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"content": "\u003cp>California lawmakers rejected a bill that would have blocked state prisons and jails from transferring noncitizens to federal immigration custody after the completion of their sentences.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The so-called \u003ca class=\"Link\" href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB937\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">VISION Act\u003c/a>, which overwhelmingly passed the state Assembly last year, fell three votes short of the 21 needed for approval in the Senate late Wednesday, as lawmakers rushed to wrap up the legislative session.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom vetoed similar legislation in 2019, saying then that it could “negatively impact prison operations.” The measure also faced stiff opposition from Republican lawmakers and law enforcement organizations, citing public safety concerns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Peace Officers Research Association of California said the bill would put “local law enforcement in a no-win situation, having to choose between state and federal laws.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State law prohibits local police and sheriffs from cooperating with U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement for some crimes, but those rules don’t apply to the prison system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state transferred more than 1,400 incarcerated people to immigration authorities in 2020, according to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.asianprisonersupport.com/\">Asian Prisoner Support Committee\u003c/a>, an advocacy group.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State corrections officials estimated that the bill, had it become law, could have cost the state an additional $22 million a year to supervise more than 2,500 parolees who otherwise would have been deported.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Illinois, Oregon and Washington, D.C., have already ended such transfers, as have at least eight California counties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State Sen. Susan Eggman, of Stockton, was among the few Democrats who also opposed the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our immigration system is broken. It needs to be fixed. I can’t do that at my level,” Eggman said, noting her background as a trained social worker and someone who firmly believes in redemption. “But on this bill, I cannot support it … because at the end of the day, the job I do have is to ensure my community is safe and to do everything I can to ensure the safety of my constituents.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The transfer issue \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11923465/immigrant-advocates-make-final-push-to-pass-bill-ending-prison-to-ice-transfers-in-california\">had drawn increased attention\u003c/a> in recent years after a number of noncitizen \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/bills-california-immigration-united-states-prisons-a9e4543eb6c5dbb662f09cfc4fe618f3\">incarcerated firefighters\u003c/a>, who risked their lives battling California blazes, were subsequently turned over to ICE when their sentences ended.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"related coverage\" tag=\"vision-act\"]“Whether you are an American citizen or … a refugee, if you have served your time, you have a right to be treated equally in the state of California,” Assemblymember Wendy Carrillo, D-Los Angeles, argued in support of her bill, AB 937, in advance of the Senate’s consideration. She said the state’s current policy “has created a dual justice system” that allows for deportations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters in the Senate said it’s unfair that people who have served their time are subjected to more punishment because they are not citizens, a process they argue effectively inflicts “double punishment.” Many are U.S. residents who fled Southeast Asia as children with their families after the Vietnam War and landed in impoverished and violent neighborhoods, they said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Activists rallied unsuccessfully last month to \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/eastbay/article/He-barely-remembers-Cambodia-He-may-be-deported-17378205.php\">stop immigration officials from deporting Phoeun You\u003c/a>, a man who had been granted parole earlier this year after spending a quarter century behind bars at San Quentin State Prison for a 1995 homicide. You, 48, was sent to Cambodia, a country he hadn’t set foot in since he was 4 years old, when his family fled the Khmer Rouge genocide in the 1970s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Yes, they made mistakes as young people and they were incarcerated and punished, but have transformed decades later,” said state Sen. Richard Pan, D-Sacramento. “It’s time to end this violence against the AAPI community.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State Sen. Scott Wiener, D-San Francisco, said the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation is being “incredibly arrogant” and basically “flipping us the bird” when lawmakers and voters have the power to set sentences for crimes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They paid their debt to the state of California, they did their time,” Wiener said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than 300 faith leaders signed a letter supporting the bill, which also had the backing of United Farm Workers co-founder Dolores Huerta.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What is happening right now is totally inhumane,” Huerta said during an online news conference before the Senate’s consideration. “This is double jeopardy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill’s supporters held it out as another litmus test for Newsom, a Democrat frequently mentioned as a possible presidential contender.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Salvador Sarmiento, legislative director for the National Day Laborer Organizing Network, said the measure “is a test whether Gavin Newsom is the type of leadership the country needs right now.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s Matthew Green and Tyche Hendricks contributed reporting to this story.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>California lawmakers rejected a bill that would have blocked state prisons and jails from transferring noncitizens to federal immigration custody after the completion of their sentences.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The so-called \u003ca class=\"Link\" href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB937\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">VISION Act\u003c/a>, which overwhelmingly passed the state Assembly last year, fell three votes short of the 21 needed for approval in the Senate late Wednesday, as lawmakers rushed to wrap up the legislative session.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom vetoed similar legislation in 2019, saying then that it could “negatively impact prison operations.” The measure also faced stiff opposition from Republican lawmakers and law enforcement organizations, citing public safety concerns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Peace Officers Research Association of California said the bill would put “local law enforcement in a no-win situation, having to choose between state and federal laws.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State law prohibits local police and sheriffs from cooperating with U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement for some crimes, but those rules don’t apply to the prison system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state transferred more than 1,400 incarcerated people to immigration authorities in 2020, according to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.asianprisonersupport.com/\">Asian Prisoner Support Committee\u003c/a>, an advocacy group.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State corrections officials estimated that the bill, had it become law, could have cost the state an additional $22 million a year to supervise more than 2,500 parolees who otherwise would have been deported.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Illinois, Oregon and Washington, D.C., have already ended such transfers, as have at least eight California counties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State Sen. Susan Eggman, of Stockton, was among the few Democrats who also opposed the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our immigration system is broken. It needs to be fixed. I can’t do that at my level,” Eggman said, noting her background as a trained social worker and someone who firmly believes in redemption. “But on this bill, I cannot support it … because at the end of the day, the job I do have is to ensure my community is safe and to do everything I can to ensure the safety of my constituents.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The transfer issue \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11923465/immigrant-advocates-make-final-push-to-pass-bill-ending-prison-to-ice-transfers-in-california\">had drawn increased attention\u003c/a> in recent years after a number of noncitizen \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/bills-california-immigration-united-states-prisons-a9e4543eb6c5dbb662f09cfc4fe618f3\">incarcerated firefighters\u003c/a>, who risked their lives battling California blazes, were subsequently turned over to ICE when their sentences ended.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“Whether you are an American citizen or … a refugee, if you have served your time, you have a right to be treated equally in the state of California,” Assemblymember Wendy Carrillo, D-Los Angeles, argued in support of her bill, AB 937, in advance of the Senate’s consideration. She said the state’s current policy “has created a dual justice system” that allows for deportations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters in the Senate said it’s unfair that people who have served their time are subjected to more punishment because they are not citizens, a process they argue effectively inflicts “double punishment.” Many are U.S. residents who fled Southeast Asia as children with their families after the Vietnam War and landed in impoverished and violent neighborhoods, they said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Activists rallied unsuccessfully last month to \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/eastbay/article/He-barely-remembers-Cambodia-He-may-be-deported-17378205.php\">stop immigration officials from deporting Phoeun You\u003c/a>, a man who had been granted parole earlier this year after spending a quarter century behind bars at San Quentin State Prison for a 1995 homicide. You, 48, was sent to Cambodia, a country he hadn’t set foot in since he was 4 years old, when his family fled the Khmer Rouge genocide in the 1970s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Yes, they made mistakes as young people and they were incarcerated and punished, but have transformed decades later,” said state Sen. Richard Pan, D-Sacramento. “It’s time to end this violence against the AAPI community.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State Sen. Scott Wiener, D-San Francisco, said the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation is being “incredibly arrogant” and basically “flipping us the bird” when lawmakers and voters have the power to set sentences for crimes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They paid their debt to the state of California, they did their time,” Wiener said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than 300 faith leaders signed a letter supporting the bill, which also had the backing of United Farm Workers co-founder Dolores Huerta.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What is happening right now is totally inhumane,” Huerta said during an online news conference before the Senate’s consideration. “This is double jeopardy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill’s supporters held it out as another litmus test for Newsom, a Democrat frequently mentioned as a possible presidential contender.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Salvador Sarmiento, legislative director for the National Day Laborer Organizing Network, said the measure “is a test whether Gavin Newsom is the type of leadership the country needs right now.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s Matthew Green and Tyche Hendricks contributed reporting to this story.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>California lawmakers on Monday approved a nation-leading measure that would give more than a half-million fast-food workers more power and protections, over the objections of restaurant owners who warn it would drive up consumers' costs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill will create a new 10-member Fast Food Council with equal numbers of workers’ delegates and employers’ representatives, along with two state officials, empowered to set minimum standards for wages, hours and working conditions in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size='medium' citation='Mary Kay Henry, president, Service Employees International Union']'We made history today.'[/pullquote]A late amendment would cap any minimum wage increase for fast-food workers at chains with more than 100 restaurants at $22 an hour next year, compared to the statewide minimum of $15.50 an hour, with cost-of-living increases thereafter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We made history today,” said Service Employees International Union President Mary Kay Henry, calling it “a watershed moment.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This legislation is a huge step forward for workers in California and all across the country,” she said, as advocates offered it as a model for other states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID='news_11913643']The Senate approved the measure on a 21-12 vote, over bipartisan opposition. Hours later the Assembly sent it to Gov. Gavin Newsom on a final 41-16 vote, both chambers acting with no votes to spare.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Debate split along party lines, with Republicans opposed, although three Democratic senators voted against the measure and several did not vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size='medium' citation='Sen. Brian Dahle, R-Redding, GOP gubernatorial nominee']'There are no slaves that work for California businesses, period. You can quit any day you want and you can go get a job someplace else if you don't like your employer.'[/pullquote]“It’s innovative, it’s bringing industry and workers together at the table,” said Democratic Sen. Maria Elena Durazo, who carried the bill in the Senate. She called it a \"very, very well-balanced method of addressing both the employers, the franchisees, as well as the workers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Almost every Republican senator spoke in opposition, including Sen. Brian Dahle, who also is the Republican nominee for governor in November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a stepping stone to unionize all these workers. At the end of the day, it’s going to drive up the cost of the products that they serve,” Dahle said. He added later, “There are no slaves that work for California businesses, period. You can quit any day you want and you can go get a job someplace else if you don’t like your employer.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Restaurant owners and franchisers cited an analysis they commissioned by the UC Riverside Center for Economic Forecasting and Development saying that the legislation would increase consumers' costs. Gov. Gavin Newsom's administration also fears the measure would create “a fragmented regulatory and legal environment.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The debate has drawn attention nationwide, including on Capitol Hill where Democratic U.S. Rep. Ro Khanna has expressed hope it will trigger similar efforts elsewhere.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It's “one of the most significant pieces of employment legislation passed in a generation,\" said Columbia Law School labor law expert Kate Andrias. She called it “a huge step forward for some of the most vulnerable workers in the country.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill grew out of a union movement to boost the minimum wage and Andrias said it would “work in conjunction with traditional union organizing to give more workers a voice in their working conditions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>International Franchise Association President and CEO Matthew Haller countered that the legislation “is a discriminatory measure aimed to target the franchise business model to bolster union ranks.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Organizations representing Asian, Black and LGBTQ+ businesses sent a letter to senators Monday arguing that the measure would harm minority owners and workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>California lawmakers on Monday approved a nation-leading measure that would give more than a half-million fast-food workers more power and protections, over the objections of restaurant owners who warn it would drive up consumers' costs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill will create a new 10-member Fast Food Council with equal numbers of workers’ delegates and employers’ representatives, along with two state officials, empowered to set minimum standards for wages, hours and working conditions in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>A 41-year-old man woke up in a tiny cell day after day, on a bed that sits just a few feet away from olive-colored walls. He was locked up alone in what detainees refer to as “the hole,” he told KQED, for 22 hours or longer per day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The space has a sink and a toilet, but no windows to view the ample sunshine outside the immigration detention building in Bakersfield.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement detention is legally classified as civil, rather than criminal, and is not intended to be a punishment. But that’s one of many incongruities for Mohamed Mousa, who said he was held in a restricted housing unit, or RHU, in solitary confinement for more than 40 days, beginning in late June.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s devastating. This right here shouldn’t be happening. That’s what I think about all day,” said Mousa, an Egyptian immigrant who was once hopeful about the individual freedoms this country promises. “This right here is un-American.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://news.un.org/en/story/2011/10/392012-solitary-confinement-should-be-banned-most-cases-un-expert-says\">United Nations has argued \u003c/a>that solitary confinement — also known as segregation or isolation — beyond 15 days can amount to torture and \u003ca href=\"https://www.unodc.org/documents/justice-and-prison-reform/Nelson_Mandela_Rules-E-ebook.pdf\">should be banned in most cases\u003c/a>. But the practice, which experts agree is so punitive that it can spark or exacerbate severe mental illness and depression, continues to exist in California, though it faces rising opposition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state Senate is expected to vote by August 31 on a bill that would restrict segregated confinement for all incarcerated people, including immigrant detainees. Meanwhile, \u003ca href=\"https://www.feinstein.senate.gov/public/index.cfm/press-releases?ContentRecord_id=9E8F927E-DBC7-453E-97BB-3B66AC4A52D7\">both California U.S. senators questioned ICE’s use of solitary confinement\u003c/a> as “excessive and seemingly indiscriminate” earlier this month, and have pressed the agency for answers on how it plans to fix the problem.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_11919749,news_11917597,news_11923465\"]Four detainees at the Mesa Verde ICE Processing Center, including Mousa, allege staffers kept them in solitary confinement for several days or longer for supporting \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11919161/ice-detainees-protested-1-a-day-wage-now-theyre-in-solitary-confinement\">a peaceful labor strike\u003c/a>, according to KQED interviews and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11919749/ice-detainees-making-1-a-day-sue-over-alleged-wage-theft\">a recent lawsuit\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dozens of detainees who were paid $1 a day to clean dormitories and bathrooms at the facility and the nearby Golden State Annex are calling for California’s minimum wage of $15 an hour.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesperson with The GEO Group, which owns and operates both detention centers, vehemently denied the men’s allegations of retaliation, and referred other questions to ICE.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The spokesperson also repeatedly denied that a labor strike is taking place at the facilities, arguing that the work program is voluntary and in compliance with \u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/doclib/detention-standards/2011/5-8.pdf\">ICE’s guidelines\u003c/a> that detainees be compensated “at least” $1 per workday. Congress can change the rate, but \u003ca href=\"https://scholarlycommons.law.case.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=4726&context=caselrev\">hasn’t done so since 1978\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. Senators Dianne Feinstein and Alex Padilla declined a request for comment. But Padilla is “actively engaged on the issues being raised” at Mesa Verde and Golden State Annex, according to a spokesperson for the senator.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He is working to increase transparency on how these concerns are being addressed in order to ensure proper oversight,” the spokesperson said in an email.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Mousa sent to solitary due to demonstration\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Mousa said he was kept in isolation until Thursday because he was “standing up for his rights and the rights of other detainees,” including by signing his name on a letter supporting the work stoppage on June 28.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s retaliation, it’s cruel, it’s punishment,” said Mousa, adding that his depression and anxiety have soared. “They want to break me. They want me to stop advocating. I’m already in hell. Detention is hell.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>GEO documents show Mousa was ordered to “administrative segregation” on June 29, and later found guilty of “engaging in or inciting a group demonstration” and “conduct that disrupts or interferes with the security and orderly operation of the facility.” Both charges are labeled as \u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/doclib/detention-standards/2011/2-2.pdf\">high offenses\u003c/a> by the ICE standards Mesa Verde must follow.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The facility denied Mousa’s appeal on July 15.[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Mohamed Mousa, ICE detainee\"]‘They want to break me. They want me to stop advocating. I’m already in hell. Dentention is hell.’[/pullquote]\u003cbr>\n“A records review indicates your direct involvement in the misconduct incident,” wrote GEO staffers in a report addressing Mousa’s grievance. “Further, as you correctly asserted, ‘I’m known to stand up for my rights,’ you consistently have attempted to disrupt the orderly running of the facility, and it will not be tolerated.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An ICE spokesperson said the agency will not disclose details of individual disciplinary actions, and would not comment on the claims by Mousa or the other detainees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“ICE fully respects the rights of all people to voice their opinion without interference, including through peaceful assembly and protest,” the ICE spokesperson wrote in a statement, but declined to comment on why the agency considers a detainee inciting or engaging in a demonstration a high offense.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Isolation ‘only when necessary,’ but evidence suggests otherwise\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>According to ICE, placing a detainee in segregation is a “serious step” that should follow the agency’s guidelines, and be used only when necessary after careful consideration of alternatives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A detainee may be isolated from others for disciplinary reasons or a wide range of “administrative” ones, including medical issues, a detainee’s own safety and the orderly operation of the facility.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Disciplinary segregation is restricted to no more than 30 days. Yet, the agency’s guidelines fail to spell out any limits for the administrative kind, which leads to abuses, according to immigrant advocates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ICE did not immediately respond to KQED’s requests for the number of detainees currently held in solitary confinement. Between 2013 and 2019, the agency recorded nearly 13,800 segregation placements nationwide that lasted longer than 14 consecutive days or involved vulnerable detainees, such as those with mental illness, identifying as gay or on a hunger strike.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agency’s watchdog found the figure could be higher, because ICE ignores the full extent of segregation use at its more than 200 detention centers around the country. Facilities owned or operated by for-profit companies such as GEO hold most immigrant detainees in the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.oig.dhs.gov/sites/default/files/assets/2021-10/OIG-22-01-Oct21.pdf\">lack of comprehensive isolation data hinders\u003c/a> the agency’s “ability to ensure compliance with policy, and prevent and detect potential misuse of segregation,” according to a report by the Department of Homeland Security Office of Inspector General published last fall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For example, inspectors found no evidence that detention centers considered any alternatives to isolating detainees in 72% of the incidents they studied. During an unannounced inspection of a privately run detention center in Calexico, east of San Diego, the OIG discovered \u003ca href=\"https://www.oig.dhs.gov/sites/default/files/assets/2020-12/OIG-21-12-Dec20.pdf\">two detainees isolated for more than 300 days\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11923787\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/GettyImages-450371179-scaled.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11923787\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/GettyImages-450371179-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"a hand reaches out from a cell to use a pay phone in a detention facility\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1684\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/GettyImages-450371179-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/GettyImages-450371179-800x526.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/GettyImages-450371179-1020x671.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/GettyImages-450371179-160x105.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/GettyImages-450371179-1536x1010.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/GettyImages-450371179-2048x1347.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/GettyImages-450371179-1920x1263.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">An immigrant detainee makes a call from his segregation cell at the Adelanto ICE Processing Center in California, which is operated by The GEO Group. \u003ccite>(John Moore/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Caitlin Patler, assistant sociology professor at UC Davis, said she worries there is no better oversight by the federal government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s highly likely that individuals’ rights are being violated by being placed into these extremely punitive settings,” said Patler, who has analyzed thousands of ICE solitary confinement incidents and found them more likely to occur at privately run facilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ICE officials concurred with the OIG’s recommended changes to improve the agency’s supervision of segregation, including requiring facilities to track all cases — regardless of how long they are or any detainee-identified vulnerabilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agency had committed to implementing the recommendations by August 31 before requesting an extension. The new due date is now October 31, according to an OIG spokesperson.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ICE declined to comment on why the extension was needed. But Stephen Roncone, the agency’s chief financial officer, acknowledged that the size of ICE’s network of facilities may present reporting challenges while the agency tries to ensure compliance with the rules.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The goal of ICE detention standards is to ensure that detainees are treated humanely … and receive the rights and protections they are entitled to,” Roncone wrote in the agency’s response to the OIG report.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>State bill would limit use of solitary confinement\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>This comes as the California Senate considers \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB2632\">AB 2632\u003c/a>, also known as the California Mandela Act in reference to the \u003ca href=\"https://documents-dds-ny.un.org/doc/UNDOC/GEN/N15/443/41/PDF/N1544341.pdf?OpenElement\">United Nations rules\u003c/a> that prohibit indefinite or prolonged solitary confinement beyond 15 days.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Stephen Roncone, chief financial officer, ICE\"]‘The goal of ICE detention standards is to ensure that detainees are treated humanely … and receive the rights and protections they are entitled to.’[/pullquote]The bill, by Assemblymember Chris Holden, D-Pasadena, would also limit the use of segregated confinement to no longer than 15 consecutive days or 45 days in a period of six months. The practice would be banned for incarcerated people who have a mental or physical disability; have a serious mental health disorder; are pregnant; are 25 years old or younger, with some exceptions, or older than 60.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Opponents, including law enforcement groups such as the California State Sheriffs’ Association, argue that the bill’s restrictions will practically end the practice, including when they believe it’s needed for the safety of inmates or staffers. Proponents counter solitary confinement diminishes the prospects of successful rehabilitation in prisons and can irreparably harm people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Holden, in response to questions about segregation reports at the Mesa Verde ICE Processing Center, said that stories like Mousa’s were not uncommon.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The reports that solitary confinement has been used by private prison companies to undermine the First Amendment rights of immigrants in detention is exactly why California needs to pass the California Mandela Act,” said Holden in a statement. “California is no place for torture.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters argue California has the authority to regulate conditions of confinement for people within its borders, but legislative analyses say \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billAnalysisClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB2632\">it’s an open question\u003c/a> whether the bill can cover immigration detention centers, which are overseen by the federal government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ICE arrested Mousa in December 2019 as he was released from Tehachapi State Prison in Southern California. Mousa had served a prison sentence for felonies related to an assault and possession of a firearm. The former film student, who lived in Los Angeles for years, has additional prior convictions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mesa Verde, with 400 beds, currently holds 52 men and \u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/detain/detention-management\">meets ICE’s detention standards\u003c/a>, according to the agency’s statistics. Agency officials make custody determinations on a “case-by-case basis” and focus on cases that represent a threat to public safety or flight risk, an ICE spokesperson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mousa will remain in custody pending a review of his case at the U.S. 9th Circuit Court of Appeals, according to ICE. Immigration judges had granted him protections from deportation in 2014 and then again in 2020, but ICE appealed, said Mousa’s attorney Kelsey Morales with the Alameda County Public Defender’s Office.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A 41-year-old man woke up in a tiny cell day after day, on a bed that sits just a few feet away from olive-colored walls. He was locked up alone in what detainees refer to as “the hole,” he told KQED, for 22 hours or longer per day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The space has a sink and a toilet, but no windows to view the ample sunshine outside the immigration detention building in Bakersfield.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement detention is legally classified as civil, rather than criminal, and is not intended to be a punishment. But that’s one of many incongruities for Mohamed Mousa, who said he was held in a restricted housing unit, or RHU, in solitary confinement for more than 40 days, beginning in late June.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s devastating. This right here shouldn’t be happening. That’s what I think about all day,” said Mousa, an Egyptian immigrant who was once hopeful about the individual freedoms this country promises. “This right here is un-American.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://news.un.org/en/story/2011/10/392012-solitary-confinement-should-be-banned-most-cases-un-expert-says\">United Nations has argued \u003c/a>that solitary confinement — also known as segregation or isolation — beyond 15 days can amount to torture and \u003ca href=\"https://www.unodc.org/documents/justice-and-prison-reform/Nelson_Mandela_Rules-E-ebook.pdf\">should be banned in most cases\u003c/a>. But the practice, which experts agree is so punitive that it can spark or exacerbate severe mental illness and depression, continues to exist in California, though it faces rising opposition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state Senate is expected to vote by August 31 on a bill that would restrict segregated confinement for all incarcerated people, including immigrant detainees. Meanwhile, \u003ca href=\"https://www.feinstein.senate.gov/public/index.cfm/press-releases?ContentRecord_id=9E8F927E-DBC7-453E-97BB-3B66AC4A52D7\">both California U.S. senators questioned ICE’s use of solitary confinement\u003c/a> as “excessive and seemingly indiscriminate” earlier this month, and have pressed the agency for answers on how it plans to fix the problem.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Four detainees at the Mesa Verde ICE Processing Center, including Mousa, allege staffers kept them in solitary confinement for several days or longer for supporting \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11919161/ice-detainees-protested-1-a-day-wage-now-theyre-in-solitary-confinement\">a peaceful labor strike\u003c/a>, according to KQED interviews and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11919749/ice-detainees-making-1-a-day-sue-over-alleged-wage-theft\">a recent lawsuit\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dozens of detainees who were paid $1 a day to clean dormitories and bathrooms at the facility and the nearby Golden State Annex are calling for California’s minimum wage of $15 an hour.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesperson with The GEO Group, which owns and operates both detention centers, vehemently denied the men’s allegations of retaliation, and referred other questions to ICE.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The spokesperson also repeatedly denied that a labor strike is taking place at the facilities, arguing that the work program is voluntary and in compliance with \u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/doclib/detention-standards/2011/5-8.pdf\">ICE’s guidelines\u003c/a> that detainees be compensated “at least” $1 per workday. Congress can change the rate, but \u003ca href=\"https://scholarlycommons.law.case.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=4726&context=caselrev\">hasn’t done so since 1978\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. Senators Dianne Feinstein and Alex Padilla declined a request for comment. But Padilla is “actively engaged on the issues being raised” at Mesa Verde and Golden State Annex, according to a spokesperson for the senator.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He is working to increase transparency on how these concerns are being addressed in order to ensure proper oversight,” the spokesperson said in an email.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Mousa sent to solitary due to demonstration\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Mousa said he was kept in isolation until Thursday because he was “standing up for his rights and the rights of other detainees,” including by signing his name on a letter supporting the work stoppage on June 28.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s retaliation, it’s cruel, it’s punishment,” said Mousa, adding that his depression and anxiety have soared. “They want to break me. They want me to stop advocating. I’m already in hell. Detention is hell.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>GEO documents show Mousa was ordered to “administrative segregation” on June 29, and later found guilty of “engaging in or inciting a group demonstration” and “conduct that disrupts or interferes with the security and orderly operation of the facility.” Both charges are labeled as \u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/doclib/detention-standards/2011/2-2.pdf\">high offenses\u003c/a> by the ICE standards Mesa Verde must follow.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The facility denied Mousa’s appeal on July 15.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘They want to break me. They want me to stop advocating. I’m already in hell. Dentention is hell.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cbr>\n“A records review indicates your direct involvement in the misconduct incident,” wrote GEO staffers in a report addressing Mousa’s grievance. “Further, as you correctly asserted, ‘I’m known to stand up for my rights,’ you consistently have attempted to disrupt the orderly running of the facility, and it will not be tolerated.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An ICE spokesperson said the agency will not disclose details of individual disciplinary actions, and would not comment on the claims by Mousa or the other detainees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“ICE fully respects the rights of all people to voice their opinion without interference, including through peaceful assembly and protest,” the ICE spokesperson wrote in a statement, but declined to comment on why the agency considers a detainee inciting or engaging in a demonstration a high offense.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Isolation ‘only when necessary,’ but evidence suggests otherwise\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>According to ICE, placing a detainee in segregation is a “serious step” that should follow the agency’s guidelines, and be used only when necessary after careful consideration of alternatives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A detainee may be isolated from others for disciplinary reasons or a wide range of “administrative” ones, including medical issues, a detainee’s own safety and the orderly operation of the facility.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Disciplinary segregation is restricted to no more than 30 days. Yet, the agency’s guidelines fail to spell out any limits for the administrative kind, which leads to abuses, according to immigrant advocates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ICE did not immediately respond to KQED’s requests for the number of detainees currently held in solitary confinement. Between 2013 and 2019, the agency recorded nearly 13,800 segregation placements nationwide that lasted longer than 14 consecutive days or involved vulnerable detainees, such as those with mental illness, identifying as gay or on a hunger strike.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agency’s watchdog found the figure could be higher, because ICE ignores the full extent of segregation use at its more than 200 detention centers around the country. Facilities owned or operated by for-profit companies such as GEO hold most immigrant detainees in the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.oig.dhs.gov/sites/default/files/assets/2021-10/OIG-22-01-Oct21.pdf\">lack of comprehensive isolation data hinders\u003c/a> the agency’s “ability to ensure compliance with policy, and prevent and detect potential misuse of segregation,” according to a report by the Department of Homeland Security Office of Inspector General published last fall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For example, inspectors found no evidence that detention centers considered any alternatives to isolating detainees in 72% of the incidents they studied. During an unannounced inspection of a privately run detention center in Calexico, east of San Diego, the OIG discovered \u003ca href=\"https://www.oig.dhs.gov/sites/default/files/assets/2020-12/OIG-21-12-Dec20.pdf\">two detainees isolated for more than 300 days\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11923787\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/GettyImages-450371179-scaled.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11923787\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/GettyImages-450371179-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"a hand reaches out from a cell to use a pay phone in a detention facility\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1684\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/GettyImages-450371179-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/GettyImages-450371179-800x526.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/GettyImages-450371179-1020x671.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/GettyImages-450371179-160x105.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/GettyImages-450371179-1536x1010.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/GettyImages-450371179-2048x1347.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/GettyImages-450371179-1920x1263.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">An immigrant detainee makes a call from his segregation cell at the Adelanto ICE Processing Center in California, which is operated by The GEO Group. \u003ccite>(John Moore/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Caitlin Patler, assistant sociology professor at UC Davis, said she worries there is no better oversight by the federal government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s highly likely that individuals’ rights are being violated by being placed into these extremely punitive settings,” said Patler, who has analyzed thousands of ICE solitary confinement incidents and found them more likely to occur at privately run facilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ICE officials concurred with the OIG’s recommended changes to improve the agency’s supervision of segregation, including requiring facilities to track all cases — regardless of how long they are or any detainee-identified vulnerabilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agency had committed to implementing the recommendations by August 31 before requesting an extension. The new due date is now October 31, according to an OIG spokesperson.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ICE declined to comment on why the extension was needed. But Stephen Roncone, the agency’s chief financial officer, acknowledged that the size of ICE’s network of facilities may present reporting challenges while the agency tries to ensure compliance with the rules.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The goal of ICE detention standards is to ensure that detainees are treated humanely … and receive the rights and protections they are entitled to,” Roncone wrote in the agency’s response to the OIG report.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>State bill would limit use of solitary confinement\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>This comes as the California Senate considers \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB2632\">AB 2632\u003c/a>, also known as the California Mandela Act in reference to the \u003ca href=\"https://documents-dds-ny.un.org/doc/UNDOC/GEN/N15/443/41/PDF/N1544341.pdf?OpenElement\">United Nations rules\u003c/a> that prohibit indefinite or prolonged solitary confinement beyond 15 days.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘The goal of ICE detention standards is to ensure that detainees are treated humanely … and receive the rights and protections they are entitled to.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The bill, by Assemblymember Chris Holden, D-Pasadena, would also limit the use of segregated confinement to no longer than 15 consecutive days or 45 days in a period of six months. The practice would be banned for incarcerated people who have a mental or physical disability; have a serious mental health disorder; are pregnant; are 25 years old or younger, with some exceptions, or older than 60.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Opponents, including law enforcement groups such as the California State Sheriffs’ Association, argue that the bill’s restrictions will practically end the practice, including when they believe it’s needed for the safety of inmates or staffers. Proponents counter solitary confinement diminishes the prospects of successful rehabilitation in prisons and can irreparably harm people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Holden, in response to questions about segregation reports at the Mesa Verde ICE Processing Center, said that stories like Mousa’s were not uncommon.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The reports that solitary confinement has been used by private prison companies to undermine the First Amendment rights of immigrants in detention is exactly why California needs to pass the California Mandela Act,” said Holden in a statement. “California is no place for torture.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters argue California has the authority to regulate conditions of confinement for people within its borders, but legislative analyses say \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billAnalysisClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB2632\">it’s an open question\u003c/a> whether the bill can cover immigration detention centers, which are overseen by the federal government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ICE arrested Mousa in December 2019 as he was released from Tehachapi State Prison in Southern California. Mousa had served a prison sentence for felonies related to an assault and possession of a firearm. The former film student, who lived in Los Angeles for years, has additional prior convictions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mesa Verde, with 400 beds, currently holds 52 men and \u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/detain/detention-management\">meets ICE’s detention standards\u003c/a>, according to the agency’s statistics. Agency officials make custody determinations on a “case-by-case basis” and focus on cases that represent a threat to public safety or flight risk, an ICE spokesperson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mousa will remain in custody pending a review of his case at the U.S. 9th Circuit Court of Appeals, according to ICE. Immigration judges had granted him protections from deportation in 2014 and then again in 2020, but ICE appealed, said Mousa’s attorney Kelsey Morales with the Alameda County Public Defender’s Office.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Farmworkers' 24-Day March Culminates in Sacramento, Pressuring Newsom to Sign Union Bill",
"title": "Farmworkers' 24-Day March Culminates in Sacramento, Pressuring Newsom to Sign Union Bill",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Update, 6 p.m. Friday: \u003c/strong>A broadly smiling California Gov. Gavin Newsom joined about two dozen jubilant, cheering farmworkers camped outside the state Capitol on Wednesday, September 28, to sign a measure aimed at helping farmworkers unionize.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom initially announced his intention to veto the bill — one of the most contentious bills before the governor this year — but reversed course after President Joe Biden and Vice President Kamala Harris publicly backed it, pinning him in a difficult political position.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom, however, approved the bill only after he, the United Farm Workers and the California Labor Federation agreed on \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/2022/09/9.28.22-clarifying-language.pdf?emrc=c31a79\">clarifying language\u003c/a> to be considered during \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/2022/09/9.28.22-letter-to-Governor.pdf?emrc=026267\">next year’s legislative session\u003c/a> to address his concerns around implementation and voting integrity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new law gives California farmworkers, who harvest much of the nation’s fruit and vegetables, new ways to vote in union elections beyond physical polling places on farm property. Proponents say that will help protect workers from union busting and other intimidation, while many farm owners say such a system lacks necessary safeguards to prevent fraud.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agreement includes a cap on the number of unionization petitions over the next five years and will allow state regulators to better protect worker confidentiality and safety, Newsom's office said. It drops the option for workers to unionize through mail-in voting — as the UFW had pushed for — but allows for a “card check” election process, offering farmworkers a chance to vote from home in an effort to limit the chances of employer intimidation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Original post, August 26: \u003c/strong>Thousands of farmworkers and their allies finished a march to California’s Capitol in Sacramento on Friday, completing the last leg of a 24-day journey that began 350 miles away in Delano. The United Farm Workers union designed the march to pressure Gov. Gavin Newsom to sign a bill that would give farmworkers the option to vote by mail in union elections, mirroring the way Californians vote for candidates for political office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As state law currently stands, farmworkers must vote in union elections in person on sites owned by the growers that employ them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That creates a lot of intimidation. Many employers have security there, all the supervisors are there, and that doesn’t promote participation,” said United Farm Workers President Teresa Romero in an interview with KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Agricultural Labor Relations Voting Choice Act, \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB2183\">Assembly Bill 2183\u003c/a>, would change that in-person voting requirement and would also prohibit growers from encouraging or discouraging union membership. Under the new bill, growers could also face fines of up to $25,000 for certain specific labor rights violations, and up to $10,000 for general labor rights violations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in a statement released hours before farmworkers were set to march the last mile to the Capitol, Newsom said he would not support the bill as it currently stands. The governor's office \u003ca href=\"https://www.fresnobee.com/news/politics-government/article264941129.html\">told The Fresno Bee that Newsom remains open to negotiations\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Veronica Mota, one of the 19 farmworkers who braved triple-digit temperatures for the entire 24-day march, said she was sad to hear that news, but that she remained motivated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is not going to take away my motivation to continue pushing for what is right,” Mota told KQED. “It doesn’t end here. It starts here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11923836\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11923836\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS58064_063_KQED_UnitedFarmWorkersMarch_08242022-qut.jpg\" alt=\"smiling woman holds red flag as she walks at front of line of marchers along rural road in the sunshine\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS58064_063_KQED_UnitedFarmWorkersMarch_08242022-qut.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS58064_063_KQED_UnitedFarmWorkersMarch_08242022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS58064_063_KQED_UnitedFarmWorkersMarch_08242022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS58064_063_KQED_UnitedFarmWorkersMarch_08242022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS58064_063_KQED_UnitedFarmWorkersMarch_08242022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Izabella Gonzalez walks with her family during the United Farm Workers march leaving Walnut Grove on Day 22 of a 24-day 'March for the Governor's Signature' on Wednesday. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Fifty-six years ago, César Chavez did this march to bring awareness to the issues of farmworkers,” Romero said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We thought it was important enough to recreate that march, so people and the consumers understand that farmworkers still need the rights that other workers have. We all eat because of their hard work.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/UFWupdates/status/1562326316786954240?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Flor Martinez Zaragoza, creator, @flowerinspanish\"]'It's blood, tears and sweat. It's what it takes to create change, bring awareness, be seen and be heard.'[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lourdes Cardenas, a farmworker and union member, had been marching for days when KQED spoke with her in Spanish on Thursday morning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Even though our feet hurt, and our ankles hurt, it’s been a very strong [march]. We’re reaching for victory,” Cardenas said. “It would give us all better benefits, rights and equality. We’re people — we may have a lower salary, but we’re parents, we’re people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11923841\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11923841\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS58054_057_KQED_UnitedFarmWorkersMarch_08242022-qut.jpg\" alt=\"line of marchers walks down a rural highway\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1278\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS58054_057_KQED_UnitedFarmWorkersMarch_08242022-qut.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS58054_057_KQED_UnitedFarmWorkersMarch_08242022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS58054_057_KQED_UnitedFarmWorkersMarch_08242022-qut-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS58054_057_KQED_UnitedFarmWorkersMarch_08242022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS58054_057_KQED_UnitedFarmWorkersMarch_08242022-qut-1536x1022.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Farmworkers and their supporters leave Walnut Grove on Day 22 of a 24-day 'March for the Governor’s Signature' on Wednesday. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=arts_13918088 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/2/2022/08/RS58048_044_KQED_UnitedFarmWorkersMarch_08242022-qut-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before reaching Sacramento, the march attracted hundreds of people over the 24 days since it started in the Kern County city of Delano.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/arts/13918088/bay-area-chefs-united-farm-workers-march-al-pastor-papi\">Food vendors provided sopas, tacos and other cuisine\u003c/a> for marchers; \u003ca href=\"https://health.ucdavis.edu/cppn/news/headlines/medical-students-help-soothe-farmworkers-on-300-mile-trek/2022/08\">UC Davis medical students tended to blistered feet and swollen legs\u003c/a>; and children of farmworkers came to support their families.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Flor Martinez Zaragoza, a prominent activist on \u003ca href=\"https://www.instagram.com/flowerinspanish/?hl=en\">Instagram\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.tiktok.com/@flowerinspanish\">TikTok\u003c/a>, said social media has helped her spread the word to a younger generation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11923839\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11923839\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS58020_017_KQED_UnitedFarmWorkersMarch_08242022-qut.jpg\" alt=\"smiling woman holds bright union flag against bright blue sky\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS58020_017_KQED_UnitedFarmWorkersMarch_08242022-qut.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS58020_017_KQED_UnitedFarmWorkersMarch_08242022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS58020_017_KQED_UnitedFarmWorkersMarch_08242022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS58020_017_KQED_UnitedFarmWorkersMarch_08242022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS58020_017_KQED_UnitedFarmWorkersMarch_08242022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Flor Martinez Zaragoza walks with farmworkers and their supporters as they march through Walnut Grove on Day 22 of a 24-day 'March for the Governor’s Signature' on Wednesday. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“This march has definitely felt historic. It’s from the heart, it’s raw emotions. It's blood, tears and sweat. It’s what it takes to create change, bring awareness, be seen and be heard,” Martinez Zaragoza said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Social media is a tool that we have now, and I think it’s important that we utilize it to organize and be able to make an impact. The youth have their phones on them 24/7.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11923706\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11923706\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS58051_049_KQED_UnitedFarmWorkersMarch_08242022-qut.jpg\" alt=\"line or marchers, one draped in union flag, walk away from the camera along a rural highway next to a river\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS58051_049_KQED_UnitedFarmWorkersMarch_08242022-qut.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS58051_049_KQED_UnitedFarmWorkersMarch_08242022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS58051_049_KQED_UnitedFarmWorkersMarch_08242022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS58051_049_KQED_UnitedFarmWorkersMarch_08242022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS58051_049_KQED_UnitedFarmWorkersMarch_08242022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Farmworkers and their supporters march next to the Sacramento River as they pass through Walnut Grove on Day 22 of a 24-day 'March for the Governor’s Signature' on Wednesday. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Although the march has gained the support of thousands of people in person and even more online, there is still opposition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Matthew Allen, \u003ca href=\"https://www.wga.com/blog/card-check-bill-ab-2183-heads-california-assembly-floor\">vice president of state government affairs for the Western Growers Association\u003c/a>, which represents family farmers in California, Arizona, Colorado and New Mexico, said the bill is “the latest attempt to undermine the secret ballot election process as established by the Agricultural Labor Relations Act.”[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Teresa Romero, president, United Farm Workers\"]'It's been 330 miles. Our bodies hurt, our feet are blistered. We're exhausted, but our spirits are high.'[/pullquote]If Gov. Newsom does not eventually sign the bill, Romero said the UFW “will regroup and plan because we are not going to give up. This is something that is that important to us, that is that important to farmworkers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11923831\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11923831\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS58208_075_KQED_UnitedFarmWorkersMarch_08242022-qut.jpg\" alt=\"woman with long grey hair wearing hat and light by early morning sun speaks as others listen\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1278\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS58208_075_KQED_UnitedFarmWorkersMarch_08242022-qut.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS58208_075_KQED_UnitedFarmWorkersMarch_08242022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS58208_075_KQED_UnitedFarmWorkersMarch_08242022-qut-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS58208_075_KQED_UnitedFarmWorkersMarch_08242022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS58208_075_KQED_UnitedFarmWorkersMarch_08242022-qut-1536x1022.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Teresa Romero, president of the United Farm Workers union, speaks to marchers in Walnut Grove before setting out on Day 22 of their 24-day 'March for the Governor’s Signature' on Wednesday. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>When KQED spoke to Romero on Thursday, she was preparing to march 14 miles, the second-to-last leg of the campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s been 330 miles. Our bodies hurt, our feet are blistered,” Romero said. “We’re exhausted, but our spirits are high.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story includes reporting from KQED's Madi Bolaños and Don Thompson of The Associated Press.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Farmworkers and their allies finished a march from Delano to Sacramento Friday, rallying behind a new bill that aims to provide increased labor protections. But Gov. Newsom said he won't support it in its current form.",
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"description": "Farmworkers and their allies finished a march from Delano to Sacramento Friday, rallying behind a new bill that aims to provide increased labor protections. But Gov. Newsom said he won't support it in its current form.",
"title": "Farmworkers' 24-Day March Culminates in Sacramento, Pressuring Newsom to Sign Union Bill | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Update, 6 p.m. Friday: \u003c/strong>A broadly smiling California Gov. Gavin Newsom joined about two dozen jubilant, cheering farmworkers camped outside the state Capitol on Wednesday, September 28, to sign a measure aimed at helping farmworkers unionize.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom initially announced his intention to veto the bill — one of the most contentious bills before the governor this year — but reversed course after President Joe Biden and Vice President Kamala Harris publicly backed it, pinning him in a difficult political position.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom, however, approved the bill only after he, the United Farm Workers and the California Labor Federation agreed on \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/2022/09/9.28.22-clarifying-language.pdf?emrc=c31a79\">clarifying language\u003c/a> to be considered during \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/2022/09/9.28.22-letter-to-Governor.pdf?emrc=026267\">next year’s legislative session\u003c/a> to address his concerns around implementation and voting integrity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new law gives California farmworkers, who harvest much of the nation’s fruit and vegetables, new ways to vote in union elections beyond physical polling places on farm property. Proponents say that will help protect workers from union busting and other intimidation, while many farm owners say such a system lacks necessary safeguards to prevent fraud.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agreement includes a cap on the number of unionization petitions over the next five years and will allow state regulators to better protect worker confidentiality and safety, Newsom's office said. It drops the option for workers to unionize through mail-in voting — as the UFW had pushed for — but allows for a “card check” election process, offering farmworkers a chance to vote from home in an effort to limit the chances of employer intimidation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Original post, August 26: \u003c/strong>Thousands of farmworkers and their allies finished a march to California’s Capitol in Sacramento on Friday, completing the last leg of a 24-day journey that began 350 miles away in Delano. The United Farm Workers union designed the march to pressure Gov. Gavin Newsom to sign a bill that would give farmworkers the option to vote by mail in union elections, mirroring the way Californians vote for candidates for political office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As state law currently stands, farmworkers must vote in union elections in person on sites owned by the growers that employ them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That creates a lot of intimidation. Many employers have security there, all the supervisors are there, and that doesn’t promote participation,” said United Farm Workers President Teresa Romero in an interview with KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Agricultural Labor Relations Voting Choice Act, \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB2183\">Assembly Bill 2183\u003c/a>, would change that in-person voting requirement and would also prohibit growers from encouraging or discouraging union membership. Under the new bill, growers could also face fines of up to $25,000 for certain specific labor rights violations, and up to $10,000 for general labor rights violations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in a statement released hours before farmworkers were set to march the last mile to the Capitol, Newsom said he would not support the bill as it currently stands. The governor's office \u003ca href=\"https://www.fresnobee.com/news/politics-government/article264941129.html\">told The Fresno Bee that Newsom remains open to negotiations\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Veronica Mota, one of the 19 farmworkers who braved triple-digit temperatures for the entire 24-day march, said she was sad to hear that news, but that she remained motivated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is not going to take away my motivation to continue pushing for what is right,” Mota told KQED. “It doesn’t end here. It starts here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11923836\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11923836\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS58064_063_KQED_UnitedFarmWorkersMarch_08242022-qut.jpg\" alt=\"smiling woman holds red flag as she walks at front of line of marchers along rural road in the sunshine\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS58064_063_KQED_UnitedFarmWorkersMarch_08242022-qut.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS58064_063_KQED_UnitedFarmWorkersMarch_08242022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS58064_063_KQED_UnitedFarmWorkersMarch_08242022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS58064_063_KQED_UnitedFarmWorkersMarch_08242022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS58064_063_KQED_UnitedFarmWorkersMarch_08242022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Izabella Gonzalez walks with her family during the United Farm Workers march leaving Walnut Grove on Day 22 of a 24-day 'March for the Governor's Signature' on Wednesday. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Fifty-six years ago, César Chavez did this march to bring awareness to the issues of farmworkers,” Romero said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We thought it was important enough to recreate that march, so people and the consumers understand that farmworkers still need the rights that other workers have. We all eat because of their hard work.”\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lourdes Cardenas, a farmworker and union member, had been marching for days when KQED spoke with her in Spanish on Thursday morning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Even though our feet hurt, and our ankles hurt, it’s been a very strong [march]. We’re reaching for victory,” Cardenas said. “It would give us all better benefits, rights and equality. We’re people — we may have a lower salary, but we’re parents, we’re people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11923841\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11923841\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS58054_057_KQED_UnitedFarmWorkersMarch_08242022-qut.jpg\" alt=\"line of marchers walks down a rural highway\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1278\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS58054_057_KQED_UnitedFarmWorkersMarch_08242022-qut.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS58054_057_KQED_UnitedFarmWorkersMarch_08242022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS58054_057_KQED_UnitedFarmWorkersMarch_08242022-qut-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS58054_057_KQED_UnitedFarmWorkersMarch_08242022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS58054_057_KQED_UnitedFarmWorkersMarch_08242022-qut-1536x1022.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Farmworkers and their supporters leave Walnut Grove on Day 22 of a 24-day 'March for the Governor’s Signature' on Wednesday. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before reaching Sacramento, the march attracted hundreds of people over the 24 days since it started in the Kern County city of Delano.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/arts/13918088/bay-area-chefs-united-farm-workers-march-al-pastor-papi\">Food vendors provided sopas, tacos and other cuisine\u003c/a> for marchers; \u003ca href=\"https://health.ucdavis.edu/cppn/news/headlines/medical-students-help-soothe-farmworkers-on-300-mile-trek/2022/08\">UC Davis medical students tended to blistered feet and swollen legs\u003c/a>; and children of farmworkers came to support their families.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Flor Martinez Zaragoza, a prominent activist on \u003ca href=\"https://www.instagram.com/flowerinspanish/?hl=en\">Instagram\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.tiktok.com/@flowerinspanish\">TikTok\u003c/a>, said social media has helped her spread the word to a younger generation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11923839\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11923839\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS58020_017_KQED_UnitedFarmWorkersMarch_08242022-qut.jpg\" alt=\"smiling woman holds bright union flag against bright blue sky\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS58020_017_KQED_UnitedFarmWorkersMarch_08242022-qut.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS58020_017_KQED_UnitedFarmWorkersMarch_08242022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS58020_017_KQED_UnitedFarmWorkersMarch_08242022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS58020_017_KQED_UnitedFarmWorkersMarch_08242022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS58020_017_KQED_UnitedFarmWorkersMarch_08242022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Flor Martinez Zaragoza walks with farmworkers and their supporters as they march through Walnut Grove on Day 22 of a 24-day 'March for the Governor’s Signature' on Wednesday. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“This march has definitely felt historic. It’s from the heart, it’s raw emotions. It's blood, tears and sweat. It’s what it takes to create change, bring awareness, be seen and be heard,” Martinez Zaragoza said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Social media is a tool that we have now, and I think it’s important that we utilize it to organize and be able to make an impact. The youth have their phones on them 24/7.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11923706\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11923706\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS58051_049_KQED_UnitedFarmWorkersMarch_08242022-qut.jpg\" alt=\"line or marchers, one draped in union flag, walk away from the camera along a rural highway next to a river\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS58051_049_KQED_UnitedFarmWorkersMarch_08242022-qut.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS58051_049_KQED_UnitedFarmWorkersMarch_08242022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS58051_049_KQED_UnitedFarmWorkersMarch_08242022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS58051_049_KQED_UnitedFarmWorkersMarch_08242022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS58051_049_KQED_UnitedFarmWorkersMarch_08242022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Farmworkers and their supporters march next to the Sacramento River as they pass through Walnut Grove on Day 22 of a 24-day 'March for the Governor’s Signature' on Wednesday. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Although the march has gained the support of thousands of people in person and even more online, there is still opposition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Matthew Allen, \u003ca href=\"https://www.wga.com/blog/card-check-bill-ab-2183-heads-california-assembly-floor\">vice president of state government affairs for the Western Growers Association\u003c/a>, which represents family farmers in California, Arizona, Colorado and New Mexico, said the bill is “the latest attempt to undermine the secret ballot election process as established by the Agricultural Labor Relations Act.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>If Gov. Newsom does not eventually sign the bill, Romero said the UFW “will regroup and plan because we are not going to give up. This is something that is that important to us, that is that important to farmworkers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11923831\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11923831\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS58208_075_KQED_UnitedFarmWorkersMarch_08242022-qut.jpg\" alt=\"woman with long grey hair wearing hat and light by early morning sun speaks as others listen\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1278\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS58208_075_KQED_UnitedFarmWorkersMarch_08242022-qut.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS58208_075_KQED_UnitedFarmWorkersMarch_08242022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS58208_075_KQED_UnitedFarmWorkersMarch_08242022-qut-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS58208_075_KQED_UnitedFarmWorkersMarch_08242022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS58208_075_KQED_UnitedFarmWorkersMarch_08242022-qut-1536x1022.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Teresa Romero, president of the United Farm Workers union, speaks to marchers in Walnut Grove before setting out on Day 22 of their 24-day 'March for the Governor’s Signature' on Wednesday. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>When KQED spoke to Romero on Thursday, she was preparing to march 14 miles, the second-to-last leg of the campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s been 330 miles. Our bodies hurt, our feet are blistered,” Romero said. “We’re exhausted, but our spirits are high.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story includes reporting from KQED's Madi Bolaños and Don Thompson of The Associated Press.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>California immigrant advocates are making a final push to persuade state lawmakers to pass a bill that would end the practice of transferring noncitizens to immigration custody when they’re released from jail or prison — legislation that would go further than California’s existing so-called “sanctuary state” law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill, known as the VISION Act, overwhelmingly passed the state Assembly last year but fell short of the 21 votes needed for Senate passage, so it carried over as a “two-year bill.” Now it’s awaiting a floor vote in the state Senate before the legislative session concludes at the end of August.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill’s backers are looking for support from three more senators, and they’ve been \u003ca href=\"https://vietrise.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/38/2022/08/2022.08.16_OC-Elected-Officials-Support-the-VISION-Act.pdf\">sending letters\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://sanfernandosun.com/2022/08/10/valley-organizations-urge-hertzberg-to-support-the-vision-act/\">holding rallies\u003c/a> in the districts of several Democrats still on the fence. If the session ends without a vote, the bill will die.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Late Tuesday, the authors made amendments to \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB937\">AB 937\u003c/a> that they hope will address concerns from Democratic senators who pulled back their support last year over opposition from law enforcement groups. One change would allow the state parole board to notify ICE if an immigrant who was released on parole is later convicted of a serious new offense.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a recent press conference, Assemblymember Wendy Carrillo, the bill’s author, emphasized that it would still require incarcerated immigrants to serve their sentences. But under the VISION Act, state and local officials would no longer hand them over to U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement upon release, unless served with a warrant issued by a judge. State and local officials would also stop tracking the birthplace of offenders in their criminal records systems.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If individuals have served their time, have paid their debt to society, regardless of where you are born you have a right to restart your life,” she said. “That is the societal contract that we have. And California should not be in the business of collaborating with ICE.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On average, \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billAnalysisClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB937\">nearly 1,600 people come out of state prison each year with an immigration hold\u003c/a> that leads to their transfer to ICE to be deported, according to an estimate by state Senate staff.[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"California Assemblymember Wendy Carrillo\"]‘If individuals have served their time, have paid their debt to society, regardless of where you are born, you have a right to restart your life. That is the societal contract that we have.’[/pullquote]The VISION Act would close a loophole in an earlier law, the 2018 California Values Act, \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180SB54\">SB 54\u003c/a>, sometimes known as the “sanctuary state” law, which limited police and sheriff’s departments from collaborating with U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement, with exceptions for a wide range of crimes, from violent felonies to certain misdemeanors. The Values Act didn’t prohibit transfers to ICE by prisons, but the VISION Act would.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Police and sheriff’s groups oppose the bill. They point to federal law, which says immigrants, even those who are legal with green cards, can be deported if they’ve committed a so-called “aggravated felony,” from a long list of crimes that includes some misdemeanors. And they say it’s safer for ICE to take custody of a person inside a locked facility than to arrest them at their home or a public location.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This proposed legislation puts local law enforcement in a no-win situation, having to choose between state and federal laws,” the Police Officers Research Association of California said in a statement last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And in a joint statement, \u003ca href=\"https://ct3.blob.core.windows.net/21blobs/58984f34-e091-4208-93db-4e804b666038\">law enforcement groups noted that the VISION Act would prevent them\u003c/a> from notifying immigration authorities of the release of people who had served sentences for crimes such as rape, murder and torture.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are also not arguing that immigrants somehow pose any more threat than citizens or asking to involve immigration authorities in low-level offenses. However, there should be a point, in the most egregious cases, where we do not provide protections for dangerous persons from enforcement,” the statement said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But advocates for the bill say it’s not California’s responsibility to do the work of immigration enforcement, and ICE can still bring deportation proceedings against someone whether or not they’re incarcerated. They point to other states — including Oregon and Illinois — which have passed laws to end most prison-to-ICE transfers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In California, we’re always proud to say that we’re the first when it comes to social justice,” said veteran civil rights and labor organizer Dolores Huerta. “Well, now we’re not the first, because other states have already taken care of this issue. … It’s time for us to act.”[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Sandra Castañeda, Los Angeles resident\"]‘I thought I would never say this, but prison is better than this place.’[/pullquote]Huerta called the transfers “double jeopardy” because people often wind up spending additional months or years in ICE detention, where it’s more difficult to mount a defense against deportation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Los Angeles resident Sandra Castañeda lived through that. When her conviction for a murder she didn’t commit was vacated last summer, she thought she’d be going home after 19 years in prison. Instead, she was handed to ICE and held for a year in a private detention center in rural Georgia. She said she saw many women there give up their cases in desperation and accept deportation, because they couldn’t bear the conditions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I thought I would never say this, but prison is better than this place,” Castañeda said last month in a phone call from the Stewart Detention Center in Lumpkin, Ga. “In prison you have a routine. You have a job, there’s classes, there’s things to do. … Here, you’re stuck in a dorm with 23 people, all day, every day.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Castañeda was released this month with the help of a pro bono lawyer, Anoop Prasad of the Asian Law Caucus in San Francisco. An immigration judge ruled that she’s not deportable because she no longer has an aggravated felony on her record.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Castañeda’s conviction was wiped away by a California judge after the Legislature eliminated the state’s “felony murder” rule, which had allowed her to be charged with murder because she was driving a car out of which a fatal shot was fired, even though she had no indication that her passenger would shoot. But Prasad noted that Castañeda also earned a commutation from Gov. Gavin Newsom because of her exemplary behavior in prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For the governor on the one hand to be like, ‘I’m granting clemency. You’re a model for other incarcerated people.’ And then in the next breath to say, ‘Oh, call up ICE and have this person deported,’” makes no sense, Prasad said. “California needs to end this hypocrisy of working with an agency that’s so cruel.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A UC San Diego poll last summer found \u003ca href=\"https://usipc.ucsd.edu/publications/usipc-vision-act-final-20210803.pdf\">two-thirds of California voters supported the VISION Act\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill could go to a vote in the state Senate next week. Newsom has not given any indication of whether he will sign the bill if it reaches his desk.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Aug. 26 Correction: A previous version of this story mischaracterized SB 54, the California Values Act, saying it allowed police and sheriffs to collaborate with ICE only in cases of immigrants convicted of serious or violent crimes. In fact, the law allows them to do so when a person has been convicted (or in some cases charged) with a long list of crimes, including some misdemeanors.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>California immigrant advocates are making a final push to persuade state lawmakers to pass a bill that would end the practice of transferring noncitizens to immigration custody when they’re released from jail or prison — legislation that would go further than California’s existing so-called “sanctuary state” law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill, known as the VISION Act, overwhelmingly passed the state Assembly last year but fell short of the 21 votes needed for Senate passage, so it carried over as a “two-year bill.” Now it’s awaiting a floor vote in the state Senate before the legislative session concludes at the end of August.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill’s backers are looking for support from three more senators, and they’ve been \u003ca href=\"https://vietrise.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/38/2022/08/2022.08.16_OC-Elected-Officials-Support-the-VISION-Act.pdf\">sending letters\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://sanfernandosun.com/2022/08/10/valley-organizations-urge-hertzberg-to-support-the-vision-act/\">holding rallies\u003c/a> in the districts of several Democrats still on the fence. If the session ends without a vote, the bill will die.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Late Tuesday, the authors made amendments to \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB937\">AB 937\u003c/a> that they hope will address concerns from Democratic senators who pulled back their support last year over opposition from law enforcement groups. One change would allow the state parole board to notify ICE if an immigrant who was released on parole is later convicted of a serious new offense.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a recent press conference, Assemblymember Wendy Carrillo, the bill’s author, emphasized that it would still require incarcerated immigrants to serve their sentences. But under the VISION Act, state and local officials would no longer hand them over to U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement upon release, unless served with a warrant issued by a judge. State and local officials would also stop tracking the birthplace of offenders in their criminal records systems.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If individuals have served their time, have paid their debt to society, regardless of where you are born you have a right to restart your life,” she said. “That is the societal contract that we have. And California should not be in the business of collaborating with ICE.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On average, \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billAnalysisClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB937\">nearly 1,600 people come out of state prison each year with an immigration hold\u003c/a> that leads to their transfer to ICE to be deported, according to an estimate by state Senate staff.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The VISION Act would close a loophole in an earlier law, the 2018 California Values Act, \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180SB54\">SB 54\u003c/a>, sometimes known as the “sanctuary state” law, which limited police and sheriff’s departments from collaborating with U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement, with exceptions for a wide range of crimes, from violent felonies to certain misdemeanors. The Values Act didn’t prohibit transfers to ICE by prisons, but the VISION Act would.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Police and sheriff’s groups oppose the bill. They point to federal law, which says immigrants, even those who are legal with green cards, can be deported if they’ve committed a so-called “aggravated felony,” from a long list of crimes that includes some misdemeanors. And they say it’s safer for ICE to take custody of a person inside a locked facility than to arrest them at their home or a public location.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This proposed legislation puts local law enforcement in a no-win situation, having to choose between state and federal laws,” the Police Officers Research Association of California said in a statement last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And in a joint statement, \u003ca href=\"https://ct3.blob.core.windows.net/21blobs/58984f34-e091-4208-93db-4e804b666038\">law enforcement groups noted that the VISION Act would prevent them\u003c/a> from notifying immigration authorities of the release of people who had served sentences for crimes such as rape, murder and torture.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are also not arguing that immigrants somehow pose any more threat than citizens or asking to involve immigration authorities in low-level offenses. However, there should be a point, in the most egregious cases, where we do not provide protections for dangerous persons from enforcement,” the statement said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But advocates for the bill say it’s not California’s responsibility to do the work of immigration enforcement, and ICE can still bring deportation proceedings against someone whether or not they’re incarcerated. They point to other states — including Oregon and Illinois — which have passed laws to end most prison-to-ICE transfers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In California, we’re always proud to say that we’re the first when it comes to social justice,” said veteran civil rights and labor organizer Dolores Huerta. “Well, now we’re not the first, because other states have already taken care of this issue. … It’s time for us to act.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Huerta called the transfers “double jeopardy” because people often wind up spending additional months or years in ICE detention, where it’s more difficult to mount a defense against deportation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Los Angeles resident Sandra Castañeda lived through that. When her conviction for a murder she didn’t commit was vacated last summer, she thought she’d be going home after 19 years in prison. Instead, she was handed to ICE and held for a year in a private detention center in rural Georgia. She said she saw many women there give up their cases in desperation and accept deportation, because they couldn’t bear the conditions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I thought I would never say this, but prison is better than this place,” Castañeda said last month in a phone call from the Stewart Detention Center in Lumpkin, Ga. “In prison you have a routine. You have a job, there’s classes, there’s things to do. … Here, you’re stuck in a dorm with 23 people, all day, every day.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Castañeda was released this month with the help of a pro bono lawyer, Anoop Prasad of the Asian Law Caucus in San Francisco. An immigration judge ruled that she’s not deportable because she no longer has an aggravated felony on her record.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Castañeda’s conviction was wiped away by a California judge after the Legislature eliminated the state’s “felony murder” rule, which had allowed her to be charged with murder because she was driving a car out of which a fatal shot was fired, even though she had no indication that her passenger would shoot. But Prasad noted that Castañeda also earned a commutation from Gov. Gavin Newsom because of her exemplary behavior in prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For the governor on the one hand to be like, ‘I’m granting clemency. You’re a model for other incarcerated people.’ And then in the next breath to say, ‘Oh, call up ICE and have this person deported,’” makes no sense, Prasad said. “California needs to end this hypocrisy of working with an agency that’s so cruel.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A UC San Diego poll last summer found \u003ca href=\"https://usipc.ucsd.edu/publications/usipc-vision-act-final-20210803.pdf\">two-thirds of California voters supported the VISION Act\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill could go to a vote in the state Senate next week. Newsom has not given any indication of whether he will sign the bill if it reaches his desk.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>A multibillion-dollar private prison company has allegedly maximized profits by coercing immigrant detainees locked up at two of its facilities in California to work for $1 a day, according to a class-action lawsuit filed July 13 in federal court in Fresno.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://drive.google.com/file/d/1qODBJRe2MOSHmTL0MIru7NG2lyKfcJ_R/view\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">legal challenge\u003c/a> accuses The GEO Group, a long-time contractor for U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement, with “systematic and unlawful wage theft, unjust enrichment and forced labor” at the Mesa Verde ICE Processing Facility in Bakersfield and the nearby Golden State Annex in McFarland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The plaintiffs — nine ICE detainees who brought the lawsuit on behalf of other immigrants also jailed at the facilities — seek to recover unpaid wages, and for GEO to compensate its detained workforce with at least California’s minimum wage of $15 per hour.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>GEO pays the paltry daily rate of $1 to detainees who volunteer to clean dormitories and dining halls, do laundry, assist detainees with disabilities and do other tasks to maintain the facilities, according to the lawsuit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are civilians, we are being employed like this and I believe the right thing to do is give us what California has decided as its minimum wage to employees,” said Pedro Figueroa, 33, who until recently swept floors and scrubbed bathrooms at Mesa Verde for 40 hours per week. “We are fed up with all the injustices here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some detainees say they participate in the cleaning program to be able to afford phone calls with loved ones or commissary items, like dental floss and tortillas, which are not provided by the facility. The lawsuit argues that the program is not truly voluntary because GEO staffers may threaten or punish detainees with disciplinary action or loss of recreation, commissary, library and telephone access if they protest the inadequate pay, according to Gay Grunfeld, one of the attorneys representing the plaintiffs. [pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Gay Grunfeld, attorney\"]‘It’s shocking. These workers are forced to do an eight-hour shift for $1 a day.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They are being forced to work under threat of sanctions,” said Grunfeld of the San Francisco law firm Rosen Bien Galvan & Grunfeld. “It’s shocking. These workers are forced to do an eight-hour shift for $1 a day. So that’s a blatant violation of California minimum wage laws and other labor protections.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The complaint comes after Figueroa and other detainees joined a months-long labor strike by immigrants held at the two GEO-run detention centers to protest wages, unfair treatment and other issues, according to immigrant advocates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Figueroa, the father of four children who are U.S. citizens, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11919161/ice-detainees-protested-1-a-day-wage-now-theyre-in-solitary-confinement\">was held in a small, windowless cell for about a week\u003c/a> at Mesa Verde, which he said was retaliation for backing the work stoppage.[aside postID=news_11919161]Mohamed Mousa, a detainee who announced his support for the strike on June 28, remains in solitary confinement at the facility after more than two weeks, according to his attorney, Kelsey Morales, with the Alameda County Public Defender’s Office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Additional court cases in California and other states allege GEO and other for-profit operators of immigration detention centers have engaged in forced labor and minimum wage violations. Last year, a federal judge in Washington state ordered GEO to pay $23 million for failing to compensate detained workers with minimum wage at a facility in Tacoma. The Florida-based company reportedly shut down its worker program and is seeking to reverse the ruling before the Ninth U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals, which is now considering the case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesperson for GEO has repeatedly denied the existence of a labor strike at either facility. He rejected the allegations by detainees as “completely without merit,” and said that ICE guidelines for the detention centers require detainees to keep their personal living areas clean. 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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“The allegations brought in this lawsuit are similar to those brought in previous cases involving the federal government’s Voluntary Work Program, which GEO is contractually required to implement and administer on behalf of ICE,” the spokesperson said, adding that the company will vigorously defend itself against the accusations in court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ICE declined to comment on the lawsuit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Christina Cano, a spokesperson with the Department of Industrial Relations, which oversees investigations of potential wage theft, said detained immigrant workers in California are considered “employees” and are entitled to pursue civil remedy for unpaid wages, based on a ruling by a federal judge in 2018.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>GEO, a multinational company that operates four out of seven immigration detention centers in California, made more than $3 billion per year in revenues in 2018, 2019 and 2020, according to the lawsuit. Contracts with ICE accounted for about 28% of its revenues in 2019 and 2020.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "trabajar-con-una-visa-h-2a-en-estados-unidos-represalias-derechos",
"title": "Trabajar con una visa H-2A en EE.UU.: Las represalias que pueden enfrentar los trabajadores agrícolas que alzan la voz",
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"headTitle": "Trabajar con una visa H-2A en EE.UU.: Las represalias que pueden enfrentar los trabajadores agrícolas que alzan la voz | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11918317/blacklisted-for-speaking-up-how-california-farmworkers-fighting-abuses-are-vulnerable-to-retaliation\">\u003cem>Read in English\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[dropcap]U[/dropcap]n par de botas, unas camisas y unos pantalones.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eso fue lo que Samuel dejó el pasado octubre en el cuarto que compartía con otros trabajadores del campo en Mauritson Farms, un viñedo en el Condado de Sonoma, el cual está ubicado en el corazón de la región vitivinícola de California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Él iba de regreso a su pueblo natal en el estado mexicano de Oaxaca. La cosecha de la uva había terminado y el plazo de su visa H-2A pronto terminaría. Había trabajado para Mauritson Farms desde el 2019 con una visa H-2A, \u003ca href=\"https://www.uscis.gov/es/trabajar-en-estados-unidos/trabajadores-temporales-no-inmigrantes/trabajadores-agricolas-temporales-h-2a\">la cual otorga a trabajadores agrícolas de todo el mundo una estancia temporal en Estados Unidos\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>El programa H-2A, lanzado en 1986, es el sucesor al programa Bracero, el cual operó desde 1942 hasta 1964, y permitió que decenas de miles de mexicanos trabajaran en granjas estadounidenses. Sin embargo, grupos laborales han criticado al programa Bracero \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/thesalt/2018/07/31/634442195/when-the-u-s-government-tried-to-replace-migrant-farmworkers-with-high-schoolers\">por no proteger a los trabajadores que sufrieron robo de salarios, maltrato físico y pésimas condiciones laborales y de vida\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Con la visa H-2A, Samuel y otros muchachos provenientes de pueblos y comunidades rurales cerca del municipio de Sola de Vega en Oaxaca venían a California para trabajar de febrero a octubre en los campos de Mauritson Farms, los cuales producen la marca de vino Mauritson Wines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Samuel dejó sus pertenencias en Healdsburg con planes para regresar en 2022. Pero Mauritson Farms nunca lo volvió a contratar.\u003cbr>\n[ad fullwidth]\u003cbr>\nA finales de la temporada de cosecha del 2021, Samuel y otros cinco trabajadores de Oaxaca manifestaron su oposición a lo que para ellos habían sido condiciones laborales injustas e inseguras durante los últimos tres años. Según ellos, tuvieron que trabajar en temperaturas extremadamente altas sin las protecciones adecuadas contra el calor, parte de su salario fue descontado sin ninguna razón y además experimentaron abuso verbal del encargado que los supervisaba.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Con el apoyo de North Bay Jobs With Justice, un grupo de derechos laborales en el Condado de Sonoma, los seis trabajadores se reunieron con el gerente del viñedo, Cameron Mauritson, el pasado mes de octubre para hablar sobre lo que estaba sucediendo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Se disculpó con nosotros, que él se sentía mal con lo que estaba pasando en su compañía”, dijo Kevin, uno de los trabajadores del campo que estaban presentes ese día. Kevin trabajó junto a Samuel durante esos tres años. “Él se comprometía a llevarnos otra vez para allá a trabajar”, agregó.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Para Samuel y Kevin (cuyos nombres verdaderos KQED no ha divulgado para protegerlos de posibles futuras represalias), esta promesa representaba mucho más que una oferta de trabajo para el siguiente año. Lo tomaron como una señal que podían expresarse libremente acerca de las condiciones laborales y que Mauritson no haría lo que más temían: tomar represalias contra ellos y nunca más contratarlos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Dejamos nuestras cosas [en Mauritson Farms] creyendo que íbamos a regresar”, dijo Samuel, pero de esas promesas, dice, “no hay nada”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11919456\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11919456\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/RS45142_017_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020-qut.jpg\" alt=\"Unas viñas en un viñedo con uvas que ya han madurado y están listas para ser cosechadas.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/RS45142_017_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/RS45142_017_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/RS45142_017_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/RS45142_017_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/RS45142_017_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Samuel y Kevin vinieron a California por primera vez en 2019 con visas H-2A y regresaban cada año hasta el 2021. Llegaban en febrero y se iban al final de la cosecha de uvas en octubre. Ahora esperan en Oaxaca por el fallo del ALRB. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>De los seis trabajadores que se reunieron con Mauritson en octubre, ninguno fue contratado de nuevo en 2022, pese a que presentaron sus solicitudes de trabajo con Cierto Global, la compañía externa de selección de personal. Tanto Samuel como Kevin creen que no fueron contratados otra vez porque se quejaron acerca de las condiciones laborales en los viñedos de Mauritson Farms. Sin embargo, lo que hicieron está dentro los derechos laborales y protección a los trabajadores en California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Representantes de North Bay Jobs With Justice afirman que han intentado comunicarse con Mauritson varias veces desde febrero, sin recibir una respuesta. Además, Mauritson no aceptó la invitación de una entrevista con KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>El 7 de febrero, North Bay Jobs With Justice presentó un cargo contra Mauritson Farms por parte de los seis trabajadores con el Consejo de Relaciones del Trabajo Agrícola de California (ALRB por sus siglas en inglés). El ALRB es la agencia estatal que investiga posibles abusos laborales en el sector agrícola. La denuncia \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/3.3.22-ULP-Against-Employer-Mauritson-Farms-Inc..pdf\">sostiene que Mauritson Farms discriminó contra los trabajadores\u003c/a> cuando esta compañía se negó a darles empleo luego de que estos formaron parte de una “actividad concertada”, o sea organizarse para pedir mejoras laborales.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A medida que avanza la investigación del ALRB, Samuel y Kevin siguen buscando empleo en Oaxaca y en EE.UU., pero hay pocas oportunidades. Ya terminó la temporada para recibir una visa H-2A este año, entonces por ahora la única opción es buscar trabajo en México. Con pocos ahorros restantes y familias que mantener, se les está acabando el tiempo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Además de ser el estado con el sector agrícola más grande del país, California tiene la tercera parte de trabajadores extranjeros con una visa H-2A. El año pasado, \u003ca href=\"https://s3.documentcloud.org/documents/22082364/h2a-statistics.pdf\">más de 32 mil obreros provenientes de todo el mundo llegaron a California con una visa H-2A\u003c/a> para trabajar en la industria agrícola. Y pese a que el estado ha desarrollado un sistema complejo de reglamentos y dependencias para proteger a estos trabajadores, los inmigrantes con visas H-2A siguen siendo extremadamente vulnerables a represalias ilegales por parte de sus empleadores.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Para contratar a trabajadores extranjeros, muchos empleadores usan una red de reclutadores externos que operan dentro y fuera del país. Trabajadores como Samuel y Kevin dependen de estos reclutadores para encontrar empleo en EE.UU. y navegar el proceso para recibir una visa H-2A.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sin embargo, es común que estos reclutadores pongan en lista negra a empleados que denuncien un procedimiento laboral injusto, no sólo para un empleador, sino también para muchas empresas más en la industria agrícola. Para los trabajadores afectados, esto perjudica su futuro laboral en los EE.UU. y para funcionarios laborales estadounidenses, complica su tarea para hacer cumplir las leyes laborales que prohíben represalias.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11919454\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11919454\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/RS45137_011_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/RS45137_011_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/RS45137_011_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/RS45137_011_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/RS45137_011_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/RS45137_011_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">El año pasado, más de 32 mil obreros provenientes de todo el mundo llegaron a California con una visa H-2A para trabajar en la industria agrícola. Pese a que estos trabajadores están protegidos por las mismas leyes laborales que cualquier otra persona, defensores laborales afirman que estos siguen siendo vulnerables a las represalias si denuncian prácticas laborales injustas o inseguras. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>Es ilegal que los empleadores tomen represalias pero ‘aún así lo hacen’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Cynthia Rice ha trabajado como abogada de derechos laborales por más de 20 años. Ahora es la directora de litigio, abogacía y entrenamiento en California Rural Legal Assistance (CRLA, o en español, Asistencia Jurídica Rural de California) un despacho de abogados que ofrece ayuda legal. Rice ha representado a decenas de trabajadores del campo en casos que implican condiciones laborales peligrosas, robo de sueldos y represalias.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cuando habla con un cliente por primera vez, recalca lo siguiente.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Es ilegal que un empleador tome represalias”, dijo, pero agregó que, “nunca decimos que un empleador no puede tomar represalias porque claro que pueden hacerlo. Sólo que es ilegal y aún así lo hacen”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gracias a décadas de activismo liderado por campesinos e inmigrantes, California cuenta con varias dependencias que hacen cumplir las leyes laborales, entre ellas los reglamentos que prohíben represalias. El ALRB fue creado luego de que el entonces gobernador Jerry Brown \u003ca href=\"https://www.alrb.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/sites/196/2018/05/ALRA_Spanish_051805.pdf\">aprobara la Ley de Relaciones Laborales Agrícolas en 1975\u003c/a>, la cual garantiza el derecho de los trabajadores del campo a la negociación colectiva. A parte de eso, la \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/dlse/\">Oficina del Comisionado Laboral\u003c/a> investiga sueldos mal pagados o robados, y la Administración de Seguridad y Salud Ocupacional de California (Cal/OSHA por sus siglas en inglés) hace cumplir reglamentos estatales, \u003ca href=\"http://www.99calor.org/_downloads/complaint.sheet_spanish.pdf\">como las protecciones contra el calor para quienes trabajan al aire libre\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Cynthia Rice, Abogada de CRLA\"]‘Nunca decimos que un empleador no puede tomar represalias porque claro que pueden hacerlo. Sólo que es ilegal y aún así lo hacen.’[/pullquote]A nivel nacional, el Departamento de Trabajo procesa las órdenes de trabajo del programa H-2A y regula los contratos de trabajadores extranjeros. Dentro de esta dependencia, la \u003ca href=\"https://www.dol.gov/agencies/whd\">División de Salarios y Horas de Trabajo\u003c/a> investiga casos en donde compañías no están pagando a sus empleados adecuadamente o se niegan a ofrecer vivienda, transporte o comida, \u003ca href=\"https://www.dol.gov/sites/dolgov/files/WHD/legacy/files/whdfs26.pdf\">lo cual es requerido por el gobierno federal\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Muchos trabajadores agrícolas contactan a Rice después de que perdieron sus empleos o al final de la temporada de cosecha. “Ahí es cuando hablan sobre posible robo de sueldos, si no les dieron de comer o si su lugar de trabajo no tenía baños”, ella explicó.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pero ese momento ya es muy tarde, dice ella, particularmente para los trabajadores con visa H-2A que tienen una estancia limitada en EE.UU. Esto limita el tiempo que abogados como Rice tienen para recaudar pruebas y testimonios antes de que el trabajador se vaya del país, lo cual complica el proceso aún más ya que muchos obreros vienen de comunidades rurales y aisladas en México, Centroamérica y el Caribe con muy poca conexión celular o internet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Entonces, ¿por qué esperar hasta el último momento para alzar la voz?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hay varias maneras en que los trabajadores con visa H-2A pueden experimentar una represalia. Una es perder su trabajo (y al mismo tiempo sus visas), pero también pueden sufrir amenazas o castigos. Samuel recuerda que a su cuadrilla le tocó trabajar en los viñedos cuando las temperaturas superaban los 95 grados Fahrenheit (equivalente a 35 centígrados). “A veces nos sentíamos bien deshidratados que se desmayaba uno”. dijo. “Sentíamos que queríamos vomitar”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"news_11881727\" hero=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/35/2021/07/HOUSE-BURNING-IMAGE-1020x574.jpg\"]Cuando le avisaron al encargado cómo se sentían, Samuel afirma que este se rió y les dijo que siguieran trabajando. Kevin agregó que había varios días calurosos en que los trabajadores no recibieron ninguna protección, lo cual va en contra de leyes estatales. “Estaba el calor a 90, 95 grados y no había ninguna sombra para tomar un vaso de agua o sentarte a descansar un ratito. Nada de eso”, dijo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cuando el mercurio sube a los 80 grados Fahrenheit (equivalente a 26.7 centígrados), Cal/OSHA \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11886628/feeling-the-heat-how-workers-can-advocate-for-safer-working-conditions-under-the-sun\">exige a los empleadores que proporcionen suficiente agua, sombra y descanso a sus trabajadores\u003c/a>. En términos prácticos, cada empleado debe recibir al menos un cuarto de galón de agua (equivalente a 950 mililitros) por hora y puede descansar en la sombra a cualquier momento que lo necesite. Sin embargo, una investigación de NPR en 2021 reveló que \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11886402/why-california-workers-are-still-dying-from-heat-despite-protections\">más de 40 trabajadores agrícolas murieron en California por golpe de calor\u003c/a> y otras enfermedades relacionadas al calor dentro de un periodo de 10 años.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cal/OSHA afirma que las muertes relacionadas al calor se pueden prevenir, pero esta dependencia ha lidiado con falta de personal suficiente por varios años, lo cual \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11886402/why-california-workers-are-still-dying-from-heat-despite-protections\">limita su capacidad para regular las miles de granjas, campos y viñedos que operan a lo largo de California\u003c/a>. Por ende, la responsabilidad de proteger a los trabajadores del calor termina siendo la del empleador únicamente.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Una red de represalias en EE.UU. y el extranjero\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Según un reporte del Centro de los Derechos del Migrante publicado en 2020, \u003ca href=\"https://cdmigrante.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/06/Tiempo-De-Reforma.pdf\">es bastante común que los empleadores en el programa H-2A usen amenazas para ejercer mayor control sobre sus trabajadores y prevenir que alcen la voz\u003c/a>. La organización entrevistó a 100 trabajadores que previamente formaron parte del programa H-2A y 100 por ciento de ellos experimentaron al menos una seria violacion legal de sus derechos y 94 por ciento de ellos, al menos tres violaciones a sus derechos laborales.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rice de CRLA señala que los empleadores en el programa H-2A tienen muchísimo control sobre sus trabajadores. Un empleador debe proveer \u003ca href=\"https://www.dol.gov/sites/dolgov/files/WHD/legacy/files/whdfs26.pdf\">vivienda, comida, además de transporte de ida y vuelta del sitio de trabajo\u003c/a>. Además, muchos trabajadores no tienen su propio vehículo, ni una licencia para conducir y por ende dependen de sus jefes para hacer viajes esenciales como comprar comida o recibir atención médica.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Un trabajador que experimenta malas condiciones de trabajo siempre puede irse de manera voluntaria, ¿verdad?” dijo Rice. “Bueno, eso no es cierto para los trabajadores con visa H-2A”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"news_11906800\" hero=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/Paloma-Reyes-1020x765-1.jpg\"]“Este programa funciona de manera similar al trabajo no abonado que se vio por varias décadas después de la Guerra Civil de EE.UU, a través de la aparcería”, agregó la abogada. “El trabajador depende tanto del empleador que sería imposible decir que son libres para buscar otras oportunidades.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>La influencia de un empleador abusivo puede perjudicar a un trabajador incluso cuando este último ya haya regresado a su país natal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Para contratar a nuevos trabajadores, muchos empleadores utilizan a reclutadores externos que operan por todo el mundo. El proceso para reclutar trabajadores está repleto de abusos. Los reclutadores a veces \u003ca href=\"https://cdmigrante.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/06/Tiempo-De-Reforma.pdf\">cobran a trabajadores cantidades exorbitantes para conectarlos con compañías estadounidenses y otros mienten por completo acerca de las oportunidades laborales que pueden ofrecer\u003c/a>. Aún más, un reporte publicado en el 2015 por la Oficina de Contabilidad del Gobierno (GAO por sus siglas en inglés) señaló que estos reclutadores \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/gao-2015-report-on-h2a-program-668875.pdf\">ponen en la lista negra a cualquier empleado que denuncia un abuso por parte de su jefe\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Estos reclutadores, que van desde individuos operando de manera informal hasta multinacionales, generalmente trabajan para múltiples compañías agrícolas en EE.UU. Cuando un reclutador pone a un trabajador en la lista negra, esto va más allá de un solo empleador, sino que tiene repercusiones en sectores enteros de la industria agrícola.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rice ha visto cómo esto sucede con varios de sus clientes. Luego de reportar a un empleador abusivo en un estado, estos trabajadores no pueden encontrar empleo en otros estados.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“La primera cosa que un empleador hace después de que un trabajador se queja de su salario o condiciones laborales es llamar al reclutador para decirle, ‘No quiero contratar a esta persona el siguiente año porque se quejaron de mí’, y con eso, el trabajador ya no será contratado por esa compañía ni tampoco por todas las otras empresas que mantengan una conexión con ese reclutador”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Y cuando los trabajadores regresan a sus países de origen, todavía pueden ser perjudicados. El reporte de la GAO relata que cuando funcionarios estadounidenses viajaron a México para hablar con obreros que formaron parte del programa H-2A en el pasado, muchos de estos trabajadores tenían miedo de hablar. Según ellos, su preocupación era que alguien en su pueblo los viera y los reportara al reclutador que opera en esa zona.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Elizabeth Strater, Unión de Campesinos\"]‘Los reclutadores tienen una enorme cantidad de control sobre quién puede acceder a las visas dentro de estas comunidades.’[/pullquote]La Unión de Campesinos (UFW por sus siglas en inglés), sindicato que opera a nivel nacional, también ha notado este fenómeno. Elizabeth Strater, directora de campañas estratégicas de la UFW, explica cómo varios trabajadores con visa H-2A de origen jamaicano harán todo lo posible para aguantar a un empleador abusivo con el objetivo de permanecer en el grupo de solicitantes del siguiente año. “Los reclutadores tienen una enorme cantidad de control sobre quién puede acceder a las visas dentro de estas comunidades”, dijo Strater.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cuando Mauritson Farms contrató por primera vez a su cuadrilla en 2019, Samuel y Kevin afirman que la compañía manejó el proceso para contratarlos a través de la aplicación WhatsApp y sin intermediarios. Pero en 2022, la empresa contrató a Cierto Global, una multinacional que se especializa en reclutar trabajadores agrícolas y hasta fue nombrada una “reclutadora ética” por el gobierno del presidente Joe Biden.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pero aún así, Samuel y Kevin se preocupan que ya no podrán encontrar trabajo en la industria agrícola de EE.UU. “Lo que yo pienso es que [Mauritson] ya no quieren tener más problemas y mejor metieron [el reclutador] para que escojan ahí mejor el que venga”, dijo Kevin.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Controlando a las redes de reclutadores\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>¿Cómo pueden los funcionarios laborales impedir que las empresas estadounidenses tomen represalias en contra los trabajadores con visa H-2A si esto sucede fuera del país?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>El reporte de la GAO indica que actualmente existe muy poca regulación federal sobre el proceso de reclutamiento para el programa H-2A. Pese a que el Departamento de Seguridad Nacional mantiene una extensa lista de todos los inmigrantes con visa H-2A, no existe una base de datos a nivel federal con la información de los individuos o empresas que llevan a cabo estas actividades por parte de empresas estadounidenses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Rubén Lugo, Departamento del Trabajo de EE.UU.\"]‘Nuestra autoridad para hacer cumplir la ley sólo existe en los Estados Unidos. No podemos regular lo que estos reclutadores externos están haciendo en México.’[/pullquote]Agencias estatales como el ALRB de California, que actualmente investiga el caso Mauritson, también se les dificulta hacer cumplir sus propias reglas laborales en estas situaciones. Jessica Arciniega, directora regional para esta dependencia, dice que estos casos son bastantes complicados para su agencia ya que enfrentan limitaciones jurídicas, pero en ciertos casos, este tipo de represalia puede formar parte de una investigación en curso sobre un procedimiento laboral injusto.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Si existe evidencia que un reclutador actuó como un agente del empleador, entonces eso puede ser algo que investiguemos”, dijo Arciniega.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A nivel federal, los funcionarios del Departamento del Trabajo también están limitados por su jurisdicción. “Nuestra autoridad para hacer cumplir la ley sólo existe en los Estados Unidos. No podemos regular lo que estos reclutadores externos están haciendo en México, por ejemplo”, dijo Rubén Lugo, coordinador regional de la agencia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sin embargo, si un grupo de trabajadores reporta un incumplimiento de contrato al Departamento de Trabajo por parte del empleador y el siguiente año ninguno de esos trabajadores es contratado nuevamente, “podemos ver claramente que estos trabajadores sufrieron una represalia”, dijo el funcionario.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>En este caso, el gobierno federal puede ordenar al empleador que recontrate a los trabajadores afectados. Y si también hubo robo de sueldos, los funcionarios pueden exigir a la empresa que le pague a los obreros todo lo que les debe. Compañías reincidentes hasta pueden ser removidos del programa H-2A de manera permanente.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pero estas consecuencias sólo aplican a las empresas en Estados Unidos y no impactan a los reclutadores en el extranjero.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label='Más en español' tag='kqed-en-espanol']En el 2018, más del 90 por ciento de los trabajadores con visa H-2A provenían de México y según el \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/gao-2015-report-on-h2a-program-668875.pdf\">reporte de la GAO\u003c/a>, existe una red bastante desarrollada de reclutadores dentro de ese país. Grupos defensores de migrantes insisten que el gobierno mexicano, al igual que los gobiernos de otros países que abastecen trabajadores para este programa, debe ser más proactivo en regular las actividades de estos reclutadores y también educar a sus connacionales acerca de sus derechos laborales antes de viajar a EE.UU.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pero los funcionarios mexicanos que hablaron con KQED rechazaron esta idea y argumentan que esto no es la responsabilidad del gobierno mexicano, a pesar de que los mexicanos que trabajan en los campos de EE.UU. mandan millones de dólares cada año a México, lo cual sostiene gran parte de la economía de ese país.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Las visas H-2A no son un programa binacional”, dijo Remedios Gómez Arnau, cónsul general de México en San Francisco, y agregó que funcionarios mexicanos no tienen ningún papel en el proceso para contratar a los trabajadores del programa H-2A. El gobierno de México sólo se involucra cuando sus connacionales llegan a territorio estadounidense y se comunican con un consulado mexicano, explicó.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Si la persona sale de territorio nacional y entra a otro territorio a donde tiene una visa, entonces donde nos podemos enterar es aquí si el connacional o la connacional se acerca al consulado y nos dice que tienen un problema”, dijo la cónsul. “Pero antes de eso, las autoridades mexicanas desconocen quién está viniendo aquí siendo contratado”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11919520\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11919520\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/DSC02464-1-scaled.jpeg\" alt='Un grupo de manifestantes protesta fuera de una oficina y lleva muchos carteles. Uno de ellos lee. \"Pago extra por peligros\".' width=\"2560\" height=\"1710\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/DSC02464-1-scaled.jpeg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/DSC02464-1-800x534.jpeg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/DSC02464-1-1020x681.jpeg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/DSC02464-1-160x107.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/DSC02464-1-1536x1026.jpeg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/DSC02464-1-2048x1368.jpeg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/DSC02464-1-1920x1282.jpeg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Los trabajadores agrícolas y los organizadores del grupo North Bay Jobs With Justice protestan en las afueras del Departamento de Gestión de Emergencias del Condado de Sonoma el 9 de junio de 2022. Una coalición de trabajadores y organizadores está presionando al condado para que se establezcan cinco normas de seguridad, con el próposito de proteger a los trabajadores del campo a medida que los incendios forestales se intensifican debido al cambio climático. \u003ccite>(Cortesía de Derek Knowles)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>‘La manera en que protegemos a los trabajadores debe de también cambiar’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Samuel y Kevin no se arrepienten de haber alzado la voz.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Nosotros nos sentimos en nuestro derecho”, dijo Samuel y agregó, “No sólo es uno [que se quejó], pero somos varios”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Para el equipo de North Bay Jobs With Justice, el cual ha apoyado a Samuel y a sus compañeros desde el año pasado, este caso podría ser un parteaguas en la lucha para proteger a los trabajadores del campo en la industria vitivinícola y el resto de California de represalias y procedimientos laborales injustos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"news_11884929\" hero=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/08/hand-with-cell-phone.jpg\"]Si la agencia estatal ALRB falla en contra de Mauritson, esto podría alentar a otros trabajadores en la región a denunciar más abusos, dice Ana Salgado, una de las líderes de North Bay Jobs With Justice. Algo así podría ampliar el movimiento a favor de protecciones laborales en el campo antes de que se intensifique la temporada de incendios en California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Varios grupos que defienden los derechos de trabajadores agrícolas han formado una coalición para exigir al Condado de Sonoma que establezca \u003ca href=\"https://actionnetwork.org/petitions/farmworkers-deserve-safety-and-respect-in-sonoma-county?source=ig\">cinco protocolos de seguridad a medida que los incendios forestales aumentan a causa del cambio climático\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Las cinco demandas incluyen que la industria del vino capacite a sus empleados, en su idioma materno, sobre cómo evacuar y mantenerse seguros durante un incendio forestal. También exigen que se permita la entrada en los viñedos a observadores comunitarios para que estos observen si se están acatando los reglamentos de seguridad laboral. De esta forma, los activistas esperan que ningún trabajador se sienta solo cuando denuncie a un empleador abusivo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“La Tierra está cambiando y la manera en que protegemos a los trabajadores debe de también cambiar”, dijo Salgado.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11919524\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11919524\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/DSC02491-scaled.jpeg\" alt=\"Un grupo de manifestantes toca los tambores afuera de una oficina.\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1710\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/DSC02491-scaled.jpeg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/DSC02491-800x534.jpeg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/DSC02491-1020x681.jpeg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/DSC02491-160x107.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/DSC02491-1536x1026.jpeg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/DSC02491-2048x1368.jpeg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/DSC02491-1920x1282.jpeg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Un grupo de manifestantes protesta a las afueras del Departamento de Gestión de Emergencias del Condado de Sonoma el 9 de junio de 2022 para exigir mayores protecciones para los trabajadores agrícolas antes del inicio de la temporada de incendios forestales. Los organizadores señalan que el cambio climático seguirá empeorarando las condiciones laborales en el campo. \u003ccite>(Cortesía de Derek Knowles)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Más allá del Condado de Sonoma, activistas laborales proponen reformas estructurales al programa H-2A para hacer responsables tanto a empleadores como a reclutadores por las represalias que tomen. El Centro de los Derechos del Migrante \u003ca href=\"https://cdmigrante.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/06/Tiempo-De-Reforma.pdf\">ha recomendado al Congreso que apruebe legislación que reforme el proceso de reclutamiento y garantice asistencia legal a trabajadores que hayan sufrido un abuso laboral\u003c/a>, incluso cuando estos se hayan ido del país. También aconseja a dependencias federales como el Departamento de Trabajo que formen una base de datos accesible a cualquier trabajador extranjero y que incluya información de todos los reclutadores y empleadores que participan en el programa H-2A.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Ana Salgado, North Bay Jobs With Justice\"]‘La Tierra está cambiando y la manera en que protegemos a los trabajadores debe de también cambiar.’[/pullquote]Por su parte, Cynthia Rice, la abogada de CRLA, señaló un vacío legal en las regulaciones del programa H-2A que castigan a empleadores abusivos: cuando un trabajador demanda a su empresa por un procedimiento laboral injusto, esta compañía puede llegar a un acuerdo legal con este trabajador y por ende evita admitir que violó una ley laboral.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Al no aceptar cualquier responsabilidad por un delito, ese empleador puede entrar al programa H-2A otra vez el siguiente año”, dijo Rice. Si funcionarios federales tomarán en cuenta cuáles compañías llegan a acuerdos legales año tras año cuando están decidiendo qué empresas pueden formar parte del programa, eso podría prevenir que empleadores con una historia de abusos sigan contratando a más trabajadores.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Reformar el programa H-2A no sólo beneficiaría a obreros extranjeros, sino también protegería a trabajadores estadounidenses, dice Rice. Si es más fácil explotar a trabajadores con visa H-2A, esto los hace más atractivos para contratar ya que los empleadores saben que pueden explotar a estos sin tener que pagar las mismas consecuencias que cuando hacen lo mismo con estadounidenses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Kevin, Formó parte del programa H-2A\"]‘Nos sentíamos mal con el maltrato que nos estaban dando y entonces empezamos a investigar sobre las cosas que [los empleadores] deben de hacer por ti.’[/pullquote]Mientras espera por el fallo del ALRB, Kevin comparte todo lo que aprendió el año pasado con sus compañeros que están considerando migrar a EE.UU. para trabajar. No quiere que otros pasen por lo mismo que le tocó a él.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Estábamos felices con el trabajo que nosotros teníamos allá porque teníamos de donde tomar un poco económicamente para mandarle a la familia y para que pudiéramos hacer algo, una casita o invertir en un negocio”, dijo, pero agregó que esto no justifica la manera en que él y sus compañeros fueron tratados. “Nos sentíamos mal con el maltrato que nos estaban dando y entonces empezamos a investigar sobre las cosas que [los empleadores] deben de hacer por ti”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "La visa H-2A permite que trabajadores agrícolas reciban empleo temporal en los Estados Unidos pero muchos inmigrantes en este programa sufren abusos laborales y hay pocas protecciones contra represalias por parte de empleadores y reclutadores.",
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"title": "Trabajar con una visa H-2A en EE.UU.: Las represalias que pueden enfrentar los trabajadores agrícolas que alzan la voz | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11918317/blacklisted-for-speaking-up-how-california-farmworkers-fighting-abuses-are-vulnerable-to-retaliation\">\u003cem>Read in English\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class=\"utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__dropcapShortcode__dropcap\">U\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>n par de botas, unas camisas y unos pantalones.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eso fue lo que Samuel dejó el pasado octubre en el cuarto que compartía con otros trabajadores del campo en Mauritson Farms, un viñedo en el Condado de Sonoma, el cual está ubicado en el corazón de la región vitivinícola de California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Él iba de regreso a su pueblo natal en el estado mexicano de Oaxaca. La cosecha de la uva había terminado y el plazo de su visa H-2A pronto terminaría. Había trabajado para Mauritson Farms desde el 2019 con una visa H-2A, \u003ca href=\"https://www.uscis.gov/es/trabajar-en-estados-unidos/trabajadores-temporales-no-inmigrantes/trabajadores-agricolas-temporales-h-2a\">la cual otorga a trabajadores agrícolas de todo el mundo una estancia temporal en Estados Unidos\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>El programa H-2A, lanzado en 1986, es el sucesor al programa Bracero, el cual operó desde 1942 hasta 1964, y permitió que decenas de miles de mexicanos trabajaran en granjas estadounidenses. Sin embargo, grupos laborales han criticado al programa Bracero \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/thesalt/2018/07/31/634442195/when-the-u-s-government-tried-to-replace-migrant-farmworkers-with-high-schoolers\">por no proteger a los trabajadores que sufrieron robo de salarios, maltrato físico y pésimas condiciones laborales y de vida\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Con la visa H-2A, Samuel y otros muchachos provenientes de pueblos y comunidades rurales cerca del municipio de Sola de Vega en Oaxaca venían a California para trabajar de febrero a octubre en los campos de Mauritson Farms, los cuales producen la marca de vino Mauritson Wines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Samuel dejó sus pertenencias en Healdsburg con planes para regresar en 2022. Pero Mauritson Farms nunca lo volvió a contratar.\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cbr>\nA finales de la temporada de cosecha del 2021, Samuel y otros cinco trabajadores de Oaxaca manifestaron su oposición a lo que para ellos habían sido condiciones laborales injustas e inseguras durante los últimos tres años. Según ellos, tuvieron que trabajar en temperaturas extremadamente altas sin las protecciones adecuadas contra el calor, parte de su salario fue descontado sin ninguna razón y además experimentaron abuso verbal del encargado que los supervisaba.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Con el apoyo de North Bay Jobs With Justice, un grupo de derechos laborales en el Condado de Sonoma, los seis trabajadores se reunieron con el gerente del viñedo, Cameron Mauritson, el pasado mes de octubre para hablar sobre lo que estaba sucediendo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Se disculpó con nosotros, que él se sentía mal con lo que estaba pasando en su compañía”, dijo Kevin, uno de los trabajadores del campo que estaban presentes ese día. Kevin trabajó junto a Samuel durante esos tres años. “Él se comprometía a llevarnos otra vez para allá a trabajar”, agregó.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Para Samuel y Kevin (cuyos nombres verdaderos KQED no ha divulgado para protegerlos de posibles futuras represalias), esta promesa representaba mucho más que una oferta de trabajo para el siguiente año. Lo tomaron como una señal que podían expresarse libremente acerca de las condiciones laborales y que Mauritson no haría lo que más temían: tomar represalias contra ellos y nunca más contratarlos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Dejamos nuestras cosas [en Mauritson Farms] creyendo que íbamos a regresar”, dijo Samuel, pero de esas promesas, dice, “no hay nada”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11919456\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11919456\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/RS45142_017_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020-qut.jpg\" alt=\"Unas viñas en un viñedo con uvas que ya han madurado y están listas para ser cosechadas.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/RS45142_017_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/RS45142_017_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/RS45142_017_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/RS45142_017_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/RS45142_017_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Samuel y Kevin vinieron a California por primera vez en 2019 con visas H-2A y regresaban cada año hasta el 2021. Llegaban en febrero y se iban al final de la cosecha de uvas en octubre. Ahora esperan en Oaxaca por el fallo del ALRB. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>De los seis trabajadores que se reunieron con Mauritson en octubre, ninguno fue contratado de nuevo en 2022, pese a que presentaron sus solicitudes de trabajo con Cierto Global, la compañía externa de selección de personal. Tanto Samuel como Kevin creen que no fueron contratados otra vez porque se quejaron acerca de las condiciones laborales en los viñedos de Mauritson Farms. Sin embargo, lo que hicieron está dentro los derechos laborales y protección a los trabajadores en California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Representantes de North Bay Jobs With Justice afirman que han intentado comunicarse con Mauritson varias veces desde febrero, sin recibir una respuesta. Además, Mauritson no aceptó la invitación de una entrevista con KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>El 7 de febrero, North Bay Jobs With Justice presentó un cargo contra Mauritson Farms por parte de los seis trabajadores con el Consejo de Relaciones del Trabajo Agrícola de California (ALRB por sus siglas en inglés). El ALRB es la agencia estatal que investiga posibles abusos laborales en el sector agrícola. La denuncia \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/3.3.22-ULP-Against-Employer-Mauritson-Farms-Inc..pdf\">sostiene que Mauritson Farms discriminó contra los trabajadores\u003c/a> cuando esta compañía se negó a darles empleo luego de que estos formaron parte de una “actividad concertada”, o sea organizarse para pedir mejoras laborales.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A medida que avanza la investigación del ALRB, Samuel y Kevin siguen buscando empleo en Oaxaca y en EE.UU., pero hay pocas oportunidades. Ya terminó la temporada para recibir una visa H-2A este año, entonces por ahora la única opción es buscar trabajo en México. Con pocos ahorros restantes y familias que mantener, se les está acabando el tiempo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Además de ser el estado con el sector agrícola más grande del país, California tiene la tercera parte de trabajadores extranjeros con una visa H-2A. El año pasado, \u003ca href=\"https://s3.documentcloud.org/documents/22082364/h2a-statistics.pdf\">más de 32 mil obreros provenientes de todo el mundo llegaron a California con una visa H-2A\u003c/a> para trabajar en la industria agrícola. Y pese a que el estado ha desarrollado un sistema complejo de reglamentos y dependencias para proteger a estos trabajadores, los inmigrantes con visas H-2A siguen siendo extremadamente vulnerables a represalias ilegales por parte de sus empleadores.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Para contratar a trabajadores extranjeros, muchos empleadores usan una red de reclutadores externos que operan dentro y fuera del país. Trabajadores como Samuel y Kevin dependen de estos reclutadores para encontrar empleo en EE.UU. y navegar el proceso para recibir una visa H-2A.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sin embargo, es común que estos reclutadores pongan en lista negra a empleados que denuncien un procedimiento laboral injusto, no sólo para un empleador, sino también para muchas empresas más en la industria agrícola. Para los trabajadores afectados, esto perjudica su futuro laboral en los EE.UU. y para funcionarios laborales estadounidenses, complica su tarea para hacer cumplir las leyes laborales que prohíben represalias.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11919454\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11919454\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/RS45137_011_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/RS45137_011_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/RS45137_011_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/RS45137_011_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/RS45137_011_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/RS45137_011_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">El año pasado, más de 32 mil obreros provenientes de todo el mundo llegaron a California con una visa H-2A para trabajar en la industria agrícola. Pese a que estos trabajadores están protegidos por las mismas leyes laborales que cualquier otra persona, defensores laborales afirman que estos siguen siendo vulnerables a las represalias si denuncian prácticas laborales injustas o inseguras. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>Es ilegal que los empleadores tomen represalias pero ‘aún así lo hacen’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Cynthia Rice ha trabajado como abogada de derechos laborales por más de 20 años. Ahora es la directora de litigio, abogacía y entrenamiento en California Rural Legal Assistance (CRLA, o en español, Asistencia Jurídica Rural de California) un despacho de abogados que ofrece ayuda legal. Rice ha representado a decenas de trabajadores del campo en casos que implican condiciones laborales peligrosas, robo de sueldos y represalias.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cuando habla con un cliente por primera vez, recalca lo siguiente.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Es ilegal que un empleador tome represalias”, dijo, pero agregó que, “nunca decimos que un empleador no puede tomar represalias porque claro que pueden hacerlo. Sólo que es ilegal y aún así lo hacen”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gracias a décadas de activismo liderado por campesinos e inmigrantes, California cuenta con varias dependencias que hacen cumplir las leyes laborales, entre ellas los reglamentos que prohíben represalias. El ALRB fue creado luego de que el entonces gobernador Jerry Brown \u003ca href=\"https://www.alrb.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/sites/196/2018/05/ALRA_Spanish_051805.pdf\">aprobara la Ley de Relaciones Laborales Agrícolas en 1975\u003c/a>, la cual garantiza el derecho de los trabajadores del campo a la negociación colectiva. A parte de eso, la \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/dlse/\">Oficina del Comisionado Laboral\u003c/a> investiga sueldos mal pagados o robados, y la Administración de Seguridad y Salud Ocupacional de California (Cal/OSHA por sus siglas en inglés) hace cumplir reglamentos estatales, \u003ca href=\"http://www.99calor.org/_downloads/complaint.sheet_spanish.pdf\">como las protecciones contra el calor para quienes trabajan al aire libre\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>A nivel nacional, el Departamento de Trabajo procesa las órdenes de trabajo del programa H-2A y regula los contratos de trabajadores extranjeros. Dentro de esta dependencia, la \u003ca href=\"https://www.dol.gov/agencies/whd\">División de Salarios y Horas de Trabajo\u003c/a> investiga casos en donde compañías no están pagando a sus empleados adecuadamente o se niegan a ofrecer vivienda, transporte o comida, \u003ca href=\"https://www.dol.gov/sites/dolgov/files/WHD/legacy/files/whdfs26.pdf\">lo cual es requerido por el gobierno federal\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Muchos trabajadores agrícolas contactan a Rice después de que perdieron sus empleos o al final de la temporada de cosecha. “Ahí es cuando hablan sobre posible robo de sueldos, si no les dieron de comer o si su lugar de trabajo no tenía baños”, ella explicó.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pero ese momento ya es muy tarde, dice ella, particularmente para los trabajadores con visa H-2A que tienen una estancia limitada en EE.UU. Esto limita el tiempo que abogados como Rice tienen para recaudar pruebas y testimonios antes de que el trabajador se vaya del país, lo cual complica el proceso aún más ya que muchos obreros vienen de comunidades rurales y aisladas en México, Centroamérica y el Caribe con muy poca conexión celular o internet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Entonces, ¿por qué esperar hasta el último momento para alzar la voz?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hay varias maneras en que los trabajadores con visa H-2A pueden experimentar una represalia. Una es perder su trabajo (y al mismo tiempo sus visas), pero también pueden sufrir amenazas o castigos. Samuel recuerda que a su cuadrilla le tocó trabajar en los viñedos cuando las temperaturas superaban los 95 grados Fahrenheit (equivalente a 35 centígrados). “A veces nos sentíamos bien deshidratados que se desmayaba uno”. dijo. “Sentíamos que queríamos vomitar”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Cuando le avisaron al encargado cómo se sentían, Samuel afirma que este se rió y les dijo que siguieran trabajando. Kevin agregó que había varios días calurosos en que los trabajadores no recibieron ninguna protección, lo cual va en contra de leyes estatales. “Estaba el calor a 90, 95 grados y no había ninguna sombra para tomar un vaso de agua o sentarte a descansar un ratito. Nada de eso”, dijo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cuando el mercurio sube a los 80 grados Fahrenheit (equivalente a 26.7 centígrados), Cal/OSHA \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11886628/feeling-the-heat-how-workers-can-advocate-for-safer-working-conditions-under-the-sun\">exige a los empleadores que proporcionen suficiente agua, sombra y descanso a sus trabajadores\u003c/a>. En términos prácticos, cada empleado debe recibir al menos un cuarto de galón de agua (equivalente a 950 mililitros) por hora y puede descansar en la sombra a cualquier momento que lo necesite. Sin embargo, una investigación de NPR en 2021 reveló que \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11886402/why-california-workers-are-still-dying-from-heat-despite-protections\">más de 40 trabajadores agrícolas murieron en California por golpe de calor\u003c/a> y otras enfermedades relacionadas al calor dentro de un periodo de 10 años.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cal/OSHA afirma que las muertes relacionadas al calor se pueden prevenir, pero esta dependencia ha lidiado con falta de personal suficiente por varios años, lo cual \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11886402/why-california-workers-are-still-dying-from-heat-despite-protections\">limita su capacidad para regular las miles de granjas, campos y viñedos que operan a lo largo de California\u003c/a>. Por ende, la responsabilidad de proteger a los trabajadores del calor termina siendo la del empleador únicamente.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Una red de represalias en EE.UU. y el extranjero\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Según un reporte del Centro de los Derechos del Migrante publicado en 2020, \u003ca href=\"https://cdmigrante.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/06/Tiempo-De-Reforma.pdf\">es bastante común que los empleadores en el programa H-2A usen amenazas para ejercer mayor control sobre sus trabajadores y prevenir que alcen la voz\u003c/a>. La organización entrevistó a 100 trabajadores que previamente formaron parte del programa H-2A y 100 por ciento de ellos experimentaron al menos una seria violacion legal de sus derechos y 94 por ciento de ellos, al menos tres violaciones a sus derechos laborales.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rice de CRLA señala que los empleadores en el programa H-2A tienen muchísimo control sobre sus trabajadores. Un empleador debe proveer \u003ca href=\"https://www.dol.gov/sites/dolgov/files/WHD/legacy/files/whdfs26.pdf\">vivienda, comida, además de transporte de ida y vuelta del sitio de trabajo\u003c/a>. Además, muchos trabajadores no tienen su propio vehículo, ni una licencia para conducir y por ende dependen de sus jefes para hacer viajes esenciales como comprar comida o recibir atención médica.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Un trabajador que experimenta malas condiciones de trabajo siempre puede irse de manera voluntaria, ¿verdad?” dijo Rice. “Bueno, eso no es cierto para los trabajadores con visa H-2A”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“Este programa funciona de manera similar al trabajo no abonado que se vio por varias décadas después de la Guerra Civil de EE.UU, a través de la aparcería”, agregó la abogada. “El trabajador depende tanto del empleador que sería imposible decir que son libres para buscar otras oportunidades.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>La influencia de un empleador abusivo puede perjudicar a un trabajador incluso cuando este último ya haya regresado a su país natal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Para contratar a nuevos trabajadores, muchos empleadores utilizan a reclutadores externos que operan por todo el mundo. El proceso para reclutar trabajadores está repleto de abusos. Los reclutadores a veces \u003ca href=\"https://cdmigrante.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/06/Tiempo-De-Reforma.pdf\">cobran a trabajadores cantidades exorbitantes para conectarlos con compañías estadounidenses y otros mienten por completo acerca de las oportunidades laborales que pueden ofrecer\u003c/a>. Aún más, un reporte publicado en el 2015 por la Oficina de Contabilidad del Gobierno (GAO por sus siglas en inglés) señaló que estos reclutadores \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/gao-2015-report-on-h2a-program-668875.pdf\">ponen en la lista negra a cualquier empleado que denuncia un abuso por parte de su jefe\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Estos reclutadores, que van desde individuos operando de manera informal hasta multinacionales, generalmente trabajan para múltiples compañías agrícolas en EE.UU. Cuando un reclutador pone a un trabajador en la lista negra, esto va más allá de un solo empleador, sino que tiene repercusiones en sectores enteros de la industria agrícola.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rice ha visto cómo esto sucede con varios de sus clientes. Luego de reportar a un empleador abusivo en un estado, estos trabajadores no pueden encontrar empleo en otros estados.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“La primera cosa que un empleador hace después de que un trabajador se queja de su salario o condiciones laborales es llamar al reclutador para decirle, ‘No quiero contratar a esta persona el siguiente año porque se quejaron de mí’, y con eso, el trabajador ya no será contratado por esa compañía ni tampoco por todas las otras empresas que mantengan una conexión con ese reclutador”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Y cuando los trabajadores regresan a sus países de origen, todavía pueden ser perjudicados. El reporte de la GAO relata que cuando funcionarios estadounidenses viajaron a México para hablar con obreros que formaron parte del programa H-2A en el pasado, muchos de estos trabajadores tenían miedo de hablar. Según ellos, su preocupación era que alguien en su pueblo los viera y los reportara al reclutador que opera en esa zona.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘Los reclutadores tienen una enorme cantidad de control sobre quién puede acceder a las visas dentro de estas comunidades.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>La Unión de Campesinos (UFW por sus siglas en inglés), sindicato que opera a nivel nacional, también ha notado este fenómeno. Elizabeth Strater, directora de campañas estratégicas de la UFW, explica cómo varios trabajadores con visa H-2A de origen jamaicano harán todo lo posible para aguantar a un empleador abusivo con el objetivo de permanecer en el grupo de solicitantes del siguiente año. “Los reclutadores tienen una enorme cantidad de control sobre quién puede acceder a las visas dentro de estas comunidades”, dijo Strater.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cuando Mauritson Farms contrató por primera vez a su cuadrilla en 2019, Samuel y Kevin afirman que la compañía manejó el proceso para contratarlos a través de la aplicación WhatsApp y sin intermediarios. Pero en 2022, la empresa contrató a Cierto Global, una multinacional que se especializa en reclutar trabajadores agrícolas y hasta fue nombrada una “reclutadora ética” por el gobierno del presidente Joe Biden.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pero aún así, Samuel y Kevin se preocupan que ya no podrán encontrar trabajo en la industria agrícola de EE.UU. “Lo que yo pienso es que [Mauritson] ya no quieren tener más problemas y mejor metieron [el reclutador] para que escojan ahí mejor el que venga”, dijo Kevin.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Controlando a las redes de reclutadores\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>¿Cómo pueden los funcionarios laborales impedir que las empresas estadounidenses tomen represalias en contra los trabajadores con visa H-2A si esto sucede fuera del país?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>El reporte de la GAO indica que actualmente existe muy poca regulación federal sobre el proceso de reclutamiento para el programa H-2A. Pese a que el Departamento de Seguridad Nacional mantiene una extensa lista de todos los inmigrantes con visa H-2A, no existe una base de datos a nivel federal con la información de los individuos o empresas que llevan a cabo estas actividades por parte de empresas estadounidenses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘Nuestra autoridad para hacer cumplir la ley sólo existe en los Estados Unidos. No podemos regular lo que estos reclutadores externos están haciendo en México.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Agencias estatales como el ALRB de California, que actualmente investiga el caso Mauritson, también se les dificulta hacer cumplir sus propias reglas laborales en estas situaciones. Jessica Arciniega, directora regional para esta dependencia, dice que estos casos son bastantes complicados para su agencia ya que enfrentan limitaciones jurídicas, pero en ciertos casos, este tipo de represalia puede formar parte de una investigación en curso sobre un procedimiento laboral injusto.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Si existe evidencia que un reclutador actuó como un agente del empleador, entonces eso puede ser algo que investiguemos”, dijo Arciniega.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A nivel federal, los funcionarios del Departamento del Trabajo también están limitados por su jurisdicción. “Nuestra autoridad para hacer cumplir la ley sólo existe en los Estados Unidos. No podemos regular lo que estos reclutadores externos están haciendo en México, por ejemplo”, dijo Rubén Lugo, coordinador regional de la agencia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sin embargo, si un grupo de trabajadores reporta un incumplimiento de contrato al Departamento de Trabajo por parte del empleador y el siguiente año ninguno de esos trabajadores es contratado nuevamente, “podemos ver claramente que estos trabajadores sufrieron una represalia”, dijo el funcionario.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>En este caso, el gobierno federal puede ordenar al empleador que recontrate a los trabajadores afectados. Y si también hubo robo de sueldos, los funcionarios pueden exigir a la empresa que le pague a los obreros todo lo que les debe. Compañías reincidentes hasta pueden ser removidos del programa H-2A de manera permanente.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pero estas consecuencias sólo aplican a las empresas en Estados Unidos y no impactan a los reclutadores en el extranjero.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>En el 2018, más del 90 por ciento de los trabajadores con visa H-2A provenían de México y según el \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/gao-2015-report-on-h2a-program-668875.pdf\">reporte de la GAO\u003c/a>, existe una red bastante desarrollada de reclutadores dentro de ese país. Grupos defensores de migrantes insisten que el gobierno mexicano, al igual que los gobiernos de otros países que abastecen trabajadores para este programa, debe ser más proactivo en regular las actividades de estos reclutadores y también educar a sus connacionales acerca de sus derechos laborales antes de viajar a EE.UU.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pero los funcionarios mexicanos que hablaron con KQED rechazaron esta idea y argumentan que esto no es la responsabilidad del gobierno mexicano, a pesar de que los mexicanos que trabajan en los campos de EE.UU. mandan millones de dólares cada año a México, lo cual sostiene gran parte de la economía de ese país.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Las visas H-2A no son un programa binacional”, dijo Remedios Gómez Arnau, cónsul general de México en San Francisco, y agregó que funcionarios mexicanos no tienen ningún papel en el proceso para contratar a los trabajadores del programa H-2A. El gobierno de México sólo se involucra cuando sus connacionales llegan a territorio estadounidense y se comunican con un consulado mexicano, explicó.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Si la persona sale de territorio nacional y entra a otro territorio a donde tiene una visa, entonces donde nos podemos enterar es aquí si el connacional o la connacional se acerca al consulado y nos dice que tienen un problema”, dijo la cónsul. “Pero antes de eso, las autoridades mexicanas desconocen quién está viniendo aquí siendo contratado”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11919520\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11919520\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/DSC02464-1-scaled.jpeg\" alt='Un grupo de manifestantes protesta fuera de una oficina y lleva muchos carteles. Uno de ellos lee. \"Pago extra por peligros\".' width=\"2560\" height=\"1710\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/DSC02464-1-scaled.jpeg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/DSC02464-1-800x534.jpeg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/DSC02464-1-1020x681.jpeg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/DSC02464-1-160x107.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/DSC02464-1-1536x1026.jpeg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/DSC02464-1-2048x1368.jpeg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/DSC02464-1-1920x1282.jpeg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Los trabajadores agrícolas y los organizadores del grupo North Bay Jobs With Justice protestan en las afueras del Departamento de Gestión de Emergencias del Condado de Sonoma el 9 de junio de 2022. Una coalición de trabajadores y organizadores está presionando al condado para que se establezcan cinco normas de seguridad, con el próposito de proteger a los trabajadores del campo a medida que los incendios forestales se intensifican debido al cambio climático. \u003ccite>(Cortesía de Derek Knowles)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>‘La manera en que protegemos a los trabajadores debe de también cambiar’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Samuel y Kevin no se arrepienten de haber alzado la voz.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Nosotros nos sentimos en nuestro derecho”, dijo Samuel y agregó, “No sólo es uno [que se quejó], pero somos varios”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Para el equipo de North Bay Jobs With Justice, el cual ha apoyado a Samuel y a sus compañeros desde el año pasado, este caso podría ser un parteaguas en la lucha para proteger a los trabajadores del campo en la industria vitivinícola y el resto de California de represalias y procedimientos laborales injustos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Si la agencia estatal ALRB falla en contra de Mauritson, esto podría alentar a otros trabajadores en la región a denunciar más abusos, dice Ana Salgado, una de las líderes de North Bay Jobs With Justice. Algo así podría ampliar el movimiento a favor de protecciones laborales en el campo antes de que se intensifique la temporada de incendios en California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Varios grupos que defienden los derechos de trabajadores agrícolas han formado una coalición para exigir al Condado de Sonoma que establezca \u003ca href=\"https://actionnetwork.org/petitions/farmworkers-deserve-safety-and-respect-in-sonoma-county?source=ig\">cinco protocolos de seguridad a medida que los incendios forestales aumentan a causa del cambio climático\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Las cinco demandas incluyen que la industria del vino capacite a sus empleados, en su idioma materno, sobre cómo evacuar y mantenerse seguros durante un incendio forestal. También exigen que se permita la entrada en los viñedos a observadores comunitarios para que estos observen si se están acatando los reglamentos de seguridad laboral. De esta forma, los activistas esperan que ningún trabajador se sienta solo cuando denuncie a un empleador abusivo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“La Tierra está cambiando y la manera en que protegemos a los trabajadores debe de también cambiar”, dijo Salgado.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11919524\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11919524\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/DSC02491-scaled.jpeg\" alt=\"Un grupo de manifestantes toca los tambores afuera de una oficina.\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1710\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/DSC02491-scaled.jpeg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/DSC02491-800x534.jpeg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/DSC02491-1020x681.jpeg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/DSC02491-160x107.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/DSC02491-1536x1026.jpeg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/DSC02491-2048x1368.jpeg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/DSC02491-1920x1282.jpeg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Un grupo de manifestantes protesta a las afueras del Departamento de Gestión de Emergencias del Condado de Sonoma el 9 de junio de 2022 para exigir mayores protecciones para los trabajadores agrícolas antes del inicio de la temporada de incendios forestales. Los organizadores señalan que el cambio climático seguirá empeorarando las condiciones laborales en el campo. \u003ccite>(Cortesía de Derek Knowles)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Más allá del Condado de Sonoma, activistas laborales proponen reformas estructurales al programa H-2A para hacer responsables tanto a empleadores como a reclutadores por las represalias que tomen. El Centro de los Derechos del Migrante \u003ca href=\"https://cdmigrante.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/06/Tiempo-De-Reforma.pdf\">ha recomendado al Congreso que apruebe legislación que reforme el proceso de reclutamiento y garantice asistencia legal a trabajadores que hayan sufrido un abuso laboral\u003c/a>, incluso cuando estos se hayan ido del país. También aconseja a dependencias federales como el Departamento de Trabajo que formen una base de datos accesible a cualquier trabajador extranjero y que incluya información de todos los reclutadores y empleadores que participan en el programa H-2A.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘La Tierra está cambiando y la manera en que protegemos a los trabajadores debe de también cambiar.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Por su parte, Cynthia Rice, la abogada de CRLA, señaló un vacío legal en las regulaciones del programa H-2A que castigan a empleadores abusivos: cuando un trabajador demanda a su empresa por un procedimiento laboral injusto, esta compañía puede llegar a un acuerdo legal con este trabajador y por ende evita admitir que violó una ley laboral.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Al no aceptar cualquier responsabilidad por un delito, ese empleador puede entrar al programa H-2A otra vez el siguiente año”, dijo Rice. Si funcionarios federales tomarán en cuenta cuáles compañías llegan a acuerdos legales año tras año cuando están decidiendo qué empresas pueden formar parte del programa, eso podría prevenir que empleadores con una historia de abusos sigan contratando a más trabajadores.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Reformar el programa H-2A no sólo beneficiaría a obreros extranjeros, sino también protegería a trabajadores estadounidenses, dice Rice. Si es más fácil explotar a trabajadores con visa H-2A, esto los hace más atractivos para contratar ya que los empleadores saben que pueden explotar a estos sin tener que pagar las mismas consecuencias que cuando hacen lo mismo con estadounidenses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘Nos sentíamos mal con el maltrato que nos estaban dando y entonces empezamos a investigar sobre las cosas que [los empleadores] deben de hacer por ti.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Mientras espera por el fallo del ALRB, Kevin comparte todo lo que aprendió el año pasado con sus compañeros que están considerando migrar a EE.UU. para trabajar. No quiere que otros pasen por lo mismo que le tocó a él.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Estábamos felices con el trabajo que nosotros teníamos allá porque teníamos de donde tomar un poco económicamente para mandarle a la familia y para que pudiéramos hacer algo, una casita o invertir en un negocio”, dijo, pero agregó que esto no justifica la manera en que él y sus compañeros fueron tratados. “Nos sentíamos mal con el maltrato que nos estaban dando y entonces empezamos a investigar sobre las cosas que [los empleadores] deben de hacer por ti”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Update, 5 p.m. July 11: \u003c/strong>Mesa Verde ICE Processing Center staff moved Pedro Figueroa out of solitary confinement on July 8, shortly after KQED published this story, according to his attorney. Mohamed Mousa remains in what’s officially known as “administrative segregation,” his attorney said. Both men were found guilty of “inciting or engaging in a demonstration,” charges allegedly related to a monthslong labor strike by immigration detainees seeking higher wages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesman with The GEO Group, which operates the immigration detention center, declined to confirm the status of the men, and referred questions to ICE. The agency did not immediately respond to a request for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Original story, July 8:\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\nTwo immigrant detainees have been held in solitary confinement for over a week for backing a labor strike seeking better wages and conditions at the privately run facility where they are held in Bakersfield, the men told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The alleged retaliation fuels fear and intimidation, according to interviews with the men, their attorneys and advocates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mohamed Mousa and Pedro Figueroa said they were moved to a restricted housing unit after signing a declaration on June 28 that they and 15 others were joining a months-long peaceful work stoppage by U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement detainees who are paid $1 a day to clean dormitories and bathrooms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Pedro Figueroa, ICE detainee\"]‘I chose not to work and voice my opinion respectfully, and that’s within my right … What did I do wrong?’[/pullquote]Employees with The GEO Group, a large private prison company that operates the Mesa Verde ICE Processing Center in Bakersfield, transferred the men separately to “administrative segregation” on June 29 and June 30, according to GEO forms viewed by KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is what they’re doing to retaliate against people who speak up. This is what they’re doing to intimidate us, which I am intimidated,” Figueroa, 33, said by phone as he sat in what he described as a small, windowless cell detainees refer to as “the hole.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I chose not to work and voice my opinion respectfully, and that’s within my right,” added Figueroa, a former incarcerated firefighter who battled the massive August Complex fire in 2020. “I’m trying to understand, what did I do wrong?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Documents show GEO staffers charged Figueroa and Mousa with “inciting or engaging in a demonstration” and “conduct that disrupts/interferes with the security or operation of the facility.” Both are \u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/doclib/detention-standards/2011/pbnds2011r2016.pdf\">labeled as high offenses under ICE guidelines\u003c/a> for the detention center.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Figueroa and Mousa said they are kept in their cells — about 6 by 12 feet, with a sink, toilet and a cot — for 22 hours a day or longer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It gives you anxiety, raises your stress level. It raises your depression level,” said Mousa, a 41-year-old immigrant from Egypt and former film student in Los Angeles. “It’s a terrible place to be. It’s like they dig a grave and throw you in.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Upon request, Mousa and Figueroa have access to a phone and an electronic tablet, which guards push through a slit in the room’s metal door. Calls and entertainment, such as music or books, may cost anywhere between $0.03 and $0.11 per minute, the detainees said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesperson for GEO, \u003ca href=\"https://www.businesswire.com/news/home/20220502005931/en/The-GEO-Group-Reports-First-Quarter-2022-Results\">which reported total revenues of $551 million in the first quarter of 2022\u003c/a>, rebuffed allegations that the detainees are being punished for protesting their working and living conditions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The strikers, including more than a dozen so-called “housing porters,” are calling for California’s $15 per hour minimum wage, fair treatment by Mesa Verde’s administration and more nutritious meals, among other demands. Some detainees at the facility have refused to work since April 28, but their demands have been largely ignored by GEO and ICE, said Esperanza Cuautle, a community organizer with Pangea Legal Services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11919181\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 648px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11919181\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/RS57176_Pedro_Firecamp.jpeg\" alt=\"a smiling bald man holds a chainsaw wearing work clothing\" width=\"648\" height=\"1017\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/RS57176_Pedro_Firecamp.jpeg 648w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/RS57176_Pedro_Firecamp-160x251.jpeg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 648px) 100vw, 648px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Pedro Figueroa poses at the Antelope Fire camp in Siskiyou County in 2021. When he was incarcerated, before his ICE detention, Figueroa won a spot in the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation’s fire camp program, and helped battle wildfires. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of the Figueroa family)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The GEO spokesperson repeatedly denied a labor strike is taking place at Mesa Verde and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11917597/immigrant-detainees-strike-over-working-conditions-california-regulators-investigate\">Golden State Annex, a nearby detention center also operated by the multinational company\u003c/a>, arguing that the detained workers are part of a voluntary program. But he declined to answer what demonstration or disruption the detainees were charged with engaging in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We continue to strongly reject these baseless allegations,” said the spokesperson for the Florida-based company. “Our facilities, including the Mesa Verde ICE Processing Center, provide high-quality services in accordance with all federal contract requirements.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Mesa Verde ICE Processing Center is maintained in accordance with all applicable federal sanitation standards, with or without the contributions of Voluntary Work Program participants.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mesa Verde currently detains 51 men, according to \u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/detain/detention-management\">ICE’s most recent detention statistics\u003c/a>. Figueroa and Mousa were arrested by the agency after being released from state prisons for felony convictions, according to court records and their attorneys.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Figueroa, however, felt no choice but to take a plea deal and continues to maintain his innocence, according to his lawyer, Katie Kavanagh, with the California Collaborative for Immigrant Justice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mousa entered the U.S. lawfully in 2006, and has since been granted protections against deportation by two separate immigration judges, but ICE has appealed, said Kelsey Morales, an immigration attorney with the Alameda County Public Defender’s Office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Figueroa, the father of four children born in the U.S., was brought to the country as a baby. He grew up in Orange County, according to Kavanagh.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Detainees often opt to work for $1 a day to help their families afford what they describe as costly phone calls and commissary items such as dental floss and tortillas — and to ensure clean living areas, which they say no other janitorial service maintains at Mesa Verde.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Eunice Cho, attorney, ACLU\"]‘These private prison companies are profiting by millions of dollars every year by using these volunteer work programs.’[/pullquote]In California, immigrant detainees paid $1 a day in privately run facilities are entitled to pursue civil remedy for unpaid wages, and are considered “employees” based on a ruling by a federal judge in 2018, said Christina Cano, a spokesperson with the Department of Industrial Relations, which oversees the enforcement of minimum wage laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nationwide, for-profit operators of immigration detention centers commonly use the voluntary work program to do cleaning, maintenance, laundry and other tasks that keep facilities running, saving money on labor costs, according to Eunice Cho, an attorney with the ACLU National Prison Project in Washington, D.C.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These private prison companies are profiting by millions of dollars every year by using these volunteer work programs,” Cho said. “Private prison companies have often used punishment to ask for more people to perform labor, doing things like threatening and putting people into solitary confinement, denying food.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Courts in California, Washington and other states are currently deciding whether these labor practices constitute illegal forced labor or minimum wage law violations, and whether companies like GEO are accountable, according to Cho.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11917597 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/GoldenStateAnnex-1020x698.jpg']Moreover, immigrants who are detained by the federal government while they fight deportation — a civil, not criminal proceeding — have the right to freedom of speech, she added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s long settled that the First Amendment prohibits the use of solitary confinement as punishment for speaking up against conditions of confinement in prisons and detention centers,” Cho said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s unclear whether ICE agrees. ICE did not return requests for comment on the rule, the labor strike or retaliation allegations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the reports of potentially exploitative work and retaliation at Mesa Verde are “alarming,” said a spokesperson for U.S. Senator Alex Padilla, D-Calif.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our office is working to gather additional information and ensure there is proper oversight,” she said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Likewise, South Bay Congressmember Zoe Lofgren, D-San José, who chairs the Subcommittee on Immigration and Citizenship, said she has “long been concerned” about immigration authorities’ use of for-profit prisons and conditions for detainees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These new allegations are troubling, yet sadly unsurprising,” said Lofgren, who \u003ca href=\"https://lofgren.house.gov/media/press-releases/lofgren-correa-ca-dems-urge-dhs-close-three-ice-detention-centers\">led 22 Democratic colleagues in urging the Biden administration to close three detention centers in California\u003c/a>, including one operated by GEO. “I take these allegations seriously and expect a complete and thorough investigation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Update, 5 p.m. July 11: \u003c/strong>Mesa Verde ICE Processing Center staff moved Pedro Figueroa out of solitary confinement on July 8, shortly after KQED published this story, according to his attorney. Mohamed Mousa remains in what’s officially known as “administrative segregation,” his attorney said. Both men were found guilty of “inciting or engaging in a demonstration,” charges allegedly related to a monthslong labor strike by immigration detainees seeking higher wages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesman with The GEO Group, which operates the immigration detention center, declined to confirm the status of the men, and referred questions to ICE. The agency did not immediately respond to a request for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Original story, July 8:\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\nTwo immigrant detainees have been held in solitary confinement for over a week for backing a labor strike seeking better wages and conditions at the privately run facility where they are held in Bakersfield, the men told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The alleged retaliation fuels fear and intimidation, according to interviews with the men, their attorneys and advocates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mohamed Mousa and Pedro Figueroa said they were moved to a restricted housing unit after signing a declaration on June 28 that they and 15 others were joining a months-long peaceful work stoppage by U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement detainees who are paid $1 a day to clean dormitories and bathrooms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘I chose not to work and voice my opinion respectfully, and that’s within my right … What did I do wrong?’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Employees with The GEO Group, a large private prison company that operates the Mesa Verde ICE Processing Center in Bakersfield, transferred the men separately to “administrative segregation” on June 29 and June 30, according to GEO forms viewed by KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is what they’re doing to retaliate against people who speak up. This is what they’re doing to intimidate us, which I am intimidated,” Figueroa, 33, said by phone as he sat in what he described as a small, windowless cell detainees refer to as “the hole.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I chose not to work and voice my opinion respectfully, and that’s within my right,” added Figueroa, a former incarcerated firefighter who battled the massive August Complex fire in 2020. “I’m trying to understand, what did I do wrong?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Documents show GEO staffers charged Figueroa and Mousa with “inciting or engaging in a demonstration” and “conduct that disrupts/interferes with the security or operation of the facility.” Both are \u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/doclib/detention-standards/2011/pbnds2011r2016.pdf\">labeled as high offenses under ICE guidelines\u003c/a> for the detention center.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Figueroa and Mousa said they are kept in their cells — about 6 by 12 feet, with a sink, toilet and a cot — for 22 hours a day or longer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It gives you anxiety, raises your stress level. It raises your depression level,” said Mousa, a 41-year-old immigrant from Egypt and former film student in Los Angeles. “It’s a terrible place to be. It’s like they dig a grave and throw you in.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Upon request, Mousa and Figueroa have access to a phone and an electronic tablet, which guards push through a slit in the room’s metal door. Calls and entertainment, such as music or books, may cost anywhere between $0.03 and $0.11 per minute, the detainees said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesperson for GEO, \u003ca href=\"https://www.businesswire.com/news/home/20220502005931/en/The-GEO-Group-Reports-First-Quarter-2022-Results\">which reported total revenues of $551 million in the first quarter of 2022\u003c/a>, rebuffed allegations that the detainees are being punished for protesting their working and living conditions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The strikers, including more than a dozen so-called “housing porters,” are calling for California’s $15 per hour minimum wage, fair treatment by Mesa Verde’s administration and more nutritious meals, among other demands. Some detainees at the facility have refused to work since April 28, but their demands have been largely ignored by GEO and ICE, said Esperanza Cuautle, a community organizer with Pangea Legal Services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11919181\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 648px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11919181\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/RS57176_Pedro_Firecamp.jpeg\" alt=\"a smiling bald man holds a chainsaw wearing work clothing\" width=\"648\" height=\"1017\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/RS57176_Pedro_Firecamp.jpeg 648w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/RS57176_Pedro_Firecamp-160x251.jpeg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 648px) 100vw, 648px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Pedro Figueroa poses at the Antelope Fire camp in Siskiyou County in 2021. When he was incarcerated, before his ICE detention, Figueroa won a spot in the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation’s fire camp program, and helped battle wildfires. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of the Figueroa family)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The GEO spokesperson repeatedly denied a labor strike is taking place at Mesa Verde and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11917597/immigrant-detainees-strike-over-working-conditions-california-regulators-investigate\">Golden State Annex, a nearby detention center also operated by the multinational company\u003c/a>, arguing that the detained workers are part of a voluntary program. But he declined to answer what demonstration or disruption the detainees were charged with engaging in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We continue to strongly reject these baseless allegations,” said the spokesperson for the Florida-based company. “Our facilities, including the Mesa Verde ICE Processing Center, provide high-quality services in accordance with all federal contract requirements.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Mesa Verde ICE Processing Center is maintained in accordance with all applicable federal sanitation standards, with or without the contributions of Voluntary Work Program participants.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mesa Verde currently detains 51 men, according to \u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/detain/detention-management\">ICE’s most recent detention statistics\u003c/a>. Figueroa and Mousa were arrested by the agency after being released from state prisons for felony convictions, according to court records and their attorneys.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Figueroa, however, felt no choice but to take a plea deal and continues to maintain his innocence, according to his lawyer, Katie Kavanagh, with the California Collaborative for Immigrant Justice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mousa entered the U.S. lawfully in 2006, and has since been granted protections against deportation by two separate immigration judges, but ICE has appealed, said Kelsey Morales, an immigration attorney with the Alameda County Public Defender’s Office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Figueroa, the father of four children born in the U.S., was brought to the country as a baby. He grew up in Orange County, according to Kavanagh.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Detainees often opt to work for $1 a day to help their families afford what they describe as costly phone calls and commissary items such as dental floss and tortillas — and to ensure clean living areas, which they say no other janitorial service maintains at Mesa Verde.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘These private prison companies are profiting by millions of dollars every year by using these volunteer work programs.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>In California, immigrant detainees paid $1 a day in privately run facilities are entitled to pursue civil remedy for unpaid wages, and are considered “employees” based on a ruling by a federal judge in 2018, said Christina Cano, a spokesperson with the Department of Industrial Relations, which oversees the enforcement of minimum wage laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nationwide, for-profit operators of immigration detention centers commonly use the voluntary work program to do cleaning, maintenance, laundry and other tasks that keep facilities running, saving money on labor costs, according to Eunice Cho, an attorney with the ACLU National Prison Project in Washington, D.C.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These private prison companies are profiting by millions of dollars every year by using these volunteer work programs,” Cho said. “Private prison companies have often used punishment to ask for more people to perform labor, doing things like threatening and putting people into solitary confinement, denying food.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Courts in California, Washington and other states are currently deciding whether these labor practices constitute illegal forced labor or minimum wage law violations, and whether companies like GEO are accountable, according to Cho.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Moreover, immigrants who are detained by the federal government while they fight deportation — a civil, not criminal proceeding — have the right to freedom of speech, she added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s long settled that the First Amendment prohibits the use of solitary confinement as punishment for speaking up against conditions of confinement in prisons and detention centers,” Cho said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s unclear whether ICE agrees. ICE did not return requests for comment on the rule, the labor strike or retaliation allegations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the reports of potentially exploitative work and retaliation at Mesa Verde are “alarming,” said a spokesperson for U.S. Senator Alex Padilla, D-Calif.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our office is working to gather additional information and ensure there is proper oversight,” she said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Likewise, South Bay Congressmember Zoe Lofgren, D-San José, who chairs the Subcommittee on Immigration and Citizenship, said she has “long been concerned” about immigration authorities’ use of for-profit prisons and conditions for detainees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These new allegations are troubling, yet sadly unsurprising,” said Lofgren, who \u003ca href=\"https://lofgren.house.gov/media/press-releases/lofgren-correa-ca-dems-urge-dhs-close-three-ice-detention-centers\">led 22 Democratic colleagues in urging the Biden administration to close three detention centers in California\u003c/a>, including one operated by GEO. “I take these allegations seriously and expect a complete and thorough investigation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "No Expanded Paid Family Leave, Disability Under Latest California Budget Agreement",
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"headTitle": "No Expanded Paid Family Leave, Disability Under Latest California Budget Agreement | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">When Rosalba Contreras delivered her second baby, she had a C-section, a surgical procedure where an incision is made in the abdomen. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Contreras developed a serious infection from the procedure, which required a second surgery and kept her hospitalized for about six weeks. She was unable to see her baby for most of that time, she said. \u003c/span>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Rosalba Contreras\"]‘I wish I would have been able to afford to stay home longer and bond with my baby, because bonding with her for only two weeks was really nothing.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Then, after being released from the hospital, Contreras made the heart-wrenching decision to spend just two weeks at home with her daughter before going back to work as an administrative assistant. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">She remembers crying almost daily at the office.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“It was very, very traumatic. I was really heartbroken,” said Contreras, 37, who lives in San Bernardino County. “I wish I would have been able to afford to stay home longer and bond with my baby, because bonding with her for only two weeks was really nothing.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11918459\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/IMG_7940.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11918459 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/IMG_7940-e1656626199105-800x722.jpg\" alt=\"A woman holds a baby while sitting on a couch in front of a cake with a lit candle on top.\" width=\"800\" height=\"722\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/IMG_7940-e1656626199105-800x722.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/IMG_7940-e1656626199105-1020x921.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/IMG_7940-e1656626199105-160x144.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/IMG_7940-e1656626199105.jpg 1284w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Rosalba Contreras celebrates the first birthday of her daughter Jayleen at home in Fontana, on Dec. 27, 2018. Contreras, who worked as an administrative assistant when she had Jayleen, says wage replacement rates for disability insurance and paid family leave are too low. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Rosalba Contreras)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Contreras was eligible for at least eight more weeks of paid leave under state programs that support employees who lose income because they take time off to bond with a new child, to care for an ill relative or for personal health reasons. But the benefits offer just a fraction of a person’s wages, often 60%, and Contreras couldn’t subsist on just over half her salary for two more months.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“I had to borrow money from family and friends until I could go back” to work, said Contreras, whose medical bills skyrocketed to about $1,000 per month due to the second surgery and subsequent treatment. Her leave benefits offered less than $1,500 per month. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“The people who make less money get less pay from the benefits because it’s based on a percentage of what you make,” she said.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">A bid by lawmakers to significantly increase the California State Disability Insurance and Paid Family Leave wage replacement benefits, especially for lower-income Californians, was left out of the \u003ca href=\"https://abgt.assembly.ca.gov/sites/abgt.assembly.ca.gov/files/Floor%20Report%20of%20the%202022-23%20Budget%20%28Updated%20June%2027%2C%202022%29.pdf\">$300 billion state \u003c/a>\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">spending plan\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Gov. Gavin Newsom and legislative leaders unveiled Sunday.\u003c/span>[aside postID=\"news_11914051,news_11913643\" label=\"Related Posts\"]\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The budget item would have boosted benefits to between 70% and 90% of a person’s wages, offering the higher rate to employees making under $57,000 per year. The plan could still be implemented as part of trailer bills, according to legislative staffers. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">An alternative path for the proposal to reach the governor’s desk is a bill that would raise the programs’ wage replacement rates starting in 2025\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">.\u003c/span> \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220SB951\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">SB 951\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">, by State Sen. Maria Elena Durazo (D-Los Angeles), is advancing in the Legislature.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Without any budgetary or legislative action, hundreds of thousands of Californians each year are set to see their \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://edd.ca.gov/en/Disability/Disability_Insurance\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">disability\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> and \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://edd.ca.gov/disability/paid-family-leave/\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">family leave\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> payments shrink to just 55% of their wages in 2023, due to the sunset of a bill that raised the rates to current levels. That will make the critical benefits even less affordable for lower-income workers, according to Kristin Schumacher, a policy analyst with the California Budget and Policy Center, a nonpartisan research nonprofit.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“Gov. Newsom has pitched himself as a champion of paid family leave, but he has ignored the largest barrier California workers face in taking time off — the benefit levels,” said Schumacher. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Newsom could still opt to do the right thing and increase the payment rates for paid family leave and the disability insurance program.” \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Most California workers pay for these programs through a mandatory SDI payroll tax of 1.1%. The state uses those funds to provide workers partial wage replacement, which aims to ensure the SDI fund stays solvent. Workers are eligible to receive \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">a maximum of \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">52 weeks for disability insurance and up to eight weeks for paid family leave. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The SDI fund, which also pays family leave benefits, is forecasted to pay a total of \u003ca href=\"https://edd.ca.gov/siteassets/files/about_edd/pdf/edddiforecastoct21.pdf\">$10.6 billion in claims by the end of the year while maintaining a healthy balance of $2.4 billion\u003c/a>, according to the most recent \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">estimates\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> by the Employment Development Department, which manages the programs.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Lower-income employees, who are disproportionately women and people of color, are much less likely to take advantage of the critical benefits even though they are taxed for them, state data shows. Paid family leave is linked to lower infant care costs for parents and \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.newamerica.org/better-life-lab/reports/paid-family-leave-how-much-time-enough/maternal-health-and-wellbeing/\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">better health for babies and mothers\u003c/span>\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“We know that it’s not humane or cost-efficient to force back to work new parents, folks who are sick or injured, or their family caregivers before they’re ready,” said Katie Wutchiett, a staff attorney with Legal Aid at Work. “But by having a state disability insurance and paid family leave system that doesn’t provide enough income for families to live on, that’s exactly what we’re doing.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003ca href=\"https://calbudgetcenter.org/resources/paid-family-leave-program-is-out-of-reach-for-many-californians/\">Californians with less than $20,000 in annual wages represented 37% of the workers who paid into the fund in 2020, but only 14% of those who used paid family leave\u003c/a>, according to a California Budget and Policy Center \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">analysis\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The governor’s office declined to comment on the budget proposal or any negotiations. Last year, \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/2021/09/AB-123-PDF.pdf\">Newsom vetoed a bill that would have raised benefit payment rates\u003c/a>, arguing it was too costly. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">This year, however, Durazo and other lawmakers offered a potential fix to raise more funds: eliminating \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">a ceiling for taxable contributions that allows higher-income earners to stop paying the SDI tax on wages beyond $146,000. Under the new proposal, all eligible workers would keep paying the tax throughout the year, no matter how much they make. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">An analysis \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">by the Legislative Analyst’s Office estimates \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">the change would likely offset new costs from higher wage replacement levels, although it’s uncertain how many more people would seek the benefits.\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“Right now, \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">low-wage workers are essentially financing the leaves of more highly paid workers,” Wutchiett said. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Requiring wealthy people to pay the same percentage as the lowest-income workers seems pretty reasonable.” \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">It’s unclear whether Newsom agrees. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">In May, Newsom offered to extend for a year the current benefit rates of 70% for very-low-income, part-time workers making under $27,000 annually, and 60% for all other employees. But that extension, which advocates like Wutchiett argue is insufficient, also was not included in the recent budget agreement with lawmakers.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Meanwhile, the consequences of not taking needed time off can be deadly, said Dr. Sharad Jain, a primary care doctor at the Sacramento County Health Center, which serves mostly lower-income patients. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Jain remembers a Latino man, a construction worker in his 50s, who should have applied for disability insurance to make the time for a lung biopsy, a CAT scan and treatment, but the patient was deterred because he believed the wage replacement rate was too low. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“When he spoke with our social worker, he said, ‘I have to go to work. Because if I don’t make my full salary, I’m not going to be able to support my family,’” Jain, a professor at the UC Davis School of Medicine, recalled.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">That patient ended up receiving a cancer diagnosis too late, and he died prematurely, according to Jain, leaving his children and family without his support. That’s why Jain supports an increase in disability benefit payments, particularly for lower-wage workers.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“I think that would do a huge amount to provide them with the freedom to make decisions that would optimize their health,” he said. “And for me, as a provider, I would love to see that happen because I think that would lead to a healthier community and ultimately lower cost to the system by early diagnosis and treatment.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Without action, hundreds of thousands of Californians each year could see their disability insurance and paid family leave payments shrink to just 55% of their regular wages.",
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"title": "No Expanded Paid Family Leave, Disability Under Latest California Budget Agreement | KQED",
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"headline": "No Expanded Paid Family Leave, Disability Under Latest California Budget Agreement",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">When Rosalba Contreras delivered her second baby, she had a C-section, a surgical procedure where an incision is made in the abdomen. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Contreras developed a serious infection from the procedure, which required a second surgery and kept her hospitalized for about six weeks. She was unable to see her baby for most of that time, she said. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘I wish I would have been able to afford to stay home longer and bond with my baby, because bonding with her for only two weeks was really nothing.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Then, after being released from the hospital, Contreras made the heart-wrenching decision to spend just two weeks at home with her daughter before going back to work as an administrative assistant. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">She remembers crying almost daily at the office.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“It was very, very traumatic. I was really heartbroken,” said Contreras, 37, who lives in San Bernardino County. “I wish I would have been able to afford to stay home longer and bond with my baby, because bonding with her for only two weeks was really nothing.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11918459\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/IMG_7940.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11918459 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/IMG_7940-e1656626199105-800x722.jpg\" alt=\"A woman holds a baby while sitting on a couch in front of a cake with a lit candle on top.\" width=\"800\" height=\"722\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/IMG_7940-e1656626199105-800x722.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/IMG_7940-e1656626199105-1020x921.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/IMG_7940-e1656626199105-160x144.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/IMG_7940-e1656626199105.jpg 1284w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Rosalba Contreras celebrates the first birthday of her daughter Jayleen at home in Fontana, on Dec. 27, 2018. Contreras, who worked as an administrative assistant when she had Jayleen, says wage replacement rates for disability insurance and paid family leave are too low. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Rosalba Contreras)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Contreras was eligible for at least eight more weeks of paid leave under state programs that support employees who lose income because they take time off to bond with a new child, to care for an ill relative or for personal health reasons. But the benefits offer just a fraction of a person’s wages, often 60%, and Contreras couldn’t subsist on just over half her salary for two more months.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“I had to borrow money from family and friends until I could go back” to work, said Contreras, whose medical bills skyrocketed to about $1,000 per month due to the second surgery and subsequent treatment. Her leave benefits offered less than $1,500 per month. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“The people who make less money get less pay from the benefits because it’s based on a percentage of what you make,” she said.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">A bid by lawmakers to significantly increase the California State Disability Insurance and Paid Family Leave wage replacement benefits, especially for lower-income Californians, was left out of the \u003ca href=\"https://abgt.assembly.ca.gov/sites/abgt.assembly.ca.gov/files/Floor%20Report%20of%20the%202022-23%20Budget%20%28Updated%20June%2027%2C%202022%29.pdf\">$300 billion state \u003c/a>\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">spending plan\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Gov. Gavin Newsom and legislative leaders unveiled Sunday.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The budget item would have boosted benefits to between 70% and 90% of a person’s wages, offering the higher rate to employees making under $57,000 per year. The plan could still be implemented as part of trailer bills, according to legislative staffers. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">An alternative path for the proposal to reach the governor’s desk is a bill that would raise the programs’ wage replacement rates starting in 2025\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">.\u003c/span> \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220SB951\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">SB 951\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">, by State Sen. Maria Elena Durazo (D-Los Angeles), is advancing in the Legislature.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Without any budgetary or legislative action, hundreds of thousands of Californians each year are set to see their \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://edd.ca.gov/en/Disability/Disability_Insurance\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">disability\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> and \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://edd.ca.gov/disability/paid-family-leave/\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">family leave\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> payments shrink to just 55% of their wages in 2023, due to the sunset of a bill that raised the rates to current levels. That will make the critical benefits even less affordable for lower-income workers, according to Kristin Schumacher, a policy analyst with the California Budget and Policy Center, a nonpartisan research nonprofit.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“Gov. Newsom has pitched himself as a champion of paid family leave, but he has ignored the largest barrier California workers face in taking time off — the benefit levels,” said Schumacher. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Newsom could still opt to do the right thing and increase the payment rates for paid family leave and the disability insurance program.” \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Most California workers pay for these programs through a mandatory SDI payroll tax of 1.1%. The state uses those funds to provide workers partial wage replacement, which aims to ensure the SDI fund stays solvent. Workers are eligible to receive \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">a maximum of \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">52 weeks for disability insurance and up to eight weeks for paid family leave. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The SDI fund, which also pays family leave benefits, is forecasted to pay a total of \u003ca href=\"https://edd.ca.gov/siteassets/files/about_edd/pdf/edddiforecastoct21.pdf\">$10.6 billion in claims by the end of the year while maintaining a healthy balance of $2.4 billion\u003c/a>, according to the most recent \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">estimates\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> by the Employment Development Department, which manages the programs.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Lower-income employees, who are disproportionately women and people of color, are much less likely to take advantage of the critical benefits even though they are taxed for them, state data shows. Paid family leave is linked to lower infant care costs for parents and \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.newamerica.org/better-life-lab/reports/paid-family-leave-how-much-time-enough/maternal-health-and-wellbeing/\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">better health for babies and mothers\u003c/span>\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“We know that it’s not humane or cost-efficient to force back to work new parents, folks who are sick or injured, or their family caregivers before they’re ready,” said Katie Wutchiett, a staff attorney with Legal Aid at Work. “But by having a state disability insurance and paid family leave system that doesn’t provide enough income for families to live on, that’s exactly what we’re doing.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003ca href=\"https://calbudgetcenter.org/resources/paid-family-leave-program-is-out-of-reach-for-many-californians/\">Californians with less than $20,000 in annual wages represented 37% of the workers who paid into the fund in 2020, but only 14% of those who used paid family leave\u003c/a>, according to a California Budget and Policy Center \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">analysis\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The governor’s office declined to comment on the budget proposal or any negotiations. Last year, \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/2021/09/AB-123-PDF.pdf\">Newsom vetoed a bill that would have raised benefit payment rates\u003c/a>, arguing it was too costly. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">This year, however, Durazo and other lawmakers offered a potential fix to raise more funds: eliminating \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">a ceiling for taxable contributions that allows higher-income earners to stop paying the SDI tax on wages beyond $146,000. Under the new proposal, all eligible workers would keep paying the tax throughout the year, no matter how much they make. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">An analysis \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">by the Legislative Analyst’s Office estimates \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">the change would likely offset new costs from higher wage replacement levels, although it’s uncertain how many more people would seek the benefits.\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“Right now, \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">low-wage workers are essentially financing the leaves of more highly paid workers,” Wutchiett said. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Requiring wealthy people to pay the same percentage as the lowest-income workers seems pretty reasonable.” \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">It’s unclear whether Newsom agrees. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">In May, Newsom offered to extend for a year the current benefit rates of 70% for very-low-income, part-time workers making under $27,000 annually, and 60% for all other employees. But that extension, which advocates like Wutchiett argue is insufficient, also was not included in the recent budget agreement with lawmakers.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Meanwhile, the consequences of not taking needed time off can be deadly, said Dr. Sharad Jain, a primary care doctor at the Sacramento County Health Center, which serves mostly lower-income patients. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Jain remembers a Latino man, a construction worker in his 50s, who should have applied for disability insurance to make the time for a lung biopsy, a CAT scan and treatment, but the patient was deterred because he believed the wage replacement rate was too low. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“When he spoke with our social worker, he said, ‘I have to go to work. Because if I don’t make my full salary, I’m not going to be able to support my family,’” Jain, a professor at the UC Davis School of Medicine, recalled.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">That patient ended up receiving a cancer diagnosis too late, and he died prematurely, according to Jain, leaving his children and family without his support. That’s why Jain supports an increase in disability benefit payments, particularly for lower-wage workers.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“I think that would do a huge amount to provide them with the freedom to make decisions that would optimize their health,” he said. “And for me, as a provider, I would love to see that happen because I think that would lead to a healthier community and ultimately lower cost to the system by early diagnosis and treatment.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11919450/trabajar-con-una-visa-h-2a-en-estados-unidos-represalias-derechos\">\u003cem>Leer en español\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[dropcap]A[/dropcap] pair of boots, shirts and pants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s what Samuel left in the room he shared with other field workers at Mauritson Farms in Healdsburg, in the heart of Sonoma County’s wine country, last October.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He was heading back to his family in his hometown in Oaxaca, Mexico. The harvest had ended and his H-2A visa would soon expire.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He started working at Mauritson Farms in 2019 with an H-2A visa, \u003ca href=\"https://www.uscis.gov/working-in-the-united-states/temporary-workers/h-2a-temporary-agricultural-workers\">which lets agricultural workers stay in the U.S. for limited periods of time\u003c/a>. The program was modeled off the Bracero Program, which was created in 1942, thanks to an agreement between the U.S. and Mexican governments that brought Mexican workers to American farms. Labor rights groups point out that \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/thesalt/2018/07/31/634442195/when-the-u-s-government-tried-to-replace-migrant-farmworkers-with-high-schoolers\">many of those braceros experienced wage theft, physical abuse and terrible working and living conditions\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Through the H-2A program, Samuel and a group of other young men from towns and rural communities in and around the Sola de Vega district in Oaxaca have come to California for years — from February through October — to work at Mauritson Farms, which owns and controls the vineyards that produce Mauritson Wines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He left his belongings in Healdsburg with plans to come back in 2022. But he was never rehired by Mauritson Farms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the end of the 2021 growing season, Samuel and five other workers from Oaxaca spoke up against what \u003ca href=\"#workplace\">they believed to be unfair and unsafe working conditions they had experienced for the past three years\u003c/a>. They said they were asked to work on extremely hot days without adequate protections against the heat, that hours of their pay were docked for unjustified reasons and that they suffered verbal abuse from the foreman who supervised them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With the support of the labor rights group North Bay Jobs With Justice, the group of six workers met with Cameron Mauritson, manager of the vineyard, in October to explain what they were experiencing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He apologized to us and said he was really sorry that this had happened at his company,” said Kevin, who also was at the meeting and worked alongside Samuel for the same period of time. “He promised that he would hire us again.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Samuel and Kevin — whose real names KQED is not using due to their fears of employment loss — this promise represented a lot more than a job offer for the next year. It signaled that the group could feel comfortable speaking out against unsafe working conditions and that Mauritson wouldn’t do what they feared the most: retaliate against them by not hiring them again.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We left our things [at Mauritson Farms] believing we would come back,” Samuel said. “But none of it was true.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11918388\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11918388 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS45142_017_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020-qut.jpg\" alt=\"A grapevine in a field. The grapes are ripe and ready to pick.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS45142_017_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS45142_017_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS45142_017_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS45142_017_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS45142_017_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Samuel and Kevin started coming to California in 2019 with H-2A visas. They would come in February and leave at the end of the grape harvest season in October. They now wait in their hometowns in Oaxaca to hear what an ALRB investigation finds. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Out of the six workers who met with Mauritson in October, none was called back to work in 2022, despite their completion of an application with Cierto Global, the company’s third-party recruiter service. Both Samuel and Kevin believe they were not rehired because they told management about unsafe working conditions they were experiencing in Mauritson’s vineyards, a right protected by California labor standards.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>North Bay Jobs With Justice representatives said they have reached out to Mauritson several times since February without receiving a response. Mauritson also declined KQED’s request for an interview.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On February 7, North Bay Jobs With Justice filed an unfair labor practice charge on behalf of the six workers with the California Agricultural Labor Relations Board (ALRB), the state agency that investigates possible workplace abuses in the agricultural industry. The charge \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/3.3.22-ULP-Against-Employer-Mauritson-Farms-Inc..pdf\">states that Mauritson Farms discriminated against the workers\u003c/a> by “refusing to rehire them because they engaged in protected concerted activity.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the ALRB investigation moves forward, Samuel and Kevin spend their days taking on whatever work they can get in Oaxaca and looking for different farming jobs in the U.S., but with little luck. The window to receive an H-2A visa this year has closed, so they must look for jobs that don’t offer visas. With their remaining savings depleted and families to feed, time is running out to make enough money to survive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California, home to the country’s largest agriculture sector, also has the nation’s third-most H-2A workers. Last year, \u003ca href=\"https://s3.documentcloud.org/documents/22082364/h2a-statistics.pdf\">more than 32,000 H-2A laborers from around the world worked in the state supporting the agriculture industry\u003c/a>. And even though California has an extensive system of agencies and regulations meant to protect these workers, H-2A immigrants are still extremely vulnerable to illegal retaliation by their employers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To bring foreign workers to the U.S., many H-2A employers use a network of both formal and informal recruiters that operate both inside and outside the country. Workers like Samuel and Kevin depend on these recruiters to find jobs in the U.S. and navigate the visa application process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But when a worker speaks up about illegal labor practices, advocates say these recruiters often make sure the worker is blacklisted across the industry — making it harder for these laborers to find another job in the U.S. and for agricultural industry and labor agencies, who only have jurisdiction in the U.S., to enforce anti-retaliation rules.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11918390\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11918390\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS45137_011_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020-qut.jpg\" alt=\"Rows of grapevines in a field. In the background, a worker can be seen picking grapes.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS45137_011_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS45137_011_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS45137_011_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS45137_011_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS45137_011_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">More than 4,200 laborers from around the world come to work in California with an H-2A visa. Most of them are employed in the agricultural industry. While these workers are protected by the same labor laws as anybody else, labor advocates say they are especially vulnerable to retaliation if they speak up against what they consider to be unfair or unsafe labor practices. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>‘Employers do retaliate’ even though it’s illegal\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Cynthia Rice has worked as a labor rights attorney for over 20 years. She’s now the director of litigation, advocacy and training at California Rural Legal Assistance, a nonprofit law firm that provides free legal aid across the state. She’s represented dozens of agricultural workers in cases involving dangerous working conditions, wage theft and retaliation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the start of each conversation with a new client, she makes one point clear.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Retaliation is illegal,” she said, while adding that, “we never say the employer can’t retaliate against you because of course the employer can retaliate against you. It’s just illegal and employers do retaliate.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thanks to decades of farmworker- and immigrant-led organizing, California has several agencies that enforce labor laws, including anti-retaliation rules. The ALRB was created after then-Gov. Jerry Brown signed the \u003ca href=\"https://www.alrb.ca.gov/forms-publications/fact-sheets/fact-sheet-english/\">California Agricultural Labor Relations Act\u003c/a> in 1975, which guaranteed collective bargaining rights for farmworkers. Additionally, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/dlse/\">California Labor Commissioner’s Office\u003c/a> investigates underpaid or missing wages, and the \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/dosh/\">California Occupational Safety and Health Standards Board\u003c/a> (Cal/OSHA) enforces workplace safety rules like \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11886628/feeling-the-heat-how-workers-can-advocate-for-safer-working-conditions-under-the-sun\">heat protections for outdoor workers\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Cynthia Rice, director of litigation, advocacy and training, California Rural Legal Assistance\"]‘We never say the employer can’t retaliate against you because of course the employer can retaliate against you.’[/pullquote]At the federal level, the Department of Labor processes job orders for the H-2A program and enforces employment contracts and the federal laws meant to protect guest workers. The department’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.dol.gov/agencies/whd\">Wage and Hour Division\u003c/a> investigates cases where employers may not be paying their workers properly or failing to provide housing, transportation or meals, \u003ca href=\"https://www.dol.gov/sites/dolgov/files/WHD/legacy/files/whdfs26.pdf\">which is required by the federal government\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many immigrant farmworkers Rice has worked with come to her after they’ve been terminated or when they’re about to go back to their home countries after the harvest season. “Then they talk about the hours that were shaved or the meals and restrooms that they didn’t get,” she explained.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But waiting until the end of harvest season to file a claim with the ALRB or other labor agencies is usually too late, she said, particularly for H-2A workers who typically have to leave the U.S. soon after. It gives attorneys like Rice very limited time to collect evidence and testimony before the worker heads back to their home country, which usually complicates communication as many H-2A holders come from rural communities in Mexico, Central America and the Caribbean, with limited access to the internet and telephone reception.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So why wait until the very last moment to speak up?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Retaliation can mean losing your job (and with that, your H-2A visa) after speaking up, but it can also include intimidation or punishment. Samuel remembers when his crew was working the fields in temperatures exceeding 95 degrees. “There were times where we felt so dehydrated that we were going to pass out,” he said. “We felt we wanted to vomit.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"news_11886628\" hero=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/08/RS50596_019_SanFrancisco_HeatWaveImpacts_08062021-qut-1020x680.jpg\"]\u003ca id=\"workplace\">\u003c/a>When he’d tell the foreman how he and others were feeling, Samuel said the foreman would laugh at them and tell them to keep working. Kevin said that there were many hot days where the workers didn’t have any of the heat protections required by California law. “When it was 90, 95 degrees, we didn’t have any shady spots to have a glass of water or rest for a bit,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When outside temperatures exceed 80 degrees, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11886628/feeling-the-heat-how-workers-can-advocate-for-safer-working-conditions-under-the-sun\">Cal/OSHA requires employers to provide their workers with sufficient water, shade and rest\u003c/a>. That means each employee should be able to drink at least one quart of water per hour and request breaks in the shade whenever they feel the need to. But a 2021 NPR investigation found that even with these protections in place, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11886402/why-california-workers-are-still-dying-from-heat-despite-protections\">nearly four dozen California workers died from heatstroke\u003c/a> and other heat-related illnesses within a 10-year period.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cal/OSHA has stated that heat-related deaths can be prevented, but the agency has struggled with understaffing for years, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11886402/why-california-workers-are-still-dying-from-heat-despite-protections\">making it harder for it to enforce its rules across California’s thousands of farms\u003c/a>. So in many cases, the responsibility of protecting workers from heat falls solely on the employer.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A network of retaliation in the US — and abroad\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>A 2020 report by the migrant rights group Centro de los Derechos del Migrante \u003ca href=\"https://cdmigrante.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/04/Ripe-for-Reform.pdf\">shows that it’s common for H-2A employers nationwide to intimidate workers to exert greater control over them\u003c/a> and prevent them from feeling safe enough to speak up while they’re employed. Out of 100 former H-2A workers the organization spoke to, 100% of them experienced at least one serious legal violation and 94% experienced three or more serious legal violations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rice from CRLA points out that H-2A employers have an incredible amount of control over workers. An employer \u003ca href=\"https://www.dol.gov/sites/dolgov/files/WHD/legacy/files/whdfs26.pdf\">must provide housing, meals and transportation to and from the work site\u003c/a>. Because many workers don’t have a U.S. driver’s license or their own vehicle, they also depend on their bosses for transportation to go grocery shopping, to receive medical care and for other essential activities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A worker who is experiencing bad working conditions can always vote with his or her feet, right?” Rice said. “Well, that’s not true for H-2A workers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"news_11886402\" hero=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/08/DSCF1773-1020x680.jpg\"]“The program is really closer to a kind of indentured servitude that we had in prior decades under sharecropper relationships post-emancipation,” she added. “There is such a dependency that the worker has on the employer and you can’t really say that they’re free to engage in activity anywhere else.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Abusive employers can exert control over workers even when they are no longer living in the U.S. In order to find employees, many H-2A employers depend on third-party recruiters that operate all over the world. The recruitment process is rife with abuse, as some recruiters charge workers exorbitant amounts to connect them with American companies, \u003ca href=\"https://cdmigrante.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/04/Ripe-for-Reform.pdf\">some practice debt bondage and others mislead workers entirely about job opportunities\u003c/a>. Additionally, a 2015 report by the U.S. Government Accountability Office (GAO) \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/gao-2015-report-on-h2a-program-668875.pdf\">found that recruiters often blacklist any worker who speaks up about abuses to their employer\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These recruiters, which range from informal one-person operations to multinational corporations, usually work for several employers spread out across the U.S. So when recruiters blacklist a worker, they’re not just doing so for one employer but potentially for whole sectors of the agriculture industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rice has seen this happen several times with clients who spoke up about an employer in one state, only to later have trouble finding a job in other states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The first thing that the employer does once a worker has complained about wages or working conditions,” she said, “is go back to the recruiter and say, ‘I don’t want to hire this guy next year because they complained about me,’ and that affects not only recruitment for that particular employer, but also for all of the employers that a recruiter has a relationship with.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even when workers have returned to their countries of origin, the possibility of being blacklisted still exists. In the \u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/gao-2015-report-on-h2a-program-668875.pdf\">2015 GAO report\u003c/a>, federal officials traveled to Mexico to talk to former H-2A workers and noted that laborers were concerned about being seen talking to U.S. investigators in their hometowns because “people walking by could possibly see and report them to the local recruiter.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Elizabeth Strater, director of strategic campaigns, United Farm Workers\"]‘There is a tremendous amount of control over access to those [H-2A] visas [exerted by recruiters] within the communities of origin.’[/pullquote]The United Farm Workers union, which operates nationwide, also has noticed this phenomenon. Elizabeth Strater, director of strategic campaigns with the UFW, said many Jamaican H-2A workers in the U.S. will stick it out with a bad employer for a whole year just to stay within the recruitment pool for the next year. “There is also a tremendous amount of control over access to those visas [exerted by recruiters] within the communities of origin,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Mauritson Farms first hired their crew in 2019, Samuel and Kevin say that the company arranged the recruitment process directly, using WhatsApp to coordinate. But in 2022, the vineyard switched to using a third-party recruiter, Cierto Global, a multinational farm labor contractor that was dubbed an “ethical recruiter” by the Biden administration earlier this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Samuel and Kevin still worry that they now will have a much harder time finding a job in agriculture in the U.S. “I think [Mauritson] didn’t want any more problems to come up for them anymore,” Kevin said, “so they brought on the recruiter to be more selective.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Regulating the recruiter network\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>How can labor officials prevent retaliation by American companies against H-2A workers if it happens outside the U.S.?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The GAO report points out that because recruitment happens outside the U.S., there’s very little federal oversight. Although the Department of Homeland Security keeps track of every incoming H-2A immigrant, there’s no federal database that tracks which agents are recruiting them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Ruben Lugo, regional enforcement coordinator, Department of Labor\"]‘Our enforcement authority is just in the United States. We can’t regulate what these third-party recruiters are doing.’[/pullquote]State agencies like California’s ALRB, which is currently investigating the Mauritson case, also have a hard time enforcing anti-retaliation laws in these situations. Regional director Jessica Arciniega shared that these types of situations are difficult for her agency due to jurisdictional limitations, but in certain cases, this sort of retaliation can fit into an ongoing unfair labor practice investigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If there is evidence that the recruiter was an agent of the employer, then it may be part of something that we investigate,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the federal level, Department of Labor officials are constrained by their jurisdiction. “Our enforcement authority is just in the United States. We can’t regulate what these third-party recruiters are doing, let’s just say, in Mexico,” said Ruben Lugo, regional enforcement coordinator.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, Lugo explains, if a group of workers reported a breach of contract to the Department of Labor by their employer, and the following year none of the workers who were cooperating with the investigation were rehired, “then we can clearly discern that these workers were retaliated [against].”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In this situation, the federal government can order the employer to rehire the affected workers. In cases involving wage theft, officials also can require companies to pay back what they owe workers, along with civil penalties. For repeat offenders, authorities can even remove an employer from the H-2A program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But at the end of the day, these consequences apply only for agriculture companies in the U.S., not recruiters abroad. In 2018, over 90% of H-2A workers were from Mexico and the \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/gao-2015-report-on-h2a-program-668875.pdf\">2018 GOA report\u003c/a> shows that the recruiter network operates extensively throughout that country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label='More Labor Coverage' tag='labor-rights']Migrant worker advocates argue that the Mexican government, along with the governments of other countries H-2A immigrants travel from, should be more proactive about regulating the activities of these recruiters and educating workers on what their labor rights are before they leave for the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Mexican officials KQED spoke to pushed back, arguing that isn’t the responsibility of the Mexican government — despite millions of dollars flowing back to Mexico each year as remittances from Mexican nationals working for the U.S. agriculture industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“H-2A visas are not part of a binational program,” said Remedios Gómez Arnau, consul general of Mexico in San Francisco. The Mexican government has no part in the hiring process and only plays a role through its consular system once Mexican nationals are in American territory, she added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Once somebody leaves Mexico and enters another country using a visa, then that’s when we can figure out here if the national approaches a consulate and tells us what their issue is,” she said. “But before that, Mexican authorities don’t know who is being hired by who.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11918371\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11918371 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/DSC02464-1-scaled.jpeg\" alt='A group of people protest outside an office building. Many are holding signs, one says in Spanish, \"Pago extra por peligros\" or \"hazard pay\" in English.' width=\"2560\" height=\"1710\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/DSC02464-1-scaled.jpeg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/DSC02464-1-800x534.jpeg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/DSC02464-1-1020x681.jpeg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/DSC02464-1-160x107.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/DSC02464-1-1536x1026.jpeg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/DSC02464-1-2048x1368.jpeg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/DSC02464-1-1920x1282.jpeg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Farmworkers and organizers with the labor rights group North Bay Jobs With Justice picket outside the Department of Emergency Management of Sonoma County on June 9, 2022. A coalition of workers and organizers have pushed Sonoma County officials for months to put into place five safety standards, meant to protect workers as wildfires intensify due to climate change, including hazard pay for farm laborers who work in wildfire evacuation zones. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Derek Knowles)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>‘The way we protect workers must change’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Samuel and Kevin don’t regret speaking up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re acting within our rights,” Samuel said. “It’s not just one worker who spoke up but many.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For the team at North Bay Jobs With Justice who have been working with this group of workers since last year, this case could set a precedent for the fight to protect farmworkers in wine country and the rest of California against retaliation and unsafe labor practices.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the ALRB finds that Mauritson did retaliate against its workers, that could encourage other workers across the region to report their own experiences to labor officials, said Ana Salgado, community co-chair of the NBJWJ board. That could potentially fuel the movement for greater worker protections ahead of wildfire season.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A coalition of worker advocacy groups, including NBJWJ, \u003ca href=\"https://actionnetwork.org/petitions/farmworkers-deserve-safety-and-respect-in-sonoma-county?source=ig\">have pushed Sonoma County officials for months to put into place five safety standards\u003c/a> meant to protect workers as wildfires intensify due to climate change. These include providing safety and fire evacuation training in the workers’ first languages, including Indigenous languages, and allowing independent community observers to assess the safety of workers out in the field, so that workers are not alone when they report unsafe conditions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Earth is changing, and the way we protect workers must change as well,” said Salgado in Spanish.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11918370\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11918370 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/DSC02491-scaled.jpeg\" alt=\"A group of people play the drums outside of an office building.\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1710\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/DSC02491-scaled.jpeg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/DSC02491-800x534.jpeg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/DSC02491-1020x681.jpeg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/DSC02491-160x107.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/DSC02491-1536x1026.jpeg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/DSC02491-2048x1368.jpeg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/DSC02491-1920x1282.jpeg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Protesters gathered outside the Department of Emergency Management of Sonoma County on June 9, 2022, to demand greater protections for farmworkers before the onset of wildfire season. Organizers point out that climate change will only worsen in the coming years and insist that officials expand labor regulations to better protect workers as global temperatures increase. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Derek Knowles)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Beyond Sonoma County, migrant rights advocates also are proposing structural reforms to the H-2A program to hold both employers and recruiters accountable for retaliation. Centro de los Derechos del Migrante has recommended that Congress approve legislation that reforms the recruitment process and ensures that workers who have suffered a labor rights violation in the U.S. can still access legal services once they’ve left the country. They’re also encouraging federal agencies, including the Department of Labor, to create a database accessible to workers that keeps track of H-2A employers and their recruiters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Ana Salgado, community co-chair, North Bay Jobs With Justice\"]‘The Earth is changing, and the way we protect workers must change as well.’[/pullquote]Cynthia Rice, attorney with the CRLA, points out a loophole in the existing accountability mechanism for H-2A employers: When a worker sues their company for an illegal labor practice, that company can settle the lawsuit and avoid admitting they violated labor law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Because there has not been any admission of liability or wrongdoing, that employer can get another H-2A order the next year,” Rice said. If federal officials took into consideration which companies are settling lawsuits year after year when it decides which ones get to stay in the H-2A program, it could prevent employers who don’t protect their workers from staying.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Reforming the program isn’t just necessary to better protect H-2A workers, Rice said, but also would benefit American workers. When H-2A workers are more vulnerable to retaliation, that makes them more attractive to hire, since employers know they can exploit them without having to fear the same consequences they’d face in hiring Americans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Kevin, former H-2A worker\"]‘We felt awful with the abuse we received, so we set out to learn what the employer actually needs to do.’[/pullquote]While he waits to hear the ALRB’s decision, Kevin has been sharing everything he’s learned in the past year with friends who are considering working in the U.S. He doesn’t want others to go through the same things he did.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We were happy with the job we had over there because it gave us the economic means to send money back to our families and save for a home or a business,” he said. But he added that doesn’t justify how he was treated: “We felt awful with the abuse we received, so we set out to learn what the employer actually needs to do.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story has been updated.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "What's it like for immigrant farmworkers to report an unfair labor practice? Advocates say laborers with H-2A visas are vulnerable to retaliation not just from their employers but from recruiters that connect them to jobs in the future.",
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"title": "Blacklisted for Speaking Up: How California Farmworkers Fighting Abuses Are Vulnerable to Retaliation | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11919450/trabajar-con-una-visa-h-2a-en-estados-unidos-represalias-derechos\">\u003cem>Leer en español\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class=\"utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__dropcapShortcode__dropcap\">A\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp> pair of boots, shirts and pants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s what Samuel left in the room he shared with other field workers at Mauritson Farms in Healdsburg, in the heart of Sonoma County’s wine country, last October.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He was heading back to his family in his hometown in Oaxaca, Mexico. The harvest had ended and his H-2A visa would soon expire.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He started working at Mauritson Farms in 2019 with an H-2A visa, \u003ca href=\"https://www.uscis.gov/working-in-the-united-states/temporary-workers/h-2a-temporary-agricultural-workers\">which lets agricultural workers stay in the U.S. for limited periods of time\u003c/a>. The program was modeled off the Bracero Program, which was created in 1942, thanks to an agreement between the U.S. and Mexican governments that brought Mexican workers to American farms. Labor rights groups point out that \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/thesalt/2018/07/31/634442195/when-the-u-s-government-tried-to-replace-migrant-farmworkers-with-high-schoolers\">many of those braceros experienced wage theft, physical abuse and terrible working and living conditions\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Through the H-2A program, Samuel and a group of other young men from towns and rural communities in and around the Sola de Vega district in Oaxaca have come to California for years — from February through October — to work at Mauritson Farms, which owns and controls the vineyards that produce Mauritson Wines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He left his belongings in Healdsburg with plans to come back in 2022. But he was never rehired by Mauritson Farms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the end of the 2021 growing season, Samuel and five other workers from Oaxaca spoke up against what \u003ca href=\"#workplace\">they believed to be unfair and unsafe working conditions they had experienced for the past three years\u003c/a>. They said they were asked to work on extremely hot days without adequate protections against the heat, that hours of their pay were docked for unjustified reasons and that they suffered verbal abuse from the foreman who supervised them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With the support of the labor rights group North Bay Jobs With Justice, the group of six workers met with Cameron Mauritson, manager of the vineyard, in October to explain what they were experiencing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He apologized to us and said he was really sorry that this had happened at his company,” said Kevin, who also was at the meeting and worked alongside Samuel for the same period of time. “He promised that he would hire us again.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Samuel and Kevin — whose real names KQED is not using due to their fears of employment loss — this promise represented a lot more than a job offer for the next year. It signaled that the group could feel comfortable speaking out against unsafe working conditions and that Mauritson wouldn’t do what they feared the most: retaliate against them by not hiring them again.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We left our things [at Mauritson Farms] believing we would come back,” Samuel said. “But none of it was true.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11918388\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11918388 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS45142_017_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020-qut.jpg\" alt=\"A grapevine in a field. The grapes are ripe and ready to pick.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS45142_017_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS45142_017_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS45142_017_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS45142_017_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS45142_017_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Samuel and Kevin started coming to California in 2019 with H-2A visas. They would come in February and leave at the end of the grape harvest season in October. They now wait in their hometowns in Oaxaca to hear what an ALRB investigation finds. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Out of the six workers who met with Mauritson in October, none was called back to work in 2022, despite their completion of an application with Cierto Global, the company’s third-party recruiter service. Both Samuel and Kevin believe they were not rehired because they told management about unsafe working conditions they were experiencing in Mauritson’s vineyards, a right protected by California labor standards.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>North Bay Jobs With Justice representatives said they have reached out to Mauritson several times since February without receiving a response. Mauritson also declined KQED’s request for an interview.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On February 7, North Bay Jobs With Justice filed an unfair labor practice charge on behalf of the six workers with the California Agricultural Labor Relations Board (ALRB), the state agency that investigates possible workplace abuses in the agricultural industry. The charge \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/3.3.22-ULP-Against-Employer-Mauritson-Farms-Inc..pdf\">states that Mauritson Farms discriminated against the workers\u003c/a> by “refusing to rehire them because they engaged in protected concerted activity.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the ALRB investigation moves forward, Samuel and Kevin spend their days taking on whatever work they can get in Oaxaca and looking for different farming jobs in the U.S., but with little luck. The window to receive an H-2A visa this year has closed, so they must look for jobs that don’t offer visas. With their remaining savings depleted and families to feed, time is running out to make enough money to survive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California, home to the country’s largest agriculture sector, also has the nation’s third-most H-2A workers. Last year, \u003ca href=\"https://s3.documentcloud.org/documents/22082364/h2a-statistics.pdf\">more than 32,000 H-2A laborers from around the world worked in the state supporting the agriculture industry\u003c/a>. And even though California has an extensive system of agencies and regulations meant to protect these workers, H-2A immigrants are still extremely vulnerable to illegal retaliation by their employers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To bring foreign workers to the U.S., many H-2A employers use a network of both formal and informal recruiters that operate both inside and outside the country. Workers like Samuel and Kevin depend on these recruiters to find jobs in the U.S. and navigate the visa application process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But when a worker speaks up about illegal labor practices, advocates say these recruiters often make sure the worker is blacklisted across the industry — making it harder for these laborers to find another job in the U.S. and for agricultural industry and labor agencies, who only have jurisdiction in the U.S., to enforce anti-retaliation rules.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11918390\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11918390\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS45137_011_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020-qut.jpg\" alt=\"Rows of grapevines in a field. In the background, a worker can be seen picking grapes.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS45137_011_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS45137_011_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS45137_011_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS45137_011_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS45137_011_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">More than 4,200 laborers from around the world come to work in California with an H-2A visa. Most of them are employed in the agricultural industry. While these workers are protected by the same labor laws as anybody else, labor advocates say they are especially vulnerable to retaliation if they speak up against what they consider to be unfair or unsafe labor practices. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>‘Employers do retaliate’ even though it’s illegal\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Cynthia Rice has worked as a labor rights attorney for over 20 years. She’s now the director of litigation, advocacy and training at California Rural Legal Assistance, a nonprofit law firm that provides free legal aid across the state. She’s represented dozens of agricultural workers in cases involving dangerous working conditions, wage theft and retaliation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the start of each conversation with a new client, she makes one point clear.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Retaliation is illegal,” she said, while adding that, “we never say the employer can’t retaliate against you because of course the employer can retaliate against you. It’s just illegal and employers do retaliate.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thanks to decades of farmworker- and immigrant-led organizing, California has several agencies that enforce labor laws, including anti-retaliation rules. The ALRB was created after then-Gov. Jerry Brown signed the \u003ca href=\"https://www.alrb.ca.gov/forms-publications/fact-sheets/fact-sheet-english/\">California Agricultural Labor Relations Act\u003c/a> in 1975, which guaranteed collective bargaining rights for farmworkers. Additionally, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/dlse/\">California Labor Commissioner’s Office\u003c/a> investigates underpaid or missing wages, and the \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/dosh/\">California Occupational Safety and Health Standards Board\u003c/a> (Cal/OSHA) enforces workplace safety rules like \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11886628/feeling-the-heat-how-workers-can-advocate-for-safer-working-conditions-under-the-sun\">heat protections for outdoor workers\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘We never say the employer can’t retaliate against you because of course the employer can retaliate against you.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>At the federal level, the Department of Labor processes job orders for the H-2A program and enforces employment contracts and the federal laws meant to protect guest workers. The department’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.dol.gov/agencies/whd\">Wage and Hour Division\u003c/a> investigates cases where employers may not be paying their workers properly or failing to provide housing, transportation or meals, \u003ca href=\"https://www.dol.gov/sites/dolgov/files/WHD/legacy/files/whdfs26.pdf\">which is required by the federal government\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many immigrant farmworkers Rice has worked with come to her after they’ve been terminated or when they’re about to go back to their home countries after the harvest season. “Then they talk about the hours that were shaved or the meals and restrooms that they didn’t get,” she explained.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But waiting until the end of harvest season to file a claim with the ALRB or other labor agencies is usually too late, she said, particularly for H-2A workers who typically have to leave the U.S. soon after. It gives attorneys like Rice very limited time to collect evidence and testimony before the worker heads back to their home country, which usually complicates communication as many H-2A holders come from rural communities in Mexico, Central America and the Caribbean, with limited access to the internet and telephone reception.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So why wait until the very last moment to speak up?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Retaliation can mean losing your job (and with that, your H-2A visa) after speaking up, but it can also include intimidation or punishment. Samuel remembers when his crew was working the fields in temperatures exceeding 95 degrees. “There were times where we felt so dehydrated that we were going to pass out,” he said. “We felt we wanted to vomit.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003ca id=\"workplace\">\u003c/a>When he’d tell the foreman how he and others were feeling, Samuel said the foreman would laugh at them and tell them to keep working. Kevin said that there were many hot days where the workers didn’t have any of the heat protections required by California law. “When it was 90, 95 degrees, we didn’t have any shady spots to have a glass of water or rest for a bit,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When outside temperatures exceed 80 degrees, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11886628/feeling-the-heat-how-workers-can-advocate-for-safer-working-conditions-under-the-sun\">Cal/OSHA requires employers to provide their workers with sufficient water, shade and rest\u003c/a>. That means each employee should be able to drink at least one quart of water per hour and request breaks in the shade whenever they feel the need to. But a 2021 NPR investigation found that even with these protections in place, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11886402/why-california-workers-are-still-dying-from-heat-despite-protections\">nearly four dozen California workers died from heatstroke\u003c/a> and other heat-related illnesses within a 10-year period.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cal/OSHA has stated that heat-related deaths can be prevented, but the agency has struggled with understaffing for years, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11886402/why-california-workers-are-still-dying-from-heat-despite-protections\">making it harder for it to enforce its rules across California’s thousands of farms\u003c/a>. So in many cases, the responsibility of protecting workers from heat falls solely on the employer.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A network of retaliation in the US — and abroad\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>A 2020 report by the migrant rights group Centro de los Derechos del Migrante \u003ca href=\"https://cdmigrante.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/04/Ripe-for-Reform.pdf\">shows that it’s common for H-2A employers nationwide to intimidate workers to exert greater control over them\u003c/a> and prevent them from feeling safe enough to speak up while they’re employed. Out of 100 former H-2A workers the organization spoke to, 100% of them experienced at least one serious legal violation and 94% experienced three or more serious legal violations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rice from CRLA points out that H-2A employers have an incredible amount of control over workers. An employer \u003ca href=\"https://www.dol.gov/sites/dolgov/files/WHD/legacy/files/whdfs26.pdf\">must provide housing, meals and transportation to and from the work site\u003c/a>. Because many workers don’t have a U.S. driver’s license or their own vehicle, they also depend on their bosses for transportation to go grocery shopping, to receive medical care and for other essential activities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A worker who is experiencing bad working conditions can always vote with his or her feet, right?” Rice said. “Well, that’s not true for H-2A workers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“The program is really closer to a kind of indentured servitude that we had in prior decades under sharecropper relationships post-emancipation,” she added. “There is such a dependency that the worker has on the employer and you can’t really say that they’re free to engage in activity anywhere else.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Abusive employers can exert control over workers even when they are no longer living in the U.S. In order to find employees, many H-2A employers depend on third-party recruiters that operate all over the world. The recruitment process is rife with abuse, as some recruiters charge workers exorbitant amounts to connect them with American companies, \u003ca href=\"https://cdmigrante.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/04/Ripe-for-Reform.pdf\">some practice debt bondage and others mislead workers entirely about job opportunities\u003c/a>. Additionally, a 2015 report by the U.S. Government Accountability Office (GAO) \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/gao-2015-report-on-h2a-program-668875.pdf\">found that recruiters often blacklist any worker who speaks up about abuses to their employer\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These recruiters, which range from informal one-person operations to multinational corporations, usually work for several employers spread out across the U.S. So when recruiters blacklist a worker, they’re not just doing so for one employer but potentially for whole sectors of the agriculture industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rice has seen this happen several times with clients who spoke up about an employer in one state, only to later have trouble finding a job in other states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The first thing that the employer does once a worker has complained about wages or working conditions,” she said, “is go back to the recruiter and say, ‘I don’t want to hire this guy next year because they complained about me,’ and that affects not only recruitment for that particular employer, but also for all of the employers that a recruiter has a relationship with.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even when workers have returned to their countries of origin, the possibility of being blacklisted still exists. In the \u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/gao-2015-report-on-h2a-program-668875.pdf\">2015 GAO report\u003c/a>, federal officials traveled to Mexico to talk to former H-2A workers and noted that laborers were concerned about being seen talking to U.S. investigators in their hometowns because “people walking by could possibly see and report them to the local recruiter.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The United Farm Workers union, which operates nationwide, also has noticed this phenomenon. Elizabeth Strater, director of strategic campaigns with the UFW, said many Jamaican H-2A workers in the U.S. will stick it out with a bad employer for a whole year just to stay within the recruitment pool for the next year. “There is also a tremendous amount of control over access to those visas [exerted by recruiters] within the communities of origin,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Mauritson Farms first hired their crew in 2019, Samuel and Kevin say that the company arranged the recruitment process directly, using WhatsApp to coordinate. But in 2022, the vineyard switched to using a third-party recruiter, Cierto Global, a multinational farm labor contractor that was dubbed an “ethical recruiter” by the Biden administration earlier this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Samuel and Kevin still worry that they now will have a much harder time finding a job in agriculture in the U.S. “I think [Mauritson] didn’t want any more problems to come up for them anymore,” Kevin said, “so they brought on the recruiter to be more selective.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Regulating the recruiter network\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>How can labor officials prevent retaliation by American companies against H-2A workers if it happens outside the U.S.?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The GAO report points out that because recruitment happens outside the U.S., there’s very little federal oversight. Although the Department of Homeland Security keeps track of every incoming H-2A immigrant, there’s no federal database that tracks which agents are recruiting them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>State agencies like California’s ALRB, which is currently investigating the Mauritson case, also have a hard time enforcing anti-retaliation laws in these situations. Regional director Jessica Arciniega shared that these types of situations are difficult for her agency due to jurisdictional limitations, but in certain cases, this sort of retaliation can fit into an ongoing unfair labor practice investigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If there is evidence that the recruiter was an agent of the employer, then it may be part of something that we investigate,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the federal level, Department of Labor officials are constrained by their jurisdiction. “Our enforcement authority is just in the United States. We can’t regulate what these third-party recruiters are doing, let’s just say, in Mexico,” said Ruben Lugo, regional enforcement coordinator.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, Lugo explains, if a group of workers reported a breach of contract to the Department of Labor by their employer, and the following year none of the workers who were cooperating with the investigation were rehired, “then we can clearly discern that these workers were retaliated [against].”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In this situation, the federal government can order the employer to rehire the affected workers. In cases involving wage theft, officials also can require companies to pay back what they owe workers, along with civil penalties. For repeat offenders, authorities can even remove an employer from the H-2A program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But at the end of the day, these consequences apply only for agriculture companies in the U.S., not recruiters abroad. In 2018, over 90% of H-2A workers were from Mexico and the \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/gao-2015-report-on-h2a-program-668875.pdf\">2018 GOA report\u003c/a> shows that the recruiter network operates extensively throughout that country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Migrant worker advocates argue that the Mexican government, along with the governments of other countries H-2A immigrants travel from, should be more proactive about regulating the activities of these recruiters and educating workers on what their labor rights are before they leave for the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Mexican officials KQED spoke to pushed back, arguing that isn’t the responsibility of the Mexican government — despite millions of dollars flowing back to Mexico each year as remittances from Mexican nationals working for the U.S. agriculture industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“H-2A visas are not part of a binational program,” said Remedios Gómez Arnau, consul general of Mexico in San Francisco. The Mexican government has no part in the hiring process and only plays a role through its consular system once Mexican nationals are in American territory, she added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Once somebody leaves Mexico and enters another country using a visa, then that’s when we can figure out here if the national approaches a consulate and tells us what their issue is,” she said. “But before that, Mexican authorities don’t know who is being hired by who.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11918371\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11918371 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/DSC02464-1-scaled.jpeg\" alt='A group of people protest outside an office building. Many are holding signs, one says in Spanish, \"Pago extra por peligros\" or \"hazard pay\" in English.' width=\"2560\" height=\"1710\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/DSC02464-1-scaled.jpeg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/DSC02464-1-800x534.jpeg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/DSC02464-1-1020x681.jpeg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/DSC02464-1-160x107.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/DSC02464-1-1536x1026.jpeg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/DSC02464-1-2048x1368.jpeg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/DSC02464-1-1920x1282.jpeg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Farmworkers and organizers with the labor rights group North Bay Jobs With Justice picket outside the Department of Emergency Management of Sonoma County on June 9, 2022. A coalition of workers and organizers have pushed Sonoma County officials for months to put into place five safety standards, meant to protect workers as wildfires intensify due to climate change, including hazard pay for farm laborers who work in wildfire evacuation zones. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Derek Knowles)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>‘The way we protect workers must change’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Samuel and Kevin don’t regret speaking up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re acting within our rights,” Samuel said. “It’s not just one worker who spoke up but many.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For the team at North Bay Jobs With Justice who have been working with this group of workers since last year, this case could set a precedent for the fight to protect farmworkers in wine country and the rest of California against retaliation and unsafe labor practices.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the ALRB finds that Mauritson did retaliate against its workers, that could encourage other workers across the region to report their own experiences to labor officials, said Ana Salgado, community co-chair of the NBJWJ board. That could potentially fuel the movement for greater worker protections ahead of wildfire season.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A coalition of worker advocacy groups, including NBJWJ, \u003ca href=\"https://actionnetwork.org/petitions/farmworkers-deserve-safety-and-respect-in-sonoma-county?source=ig\">have pushed Sonoma County officials for months to put into place five safety standards\u003c/a> meant to protect workers as wildfires intensify due to climate change. These include providing safety and fire evacuation training in the workers’ first languages, including Indigenous languages, and allowing independent community observers to assess the safety of workers out in the field, so that workers are not alone when they report unsafe conditions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Earth is changing, and the way we protect workers must change as well,” said Salgado in Spanish.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11918370\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11918370 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/DSC02491-scaled.jpeg\" alt=\"A group of people play the drums outside of an office building.\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1710\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/DSC02491-scaled.jpeg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/DSC02491-800x534.jpeg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/DSC02491-1020x681.jpeg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/DSC02491-160x107.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/DSC02491-1536x1026.jpeg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/DSC02491-2048x1368.jpeg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/DSC02491-1920x1282.jpeg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Protesters gathered outside the Department of Emergency Management of Sonoma County on June 9, 2022, to demand greater protections for farmworkers before the onset of wildfire season. Organizers point out that climate change will only worsen in the coming years and insist that officials expand labor regulations to better protect workers as global temperatures increase. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Derek Knowles)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Beyond Sonoma County, migrant rights advocates also are proposing structural reforms to the H-2A program to hold both employers and recruiters accountable for retaliation. Centro de los Derechos del Migrante has recommended that Congress approve legislation that reforms the recruitment process and ensures that workers who have suffered a labor rights violation in the U.S. can still access legal services once they’ve left the country. They’re also encouraging federal agencies, including the Department of Labor, to create a database accessible to workers that keeps track of H-2A employers and their recruiters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Cynthia Rice, attorney with the CRLA, points out a loophole in the existing accountability mechanism for H-2A employers: When a worker sues their company for an illegal labor practice, that company can settle the lawsuit and avoid admitting they violated labor law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Because there has not been any admission of liability or wrongdoing, that employer can get another H-2A order the next year,” Rice said. If federal officials took into consideration which companies are settling lawsuits year after year when it decides which ones get to stay in the H-2A program, it could prevent employers who don’t protect their workers from staying.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Reforming the program isn’t just necessary to better protect H-2A workers, Rice said, but also would benefit American workers. When H-2A workers are more vulnerable to retaliation, that makes them more attractive to hire, since employers know they can exploit them without having to fear the same consequences they’d face in hiring Americans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>While he waits to hear the ALRB’s decision, Kevin has been sharing everything he’s learned in the past year with friends who are considering working in the U.S. He doesn’t want others to go through the same things he did.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We were happy with the job we had over there because it gave us the economic means to send money back to our families and save for a home or a business,” he said. But he added that doesn’t justify how he was treated: “We felt awful with the abuse we received, so we set out to learn what the employer actually needs to do.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story has been updated.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Bay Area Afghans are scrambling to contact family members in eastern Afghanistan, after a 5.9 magnitude earthquake struck southwest of the city of Khost Wednesday, killing more than 1,000 people. Community leaders here say they fear that, under the Taliban government, the relief effort will be challenging.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fouzia Azizi, the director of refugee services for \u003ca href=\"https://jfcs-eastbay.org\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Jewish Family and Community Services- East Bay\u003c/a>, said she learned of the earthquake early Wednesday morning from the Facebook post of a relative in Afghanistan. Then she and her staff started reaching out to Bay Area clients originally from the affected region, including one man whose wife and children are still living there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Thank God his family is doing fine, but they felt the earthquake really bad,” Azizi said. “And they confirmed it’s extremely chaotic there; it’s just chaos.” [pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Freshta Kohgadai, United Afghan Association\"]‘We are all very devastated. We feel the people of Afghanistan can’t catch a break. Their situation just continues to worsen.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The mountainous eastern provinces of Paktika and Khost, where the earthquake hit, were Taliban strongholds even during the U.S. occupation, and the region was a war zone for many years, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since the U.S. withdrew and the Taliban took over the national government in August, international aid has dried up and food is scarce. As of last month, \u003ca href=\"https://news.un.org/en/story/2022/05/1117812\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">20 million Afghans\u003c/a> – nearly half the population – were facing acute hunger, according to the United Nations. To suffer a devastating earthquake on top of that is another layer of unimaginable hardship, said Azizi.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Right now in Afghanistan, people are already starving, children are starving. There is not enough food,” she said. “Such a crisis at this point is just heartbreaking.” Other Bay Area Afghans were also struggling to come to terms with the impact of the quake, which destroyed entire villages and left hundreds of people trapped under collapsed buildings.[aside tag=\"afghanistan, afghan\" label=\"More Related Stories\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are all very devastated,” said Freshta Kohgadai of the \u003ca href=\"https://unitedafgassociation.org\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">United Afghan Association\u003c/a>. “We feel the people of Afghanistan can’t catch a break. Their situation just continues to worsen.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rather than her own local organization, Kohgadai suggested channeling donations to \u003ca href=\"https://aseelapp.com/en_us/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Aseel\u003c/a>, an e-commerce marketplace for Afghan artisans that has pivoted in the past year to distributing packages of food and medicine in Afghanistan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A lot of Afghans in the Bay Area are still just trying to be sure their relatives back home are okay, said Hayward City Councilmember Aisha Wahab, who’s the daughter of Afghan refugees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When it comes to sending aid, local grassroots groups are likely to fundraise, but larger international organizations are better equipped to handle the logistics of disaster response, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The problem is that a lot of these institutions left Afghanistan and kind of turned their back on it,” said Wahab. [pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Aisha Wahab, Hayward City Councilmember\"]‘It’s important to step up when a natural disaster takes place, and there are millions of people currently already starving.… This is a test of everybody’s diplomacy and making sure that we are prioritizing human life over politics.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wahab fears the emergency response will be slow unless the U.S. decides to set aside its hostility toward the Taliban and help with relief.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The United States must stand on the right side of history,” said Wahab. “It’s important to step up when a natural disaster takes place, and there are millions of people currently already starving.… This is a test of everybody’s diplomacy and making sure that we are prioritizing human life over politics.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a \u003ca href=\"https://www.state.gov/devastating-earthquake-in-afghanistan/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">statement\u003c/a> Wednesday, U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken said “U.S. humanitarian partners,” were sending medical teams and other assistance. The United States suspended diplomatic relations with Afghanistan last August but has continued to channel humanitarian aid through non-governmental and international organizations.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>How to Help:\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Here are some organizations with a track record of working in Afghanistan, and what they say they’re doing to respond to the earthquake.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://aseelapp.com/en_us/earthquake.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Aseel\u003c/a> is assembling tents and packages of food and emergency supplies to distribute in the earthquake zone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.doctorswithoutborders.org/what-we-do/where-we-work/afghanistan\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Doctors Without Borders\u003c/a> runs a large maternity hospital in Khost province, and is coordinating with authorities and other groups on earthquake response.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.rescue.org/country/afghanistan\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">International Rescue Committee\u003c/a> has deployed mobile health teams and is working with authorities to distribute support, including cash assistance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.redcross.org/about-us/news-and-events/news/2022/red-crescent-teams-respond-to-afghanistan-earthquake.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Red Cross\u003c/a> is supporting the Afghan Red Crescent, which has branches in every province, including Khost and Paktika, and is sending ambulances and truckloads of food and relief supplies to the affected areas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.unicef.org/press-releases/thousands-children-risk-after-devastating-earthquake-hits-eastern-afghanistan\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">UNICEF\u003c/a> has dispatched health and nutrition teams to the affected provinces and is distributing tents, blankets and hygiene supplies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://wiseafghanistan.org\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">WISE Afghanistan\u003c/a> is an Afghan-led women’s empowerment organization that has health brigades in all five regions of Afghanistan.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Bay Area Afghans are scrambling to contact family members in eastern Afghanistan, after a 5.9 magnitude earthquake struck southwest of the city of Khost Wednesday, killing more than 1,000 people. Community leaders here say they fear that, under the Taliban government, the relief effort will be challenging.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fouzia Azizi, the director of refugee services for \u003ca href=\"https://jfcs-eastbay.org\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Jewish Family and Community Services- East Bay\u003c/a>, said she learned of the earthquake early Wednesday morning from the Facebook post of a relative in Afghanistan. Then she and her staff started reaching out to Bay Area clients originally from the affected region, including one man whose wife and children are still living there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Thank God his family is doing fine, but they felt the earthquake really bad,” Azizi said. “And they confirmed it’s extremely chaotic there; it’s just chaos.” \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The mountainous eastern provinces of Paktika and Khost, where the earthquake hit, were Taliban strongholds even during the U.S. occupation, and the region was a war zone for many years, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since the U.S. withdrew and the Taliban took over the national government in August, international aid has dried up and food is scarce. As of last month, \u003ca href=\"https://news.un.org/en/story/2022/05/1117812\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">20 million Afghans\u003c/a> – nearly half the population – were facing acute hunger, according to the United Nations. To suffer a devastating earthquake on top of that is another layer of unimaginable hardship, said Azizi.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Right now in Afghanistan, people are already starving, children are starving. There is not enough food,” she said. “Such a crisis at this point is just heartbreaking.” Other Bay Area Afghans were also struggling to come to terms with the impact of the quake, which destroyed entire villages and left hundreds of people trapped under collapsed buildings.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are all very devastated,” said Freshta Kohgadai of the \u003ca href=\"https://unitedafgassociation.org\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">United Afghan Association\u003c/a>. “We feel the people of Afghanistan can’t catch a break. Their situation just continues to worsen.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rather than her own local organization, Kohgadai suggested channeling donations to \u003ca href=\"https://aseelapp.com/en_us/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Aseel\u003c/a>, an e-commerce marketplace for Afghan artisans that has pivoted in the past year to distributing packages of food and medicine in Afghanistan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A lot of Afghans in the Bay Area are still just trying to be sure their relatives back home are okay, said Hayward City Councilmember Aisha Wahab, who’s the daughter of Afghan refugees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When it comes to sending aid, local grassroots groups are likely to fundraise, but larger international organizations are better equipped to handle the logistics of disaster response, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The problem is that a lot of these institutions left Afghanistan and kind of turned their back on it,” said Wahab. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘It’s important to step up when a natural disaster takes place, and there are millions of people currently already starving.… This is a test of everybody’s diplomacy and making sure that we are prioritizing human life over politics.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wahab fears the emergency response will be slow unless the U.S. decides to set aside its hostility toward the Taliban and help with relief.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The United States must stand on the right side of history,” said Wahab. “It’s important to step up when a natural disaster takes place, and there are millions of people currently already starving.… This is a test of everybody’s diplomacy and making sure that we are prioritizing human life over politics.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a \u003ca href=\"https://www.state.gov/devastating-earthquake-in-afghanistan/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">statement\u003c/a> Wednesday, U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken said “U.S. humanitarian partners,” were sending medical teams and other assistance. The United States suspended diplomatic relations with Afghanistan last August but has continued to channel humanitarian aid through non-governmental and international organizations.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>How to Help:\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Here are some organizations with a track record of working in Afghanistan, and what they say they’re doing to respond to the earthquake.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://aseelapp.com/en_us/earthquake.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Aseel\u003c/a> is assembling tents and packages of food and emergency supplies to distribute in the earthquake zone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.doctorswithoutborders.org/what-we-do/where-we-work/afghanistan\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Doctors Without Borders\u003c/a> runs a large maternity hospital in Khost province, and is coordinating with authorities and other groups on earthquake response.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.rescue.org/country/afghanistan\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">International Rescue Committee\u003c/a> has deployed mobile health teams and is working with authorities to distribute support, including cash assistance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.redcross.org/about-us/news-and-events/news/2022/red-crescent-teams-respond-to-afghanistan-earthquake.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Red Cross\u003c/a> is supporting the Afghan Red Crescent, which has branches in every province, including Khost and Paktika, and is sending ambulances and truckloads of food and relief supplies to the affected areas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.unicef.org/press-releases/thousands-children-risk-after-devastating-earthquake-hits-eastern-afghanistan\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">UNICEF\u003c/a> has dispatched health and nutrition teams to the affected provinces and is distributing tents, blankets and hygiene supplies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://wiseafghanistan.org\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">WISE Afghanistan\u003c/a> is an Afghan-led women’s empowerment organization that has health brigades in all five regions of Afghanistan.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
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"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
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"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
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"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
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"info": "Political Breakdown is a new series that explores the political intersection of California and the nation. Each week hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos are joined with a new special guest to unpack politics -- with personality — and offer an insider’s glimpse at how politics happens.",
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"possible": {
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"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
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"radiolab": {
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},
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"title": "Rightnowish",
"tagline": "Art is where you find it",
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"tagline": "Real stories with killer beats",
"info": "The Snap Judgment radio show and podcast mixes real stories with killer beats to produce cinematic, dramatic radio. Snap's musical brand of storytelling dares listeners to see the world through the eyes of another. This is storytelling... with a BEAT!! Snap first aired on public radio stations nationwide in July 2010. Today, Snap Judgment airs on over 450 public radio stations and is brought to the airwaves by KQED & PRX.",
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"soldout": {
"id": "soldout",
"title": "SOLD OUT: Rethinking Housing in America",
"tagline": "A new future for housing",
"info": "Sold Out: Rethinking Housing in America",
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