieces of paper.\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1920\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7226-scaled.jpeg 2560w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7226-800x600.jpeg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7226-1020x765.jpeg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7226-160x120.jpeg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7226-1536x1152.jpeg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7226-2048x1536.jpeg 2048w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7226-1920x1440.jpeg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Art supplies are set up for students on the patio of Canyon Nest shortly before students arrive in the morning on March 10, 2022. \u003ccite>(Max Rivlin-Nadler/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Orlando Campos says he would have loved to stay in Honduras the rest of his life if conditions hadn't deteriorated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I didn’t want to go. I left because of the political crisis there,” he said. “It became too complicated for me to live there, and I saw no other way to escape the violence there than to leave.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Orlando Campos has been in Tijuana since July, and says the school allows him to earn some extra money, and to continue teaching students.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Working here also has benefited his own mental health, he says, which took a big hit after his life was uprooted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s my passion to teach students. When I arrived in Tijuana, I couldn’t find anywhere to work, I wasn’t happy at all, I couldn’t enjoy anything. But when I found [this school], I felt refreshed. The children transmit ... so much positivity,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The school starts out every day with a song greeting each of its students. The goal, says PILAglobal CEO Lindsay Weissert, is to give children a break from the immense stress of migration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All children deserve to feel valued, and all children deserve to have a space where they can just be children, away from adult conversation where past violence against them may be retold,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Glenda Linares, the site’s program director, who migrated to the U.S. from El Salvador as a child, says the school also gives parents some much-needed time for themselves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When they go home to the shelter, the parents have attention and energy to be with their children. The parents are holding a lot of their own stories and journey, and their own trauma,” she said. Parenting classes, she notes, also are offered on weekends.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an effort to meet the growing demand, PILAglobal is now expanding the school into the hillside of the canyon and plans to be able to serve more children later this spring. The group also runs a mobile classroom that circulates to shelters in Tijuana, and a small playroom for children near the San Ysidro border crossing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11911186\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7255-scaled.jpeg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11911186\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7255-scaled.jpeg\" alt=\"Two young students play with clay at a table, as a teacher supervises.\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1920\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7255-scaled.jpeg 2560w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7255-800x600.jpeg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7255-1020x765.jpeg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7255-160x120.jpeg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7255-1536x1152.jpeg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7255-2048x1536.jpeg 2048w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7255-1920x1440.jpeg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Doris, a teacher's helper, supervises as students at Canyon Nest play with clay on March 10, 2022. \u003ccite>(Max Rivlin-Nadler)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Since August, Doris — who gave only her first name — has been working as a classroom helper at the school, which her daughter attends. The two fled violence in the Mexican state of Guerrero, and tried to cross the border into the U.S. last June, hoping to claim asylum. When border patrol agents thwarted their passage, they ended up at a nearby shelter and soon learned of the school.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Doris says working is giving her a chance to feel positive about her life again.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cb>U.S. Response to Conflict in Ukraine\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">A group of lawmakers from the House Intelligence Committee recently traveled to the Ukrainian border for a firsthand look at the devastation. Among the bipartisan group was Bay Area Congressmember Eric Swalwell. He’s calling on President Biden to accept more refugees and apply more stringent economic sanctions on Russia.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Guest:\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">U.S. Rep. Eric Swalwell, D-Calif.\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>San Francisco Assembly Race\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">In just over two weeks, San Francisco voters will decide who’s going to replace David Chiu as the state Assemblymember representing the eastern half of the city. The choices are San Francisco Supervisor Matt Haney and former Supervisor David Campos. Both are Democrats but only one will head to Sacramento to tackle issues like affordable housing, health care, homelessness and more.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Guest:\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">David Campos, former supervisor, D-San Francisco\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Matt Haney, supervisor, D-San Francisco\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Something Beautiful: Golden Gate Fortune Cookie Factory\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Did you know that fortune cookies have California roots? We look at San Francisco’s Golden Gate Fortune Cookie Factory in this week’s edition of Something Beautiful.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cb>U.S. Response to Conflict in Ukraine\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">A group of lawmakers from the House Intelligence Committee recently traveled to the Ukrainian border for a firsthand look at the devastation. Among the bipartisan group was Bay Area Congressmember Eric Swalwell. He’s calling on President Biden to accept more refugees and apply more stringent economic sanctions on Russia.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Guest:\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">U.S. Rep. Eric Swalwell, D-Calif.\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>San Francisco Assembly Race\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">In just over two weeks, San Francisco voters will decide who’s going to replace David Chiu as the state Assemblymember representing the eastern half of the city. The choices are San Francisco Supervisor Matt Haney and former Supervisor David Campos. Both are Democrats but only one will head to Sacramento to tackle issues like affordable housing, health care, homelessness and more.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Guest:\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">David Campos, former supervisor, D-San Francisco\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Matt Haney, supervisor, D-San Francisco\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Something Beautiful: Golden Gate Fortune Cookie Factory\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Did you know that fortune cookies have California roots? We look at San Francisco’s Golden Gate Fortune Cookie Factory in this week’s edition of Something Beautiful.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"disqusTitle": "'Why Can't We Have the Same Rights?': Farmworkers Ask Newsom to Sign Bill Allowing Union Voting by Mail",
"title": "'Why Can't We Have the Same Rights?': Farmworkers Ask Newsom to Sign Bill Allowing Union Voting by Mail",
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"content": "\u003cp>On Thursday — César Chávez Day — a group of about 50 farmworkers, advocates and community members gathered in Fresno to march in honor of the late labor leader and to once again ask Gov. Gavin Newsom to sign a bill that would make it easier for farmworkers to vote in union elections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Farmworkers are asking what could be more important than meeting with farmworkers on César Chávez Day,” said Elizabeth Strater, director of strategic campaigns for the United Farm Workers, in a recent interview with The Bee. On Wednesday, Newsom’s office confirmed that he and his family were on vacation in Central and South America.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The march was part of a series of events organized by the UFW and its foundation in 13 rural and urban California cities — including San Francisco, San Jose and Berkeley — in which farmworkers gathered to raise awareness about the Agricultural Labor Relations Voting Choice Act, \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB2183\">AB 2183\u003c/a>, a bill that would give farmworkers the option to vote by mail in union elections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among those marching in Fresno on Thursday were San Joaquin Valley elected officials: Santos Garcia, the mayor of Madera; and Jose Sigala, a councilmember from Tulare currently running for state Assembly for the 33rd District.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m here to lend support to this legislation,” said Sigala. “Hopefully, the governor sees not only this action but the action across the state.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11910131\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-11910131 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/RS54924_033_KQED_CesarChavezDayUFWRally_03312022-qut.jpg\" alt=\"A man and a woman in focus amid other demonstrators, slightly blurred, wear red facemasks reading 'Cesar Chavez' in black with the black UFW phoenix symbol, and hold signs black-and-white signs reading 'Support Farm Workers: I'm ready to march for the governor's signature.'\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/RS54924_033_KQED_CesarChavezDayUFWRally_03312022-qut.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/RS54924_033_KQED_CesarChavezDayUFWRally_03312022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/RS54924_033_KQED_CesarChavezDayUFWRally_03312022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/RS54924_033_KQED_CesarChavezDayUFWRally_03312022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/RS54924_033_KQED_CesarChavezDayUFWRally_03312022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Augustin and Elvia Ramirez listen to speakers on Cesar Chavez Street in San Francisco on March 31, 2022, during a demonstration in support of a bill to allow farmworkers to vote by mail in union elections. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The coordinated marches took place less than a year after the \u003ca href=\"https://account.sacbee.com/paywall/subscriber-only?resume=254452908&intcid=ab_archive\">UFW organized a march to the French Laundry\u003c/a> — a reference to the pricey meal Newsom had with lobbyists as he asked other Californians to avoid mixed groups and indoor settings during the coronavirus pandemic — after Newsom vetoed an initial version of the bill, AB 616, last September.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Lourdes Cardenas, farmworker and union member from Fresno\"]'[Newsom] asked for votes by mail. That's why he's still in office. Why can't we have the same rights?'[/pullquote]Labor leaders, Assemblymembers and farmworkers say they are hopeful that the governor will sign the legislation into law this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I hope it passes,” said Anthony Arano, a Fresno-area resident who came out to support the march. “Latinos need to be heard. We’re part of this country, too.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Legislators 'hopeful' governor will sign bill\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Last year, Assemblymember Mark Stone, a Democrat from Santa Cruz, authored AB 616, \u003ca href=\"https://www.fresnobee.com/news/local/article257348102.html\">a bill that would allow California farmworkers to vote for a union by mail\u003c/a> instead of in-person secret ballot elections conducted on a grower’s property.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Farmworker advocates said farmworkers feel intimidated during union elections, which, under the state’s Agricultural Labor Relations Act, currently take place directly on growers’ property.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill is “pretty straightforward,” said Strater. “It’s to extend to farmworkers a more modernized, flexible choice when it comes to how they vote under union elections.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Currently other nonagricultural unions covered by the National Labor Relations Act — the federal labor law that excludes farmworkers and domestic workers — already have alternative voting options during a union election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Agriculture grower associations opposed the bill, and the California Chamber of Commerce included the legislation on its “job killer” list.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Union officials said they had been trying to meet with Newsom for months to discuss the bill prior to his veto and called the veto hypocritical since the governor was able to avoid recall in part due to the vote-by-mail option during the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He asked for votes by mail. That’s why he’s still in office,” said Lourdes Cardenas, a farmworker and union member from Fresno during Thursday’s march. “Why can’t we have the same rights?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Legislators are confident that the bill will be signed this time around and have garnered even more support for the proposed legislation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is something that the Legislature finds very important. We have a lot of co-authors. We’ve generated a lot of interest among legislators,” said Stone in an interview with The Bee on Tuesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11910134\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-11910134 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/RS54928_037_KQED_CesarChavezDayUFWRally_03312022-qut.jpg\" alt=\"Chesa Boudin, a white man with a trim beard and trim haircut with a receding hairline, wears a dark suit, light blue shirt, and blue tie, with a star-shaped lapel pin, and smiles slightly as he holds a sign reading 'Support Farm Workers: I'm ready to march for the governor's signature.' He walks alongside a man wearing a bright orange vest, a ball cap, and sunglasses who is also smiling. Many people around the two are smiling (and others are masked), and a man behind Boudin holds up a cellphone horizontally, as if he might be filming or photographing the DA.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/RS54928_037_KQED_CesarChavezDayUFWRally_03312022-qut.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/RS54928_037_KQED_CesarChavezDayUFWRally_03312022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/RS54928_037_KQED_CesarChavezDayUFWRally_03312022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/RS54928_037_KQED_CesarChavezDayUFWRally_03312022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/RS54928_037_KQED_CesarChavezDayUFWRally_03312022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Francisco District Attorney Chesa Boudin (wearing tie) joins a demonstration in support of a bill to allow farmworkers to vote by mail in union elections on César Chávez Day on March 31, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Fifty legislators have co-signed this year’s version of the voting rights bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m very hopeful that what we put on the governor’s desk this year, he’ll sign,” Stone said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposed legislation would allow farmworkers to vote either in an all-mail election or a more traditional polling-place type of election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stone’s office and the UFW, who are co-sponsors of the bill, say they have been working with Newsom’s office on the suggested changes he detailed in his veto letter.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Will the bill spur renewed UFW organizing?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>While Strater said she hopes that the legislation will spur more union election activity, critics of the union aren’t as confident.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label='Related Coverage' tag='farmworkers']William Gould, an outspoken critic of the union who has served on state and federal labor relations boards, told The Bee in January that nobody is organizing the farmworkers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Even if this bill is reintroduced, I doubt that that’s going to change appreciably,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, the Agricultural Labor Relations Board received only one request for union representation, from a cannabis farm in Southern California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Strater said that “with organizing work, there are no shortcuts.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AB 2183 will “certainly empower” workers to come together, form committees, and organize themselves, said Strater, and it will “level the playing field between the workers and their employers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If passed, Strater said, the new bill will show farmworkers that the “final hurdle” of a union election vote “is not going to be so impossibly high.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Melissa Montalvo is a reporter with The Fresno Bee and a Report for America corps member. This article is part of \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/projects/the-california-divide/\">The California Divide\u003c/a>, a collaboration among newsrooms examining income inequity and economic survival in California.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Farmworkers and their supporters marched in 13 California cities Thursday, asking Gov. Gavin Newsom to sign a bill that would make voting easier in union elections.\r\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>On Thursday — César Chávez Day — a group of about 50 farmworkers, advocates and community members gathered in Fresno to march in honor of the late labor leader and to once again ask Gov. Gavin Newsom to sign a bill that would make it easier for farmworkers to vote in union elections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Farmworkers are asking what could be more important than meeting with farmworkers on César Chávez Day,” said Elizabeth Strater, director of strategic campaigns for the United Farm Workers, in a recent interview with The Bee. On Wednesday, Newsom’s office confirmed that he and his family were on vacation in Central and South America.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The march was part of a series of events organized by the UFW and its foundation in 13 rural and urban California cities — including San Francisco, San Jose and Berkeley — in which farmworkers gathered to raise awareness about the Agricultural Labor Relations Voting Choice Act, \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB2183\">AB 2183\u003c/a>, a bill that would give farmworkers the option to vote by mail in union elections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among those marching in Fresno on Thursday were San Joaquin Valley elected officials: Santos Garcia, the mayor of Madera; and Jose Sigala, a councilmember from Tulare currently running for state Assembly for the 33rd District.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m here to lend support to this legislation,” said Sigala. “Hopefully, the governor sees not only this action but the action across the state.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11910131\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-11910131 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/RS54924_033_KQED_CesarChavezDayUFWRally_03312022-qut.jpg\" alt=\"A man and a woman in focus amid other demonstrators, slightly blurred, wear red facemasks reading 'Cesar Chavez' in black with the black UFW phoenix symbol, and hold signs black-and-white signs reading 'Support Farm Workers: I'm ready to march for the governor's signature.'\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/RS54924_033_KQED_CesarChavezDayUFWRally_03312022-qut.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/RS54924_033_KQED_CesarChavezDayUFWRally_03312022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/RS54924_033_KQED_CesarChavezDayUFWRally_03312022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/RS54924_033_KQED_CesarChavezDayUFWRally_03312022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/RS54924_033_KQED_CesarChavezDayUFWRally_03312022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Augustin and Elvia Ramirez listen to speakers on Cesar Chavez Street in San Francisco on March 31, 2022, during a demonstration in support of a bill to allow farmworkers to vote by mail in union elections. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The coordinated marches took place less than a year after the \u003ca href=\"https://account.sacbee.com/paywall/subscriber-only?resume=254452908&intcid=ab_archive\">UFW organized a march to the French Laundry\u003c/a> — a reference to the pricey meal Newsom had with lobbyists as he asked other Californians to avoid mixed groups and indoor settings during the coronavirus pandemic — after Newsom vetoed an initial version of the bill, AB 616, last September.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Labor leaders, Assemblymembers and farmworkers say they are hopeful that the governor will sign the legislation into law this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I hope it passes,” said Anthony Arano, a Fresno-area resident who came out to support the march. “Latinos need to be heard. We’re part of this country, too.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Legislators 'hopeful' governor will sign bill\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Last year, Assemblymember Mark Stone, a Democrat from Santa Cruz, authored AB 616, \u003ca href=\"https://www.fresnobee.com/news/local/article257348102.html\">a bill that would allow California farmworkers to vote for a union by mail\u003c/a> instead of in-person secret ballot elections conducted on a grower’s property.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Farmworker advocates said farmworkers feel intimidated during union elections, which, under the state’s Agricultural Labor Relations Act, currently take place directly on growers’ property.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill is “pretty straightforward,” said Strater. “It’s to extend to farmworkers a more modernized, flexible choice when it comes to how they vote under union elections.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Currently other nonagricultural unions covered by the National Labor Relations Act — the federal labor law that excludes farmworkers and domestic workers — already have alternative voting options during a union election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Agriculture grower associations opposed the bill, and the California Chamber of Commerce included the legislation on its “job killer” list.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Union officials said they had been trying to meet with Newsom for months to discuss the bill prior to his veto and called the veto hypocritical since the governor was able to avoid recall in part due to the vote-by-mail option during the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He asked for votes by mail. That’s why he’s still in office,” said Lourdes Cardenas, a farmworker and union member from Fresno during Thursday’s march. “Why can’t we have the same rights?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Legislators are confident that the bill will be signed this time around and have garnered even more support for the proposed legislation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is something that the Legislature finds very important. We have a lot of co-authors. We’ve generated a lot of interest among legislators,” said Stone in an interview with The Bee on Tuesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11910134\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-11910134 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/RS54928_037_KQED_CesarChavezDayUFWRally_03312022-qut.jpg\" alt=\"Chesa Boudin, a white man with a trim beard and trim haircut with a receding hairline, wears a dark suit, light blue shirt, and blue tie, with a star-shaped lapel pin, and smiles slightly as he holds a sign reading 'Support Farm Workers: I'm ready to march for the governor's signature.' He walks alongside a man wearing a bright orange vest, a ball cap, and sunglasses who is also smiling. Many people around the two are smiling (and others are masked), and a man behind Boudin holds up a cellphone horizontally, as if he might be filming or photographing the DA.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/RS54928_037_KQED_CesarChavezDayUFWRally_03312022-qut.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/RS54928_037_KQED_CesarChavezDayUFWRally_03312022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/RS54928_037_KQED_CesarChavezDayUFWRally_03312022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/RS54928_037_KQED_CesarChavezDayUFWRally_03312022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/RS54928_037_KQED_CesarChavezDayUFWRally_03312022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Francisco District Attorney Chesa Boudin (wearing tie) joins a demonstration in support of a bill to allow farmworkers to vote by mail in union elections on César Chávez Day on March 31, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Fifty legislators have co-signed this year’s version of the voting rights bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m very hopeful that what we put on the governor’s desk this year, he’ll sign,” Stone said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposed legislation would allow farmworkers to vote either in an all-mail election or a more traditional polling-place type of election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stone’s office and the UFW, who are co-sponsors of the bill, say they have been working with Newsom’s office on the suggested changes he detailed in his veto letter.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Will the bill spur renewed UFW organizing?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>While Strater said she hopes that the legislation will spur more union election activity, critics of the union aren’t as confident.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>William Gould, an outspoken critic of the union who has served on state and federal labor relations boards, told The Bee in January that nobody is organizing the farmworkers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Even if this bill is reintroduced, I doubt that that’s going to change appreciably,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, the Agricultural Labor Relations Board received only one request for union representation, from a cannabis farm in Southern California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Strater said that “with organizing work, there are no shortcuts.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AB 2183 will “certainly empower” workers to come together, form committees, and organize themselves, said Strater, and it will “level the playing field between the workers and their employers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If passed, Strater said, the new bill will show farmworkers that the “final hurdle” of a union election vote “is not going to be so impossibly high.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Melissa Montalvo is a reporter with The Fresno Bee and a Report for America corps member. This article is part of \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/projects/the-california-divide/\">The California Divide\u003c/a>, a collaboration among newsrooms examining income inequity and economic survival in California.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"disqusTitle": "Asylum Limits at US-Mexico Border Expected to End May 23",
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"content": "\u003cp>The Biden administration is expected to end, by May 23, the asylum limits at the U.S.-Mexico border that were put in place during the Trump administration ostensibly to prevent the spread of COVID-19, according to people familiar with the matter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The decision, not yet final, would stop the United States from invoking public health rules to avoid fulfilling its legal obligations to provide haven to people fleeing persecution. It would apply to all asylum-seekers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ending the limitations in May would allow for time to prepare at the border, the sources said. But the delay runs against the wishes of top Democrats and others who say COVID-19 has long been used as an excuse for the U.S. to get out of asylum obligations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It also raises the possibility that more asylum-seeking migrants will come to the border at a time when flows are already high. The Department of Homeland Security said Tuesday that \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/immigration-covid-health-arizona-san-antonio-f99c9d3e892a908471e096fa9882e251\">about 7,100 migrants were coming daily, compared with an average of about 5,900 a day in February\u003c/a>, a rate that's on pace to match or exceed highs from last year, 2019 and other peak periods.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>President Biden declined to discuss his administration’s plans, telling reporters Wednesday at the White House, “We’ll have a decision on that soon.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Whenever the limits are lifted, \"there will be an influx of people to the border. We are doing a lot of work to plan for that contingency,” said White House communications director Kate Bedingfield. Speaking broadly, Bedingfield said the administration is trying to “build up our migration system and ensure that we are restoring order at the border.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention had extended its asylum-blocking powers for two months in late January, near the height of the omicron variant. The authority is up for renewal this week, and officials were expected to announce as early as Friday that it would be terminated, giving border authorities a few months to prepare for the coming deadline.[aside label=\"Related Coverage\" tag=\"asylum-seekers\"]The people familiar with the plans saw a draft report that has not been finalized, and spoke to The Associated Press on condition of anonymity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The limits went into place in March 2020 under the \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/immigration-coronavirus-pandemic-health-mexico-texas-45cb54dc7824e1848bd0f5656a4ff78a\">Trump administration\u003c/a> as coronavirus cases soared. While officials said at the time that it was a way to keep COVID-19 out of the United States, there always has been criticism that the restrictions were used as an excuse to seal the border to migrants unwanted by then-President Donald Trump.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was perhaps the broadest of Trump’s actions to restrict crossings and crack down on migrants. The health order has caused migrants to be expelled from the United States more than 1.7 million times since March 2020 without a chance for them to request asylum.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Restrictions took effect \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/virus-outbreak-pandemics-public-health-new-york-health-4ef0c6c5263815a26f8aa17f6ea490ae\">over the objections of CDC officials\u003c/a>. Dr. Martin Cetron of the Division of Global Migration and Quarantine refused the order, saying there was no public health basis for such a drastic move, the AP reported. But then-Vice President Mike Pence ordered the CDC’s director to use the agency’s emergency powers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, as mask mandates were lifted; vaccination rates climbed; and COVID-19 rates dropped among migrants crossing from Mexico, \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/immigration-covid-health-public-health-arizona-922239ef33f346b58cfc93772f8fc287\">it became increasingly difficult to defend the order on scientific grounds\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Biden, who has rolled back some of Trump’s other, more restrictive policies, has taken increasing criticism for keeping the policy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Homeland Security officials, Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer of New York and other top Democrats were increasingly vocal about wanting to end so-called Title 42 authority, named for a 1944 public health law to prevent communicable disease.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Not all Democratic elected officials agreed, including some from border and swing states. Sens. Mark Kelly and Kyrsten Sinema, both Arizona Democrats, sided with Republican leaders to say Title 42 should remain until U.S. border authorities were prepared for sharp increases in new arrivals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Border Patrol agents told me they expect a tsunami of humans to come across the border, and the Border Patrol has said they will lose control entirely,” said Sen. John Cornyn, R-Texas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Homeland Security officials said they are planning for as many as 18,000 arrivals daily, an astounding number that they cautioned was given simply to prepare for all possible outcomes, and is not a projection.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But there have been no major changes to how migrants are processed at the U.S.-Mexico border, and there is no increase in holding facilities for them. The immigration court backlog continues to soar, now at more than 1.7 million cases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Critics say Title 42 has been an excuse to avoid asylum obligations under U.S. law and international treaty, buying Biden time to create the \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/mexico-immigration-united-states-1efbf1f357a5210d2433b48820b9aa54\">“humane” asylum system\u003c/a> that he promised during his 2020 campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Title 42 is a horrific and unjustified policy that should never have been enacted and has caused grave harm to thousands of asylum-seekers over the past two years,\" said immigration attorney Lee Gelernt of the American Civil Liberties Union.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While there is no aggregate rate for migrants, COVID-19 test results from several major corridors for illegal border crossings suggest it is well below levels that have triggered concerns among U.S. officials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, 54 of 2,877 migrants tested positive in the first two weeks of March, according to the state Department of Social Services. That’s a rate of just 1.9%, down from a peak of 28.2% on January 8.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Pima County, Arizona, which includes Tucson, the seven-day positivity rate among migrants didn’t exceed 1.3% in early March. The positivity rate among 5,300 migrants tested last month at the Regional Center for Border Health near Yuma, Arizona, was 0.1%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>McAllen, Texas, the largest city in the busiest corridor for illegal crossings, has a higher rate among migrants — 11.3% for the week ending March 16 — but it has been consistently lower than the general population.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CDC Director Dr. Rochelle Walensky noted falling rates when she ended asylum limits on unaccompanied child migrants on March 11, while keeping them for adults and families with kids. In August, U.S. border authorities began testing children traveling alone in their busiest areas: The positivity rate fell to 6% in the first week of March from a high of nearly 20% in early February.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Asylum limits have been applied unevenly by nationality, depending largely on costs and diplomatic relations with home countries. Many migrants from Cuba, Venezuela, Nicaragua and, \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/russia-ukraine-immigration-covid-health-caribbean-b263d08de4ec094ee4d5e137c0ca8460\">more recently, Ukraine\u003c/a> have been spared. Homeland Security officials wrote to border authorities this month that Ukrainians may be exempt, saying Russia's invasion \"created a humanitarian crisis.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The Biden administration is expected to end, by May 23, the asylum limits at the U.S.-Mexico border that were put in place during the Trump administration ostensibly to prevent the spread of COVID-19, according to people familiar with the matter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The decision, not yet final, would stop the United States from invoking public health rules to avoid fulfilling its legal obligations to provide haven to people fleeing persecution. It would apply to all asylum-seekers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ending the limitations in May would allow for time to prepare at the border, the sources said. But the delay runs against the wishes of top Democrats and others who say COVID-19 has long been used as an excuse for the U.S. to get out of asylum obligations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It also raises the possibility that more asylum-seeking migrants will come to the border at a time when flows are already high. The Department of Homeland Security said Tuesday that \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/immigration-covid-health-arizona-san-antonio-f99c9d3e892a908471e096fa9882e251\">about 7,100 migrants were coming daily, compared with an average of about 5,900 a day in February\u003c/a>, a rate that's on pace to match or exceed highs from last year, 2019 and other peak periods.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>President Biden declined to discuss his administration’s plans, telling reporters Wednesday at the White House, “We’ll have a decision on that soon.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Whenever the limits are lifted, \"there will be an influx of people to the border. We are doing a lot of work to plan for that contingency,” said White House communications director Kate Bedingfield. Speaking broadly, Bedingfield said the administration is trying to “build up our migration system and ensure that we are restoring order at the border.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention had extended its asylum-blocking powers for two months in late January, near the height of the omicron variant. The authority is up for renewal this week, and officials were expected to announce as early as Friday that it would be terminated, giving border authorities a few months to prepare for the coming deadline.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The people familiar with the plans saw a draft report that has not been finalized, and spoke to The Associated Press on condition of anonymity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The limits went into place in March 2020 under the \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/immigration-coronavirus-pandemic-health-mexico-texas-45cb54dc7824e1848bd0f5656a4ff78a\">Trump administration\u003c/a> as coronavirus cases soared. While officials said at the time that it was a way to keep COVID-19 out of the United States, there always has been criticism that the restrictions were used as an excuse to seal the border to migrants unwanted by then-President Donald Trump.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was perhaps the broadest of Trump’s actions to restrict crossings and crack down on migrants. The health order has caused migrants to be expelled from the United States more than 1.7 million times since March 2020 without a chance for them to request asylum.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Restrictions took effect \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/virus-outbreak-pandemics-public-health-new-york-health-4ef0c6c5263815a26f8aa17f6ea490ae\">over the objections of CDC officials\u003c/a>. Dr. Martin Cetron of the Division of Global Migration and Quarantine refused the order, saying there was no public health basis for such a drastic move, the AP reported. But then-Vice President Mike Pence ordered the CDC’s director to use the agency’s emergency powers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, as mask mandates were lifted; vaccination rates climbed; and COVID-19 rates dropped among migrants crossing from Mexico, \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/immigration-covid-health-public-health-arizona-922239ef33f346b58cfc93772f8fc287\">it became increasingly difficult to defend the order on scientific grounds\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Biden, who has rolled back some of Trump’s other, more restrictive policies, has taken increasing criticism for keeping the policy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Homeland Security officials, Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer of New York and other top Democrats were increasingly vocal about wanting to end so-called Title 42 authority, named for a 1944 public health law to prevent communicable disease.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Not all Democratic elected officials agreed, including some from border and swing states. Sens. Mark Kelly and Kyrsten Sinema, both Arizona Democrats, sided with Republican leaders to say Title 42 should remain until U.S. border authorities were prepared for sharp increases in new arrivals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Border Patrol agents told me they expect a tsunami of humans to come across the border, and the Border Patrol has said they will lose control entirely,” said Sen. John Cornyn, R-Texas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Homeland Security officials said they are planning for as many as 18,000 arrivals daily, an astounding number that they cautioned was given simply to prepare for all possible outcomes, and is not a projection.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But there have been no major changes to how migrants are processed at the U.S.-Mexico border, and there is no increase in holding facilities for them. The immigration court backlog continues to soar, now at more than 1.7 million cases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Critics say Title 42 has been an excuse to avoid asylum obligations under U.S. law and international treaty, buying Biden time to create the \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/mexico-immigration-united-states-1efbf1f357a5210d2433b48820b9aa54\">“humane” asylum system\u003c/a> that he promised during his 2020 campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Title 42 is a horrific and unjustified policy that should never have been enacted and has caused grave harm to thousands of asylum-seekers over the past two years,\" said immigration attorney Lee Gelernt of the American Civil Liberties Union.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While there is no aggregate rate for migrants, COVID-19 test results from several major corridors for illegal border crossings suggest it is well below levels that have triggered concerns among U.S. officials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, 54 of 2,877 migrants tested positive in the first two weeks of March, according to the state Department of Social Services. That’s a rate of just 1.9%, down from a peak of 28.2% on January 8.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Pima County, Arizona, which includes Tucson, the seven-day positivity rate among migrants didn’t exceed 1.3% in early March. The positivity rate among 5,300 migrants tested last month at the Regional Center for Border Health near Yuma, Arizona, was 0.1%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>McAllen, Texas, the largest city in the busiest corridor for illegal crossings, has a higher rate among migrants — 11.3% for the week ending March 16 — but it has been consistently lower than the general population.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CDC Director Dr. Rochelle Walensky noted falling rates when she ended asylum limits on unaccompanied child migrants on March 11, while keeping them for adults and families with kids. In August, U.S. border authorities began testing children traveling alone in their busiest areas: The positivity rate fell to 6% in the first week of March from a high of nearly 20% in early February.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Asylum limits have been applied unevenly by nationality, depending largely on costs and diplomatic relations with home countries. Many migrants from Cuba, Venezuela, Nicaragua and, \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/russia-ukraine-immigration-covid-health-caribbean-b263d08de4ec094ee4d5e137c0ca8460\">more recently, Ukraine\u003c/a> have been spared. Homeland Security officials wrote to border authorities this month that Ukrainians may be exempt, saying Russia's invasion \"created a humanitarian crisis.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "'The Situation Was Not Different': For Afghan Refugee in California, Ukrainian Crisis Hits Close to Home",
"title": "'The Situation Was Not Different': For Afghan Refugee in California, Ukrainian Crisis Hits Close to Home",
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"content": "\u003cp>https://youtu.be/KxL3Wz8Cge4?t=687\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>From Ukraine to Afghanistan, Mexico and beyond, KQED Live's \"Finding Asylum in California\" event touched on asylum broadly as well as the U.S. immigration court system, the role of social media, and art.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Aiming to see the path of asylum-seekers to California through different lenses,\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/kqednewsroom\"> KQED Newsroom host Priya David Clemens\u003c/a> interviewed on stage Fouzia Azizi, director of refugee services at Jewish Family and Community Services East Bay, as well as \u003ca href=\"https://www.fresnocitycollege.edu/campus-life/events-and-places/art-space-gallery-exhibits/past-exhibits/2020-caleb-duarte.html\">Fresno City College professor and artist Caleb Duarte\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/tychehendricks\">KQED Immigration Senior Editor Tyche Hendricks\u003c/a>.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Caleb Duarte, artist\"]'We as artists, our tool is the image, the painted image, the ability to tell stories through simple actions that are kind of sometimes absurd actions that really change, can possibly change someone's perspective.'[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Azizi helps find homes and support for those fleeing war-torn counties. That's here and now. But when Azizi saw photos and videos of the war in Ukraine, it brought her back to her time growing up in Afghanistan, she told a virtual KQED audience on a livestream last week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It's [taking] me back to all those memories that I had when I was in Afghanistan as a young girl seeing Russian soldiers all over the city,\" she said. \"What I see and witness right now with Ukraine, my heart goes to these people. But the situation was not different in Afghanistan.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Caleb Duarte, who grew up in both Mexico and the U.S., is known for painting, public sculptures and community performances across the globe in places like Cuba, Honduras and India. He said \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=StqAYgy-tts\">his work tries to explore the human condition\u003c/a> while empowering others to exercise art: political prisoners, children, people in disability centers. His aim is to go past the hopelessness, to see evidence of power, resistance and survival.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We as artists, our tool is the image, the painted image, the ability to tell stories through simple actions that are kind of sometimes absurd actions that really change, can possibly change someone's perspective,\" Duarte said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A 2021 project he worked on called \"\u003ca href=\"https://www.calebduarte.org/tijuan\">Burning Houses\u003c/a>\" saw Duarte and asylum-seekers in Tijuana create small, symbolic houses with the families of refugees camping at the border to highlight the hope they have for their children: to seek a new life. Duarte said he considers the project \"invisible theater,\" with the audience being asylum-seekers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We decided to carry the houses through the camp and straight to the U.S.-Mexican border as a symbol as evidence of resistance, of survival, also evidence of joy,\" Duarte said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The community artists then burnt the homes at the U.S.-Mexican border.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Generally, we think of the idea of burning as such a destructive act, but it seems like you were really working to reclaim that. Why burn them?\" KQED's Clemens asked Duarte.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11909581\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1274px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11909581\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/HomeProject1.jpg\" alt=\"People carry small house-like structures as a form of art on tall, 10-foot stilts, along a beach, with the sun setting in the background.\" width=\"1274\" height=\"664\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/HomeProject1.jpg 1274w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/HomeProject1-800x417.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/HomeProject1-1020x532.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/HomeProject1-160x83.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1274px) 100vw, 1274px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Asylum-seekers carry their homes-as-art to the U.S.-Mexico border as part of Caleb Duarte's 'Burning Homes' community art project. \u003ccite>(Courtesy Caleb Duarte)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Duarte pointed to a statement made by U.S. Vice President Kamala Harris, who told Guatemalan immigrants at the time, \"\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2021/06/07/1004074139/harris-tells-guatemalans-not-to-migrate-to-the-united-states\">Do not come\u003c/a>.\" The artists hoped to \u003ca href=\"https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2018/dec/19/central-america-migrants-us-foreign-policy\">point to intervention from the U.S. into Central America\u003c/a> throughout history, Duarte said.[aside tag=\"immigration\" label=\"More immigration coverage\"]\"This was kind of a way of mirroring that violence,\" he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The KQED Live event also explored the policy side of the same asylum and refugee struggles. Hendricks, the KQED senior editor, joined the stage to talk about her work tracking dysfunction in U.S. immigration courts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That may touch close to home for KQED's audience. \"There's 1.7 million [immigration] cases backlogged in the U.S. San Francisco has a big court and one of the worst backlogs here as well,\" Hendricks said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Understaffing and underfunding are realities for the immigration court system, Hendricks said. But the Trump administration also began prosecuting \"a lot more people.\" The backlog can be felt keenly by individuals trying to navigate the system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The delays lead to these effects where, people that I've met who are preparing to make their asylum case, they prepare and prepare, if they have a lawyer, and their cases are rescheduled and canceled. And there's sort of a trauma to going back through this,\" Hendricks said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And that's if a person is fortunate enough to get representation at all: There isn't a right to appointed counsel if someone can't afford a lawyer — and when they can't, that's when things can take a turn for the worse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11909570\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1274px\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-11909570 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/KQEDlive1.jpg\" alt=\"Four panelists sit on a stage at KQED's The Commons, speaking with one another. \" width=\"1274\" height=\"664\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/KQEDlive1.jpg 1274w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/KQEDlive1-800x417.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/KQEDlive1-1020x532.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/KQEDlive1-160x83.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1274px) 100vw, 1274px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">KQED Newsroom's Priya David Clemens (right) interviews (from left) Tyche Hendricks, Fouzia Azizi and Caleb Duarte at a KQED Live event. \u003ccite>(KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Hendricks said she did a recent story on a Honduran woman, Rosa Díaz, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11900535/a-simple-paperwork-error-can-get-asylum-seekers-deported-rosa-diaz-got-lucky-on-a-lunch-break\">who came across the border with her children, fleeing violence and seeking asylum\u003c/a>. But a clerical error recorded her wrong address — listing her contact info as Los Angeles, instead of the city of Maxwell — and she wasn't notified of her hearing time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Díaz didn't show up, immigration officials ordered her deported in her absence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"She went to her next [Immigration and Customs Enforcement] check-in and they said, 'We're going to deport you today.' Her children were back home some 50 miles away. She walked out of the office and burst into tears,\" Hendricks said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Immigrant advocates and nonprofit legal services were able to help the woman, saving her from deportation. But it was a lucky break, Hendricks said, and not an opportunity all will have.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"That, to me, speaks to the dysfunction in the courts and the lack of due process,\" Hendricks said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://youtu.be/KxL3Wz8Cge4?t=687\">\u003cem>Watch the full virtual event from KQED Live, 'Finding Asylum in California,' on YouTube.\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/KxL3Wz8Cge4'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/KxL3Wz8Cge4'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>From Ukraine to Afghanistan, Mexico and beyond, KQED Live's \"Finding Asylum in California\" event touched on asylum broadly as well as the U.S. immigration court system, the role of social media, and art.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Aiming to see the path of asylum-seekers to California through different lenses,\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/kqednewsroom\"> KQED Newsroom host Priya David Clemens\u003c/a> interviewed on stage Fouzia Azizi, director of refugee services at Jewish Family and Community Services East Bay, as well as \u003ca href=\"https://www.fresnocitycollege.edu/campus-life/events-and-places/art-space-gallery-exhibits/past-exhibits/2020-caleb-duarte.html\">Fresno City College professor and artist Caleb Duarte\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/tychehendricks\">KQED Immigration Senior Editor Tyche Hendricks\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Azizi helps find homes and support for those fleeing war-torn counties. That's here and now. But when Azizi saw photos and videos of the war in Ukraine, it brought her back to her time growing up in Afghanistan, she told a virtual KQED audience on a livestream last week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It's [taking] me back to all those memories that I had when I was in Afghanistan as a young girl seeing Russian soldiers all over the city,\" she said. \"What I see and witness right now with Ukraine, my heart goes to these people. But the situation was not different in Afghanistan.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Caleb Duarte, who grew up in both Mexico and the U.S., is known for painting, public sculptures and community performances across the globe in places like Cuba, Honduras and India. He said \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=StqAYgy-tts\">his work tries to explore the human condition\u003c/a> while empowering others to exercise art: political prisoners, children, people in disability centers. His aim is to go past the hopelessness, to see evidence of power, resistance and survival.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We as artists, our tool is the image, the painted image, the ability to tell stories through simple actions that are kind of sometimes absurd actions that really change, can possibly change someone's perspective,\" Duarte said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A 2021 project he worked on called \"\u003ca href=\"https://www.calebduarte.org/tijuan\">Burning Houses\u003c/a>\" saw Duarte and asylum-seekers in Tijuana create small, symbolic houses with the families of refugees camping at the border to highlight the hope they have for their children: to seek a new life. Duarte said he considers the project \"invisible theater,\" with the audience being asylum-seekers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We decided to carry the houses through the camp and straight to the U.S.-Mexican border as a symbol as evidence of resistance, of survival, also evidence of joy,\" Duarte said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The community artists then burnt the homes at the U.S.-Mexican border.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Generally, we think of the idea of burning as such a destructive act, but it seems like you were really working to reclaim that. Why burn them?\" KQED's Clemens asked Duarte.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11909581\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1274px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11909581\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/HomeProject1.jpg\" alt=\"People carry small house-like structures as a form of art on tall, 10-foot stilts, along a beach, with the sun setting in the background.\" width=\"1274\" height=\"664\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/HomeProject1.jpg 1274w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/HomeProject1-800x417.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/HomeProject1-1020x532.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/HomeProject1-160x83.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1274px) 100vw, 1274px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Asylum-seekers carry their homes-as-art to the U.S.-Mexico border as part of Caleb Duarte's 'Burning Homes' community art project. \u003ccite>(Courtesy Caleb Duarte)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Duarte pointed to a statement made by U.S. Vice President Kamala Harris, who told Guatemalan immigrants at the time, \"\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2021/06/07/1004074139/harris-tells-guatemalans-not-to-migrate-to-the-united-states\">Do not come\u003c/a>.\" The artists hoped to \u003ca href=\"https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2018/dec/19/central-america-migrants-us-foreign-policy\">point to intervention from the U.S. into Central America\u003c/a> throughout history, Duarte said.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\"This was kind of a way of mirroring that violence,\" he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The KQED Live event also explored the policy side of the same asylum and refugee struggles. Hendricks, the KQED senior editor, joined the stage to talk about her work tracking dysfunction in U.S. immigration courts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That may touch close to home for KQED's audience. \"There's 1.7 million [immigration] cases backlogged in the U.S. San Francisco has a big court and one of the worst backlogs here as well,\" Hendricks said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Understaffing and underfunding are realities for the immigration court system, Hendricks said. But the Trump administration also began prosecuting \"a lot more people.\" The backlog can be felt keenly by individuals trying to navigate the system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The delays lead to these effects where, people that I've met who are preparing to make their asylum case, they prepare and prepare, if they have a lawyer, and their cases are rescheduled and canceled. And there's sort of a trauma to going back through this,\" Hendricks said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And that's if a person is fortunate enough to get representation at all: There isn't a right to appointed counsel if someone can't afford a lawyer — and when they can't, that's when things can take a turn for the worse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11909570\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1274px\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-11909570 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/KQEDlive1.jpg\" alt=\"Four panelists sit on a stage at KQED's The Commons, speaking with one another. \" width=\"1274\" height=\"664\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/KQEDlive1.jpg 1274w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/KQEDlive1-800x417.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/KQEDlive1-1020x532.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/KQEDlive1-160x83.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1274px) 100vw, 1274px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">KQED Newsroom's Priya David Clemens (right) interviews (from left) Tyche Hendricks, Fouzia Azizi and Caleb Duarte at a KQED Live event. \u003ccite>(KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Hendricks said she did a recent story on a Honduran woman, Rosa Díaz, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11900535/a-simple-paperwork-error-can-get-asylum-seekers-deported-rosa-diaz-got-lucky-on-a-lunch-break\">who came across the border with her children, fleeing violence and seeking asylum\u003c/a>. But a clerical error recorded her wrong address — listing her contact info as Los Angeles, instead of the city of Maxwell — and she wasn't notified of her hearing time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Díaz didn't show up, immigration officials ordered her deported in her absence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"She went to her next [Immigration and Customs Enforcement] check-in and they said, 'We're going to deport you today.' Her children were back home some 50 miles away. She walked out of the office and burst into tears,\" Hendricks said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Immigrant advocates and nonprofit legal services were able to help the woman, saving her from deportation. But it was a lucky break, Hendricks said, and not an opportunity all will have.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"That, to me, speaks to the dysfunction in the courts and the lack of due process,\" Hendricks said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://youtu.be/KxL3Wz8Cge4?t=687\">\u003cem>Watch the full virtual event from KQED Live, 'Finding Asylum in California,' on YouTube.\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
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"soldout": {
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"title": "SOLD OUT: Rethinking Housing in America",
"tagline": "A new future for housing",
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