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"content": "\u003cp>On the morning of July 27, 2021, Sandra Castañeda woke with a mixture of elation and dread. She was about to be released from prison after 19 years. What she wanted more than anything was to walk out of the California Institution for Women in Chino and head home for a reunion with her family in Los Angeles. She had imagined this day for so long.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As a lifer, you want to get out of prison so bad,” she said. “But when it’s there, you freak out,” wondering what freedom will be like, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Castañeda, then 39, had spent nearly half of her life behind bars. She’d been sentenced to 40 years to life for murder, even though she didn’t actually kill anyone.[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_11924388,news_11923465,news_11909454\"]While Castañeda was in prison, California had enacted a series of criminal justice reforms, including one that allowed her to be resentenced. A Superior Court judge in Los Angeles had vacated Castañeda’s murder conviction and ordered her release.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Castañeda didn’t walk free. Instead, she was loaded into a white van operated by U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Castañeda’s story highlights how noncitizens, even longtime legal residents with green cards like Castañeda, are routinely funneled from state prison into the federal deportation system — even after the convictions that would make them deportable have been overturned. In a clash with state policy, legal records show, ICE and the federal immigration courts are disregarding state reforms that are letting people out of prison and dismissing old convictions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With the help of others familiar with her case, Castañeda, a woman with a cascade of dark curls and an infectious laugh, explained how that July day unfolded and what it meant — for her, and potentially for thousands of other noncitizens who have had their convictions dismissed.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>From prison to ICE custody\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>At 8 a.m., Colby Lenz, an advocate with the California Coalition for Women Prisoners, pulled into the parking lot of the prison in Chino, to await Castañeda’s release and give her a ride home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But at 9 a.m. she watched as the guard in the tower opened the prison gate and the white ICE van rolled in. She saw guards walk Castañeda out and load her into the van. Lenz says Castañeda’s friends inside the facility were watching, too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Some of Sandra’s close friends had come as close as they could to this area and were calling out to her,” she said. “They were basically telling her that they loved her, and were certainly distressed at what they were seeing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The van drove Castañeda to the ICE field office in San Bernardino. Lenz followed in her car. By 10 a.m. Castañeda was in a holding cell and Lenz was making urgent calls to Anoop Prasad, an immigration lawyer with the Asian Law Caucus in San Francisco, who agreed to take on Castañeda’s immigration case pro bono.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11939152\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11939152\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS57631_010_KQED_AnoopPrasad_08052022-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt='A south Asian man in a green sweater and jeans stands outside an office with \"Advancing Justice\" written on the window.' width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS57631_010_KQED_AnoopPrasad_08052022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS57631_010_KQED_AnoopPrasad_08052022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS57631_010_KQED_AnoopPrasad_08052022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS57631_010_KQED_AnoopPrasad_08052022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS57631_010_KQED_AnoopPrasad_08052022-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Anoop Prasad poses for a portrait outside the Asian Law Caucus offices in San Francisco on Aug. 5, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Anoop and I were tag teaming, calling the ICE office,” said Lenz. “We both talked to some of the officers there, trying to convince them that this was not a legal detention.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prasad said he even convinced the LA County District Attorney’s Office, which had originally prosecuted Castañeda, to call ICE and explain that her murder conviction had been vacated. But ICE seemed determined to keep her in custody.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Gang friendships and a shooting\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Castañeda’s original conviction was connected to a murder that took place in 2002, when a teenage girl was shot and killed — and Castañeda was there. But the events of that night are rooted in the early chapters of her story.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Long before Castañeda was born, her family straddled the border with Mexico. Her grandmother was born in the U.S. Her mother and father were from the Mexican border city of Mexicali. When Castañeda was a little girl, the family spent time in both countries. Eventually her parents settled in LA, leaving her and her older sister with relatives in Mexicali. By the time Castañeda was 9, her parents had separated and her mother had started a new family. But an aunt and uncle in LA brought Castañeda and her sister to the U.S. on green cards, raising them along with their own children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11939173\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11939173\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/69561163682__F0ED2441-191A-41FD-8226-B2197C68B292-scaled-e1674682242360-800x888.jpeg\" alt=\"The image of a young Latina girl of kindergarten age wearing a white dress.\" width=\"800\" height=\"888\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/69561163682__F0ED2441-191A-41FD-8226-B2197C68B292-scaled-e1674682242360-800x888.jpeg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/69561163682__F0ED2441-191A-41FD-8226-B2197C68B292-scaled-e1674682242360-1020x1132.jpeg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/69561163682__F0ED2441-191A-41FD-8226-B2197C68B292-scaled-e1674682242360-160x178.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/69561163682__F0ED2441-191A-41FD-8226-B2197C68B292-scaled-e1674682242360-1384x1536.jpeg 1384w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/69561163682__F0ED2441-191A-41FD-8226-B2197C68B292-scaled-e1674682242360-1845x2048.jpeg 1845w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/69561163682__F0ED2441-191A-41FD-8226-B2197C68B292-scaled-e1674682242360.jpeg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Sandra Castañeda at her kindergarten graduation. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Sandra Castañeda)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>That aunt, Virginia Reyes, remembers Castañeda as a quiet kid who didn’t cause trouble.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Sandrita was totally calm,” said Reyes in Spanish. “She was not a difficult girl.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Reyes and her husband ran a clothing factory in South Central LA, assembling garments for the fashion industry. They called it Sandra’s Fashions. They employed more than 20 workers, Reyes said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Reyes and her husband put in really long hours, building the business to support the family. That left Castañeda to fend for herself a lot as a kid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’d leave early, they’d come home real late,” she said. “They’d work seven days a week. So it was always work, work, work, work.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Being involved with the family business taught her a strong work ethic, Castañeda said. But the uncertain bonds of her childhood also left her yearning for a sense of belonging.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In junior high school, Castañeda made friends with some tough kids who were part of a gang. Her aunt tried to protect her by putting her in a Catholic school. But it didn’t help.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11939177\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11939177\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/69561927910__A5ADB0C5-532F-4949-9993-C02E67BB5D03-800x1067.jpeg\" alt=\"A Latina girl sips a soft drink with white dress on and long brown hair.\" width=\"800\" height=\"1067\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/69561927910__A5ADB0C5-532F-4949-9993-C02E67BB5D03-800x1067.jpeg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/69561927910__A5ADB0C5-532F-4949-9993-C02E67BB5D03-1020x1360.jpeg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/69561927910__A5ADB0C5-532F-4949-9993-C02E67BB5D03-160x213.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/69561927910__A5ADB0C5-532F-4949-9993-C02E67BB5D03-1152x1536.jpeg 1152w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/69561927910__A5ADB0C5-532F-4949-9993-C02E67BB5D03-1536x2048.jpeg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/69561927910__A5ADB0C5-532F-4949-9993-C02E67BB5D03-scaled.jpeg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Sandra Castañeda, age 12, sips a soft drink. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Sandra Castañeda)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Castañeda never got in trouble with the law. But that changed on the night of May 10, 2002, when she was 20. Castañeda later testified that she was driving some friends to Taco Bell in her van around midnight, when a guy in the van told her to slow down. Then suddenly, he started firing out the window.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Castañeda is cautious when talking about the crime, because, even two decades later, she’s worried about gang retaliation. So KQED has agreed not to use the names of the victims or the names or gang monikers of those involved in the shooting. And Castañeda asked that Prasad, her immigration lawyer, be the one to describe what happened.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“One of the people in the van thought they saw someone in the neighborhood who was from a rival gang,” Prasad told me. “He asked her to slow down, and she — didn’t really know what was going on — slowed down. The person pulled out a gun and started shooting from the car.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bullets hit two teenagers who were sitting on the front steps of an apartment building in South Central. An 18-year-old was shot in the leg — and he recovered. But the 15-year-old girl beside him was killed. In a panic, Castañeda drove on.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She stopped a couple of blocks later,” Prasad recounted. “Police were already there on the scene. And she was the only one who was arrested. Everyone else ran away.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Castañeda was taken to jail. A California law at the time — known as the felony murder rule — said that if a person dies while a felony is being committed, anyone involved could be found guilty of murder, whether or not they intended or committed the killing. Under the law, prosecutors charged Castañeda with murder because she was driving the van, even though she herself didn’t kill anyone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was a tough-on-crime era,” said Prasad. “Across the state, anyone who was remotely connected or even present at the scene would [often] get hit with a murder charge … So I think the DA just aggressively prosecuted and used this overly broad theory to charge her with murder.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11939247\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 720px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11939247\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/DFA515F8-B9A7-4799-BA3E-AEFDFEDFD2D3signal-2022-04-22-221307_001.jpeg\" alt=\"A Latina family spanning three generations smile at the camera.\" width=\"720\" height=\"514\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/DFA515F8-B9A7-4799-BA3E-AEFDFEDFD2D3signal-2022-04-22-221307_001.jpeg 720w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/DFA515F8-B9A7-4799-BA3E-AEFDFEDFD2D3signal-2022-04-22-221307_001-160x114.jpeg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 720px) 100vw, 720px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Castañeda with her mother, her sister and her sister’s children on a prison visit in 2016. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Sandra Castañeda)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Castañeda went on trial. But her aunt didn’t think the police detectives were doing enough to find the actual killer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I tried to be a detective myself,” recalled Reyes. “I went places I never imagined going, trying to track down the person who had done this. I even went to parties, dressing up to look younger. I put up fliers around town with his photo on them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Reyes had no luck — until one day, after the trial was over, she says she saw the man at a car wash. She was afraid he would recognize her, but she pulled over and got on the phone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I called the police and I called the lawyer. And they just replied, ‘Oh, the case is closed.’” she said. “I couldn’t believe it. I felt so powerless.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The LA Police Department now says the case is still open. But no one else has ever been arrested or prosecuted for the shooting, according to officials at the LA County District Attorney’s Office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Castañeda was convicted of second-degree murder and attempted murder. The sentence came with enhancements because a gun was used in the killing, and there was gang involvement: 40 years to life behind bars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Reyes says when she heard the verdict, she was in shock. Castañeda had no criminal history and insisted she hadn’t planned to hurt anyone. Reyes expected her niece to face punishment, but not more than a couple of years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“How was it possible that this person was still walking free and Sandra was going to be locked up for so many years?” Reyes wondered.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Coming of age behind bars\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>At first when Castañeda went to prison, back in 2003, she was angry. But over time she developed a new perspective on the crime.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was not a planned situation — it just kind of happened. But I still feel that I did have a part because I was the driver,” she said. “So today I know that back then I had choices. But as a young person, I didn’t know that I did … Today I do understand and I take full responsibility for my part.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In prison, Castañeda sought out peer support groups. She took college courses. She worked in the carpentry, paint and auto shops, learning new skills and finding satisfaction in physical work. She also became a leader in the hospice program, caring for women who were dying in prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I got to know who I was as a person, so I’m not bitter at all,” she said. “Prison made me the woman that I am today.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Castañeda — once a shy child — learned she’s resilient and a go-getter. She learned not to be afraid to speak up for what she believes and to advocate for others.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘[T]here’s always that little hope … ‘\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Then, in 2018, something happened that Castañeda never expected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Legislature \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11685094/not-the-killer-but-charged-with-murder-lawmakers-weigh-changing-felony-murder-law\">dramatically restricted\u003c/a> the \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180SB1437\">felony murder rule\u003c/a>, the law that led to her conviction. Lawmakers cited the injustice of a law that disproportionately affected women and people of color. State courts had even questioned whether the old law was constitutional. The reform was part of a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11714104/jerry-brown-will-leave-lasting-impact-on-criminal-justice-in-california\">broader movement in California\u003c/a> and elsewhere to reduce mass incarceration and over-punishment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Castañeda, it meant she could ask a judge to vacate her murder conviction and give her a new sentence. A Stanford University law clinic connected her with a pro bono lawyer who helped her petition for resentencing. The head of the state prison system even wrote a letter of support.[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Virginia Reyes, aunt of Sandra Castañeda\"]‘How was it possible that this person was still walking free and Sandra was going to be locked up for so many years?’[/pullquote]Castañeda tried to manage her expectations. As a lifer, she knew she might die in prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But I mean, there’s always that little hope in there, you know? I think as human beings, we want to believe that something good is going to come out,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trying all her options, Castañeda also applied for clemency from Gov. Gavin Newsom. And in Nov. 2020, recognizing her rehabilitation, \u003ca href=\"https://drive.google.com/drive/u/0/folders/1xG8ED1L6wFFaizn1W5KwboN16e2bniOh\">Newsom commuted her sentence\u003c/a>, making her immediately eligible for parole.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then, something even bigger happened. In July of 2021, a California judge approved her petition for resentencing and dismissed her murder conviction entirely, giving her a much lesser charge, accessory after the fact. Finally, Castañeda was ordered released. She couldn’t stop crying.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was worse than the Llorona,” she said. “I just couldn’t believe it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A green card is a privilege\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>California’s criminal justice system was saying Castañeda could go home and start to build a life as a free woman. But the federal system had a different goal. Under U.S. immigration law, having a green card is a privilege that can be taken away. So if an immigrant who’s not a citizen, even a lawful permanent resident like Castañeda, commits certain crimes, they can lose their legal status and be deported.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11939179\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11939179\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS57621_003_KQED_AnoopPrasad_08052022-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"A south Asian man seen from behind talking to a woman through his computer, the woman's face is visible on the screen.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS57621_003_KQED_AnoopPrasad_08052022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS57621_003_KQED_AnoopPrasad_08052022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS57621_003_KQED_AnoopPrasad_08052022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS57621_003_KQED_AnoopPrasad_08052022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS57621_003_KQED_AnoopPrasad_08052022-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Lawyer Anoop Prasad speaks with Sandra Castañeda through a video call, in the Asian Law Caucus offices in San Francisco on Aug. 5, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The list of deportable crimes — known as \u003ca href=\"https://www.americanimmigrationcouncil.org/research/aggravated-felonies-overview\">aggravated felonies\u003c/a> — has grown longer over the years. Notably, in the 1990s President Bill Clinton signed two laws that \u003ca href=\"https://www.theatlantic.com/ideas/archive/2019/11/time-bill-clinton-apologize-immigrants/601579/\">vastly expanded the number\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today, advocates note, people can lose their green cards for a laundry list of reasons, like shoplifting, drug charges and failure to appear in court. Yet some of these have actually been decriminalized by states like California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“California over the last decade or so has recognized that the lock-’em-up mentality … led to a ballooning of our prison and jail population, but didn’t actually result in safer communities,” said Rose Cahn, attorney with the Immigrant Legal Resource Center in San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She says the way federal immigration law is enforced should recognize state criminal justice reforms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A conviction that’s been dismissed at the state level — where you have DAs of all political stripes saying, ‘Hey, this doesn’t need to be on someone’s record’ — should not be on someone’s record, plain and simple,” said Cahn.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But that’s not happening. ICE lawyers are still pushing to deport people like Castañeda, based on convictions that have been reduced or even dismissed. And they’re backed up by rulings in the federal immigration courts that say immigrants are still deportable if their conviction and sentence was reduced, unless the change was “based on a procedural or substantive defect in the underlying criminal proceeding.”[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Sandra Castañeda\"]‘These people are still messing with my life, even though I already paid for my crime.’[/pullquote]The number of people caught in this situation isn’t tracked by any agency, but some immigration experts estimate it affects thousands nationally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An ICE spokesperson, who declined to be named, said the agency’s officers make decisions about who to pursue “in a responsible manner, informed by their experience as law enforcement professionals and in a way that best protects against the greatest threats to the homeland.” And she noted that ICE prosecutors can and do exercise discretion in deciding whether to prosecute individual cases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, a sanctuary law prevents police and sheriffs from cooperating in immigration enforcement in most cases. But there’s a broad loophole for prisons. So the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation, the state prison system, notifies ICE when they take in anyone who’s foreign born, then accommodates ICE requests to interview and take custody of immigrants at the time of their release, documents show. More than 1,600 people were turned over from California prisons to ICE in 2020, according to CDCR data obtained by the ACLU.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Their policy is that they will report anyone who’s not born in the U.S. and they will actively work to turn over anyone that ICE says they want to come and arrest … even if the person has been exonerated,” said Prasad. “It’s really just an absurd policy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State prison officials say it’s not their job to decide whether someone’s deportable. They say they simply comply when ICE issues a \u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/features/detainers\">detainer\u003c/a>, a request to hold an incarcerated person for transfer.[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Anoop Prasad, immigration lawyer, Asian Law Caucus\"]‘ICE can just say we’re not going to choose to go after and deport these people. We don’t need Congress to even step in here and fix it. It’s just one of those things that the Biden administration can just fix tomorrow.’[/pullquote]“CDCR responds to detainers from all law enforcement agencies including local, state, and federal,” said CDCR spokesperson Vicky Waters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a result, immigrants who’ve served their prison sentences — and even those like Castañeda, who’ve been exonerated of crimes — get caught between the state, which aims to let them rejoin society, and the federal government, which wants to lock them up and deport them.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Detained and shipped to Georgia\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>For Castañeda, all this meant that on the day she was released from prison after serving 19 years — for a murder she herself didn’t commit — a new legal battle was just beginning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As she sat in a holding cell at the ICE field office in San Bernardino that July morning in 2021, agents were trying to figure out where to send her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was on the phone with the deportation officer, and he’s saying, ‘I don’t know if we’re going to find a bed. And if we don’t, I will release her on an ankle monitor,’” said Prasad.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Around 3 p.m. an officer did come and attach an electronic GPS monitor to her ankle, Castañeda said, to release her from detention but keep her under surveillance. She began to think she might be able to go home after all. But the hours ticked by.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And then he came back and said, ‘Give me your leg. I’m going to cut that off of you.’ And I was like, ‘Why?’ And he said, ‘Because I found you a spot,’” Castañeda recounted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Castañeda’s hopes of freedom were dashed. She would be shipped 3,000 miles away from her family, to a facility in Georgia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At 9 p.m., Castañeda was transferred to an ICE office in LA. She said she spent much of the night sitting on a hard bench.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At 3 a.m., agents drove her to the airport and handed her off to two plainclothes officers who took her on an early morning flight to Atlanta. She still hadn’t been able to talk to her lawyer, Prasad.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I got a call from her the next day that she was in Georgia,” he said. “I knew it was probably Stewart. And immediately my heart sank a little.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stewart Detention Center in Lumpkin, Georgia, is operated for ICE by a private prison company called CoreCivic. Detainees and their families have sued repeatedly over \u003ca href=\"https://www.business-humanrights.org/en/latest-news/immigration-detainees-cite-deplorable-conditions-inside-stewart-facility-in-lawsuit/\">filthy, overcrowded conditions\u003c/a>; in-custody \u003ca href=\"https://www.ajc.com/news/breaking-news/family-detainee-who-hanged-himself-georgia-lockup-suing-ice/QYZReZLtc2uQ930XO9ZfxJ/\">death\u003c/a>; \u003ca href=\"https://www.ajc.com/news/georgia-news/ice-detainees-say-they-were-forced-into-labor-in-ga-file-lawsuit/ECLTIVQNMVE6LKOFKXQBWCCVUA/\">forced labor\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://theintercept.com/2022/07/13/ice-stewart-detention-sexual-misconduct/\">sexual assaults\u003c/a> by medical staff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They put me on a plane and sent me to the worst one that they could send me to,” said Castañeda. “It was scary.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Immigration detention is not punishment for a crime. It’s civil detention of people awaiting deportation hearings. But Castañeda found conditions at Stewart a lot worse than a California prison. She was stuck in one room with 23 other people. She didn’t have a job or classes or a routine.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s a lot of mold in there. Sometimes it’ll be hot. Sometimes it’ll be freezing,” she said. “It’s a bad place to do time.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An ICE spokesperson assured KQED the facility has passed inspections and meets ICE detention standards, adding, “ICE is committed to ensuring that all those in the agency’s custody reside in safe, secure and humane environments.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an emailed statement to KQED, CoreCivic spokesman Ryan Gustin said, “the safety, health and well-being of the individuals entrusted to our care is our top priority.” He added that the company does not “cut corners on care, staff or training” to meet federal standards. \u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘The system … is designed to wear people down’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>While Castañeda was adjusting at Stewart, Prasad went into overdrive. He filed briefs in immigration court to try to get her released. But ICE lawyers fought him at every turn.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Rather than acknowledging that a state court had vacated the conviction, ICE aggressively pursued deportation,” he said.[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Anoop Prasad, immigration lawyer, Asian Law Caucus\"]‘The biggest source of deportations in the state right now is our prison system. And these are folks who have been deemed that they should be coming home to their communities.’[/pullquote]And Prasad had a new worry. When Castañeda’s murder conviction was vacated, the judge had given her a lesser charge, accessory after the fact. In most of the country, that’s considered an aggravated felony. However, the 9th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals has ruled it is not. As long as Castañeda was in California, where the 9th Circuit holds sway, her crime wasn’t grounds for deportation. But she had been sent off to Georgia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And Prasad was afraid that, as the weeks turned into months, Castañeda would get so discouraged, so weary of living behind bars, that she’d give up and let ICE deport her. That’s what happens to a lot of immigrants in detention, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The system at every step is designed to wear people down,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Castañeda was not giving up. In fact, she had found a new sense of purpose. During her years in California prisons, she learned advocacy skills. And in Georgia, she wasn’t afraid to speak up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She says she challenged guards when they spoke disrespectfully to the detained women. She filed grievances over violations of the Prison Rape Elimination Act. She questioned the COVID protocols, pushed for testing and social-distancing measures when women got sick. And, being bilingual, Castañeda stepped in to advocate for the women who spoke only Spanish.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“One of the counselors told me to stop helping those people, that they needed to do things for themself. And I told her, ‘Well, they don’t speak English and … I’m only asking for toilet paper, shampoo,’” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lenz stayed in touch with Castañeda through video calls. She said Castañeda showed her surgical masks that other detained women had doctored up to read: #freesandra.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She was kind of embarrassed that they were doing this,” Lenz said. “But it showed that she was part of building more of a collective culture there, a culture of standing up for each other.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Castañeda had spent nearly a year in ICE detention when, finally, she got some welcome news. The California judge who had resentenced Castañeda had reviewed Prasad’s request to revisit her ruling and, “based on legal error,” reduced Castañeda’s sentence even further — to disturbing the peace, a misdemeanor that’s not considered a deportable crime anywhere in the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then, at her hearing in July 2022, an immigration judge in Georgia ruled Castañeda was not deportable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She was thrilled to think she could go free. But she had been on this roller coaster before.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was excited and I started feeling like, ‘Oh, my God, do I get happy?’” Castañeda said. “It was just, like, the mixed emotions again.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sure enough, ICE’s lawyers said they planned to appeal — and they wanted to keep Castañeda locked up while they did. Weeks went by before she could get a hearing where Prasad asked the judge to release her on bond.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When the judge made the decision that he was going to give it to me, I just started crying,” she recalled.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Finally free after 20 years\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Last August, the day that Castañeda had been awaiting for half her life finally arrived. She flew home to LA, where her family surrounded her with hugs at the airport.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I didn’t know if it was reality or dream,” she said. “Even my cousin, he kept looking at me like, ‘It feels like I’m dreaming, Sandra.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11939248\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11939248\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/69561156344__AF9A357A-03AB-499D-A66A-46599D37B04E-800x1067.jpeg\" alt=\"Four women hug at the airport.\" width=\"800\" height=\"1067\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Sandra Castañeda is greeted by her family at LA International Airport on Aug. 4, 2022, after being released from ICE detention. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Sandra Castañeda)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Castañeda was 40 and finally free after 20 years behind bars, and she had a lot of catching up to do.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Coalition for Women Prisoners set Castañeda up in a shared apartment in LA. She was eager to show off the bathroom, “with a door you can close,” and the bedroom that’s all her own.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her aunt Virginia Reyes was thrilled to have Sandra home and plied her with homemade enchiladas. But after a few days, Castañeda had a craving for Chicken McNuggets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At McDonald’s, Sandra used her new cellphone to take photos of her meal to send to her friends in state prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They always want to know, ‘What do you eat? What are you doing?’” she said. “Everybody’s so happy for me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Castañeda also had her mind on all the tasks she needed to tackle: getting a Social Security card, signing up for Medi-Cal and applying for a driver’s license, for starters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There was something ironic in it. Driving is what got Castañeda into trouble all those years ago. But today regaining her license is one concrete step in reclaiming her life, even while other things remain out of her control, like ICE’s effort to deport her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These people are still messing with my life, even though I already paid for my crime,” she said. “I try not to think about it because it’s just bad energy, you know? So I’m just focused on what I need to do right now.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She’s in a reentry program and imagining jobs where she can use her own life experience to counsel other immigrants caught between state criminal reforms and federal deportation policies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Castañeda hopes eventually to apply for citizenship. “I was 20 years old when I got arrested, so … I didn’t know that it’s so important to be able to get that citizenship if you’re able to,” she said. “Today I know better.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Pushing the Biden administration to honor state reforms\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>But gaining citizenship depends on remaining a legal U.S. resident. ICE lawyers are still trying to take her green card and get her deported. And they could succeed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11939185\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11939185\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS57962_IMG_7103-qut-800x571.jpg\" alt=\"A Latina woman with long curly dark hair and sunglasses on her head looks at the camera.\" width=\"800\" height=\"571\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS57962_IMG_7103-qut-800x571.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS57962_IMG_7103-qut-1020x728.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS57962_IMG_7103-qut-160x114.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS57962_IMG_7103-qut-1536x1097.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS57962_IMG_7103-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Sandra Castañeda stands outside her home in Hawthorne, on Aug. 9, 2022. \u003ccite>(Tyche Hendricks/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The Board of Immigration Appeals, the appellate level of the federal immigration courts, has ruled that, \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/sites/default/files/eoir/legacy/2014/07/25/3493.pdf\">most of the time (PDF)\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/sites/default/files/eoir/legacy/2014/07/25/3377.pdf\">it doesn’t matter (PDF)\u003c/a> whether a state court vacated someone’s criminal conviction. And under President Donald Trump, then-Attorney General William Barr went further, ruling that \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/eoir/page/file/1213201/download\">immigration courts can also ignore when a state reduces a person’s sentence\u003c/a>. The legal decisions say the fact that someone like Castañeda was convicted of a crime in the first place — even if the conviction was overturned — is enough reason to deport them, unless (as Prasad argued in Castañeda’s case) there was a flaw in the original conviction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But legal experts, including the American Bar Association, say that \u003ca href=\"https://www.americanbar.org/content/dam/aba/administrative/immigration/achieving_americas_immigration_promise.pdf\">Attorney General Merrick Garland — who oversees the immigration court system — has the authority to overrule those decisions\u003c/a> and honor state criminal justice reforms. They argue Congress didn’t intend for immigrants to be deported for minor offenses, and they’ve called on Garland to return to that standard.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve met with top leadership within the Department of Justice,” said Cahn of the Immigrant Legal Resource Center. “We have carried out this advocacy in both informal and formal ways through these meetings with administration officials, as well as in the courtrooms themselves, where we’re making arguments in front of immigration judges.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Department of Justice did not respond to KQED’s repeated requests for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11939162\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11939162\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS57961_IMG_7170-qut-800x571.jpg\" alt=\"Two Latina women sit on a couch in a living room and chat.\" width=\"800\" height=\"571\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS57961_IMG_7170-qut-800x571.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS57961_IMG_7170-qut-1020x728.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS57961_IMG_7170-qut-160x114.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS57961_IMG_7170-qut-1536x1097.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS57961_IMG_7170-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Sandra Castañeda (right) chats with her aunt, Virginia Reyes, in the living room of her new apartment in Hawthorne, on Aug. 9, 2022. \u003ccite>(Tyche Hendricks/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In addition, immigrant advocates are calling on the Biden administration to move away from the harsh approach to immigration enforcement pursued by ICE in the Trump era.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“ICE can just say we’re not going to choose to go after and deport these people,” said Prasad. “We don’t need Congress to even step in here and fix it. It’s just one of those things that the Biden administration can just fix tomorrow.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates are also trying to close the loophole here in California and force the state prison system to stop transferring people to ICE in the first place. A bill to do that, called the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11924388/effort-to-block-prison-to-ice-transfers-in-california-fails-in-final-hours-of-legislative-session\">Vision Act\u003c/a>, failed in the Legislature last year. But Prasad says Newsom has the power to order the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation to make the change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The biggest source of deportations in the state right now is our prison system. And these are folks who have been deemed that they should be coming home to their communities,” he said. “California needs to make a choice about if it’s going to stand by these reforms, or if it’s going to continue to turn people who have been ordered released over to ICE.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story has been updated to include a statement from CoreCivic.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "After serving 19 years in prison for a murder she didn't commit, then another year in immigration detention after prison officials transferred her to ICE, Sandra Castañeda saw her conviction vacated, and an immigration judge ruled there are no grounds to deport her — but ICE is appealing.",
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"title": "California Overturned Her Murder Conviction. ICE Still Wants to Deport Her | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>On the morning of July 27, 2021, Sandra Castañeda woke with a mixture of elation and dread. She was about to be released from prison after 19 years. What she wanted more than anything was to walk out of the California Institution for Women in Chino and head home for a reunion with her family in Los Angeles. She had imagined this day for so long.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As a lifer, you want to get out of prison so bad,” she said. “But when it’s there, you freak out,” wondering what freedom will be like, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Castañeda, then 39, had spent nearly half of her life behind bars. She’d been sentenced to 40 years to life for murder, even though she didn’t actually kill anyone.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>While Castañeda was in prison, California had enacted a series of criminal justice reforms, including one that allowed her to be resentenced. A Superior Court judge in Los Angeles had vacated Castañeda’s murder conviction and ordered her release.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Castañeda didn’t walk free. Instead, she was loaded into a white van operated by U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Castañeda’s story highlights how noncitizens, even longtime legal residents with green cards like Castañeda, are routinely funneled from state prison into the federal deportation system — even after the convictions that would make them deportable have been overturned. In a clash with state policy, legal records show, ICE and the federal immigration courts are disregarding state reforms that are letting people out of prison and dismissing old convictions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With the help of others familiar with her case, Castañeda, a woman with a cascade of dark curls and an infectious laugh, explained how that July day unfolded and what it meant — for her, and potentially for thousands of other noncitizens who have had their convictions dismissed.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>From prison to ICE custody\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>At 8 a.m., Colby Lenz, an advocate with the California Coalition for Women Prisoners, pulled into the parking lot of the prison in Chino, to await Castañeda’s release and give her a ride home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But at 9 a.m. she watched as the guard in the tower opened the prison gate and the white ICE van rolled in. She saw guards walk Castañeda out and load her into the van. Lenz says Castañeda’s friends inside the facility were watching, too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Some of Sandra’s close friends had come as close as they could to this area and were calling out to her,” she said. “They were basically telling her that they loved her, and were certainly distressed at what they were seeing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The van drove Castañeda to the ICE field office in San Bernardino. Lenz followed in her car. By 10 a.m. Castañeda was in a holding cell and Lenz was making urgent calls to Anoop Prasad, an immigration lawyer with the Asian Law Caucus in San Francisco, who agreed to take on Castañeda’s immigration case pro bono.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11939152\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11939152\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS57631_010_KQED_AnoopPrasad_08052022-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt='A south Asian man in a green sweater and jeans stands outside an office with \"Advancing Justice\" written on the window.' width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS57631_010_KQED_AnoopPrasad_08052022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS57631_010_KQED_AnoopPrasad_08052022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS57631_010_KQED_AnoopPrasad_08052022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS57631_010_KQED_AnoopPrasad_08052022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS57631_010_KQED_AnoopPrasad_08052022-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Anoop Prasad poses for a portrait outside the Asian Law Caucus offices in San Francisco on Aug. 5, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Anoop and I were tag teaming, calling the ICE office,” said Lenz. “We both talked to some of the officers there, trying to convince them that this was not a legal detention.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prasad said he even convinced the LA County District Attorney’s Office, which had originally prosecuted Castañeda, to call ICE and explain that her murder conviction had been vacated. But ICE seemed determined to keep her in custody.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Gang friendships and a shooting\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Castañeda’s original conviction was connected to a murder that took place in 2002, when a teenage girl was shot and killed — and Castañeda was there. But the events of that night are rooted in the early chapters of her story.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Long before Castañeda was born, her family straddled the border with Mexico. Her grandmother was born in the U.S. Her mother and father were from the Mexican border city of Mexicali. When Castañeda was a little girl, the family spent time in both countries. Eventually her parents settled in LA, leaving her and her older sister with relatives in Mexicali. By the time Castañeda was 9, her parents had separated and her mother had started a new family. But an aunt and uncle in LA brought Castañeda and her sister to the U.S. on green cards, raising them along with their own children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11939173\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11939173\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/69561163682__F0ED2441-191A-41FD-8226-B2197C68B292-scaled-e1674682242360-800x888.jpeg\" alt=\"The image of a young Latina girl of kindergarten age wearing a white dress.\" width=\"800\" height=\"888\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/69561163682__F0ED2441-191A-41FD-8226-B2197C68B292-scaled-e1674682242360-800x888.jpeg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/69561163682__F0ED2441-191A-41FD-8226-B2197C68B292-scaled-e1674682242360-1020x1132.jpeg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/69561163682__F0ED2441-191A-41FD-8226-B2197C68B292-scaled-e1674682242360-160x178.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/69561163682__F0ED2441-191A-41FD-8226-B2197C68B292-scaled-e1674682242360-1384x1536.jpeg 1384w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/69561163682__F0ED2441-191A-41FD-8226-B2197C68B292-scaled-e1674682242360-1845x2048.jpeg 1845w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/69561163682__F0ED2441-191A-41FD-8226-B2197C68B292-scaled-e1674682242360.jpeg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Sandra Castañeda at her kindergarten graduation. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Sandra Castañeda)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>That aunt, Virginia Reyes, remembers Castañeda as a quiet kid who didn’t cause trouble.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Sandrita was totally calm,” said Reyes in Spanish. “She was not a difficult girl.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Reyes and her husband ran a clothing factory in South Central LA, assembling garments for the fashion industry. They called it Sandra’s Fashions. They employed more than 20 workers, Reyes said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Reyes and her husband put in really long hours, building the business to support the family. That left Castañeda to fend for herself a lot as a kid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’d leave early, they’d come home real late,” she said. “They’d work seven days a week. So it was always work, work, work, work.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Being involved with the family business taught her a strong work ethic, Castañeda said. But the uncertain bonds of her childhood also left her yearning for a sense of belonging.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In junior high school, Castañeda made friends with some tough kids who were part of a gang. Her aunt tried to protect her by putting her in a Catholic school. But it didn’t help.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11939177\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11939177\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/69561927910__A5ADB0C5-532F-4949-9993-C02E67BB5D03-800x1067.jpeg\" alt=\"A Latina girl sips a soft drink with white dress on and long brown hair.\" width=\"800\" height=\"1067\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/69561927910__A5ADB0C5-532F-4949-9993-C02E67BB5D03-800x1067.jpeg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/69561927910__A5ADB0C5-532F-4949-9993-C02E67BB5D03-1020x1360.jpeg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/69561927910__A5ADB0C5-532F-4949-9993-C02E67BB5D03-160x213.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/69561927910__A5ADB0C5-532F-4949-9993-C02E67BB5D03-1152x1536.jpeg 1152w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/69561927910__A5ADB0C5-532F-4949-9993-C02E67BB5D03-1536x2048.jpeg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/69561927910__A5ADB0C5-532F-4949-9993-C02E67BB5D03-scaled.jpeg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Sandra Castañeda, age 12, sips a soft drink. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Sandra Castañeda)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Castañeda never got in trouble with the law. But that changed on the night of May 10, 2002, when she was 20. Castañeda later testified that she was driving some friends to Taco Bell in her van around midnight, when a guy in the van told her to slow down. Then suddenly, he started firing out the window.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Castañeda is cautious when talking about the crime, because, even two decades later, she’s worried about gang retaliation. So KQED has agreed not to use the names of the victims or the names or gang monikers of those involved in the shooting. And Castañeda asked that Prasad, her immigration lawyer, be the one to describe what happened.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“One of the people in the van thought they saw someone in the neighborhood who was from a rival gang,” Prasad told me. “He asked her to slow down, and she — didn’t really know what was going on — slowed down. The person pulled out a gun and started shooting from the car.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bullets hit two teenagers who were sitting on the front steps of an apartment building in South Central. An 18-year-old was shot in the leg — and he recovered. But the 15-year-old girl beside him was killed. In a panic, Castañeda drove on.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She stopped a couple of blocks later,” Prasad recounted. “Police were already there on the scene. And she was the only one who was arrested. Everyone else ran away.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Castañeda was taken to jail. A California law at the time — known as the felony murder rule — said that if a person dies while a felony is being committed, anyone involved could be found guilty of murder, whether or not they intended or committed the killing. Under the law, prosecutors charged Castañeda with murder because she was driving the van, even though she herself didn’t kill anyone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was a tough-on-crime era,” said Prasad. “Across the state, anyone who was remotely connected or even present at the scene would [often] get hit with a murder charge … So I think the DA just aggressively prosecuted and used this overly broad theory to charge her with murder.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11939247\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 720px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11939247\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/DFA515F8-B9A7-4799-BA3E-AEFDFEDFD2D3signal-2022-04-22-221307_001.jpeg\" alt=\"A Latina family spanning three generations smile at the camera.\" width=\"720\" height=\"514\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/DFA515F8-B9A7-4799-BA3E-AEFDFEDFD2D3signal-2022-04-22-221307_001.jpeg 720w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/DFA515F8-B9A7-4799-BA3E-AEFDFEDFD2D3signal-2022-04-22-221307_001-160x114.jpeg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 720px) 100vw, 720px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Castañeda with her mother, her sister and her sister’s children on a prison visit in 2016. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Sandra Castañeda)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Castañeda went on trial. But her aunt didn’t think the police detectives were doing enough to find the actual killer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I tried to be a detective myself,” recalled Reyes. “I went places I never imagined going, trying to track down the person who had done this. I even went to parties, dressing up to look younger. I put up fliers around town with his photo on them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Reyes had no luck — until one day, after the trial was over, she says she saw the man at a car wash. She was afraid he would recognize her, but she pulled over and got on the phone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I called the police and I called the lawyer. And they just replied, ‘Oh, the case is closed.’” she said. “I couldn’t believe it. I felt so powerless.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The LA Police Department now says the case is still open. But no one else has ever been arrested or prosecuted for the shooting, according to officials at the LA County District Attorney’s Office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Castañeda was convicted of second-degree murder and attempted murder. The sentence came with enhancements because a gun was used in the killing, and there was gang involvement: 40 years to life behind bars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Reyes says when she heard the verdict, she was in shock. Castañeda had no criminal history and insisted she hadn’t planned to hurt anyone. Reyes expected her niece to face punishment, but not more than a couple of years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“How was it possible that this person was still walking free and Sandra was going to be locked up for so many years?” Reyes wondered.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Coming of age behind bars\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>At first when Castañeda went to prison, back in 2003, she was angry. But over time she developed a new perspective on the crime.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was not a planned situation — it just kind of happened. But I still feel that I did have a part because I was the driver,” she said. “So today I know that back then I had choices. But as a young person, I didn’t know that I did … Today I do understand and I take full responsibility for my part.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In prison, Castañeda sought out peer support groups. She took college courses. She worked in the carpentry, paint and auto shops, learning new skills and finding satisfaction in physical work. She also became a leader in the hospice program, caring for women who were dying in prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I got to know who I was as a person, so I’m not bitter at all,” she said. “Prison made me the woman that I am today.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Castañeda — once a shy child — learned she’s resilient and a go-getter. She learned not to be afraid to speak up for what she believes and to advocate for others.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘[T]here’s always that little hope … ‘\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Then, in 2018, something happened that Castañeda never expected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Legislature \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11685094/not-the-killer-but-charged-with-murder-lawmakers-weigh-changing-felony-murder-law\">dramatically restricted\u003c/a> the \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180SB1437\">felony murder rule\u003c/a>, the law that led to her conviction. Lawmakers cited the injustice of a law that disproportionately affected women and people of color. State courts had even questioned whether the old law was constitutional. The reform was part of a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11714104/jerry-brown-will-leave-lasting-impact-on-criminal-justice-in-california\">broader movement in California\u003c/a> and elsewhere to reduce mass incarceration and over-punishment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Castañeda, it meant she could ask a judge to vacate her murder conviction and give her a new sentence. A Stanford University law clinic connected her with a pro bono lawyer who helped her petition for resentencing. The head of the state prison system even wrote a letter of support.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Castañeda tried to manage her expectations. As a lifer, she knew she might die in prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But I mean, there’s always that little hope in there, you know? I think as human beings, we want to believe that something good is going to come out,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trying all her options, Castañeda also applied for clemency from Gov. Gavin Newsom. And in Nov. 2020, recognizing her rehabilitation, \u003ca href=\"https://drive.google.com/drive/u/0/folders/1xG8ED1L6wFFaizn1W5KwboN16e2bniOh\">Newsom commuted her sentence\u003c/a>, making her immediately eligible for parole.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then, something even bigger happened. In July of 2021, a California judge approved her petition for resentencing and dismissed her murder conviction entirely, giving her a much lesser charge, accessory after the fact. Finally, Castañeda was ordered released. She couldn’t stop crying.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was worse than the Llorona,” she said. “I just couldn’t believe it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A green card is a privilege\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>California’s criminal justice system was saying Castañeda could go home and start to build a life as a free woman. But the federal system had a different goal. Under U.S. immigration law, having a green card is a privilege that can be taken away. So if an immigrant who’s not a citizen, even a lawful permanent resident like Castañeda, commits certain crimes, they can lose their legal status and be deported.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11939179\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11939179\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS57621_003_KQED_AnoopPrasad_08052022-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"A south Asian man seen from behind talking to a woman through his computer, the woman's face is visible on the screen.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS57621_003_KQED_AnoopPrasad_08052022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS57621_003_KQED_AnoopPrasad_08052022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS57621_003_KQED_AnoopPrasad_08052022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS57621_003_KQED_AnoopPrasad_08052022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS57621_003_KQED_AnoopPrasad_08052022-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Lawyer Anoop Prasad speaks with Sandra Castañeda through a video call, in the Asian Law Caucus offices in San Francisco on Aug. 5, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The list of deportable crimes — known as \u003ca href=\"https://www.americanimmigrationcouncil.org/research/aggravated-felonies-overview\">aggravated felonies\u003c/a> — has grown longer over the years. Notably, in the 1990s President Bill Clinton signed two laws that \u003ca href=\"https://www.theatlantic.com/ideas/archive/2019/11/time-bill-clinton-apologize-immigrants/601579/\">vastly expanded the number\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today, advocates note, people can lose their green cards for a laundry list of reasons, like shoplifting, drug charges and failure to appear in court. Yet some of these have actually been decriminalized by states like California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“California over the last decade or so has recognized that the lock-’em-up mentality … led to a ballooning of our prison and jail population, but didn’t actually result in safer communities,” said Rose Cahn, attorney with the Immigrant Legal Resource Center in San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She says the way federal immigration law is enforced should recognize state criminal justice reforms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A conviction that’s been dismissed at the state level — where you have DAs of all political stripes saying, ‘Hey, this doesn’t need to be on someone’s record’ — should not be on someone’s record, plain and simple,” said Cahn.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But that’s not happening. ICE lawyers are still pushing to deport people like Castañeda, based on convictions that have been reduced or even dismissed. And they’re backed up by rulings in the federal immigration courts that say immigrants are still deportable if their conviction and sentence was reduced, unless the change was “based on a procedural or substantive defect in the underlying criminal proceeding.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘These people are still messing with my life, even though I already paid for my crime.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The number of people caught in this situation isn’t tracked by any agency, but some immigration experts estimate it affects thousands nationally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An ICE spokesperson, who declined to be named, said the agency’s officers make decisions about who to pursue “in a responsible manner, informed by their experience as law enforcement professionals and in a way that best protects against the greatest threats to the homeland.” And she noted that ICE prosecutors can and do exercise discretion in deciding whether to prosecute individual cases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, a sanctuary law prevents police and sheriffs from cooperating in immigration enforcement in most cases. But there’s a broad loophole for prisons. So the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation, the state prison system, notifies ICE when they take in anyone who’s foreign born, then accommodates ICE requests to interview and take custody of immigrants at the time of their release, documents show. More than 1,600 people were turned over from California prisons to ICE in 2020, according to CDCR data obtained by the ACLU.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Their policy is that they will report anyone who’s not born in the U.S. and they will actively work to turn over anyone that ICE says they want to come and arrest … even if the person has been exonerated,” said Prasad. “It’s really just an absurd policy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State prison officials say it’s not their job to decide whether someone’s deportable. They say they simply comply when ICE issues a \u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/features/detainers\">detainer\u003c/a>, a request to hold an incarcerated person for transfer.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘ICE can just say we’re not going to choose to go after and deport these people. We don’t need Congress to even step in here and fix it. It’s just one of those things that the Biden administration can just fix tomorrow.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“CDCR responds to detainers from all law enforcement agencies including local, state, and federal,” said CDCR spokesperson Vicky Waters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a result, immigrants who’ve served their prison sentences — and even those like Castañeda, who’ve been exonerated of crimes — get caught between the state, which aims to let them rejoin society, and the federal government, which wants to lock them up and deport them.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Detained and shipped to Georgia\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>For Castañeda, all this meant that on the day she was released from prison after serving 19 years — for a murder she herself didn’t commit — a new legal battle was just beginning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As she sat in a holding cell at the ICE field office in San Bernardino that July morning in 2021, agents were trying to figure out where to send her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was on the phone with the deportation officer, and he’s saying, ‘I don’t know if we’re going to find a bed. And if we don’t, I will release her on an ankle monitor,’” said Prasad.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Around 3 p.m. an officer did come and attach an electronic GPS monitor to her ankle, Castañeda said, to release her from detention but keep her under surveillance. She began to think she might be able to go home after all. But the hours ticked by.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And then he came back and said, ‘Give me your leg. I’m going to cut that off of you.’ And I was like, ‘Why?’ And he said, ‘Because I found you a spot,’” Castañeda recounted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Castañeda’s hopes of freedom were dashed. She would be shipped 3,000 miles away from her family, to a facility in Georgia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At 9 p.m., Castañeda was transferred to an ICE office in LA. She said she spent much of the night sitting on a hard bench.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At 3 a.m., agents drove her to the airport and handed her off to two plainclothes officers who took her on an early morning flight to Atlanta. She still hadn’t been able to talk to her lawyer, Prasad.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I got a call from her the next day that she was in Georgia,” he said. “I knew it was probably Stewart. And immediately my heart sank a little.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stewart Detention Center in Lumpkin, Georgia, is operated for ICE by a private prison company called CoreCivic. Detainees and their families have sued repeatedly over \u003ca href=\"https://www.business-humanrights.org/en/latest-news/immigration-detainees-cite-deplorable-conditions-inside-stewart-facility-in-lawsuit/\">filthy, overcrowded conditions\u003c/a>; in-custody \u003ca href=\"https://www.ajc.com/news/breaking-news/family-detainee-who-hanged-himself-georgia-lockup-suing-ice/QYZReZLtc2uQ930XO9ZfxJ/\">death\u003c/a>; \u003ca href=\"https://www.ajc.com/news/georgia-news/ice-detainees-say-they-were-forced-into-labor-in-ga-file-lawsuit/ECLTIVQNMVE6LKOFKXQBWCCVUA/\">forced labor\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://theintercept.com/2022/07/13/ice-stewart-detention-sexual-misconduct/\">sexual assaults\u003c/a> by medical staff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They put me on a plane and sent me to the worst one that they could send me to,” said Castañeda. “It was scary.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Immigration detention is not punishment for a crime. It’s civil detention of people awaiting deportation hearings. But Castañeda found conditions at Stewart a lot worse than a California prison. She was stuck in one room with 23 other people. She didn’t have a job or classes or a routine.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s a lot of mold in there. Sometimes it’ll be hot. Sometimes it’ll be freezing,” she said. “It’s a bad place to do time.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An ICE spokesperson assured KQED the facility has passed inspections and meets ICE detention standards, adding, “ICE is committed to ensuring that all those in the agency’s custody reside in safe, secure and humane environments.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an emailed statement to KQED, CoreCivic spokesman Ryan Gustin said, “the safety, health and well-being of the individuals entrusted to our care is our top priority.” He added that the company does not “cut corners on care, staff or training” to meet federal standards. \u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘The system … is designed to wear people down’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>While Castañeda was adjusting at Stewart, Prasad went into overdrive. He filed briefs in immigration court to try to get her released. But ICE lawyers fought him at every turn.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Rather than acknowledging that a state court had vacated the conviction, ICE aggressively pursued deportation,” he said.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>And Prasad had a new worry. When Castañeda’s murder conviction was vacated, the judge had given her a lesser charge, accessory after the fact. In most of the country, that’s considered an aggravated felony. However, the 9th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals has ruled it is not. As long as Castañeda was in California, where the 9th Circuit holds sway, her crime wasn’t grounds for deportation. But she had been sent off to Georgia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And Prasad was afraid that, as the weeks turned into months, Castañeda would get so discouraged, so weary of living behind bars, that she’d give up and let ICE deport her. That’s what happens to a lot of immigrants in detention, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The system at every step is designed to wear people down,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Castañeda was not giving up. In fact, she had found a new sense of purpose. During her years in California prisons, she learned advocacy skills. And in Georgia, she wasn’t afraid to speak up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She says she challenged guards when they spoke disrespectfully to the detained women. She filed grievances over violations of the Prison Rape Elimination Act. She questioned the COVID protocols, pushed for testing and social-distancing measures when women got sick. And, being bilingual, Castañeda stepped in to advocate for the women who spoke only Spanish.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“One of the counselors told me to stop helping those people, that they needed to do things for themself. And I told her, ‘Well, they don’t speak English and … I’m only asking for toilet paper, shampoo,’” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lenz stayed in touch with Castañeda through video calls. She said Castañeda showed her surgical masks that other detained women had doctored up to read: #freesandra.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She was kind of embarrassed that they were doing this,” Lenz said. “But it showed that she was part of building more of a collective culture there, a culture of standing up for each other.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Castañeda had spent nearly a year in ICE detention when, finally, she got some welcome news. The California judge who had resentenced Castañeda had reviewed Prasad’s request to revisit her ruling and, “based on legal error,” reduced Castañeda’s sentence even further — to disturbing the peace, a misdemeanor that’s not considered a deportable crime anywhere in the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then, at her hearing in July 2022, an immigration judge in Georgia ruled Castañeda was not deportable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She was thrilled to think she could go free. But she had been on this roller coaster before.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was excited and I started feeling like, ‘Oh, my God, do I get happy?’” Castañeda said. “It was just, like, the mixed emotions again.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sure enough, ICE’s lawyers said they planned to appeal — and they wanted to keep Castañeda locked up while they did. Weeks went by before she could get a hearing where Prasad asked the judge to release her on bond.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When the judge made the decision that he was going to give it to me, I just started crying,” she recalled.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Finally free after 20 years\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Last August, the day that Castañeda had been awaiting for half her life finally arrived. She flew home to LA, where her family surrounded her with hugs at the airport.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I didn’t know if it was reality or dream,” she said. “Even my cousin, he kept looking at me like, ‘It feels like I’m dreaming, Sandra.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11939248\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11939248\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/69561156344__AF9A357A-03AB-499D-A66A-46599D37B04E-800x1067.jpeg\" alt=\"Four women hug at the airport.\" width=\"800\" height=\"1067\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Sandra Castañeda is greeted by her family at LA International Airport on Aug. 4, 2022, after being released from ICE detention. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Sandra Castañeda)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Castañeda was 40 and finally free after 20 years behind bars, and she had a lot of catching up to do.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Coalition for Women Prisoners set Castañeda up in a shared apartment in LA. She was eager to show off the bathroom, “with a door you can close,” and the bedroom that’s all her own.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her aunt Virginia Reyes was thrilled to have Sandra home and plied her with homemade enchiladas. But after a few days, Castañeda had a craving for Chicken McNuggets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At McDonald’s, Sandra used her new cellphone to take photos of her meal to send to her friends in state prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They always want to know, ‘What do you eat? What are you doing?’” she said. “Everybody’s so happy for me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Castañeda also had her mind on all the tasks she needed to tackle: getting a Social Security card, signing up for Medi-Cal and applying for a driver’s license, for starters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There was something ironic in it. Driving is what got Castañeda into trouble all those years ago. But today regaining her license is one concrete step in reclaiming her life, even while other things remain out of her control, like ICE’s effort to deport her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These people are still messing with my life, even though I already paid for my crime,” she said. “I try not to think about it because it’s just bad energy, you know? So I’m just focused on what I need to do right now.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She’s in a reentry program and imagining jobs where she can use her own life experience to counsel other immigrants caught between state criminal reforms and federal deportation policies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Castañeda hopes eventually to apply for citizenship. “I was 20 years old when I got arrested, so … I didn’t know that it’s so important to be able to get that citizenship if you’re able to,” she said. “Today I know better.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Pushing the Biden administration to honor state reforms\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>But gaining citizenship depends on remaining a legal U.S. resident. ICE lawyers are still trying to take her green card and get her deported. And they could succeed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11939185\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11939185\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS57962_IMG_7103-qut-800x571.jpg\" alt=\"A Latina woman with long curly dark hair and sunglasses on her head looks at the camera.\" width=\"800\" height=\"571\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS57962_IMG_7103-qut-800x571.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS57962_IMG_7103-qut-1020x728.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS57962_IMG_7103-qut-160x114.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS57962_IMG_7103-qut-1536x1097.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS57962_IMG_7103-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Sandra Castañeda stands outside her home in Hawthorne, on Aug. 9, 2022. \u003ccite>(Tyche Hendricks/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The Board of Immigration Appeals, the appellate level of the federal immigration courts, has ruled that, \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/sites/default/files/eoir/legacy/2014/07/25/3493.pdf\">most of the time (PDF)\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/sites/default/files/eoir/legacy/2014/07/25/3377.pdf\">it doesn’t matter (PDF)\u003c/a> whether a state court vacated someone’s criminal conviction. And under President Donald Trump, then-Attorney General William Barr went further, ruling that \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/eoir/page/file/1213201/download\">immigration courts can also ignore when a state reduces a person’s sentence\u003c/a>. The legal decisions say the fact that someone like Castañeda was convicted of a crime in the first place — even if the conviction was overturned — is enough reason to deport them, unless (as Prasad argued in Castañeda’s case) there was a flaw in the original conviction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But legal experts, including the American Bar Association, say that \u003ca href=\"https://www.americanbar.org/content/dam/aba/administrative/immigration/achieving_americas_immigration_promise.pdf\">Attorney General Merrick Garland — who oversees the immigration court system — has the authority to overrule those decisions\u003c/a> and honor state criminal justice reforms. They argue Congress didn’t intend for immigrants to be deported for minor offenses, and they’ve called on Garland to return to that standard.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve met with top leadership within the Department of Justice,” said Cahn of the Immigrant Legal Resource Center. “We have carried out this advocacy in both informal and formal ways through these meetings with administration officials, as well as in the courtrooms themselves, where we’re making arguments in front of immigration judges.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Department of Justice did not respond to KQED’s repeated requests for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11939162\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11939162\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS57961_IMG_7170-qut-800x571.jpg\" alt=\"Two Latina women sit on a couch in a living room and chat.\" width=\"800\" height=\"571\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS57961_IMG_7170-qut-800x571.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS57961_IMG_7170-qut-1020x728.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS57961_IMG_7170-qut-160x114.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS57961_IMG_7170-qut-1536x1097.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS57961_IMG_7170-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Sandra Castañeda (right) chats with her aunt, Virginia Reyes, in the living room of her new apartment in Hawthorne, on Aug. 9, 2022. \u003ccite>(Tyche Hendricks/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In addition, immigrant advocates are calling on the Biden administration to move away from the harsh approach to immigration enforcement pursued by ICE in the Trump era.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“ICE can just say we’re not going to choose to go after and deport these people,” said Prasad. “We don’t need Congress to even step in here and fix it. It’s just one of those things that the Biden administration can just fix tomorrow.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates are also trying to close the loophole here in California and force the state prison system to stop transferring people to ICE in the first place. A bill to do that, called the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11924388/effort-to-block-prison-to-ice-transfers-in-california-fails-in-final-hours-of-legislative-session\">Vision Act\u003c/a>, failed in the Legislature last year. But Prasad says Newsom has the power to order the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation to make the change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The biggest source of deportations in the state right now is our prison system. And these are folks who have been deemed that they should be coming home to their communities,” he said. “California needs to make a choice about if it’s going to stand by these reforms, or if it’s going to continue to turn people who have been ordered released over to ICE.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story has been updated to include a statement from CoreCivic.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "hope-for-elderly-refugees-of-war-a-bay-area-residents-mission-to-save-seniors-in-ukraine",
"title": "Hope for Older Refugees of War: A Bay Area Resident's Mission to Save Older Adults in Ukraine",
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"headTitle": "Hope for Older Refugees of War: A Bay Area Resident’s Mission to Save Older Adults in Ukraine | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>Maria Galbo wandered amid the decaying walls of a Soviet-era apartment in Chernivtsi, Ukraine. She stepped into the living room and pulled open the door to the terrace. Warm, humid air poured in. The piercing call of an air raid siren invaded the room, reverberating through the entire aging structure. This was the second apartment she’d been to that morning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11936559\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11936559 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/1-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"A youngish white woman with short, unkempt, light pink hair sits in the backseat of a car, the knuckles of her left hand holding her chin, looking out the window with a serious look on her face.\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1707\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/1-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/1-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/1-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/1-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/1-2048x1365.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/1-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Maria Galbo, a resident of Albany, started an organization that works to re-home older refugees from Ukraine’s dangerous eastern regions. The organization, Under a Kind Roof, visits shelters in western Ukraine to create profiles of refugees in need of permanent shelter, and then finds, negotiates and leases homes for them. \u003ccite>(Aryk Copley/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Maria Galbo, founder, Under a Kind Roof\"]‘My friend’s mom died through this ordeal. She had dementia, and she was in Bucha when they had this horrible situation. The doctors and nurses only took people who could walk, and those who couldn’t move remained there. By the time transportation came, they were already hungry and neglected.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Later, she visited a shelter where refugees from the Russian invasion to the east were staying. Disabled older adults cried as they shared their stories with her, many having spent the last six months moving from shelter to shelter, living off donated groceries and crowded into churches, gymnasiums and schools.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Galbo listened to their stories and copied their information into a spreadsheet on her laptop. She spent the next week traveling all over the city to find permanent housing for them before the looming winter swept the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Galbo isn’t from Ukraine. She moved to the U.S. from Russia in 2001, and has been living in the Bay Area for nine years. She traveled to Ukraine from her home in Albany, temporarily leaving behind her family and her tech job to provide relief to refugees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11936560\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11936560 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/2-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"Two dogs stand on the hard-packed dirt in front of a blue-green, two-story building with a peaked roof and gable. Four cars and vans are parked around the building, under a gray sky.\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1707\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/2-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/2-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/2-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/2-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/2-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/2-2048x1365.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/2-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Two dogs roam a property for lease in Chernivtsi, Ukraine. The owner runs a car lot on the property, and the buildings are in poor condition. \u003ccite>(Aryk Copley/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“My friend’s mom died through this ordeal. She had dementia, and she was in Bucha when they had this horrible situation,” Galbo recalled. “The doctors and nurses only took people who could walk, and those who couldn’t move remained there. By the time transportation came, they were already hungry and neglected.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She tag-teams with her husband, Yevgeniy Sverdlik, so someone is always home to support their two children. As of December, Galbo and Sverdlik have made a combined seven trips to Ukraine to volunteer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11936561\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11936561 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/3-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"A group of four mostly young-looking adults stand along the wooden banister in the upstairs area of a home, with bright light coming through tall windows dressed in gauzy curtains.\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1707\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/3-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/3-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/3-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/3-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/3-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/3-2048x1365.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/3-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Stanislav Shoupletsov (left) and Maria Galbo (right) discuss rental terms for a potential property with Elena Akopova (center left) and Anna Gnatiuk (center right). The home has water damage and mold, and the owner is boisterous and rude. Galbo and her team decide not to lease the home. \u003ccite>(Aryk Copley/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Galbo’s first trip was back in March of 2022, right after the start of the Russian invasion, and she worked with volunteer organizations to provide financial aid to refugees fleeing across the Polish border. However, after evacuations at the border died down, Galbo realized that those in direst need were the older refugees still in the country. [aside tag=\"ukraine\" label=\"More Related Stories\"]That summer, Galbo started her own organization, \u003ca href=\"https://www.underakindroof.com/\">Under a Kind Roof\u003c/a>. She began raising money in the Bay Area and abroad to provide financial help to neglected older adults in Ukraine.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was so painful for all of us to watch the elderly people suffer, those who don’t have relatives to help them,” Galbo said. “So we decided, let’s try to help.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Galbo created a survey and distributed it among shelters in Chernivtsi and Ivano-Frankivsk. With the responses, she created a spreadsheet of refugees’ information. Then she created a priority list to match refugees with available housing. Every month or so, she travels to Ukraine and links up with a team of volunteers who work to find available housing in cities like Chernivtsi, which have high volumes of older refugees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11936563\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11936563 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/7-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"A woman with short, light pink hair, wearing a denim dress and holding a long, olive-colored backpack, walks toward a 10-story apartment building with a facade of white, peach, and brick.\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1707\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/7-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/7-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/7-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/7-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/7-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/7-2048x1365.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/7-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Galbo approaches a Soviet-era apartment complex, where a unit has become available for lease. Soviet-style apartments like this one can prove difficult for older refugees with mobility issues, and leasing these types of apartments can come down to them having a reliable elevator. \u003ccite>(Aryk Copley/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But finding housing is challenging. Accommodation is already in short supply, and the infrastructure in many Ukrainian towns suffers from decay and neglect. To protect older adults from poor living conditions, Galbo and her team personally visit available apartments. Potential homes are often disqualified for water damage, mold and even landlords with apparent substance use issues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, safe shelters do appear. Galbo’s team makes sure a potential candidate is a good fit, then shows them the space and leases it for three to six months on their behalf. This can be lifesaving for older adults: An insulated shelter and a warm bed can be the difference between life and death.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11936564\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11936564 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/8-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"A woman stands framed in a doorway, which with adjacent windows frames and the wall are in shadow, to a terrace outside an apartment building.\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1707\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/8-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/8-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/8-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/8-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/8-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/8-2048x1365.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/8-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Galbo inspects the balcony of a Soviet-era apartment in Chernivtsi while air raid sirens cry outside. \u003ccite>(Aryk Copley/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Giving them a home is giving them hope,” Galbo said. “We see that they start building little homes and getting attached to the new places.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Galbo completed her second trip under her new organization in October, and has been back in the Bay Area preparing for her next trip. The Russian and Ukrainian community in the Bay Area has been a keystone of the fundraising efforts, with volunteer bakers providing thousands of dollars worth of pastries for bake sales in San Francisco, raising over $10,000 for Under a Kind Roof.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11936565\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11936565 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/12-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"A long room filled with makeshift beds and cots, with personal belongings scattered about.\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1707\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/12-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/12-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/12-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/12-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/12-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/12-2048x1365.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/12-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A school hall that has been turned into a shelter for older refugees. Summer break is about to end, and these residents are being asked to relocate. \u003ccite>(Aryk Copley/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Galbo plans to continue growing \u003ca href=\"https://www.underakindroof.com/\">Under a Kind Roof\u003c/a> by expanding volunteer opportunities and financial aid. With the help of her husband and her team, she is working tirelessly to continue providing support to the nearly 40 people in her program while continuing to enroll new participants as the war continues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I want everybody to just constantly mind that the war is still on right now, more than ever. It’s wintertime. It’s blackouts,” she said. “People have no electricity, no heat, there’s bombings, and there’s no housing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11936566\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11936566 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/13-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"A youngish white man with very short brown hair, wearing a white T-shirt and shorts with the strap of a black bag across his chest, sits on a cot next to an older white woman, with short, brown hair, who wears a short-sleeved navy blue blouse and jeans. He appears to be listening intently, leaning toward her, as she rests her near hand on the bed between them, her other hand between her knees, gazing beyond him to speak.\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1707\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/13-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/13-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/13-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/13-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/13-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/13-2048x1365.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/13-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Stanislav Shoupletsov (left) listens to Tatyana Gubchenko, 66, as she becomes emotional discussing how she came to be in a shelter. Stanislav joined Under a Kind Roof after losing his close friend, an older neighbor. \u003ccite>(Aryk Copley/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11936567\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11936567 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/14-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"An older woman wearing a white, scoop-neck T-shirt, jeans, and white shoes, sits atop a peach-colored coverlet, the top of a desk looming above two pillows, in front of a row of wooden lockers.\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1707\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/14-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/14-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/14-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/14-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/14-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/14-2048x1365.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/14-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Liudmyla Ivashchenko, 64, sits on her cot at a school-turned-shelter for refugees. \u003ccite>(Aryk Copley/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11936568\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11936568 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/15-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"A group of elderly people line up in front of a woman with a laptop.\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1707\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/15-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/15-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/15-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/15-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/15-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/15-2048x1365.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/15-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Older refugees line up to offer their stories and details to Galbo so she can create profiles and her organization can try to find them more permanent shelter. \u003ccite>(Aryk Copley/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11936569\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11936569 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/20-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"An elderly woman stands in the doorway of a pink room.\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1707\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/20-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/20-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/20-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/20-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/20-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/20-2048x1365.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/20-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Liudmyla Ivashchenko, 64, is the first candidate to view this newly leased apartment. She likes it, but insists she wants her own room after having no privacy for several months. \u003ccite>(Aryk Copley/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11936570\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11936570 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/22-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"A group of women behind a table of baked goods.\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1707\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/22-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/22-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/22-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/22-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/22-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/22-2048x1365.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/22-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">From left, Yevgeniy Sverdlik, Yana Sikorskaya, Maria Galbo and Vera Boguslavskaya host a bake and crafts sale on Chestnut St. in San Francisco to raise money for Under a Kind Roof on Dec. 18, 2022. \u003ccite>(Aryk Copley/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11936571\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11936571 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/23-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"A woman hangs a Ukrainian flag out of an apartment window.\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1707\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/23-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/23-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/23-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/23-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/23-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/23-2048x1365.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/23-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Galbo hangs the Ukrainian flag from her apartment window in Albany. \u003ccite>(Aryk Copley/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11936572\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11936572 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/24-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"A husband and wife with their two children sit on a couch together.\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1707\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/24-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/24-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/24-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/24-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/24-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/24-2048x1365.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/24-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Galbo (center right) with her husband, Yevgeniy Sverdlik (left), and two children, Lev (center left) and Alex (right), at their family apartment in Albany. \u003ccite>(Aryk Copley/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11936573\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11936573 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/25-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"A woman with blue hair wearing a blue Ukraine shirt.\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1707\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/25-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/25-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/25-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/25-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/25-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/25-2048x1365.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/25-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Galbo in the courtyard outside her family apartment overlooking the Bay Area. \u003ccite>(Aryk Copley/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Maria Galbo started the organization Under a Kind Roof, which works to re-home older refugees from Ukraine, providing permanent shelter, homes and apartments for them.",
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"title": "Hope for Older Refugees of War: A Bay Area Resident's Mission to Save Older Adults in Ukraine | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Maria Galbo wandered amid the decaying walls of a Soviet-era apartment in Chernivtsi, Ukraine. She stepped into the living room and pulled open the door to the terrace. Warm, humid air poured in. The piercing call of an air raid siren invaded the room, reverberating through the entire aging structure. This was the second apartment she’d been to that morning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11936559\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11936559 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/1-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"A youngish white woman with short, unkempt, light pink hair sits in the backseat of a car, the knuckles of her left hand holding her chin, looking out the window with a serious look on her face.\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1707\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/1-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/1-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/1-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/1-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/1-2048x1365.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/1-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Maria Galbo, a resident of Albany, started an organization that works to re-home older refugees from Ukraine’s dangerous eastern regions. The organization, Under a Kind Roof, visits shelters in western Ukraine to create profiles of refugees in need of permanent shelter, and then finds, negotiates and leases homes for them. \u003ccite>(Aryk Copley/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘My friend’s mom died through this ordeal. She had dementia, and she was in Bucha when they had this horrible situation. The doctors and nurses only took people who could walk, and those who couldn’t move remained there. By the time transportation came, they were already hungry and neglected.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Later, she visited a shelter where refugees from the Russian invasion to the east were staying. Disabled older adults cried as they shared their stories with her, many having spent the last six months moving from shelter to shelter, living off donated groceries and crowded into churches, gymnasiums and schools.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Galbo listened to their stories and copied their information into a spreadsheet on her laptop. She spent the next week traveling all over the city to find permanent housing for them before the looming winter swept the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Galbo isn’t from Ukraine. She moved to the U.S. from Russia in 2001, and has been living in the Bay Area for nine years. She traveled to Ukraine from her home in Albany, temporarily leaving behind her family and her tech job to provide relief to refugees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11936560\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11936560 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/2-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"Two dogs stand on the hard-packed dirt in front of a blue-green, two-story building with a peaked roof and gable. Four cars and vans are parked around the building, under a gray sky.\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1707\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/2-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/2-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/2-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/2-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/2-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/2-2048x1365.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/2-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Two dogs roam a property for lease in Chernivtsi, Ukraine. The owner runs a car lot on the property, and the buildings are in poor condition. \u003ccite>(Aryk Copley/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“My friend’s mom died through this ordeal. She had dementia, and she was in Bucha when they had this horrible situation,” Galbo recalled. “The doctors and nurses only took people who could walk, and those who couldn’t move remained there. By the time transportation came, they were already hungry and neglected.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She tag-teams with her husband, Yevgeniy Sverdlik, so someone is always home to support their two children. As of December, Galbo and Sverdlik have made a combined seven trips to Ukraine to volunteer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11936561\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11936561 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/3-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"A group of four mostly young-looking adults stand along the wooden banister in the upstairs area of a home, with bright light coming through tall windows dressed in gauzy curtains.\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1707\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/3-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/3-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/3-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/3-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/3-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/3-2048x1365.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/3-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Stanislav Shoupletsov (left) and Maria Galbo (right) discuss rental terms for a potential property with Elena Akopova (center left) and Anna Gnatiuk (center right). The home has water damage and mold, and the owner is boisterous and rude. Galbo and her team decide not to lease the home. \u003ccite>(Aryk Copley/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Galbo’s first trip was back in March of 2022, right after the start of the Russian invasion, and she worked with volunteer organizations to provide financial aid to refugees fleeing across the Polish border. However, after evacuations at the border died down, Galbo realized that those in direst need were the older refugees still in the country. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>That summer, Galbo started her own organization, \u003ca href=\"https://www.underakindroof.com/\">Under a Kind Roof\u003c/a>. She began raising money in the Bay Area and abroad to provide financial help to neglected older adults in Ukraine.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was so painful for all of us to watch the elderly people suffer, those who don’t have relatives to help them,” Galbo said. “So we decided, let’s try to help.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Galbo created a survey and distributed it among shelters in Chernivtsi and Ivano-Frankivsk. With the responses, she created a spreadsheet of refugees’ information. Then she created a priority list to match refugees with available housing. Every month or so, she travels to Ukraine and links up with a team of volunteers who work to find available housing in cities like Chernivtsi, which have high volumes of older refugees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11936563\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11936563 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/7-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"A woman with short, light pink hair, wearing a denim dress and holding a long, olive-colored backpack, walks toward a 10-story apartment building with a facade of white, peach, and brick.\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1707\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/7-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/7-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/7-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/7-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/7-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/7-2048x1365.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/7-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Galbo approaches a Soviet-era apartment complex, where a unit has become available for lease. Soviet-style apartments like this one can prove difficult for older refugees with mobility issues, and leasing these types of apartments can come down to them having a reliable elevator. \u003ccite>(Aryk Copley/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But finding housing is challenging. Accommodation is already in short supply, and the infrastructure in many Ukrainian towns suffers from decay and neglect. To protect older adults from poor living conditions, Galbo and her team personally visit available apartments. Potential homes are often disqualified for water damage, mold and even landlords with apparent substance use issues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, safe shelters do appear. Galbo’s team makes sure a potential candidate is a good fit, then shows them the space and leases it for three to six months on their behalf. This can be lifesaving for older adults: An insulated shelter and a warm bed can be the difference between life and death.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11936564\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11936564 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/8-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"A woman stands framed in a doorway, which with adjacent windows frames and the wall are in shadow, to a terrace outside an apartment building.\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1707\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/8-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/8-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/8-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/8-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/8-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/8-2048x1365.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/8-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Galbo inspects the balcony of a Soviet-era apartment in Chernivtsi while air raid sirens cry outside. \u003ccite>(Aryk Copley/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Giving them a home is giving them hope,” Galbo said. “We see that they start building little homes and getting attached to the new places.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Galbo completed her second trip under her new organization in October, and has been back in the Bay Area preparing for her next trip. The Russian and Ukrainian community in the Bay Area has been a keystone of the fundraising efforts, with volunteer bakers providing thousands of dollars worth of pastries for bake sales in San Francisco, raising over $10,000 for Under a Kind Roof.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11936565\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11936565 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/12-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"A long room filled with makeshift beds and cots, with personal belongings scattered about.\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1707\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/12-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/12-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/12-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/12-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/12-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/12-2048x1365.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/12-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A school hall that has been turned into a shelter for older refugees. Summer break is about to end, and these residents are being asked to relocate. \u003ccite>(Aryk Copley/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Galbo plans to continue growing \u003ca href=\"https://www.underakindroof.com/\">Under a Kind Roof\u003c/a> by expanding volunteer opportunities and financial aid. With the help of her husband and her team, she is working tirelessly to continue providing support to the nearly 40 people in her program while continuing to enroll new participants as the war continues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I want everybody to just constantly mind that the war is still on right now, more than ever. It’s wintertime. It’s blackouts,” she said. “People have no electricity, no heat, there’s bombings, and there’s no housing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11936566\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11936566 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/13-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"A youngish white man with very short brown hair, wearing a white T-shirt and shorts with the strap of a black bag across his chest, sits on a cot next to an older white woman, with short, brown hair, who wears a short-sleeved navy blue blouse and jeans. He appears to be listening intently, leaning toward her, as she rests her near hand on the bed between them, her other hand between her knees, gazing beyond him to speak.\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1707\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/13-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/13-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/13-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/13-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/13-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/13-2048x1365.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/13-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Stanislav Shoupletsov (left) listens to Tatyana Gubchenko, 66, as she becomes emotional discussing how she came to be in a shelter. Stanislav joined Under a Kind Roof after losing his close friend, an older neighbor. \u003ccite>(Aryk Copley/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11936567\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11936567 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/14-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"An older woman wearing a white, scoop-neck T-shirt, jeans, and white shoes, sits atop a peach-colored coverlet, the top of a desk looming above two pillows, in front of a row of wooden lockers.\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1707\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/14-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/14-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/14-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/14-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/14-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/14-2048x1365.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/14-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Liudmyla Ivashchenko, 64, sits on her cot at a school-turned-shelter for refugees. \u003ccite>(Aryk Copley/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11936568\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11936568 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/15-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"A group of elderly people line up in front of a woman with a laptop.\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1707\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/15-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/15-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/15-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/15-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/15-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/15-2048x1365.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/15-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Older refugees line up to offer their stories and details to Galbo so she can create profiles and her organization can try to find them more permanent shelter. \u003ccite>(Aryk Copley/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11936569\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11936569 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/20-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"An elderly woman stands in the doorway of a pink room.\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1707\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/20-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/20-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/20-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/20-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/20-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/20-2048x1365.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/20-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Liudmyla Ivashchenko, 64, is the first candidate to view this newly leased apartment. She likes it, but insists she wants her own room after having no privacy for several months. \u003ccite>(Aryk Copley/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11936570\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11936570 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/22-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"A group of women behind a table of baked goods.\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1707\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/22-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/22-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/22-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/22-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/22-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/22-2048x1365.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/22-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">From left, Yevgeniy Sverdlik, Yana Sikorskaya, Maria Galbo and Vera Boguslavskaya host a bake and crafts sale on Chestnut St. in San Francisco to raise money for Under a Kind Roof on Dec. 18, 2022. \u003ccite>(Aryk Copley/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11936571\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11936571 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/23-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"A woman hangs a Ukrainian flag out of an apartment window.\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1707\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/23-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/23-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/23-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/23-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/23-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/23-2048x1365.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/23-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Galbo hangs the Ukrainian flag from her apartment window in Albany. \u003ccite>(Aryk Copley/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11936572\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11936572 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/24-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"A husband and wife with their two children sit on a couch together.\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1707\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/24-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/24-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/24-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/24-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/24-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/24-2048x1365.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/24-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Galbo (center right) with her husband, Yevgeniy Sverdlik (left), and two children, Lev (center left) and Alex (right), at their family apartment in Albany. \u003ccite>(Aryk Copley/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11936573\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11936573 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/25-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"A woman with blue hair wearing a blue Ukraine shirt.\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1707\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/25-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/25-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/25-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/25-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/25-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/25-2048x1365.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/25-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Galbo in the courtyard outside her family apartment overlooking the Bay Area. \u003ccite>(Aryk Copley/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>The Supreme Court’s latest move allows \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2022/12/27/us/politics/title-42-border-supreme-court.html\">a short-term reprieve to an anticipated increase in asylum seekers trying to cross from Mexico\u003c/a> into California and other states, but recent confusion at the border is a preview of what may soon come should a pandemic-era measure known as Title 42 be lifted in 2023.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The situation, and its use as a political backdrop, has prompted local officials to ask what state resources will be available next year with California facing a potential budget shortfall and the possibility that Title 42 will end.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Title 42 is a Trump-era immigration policy that has continued under President Joe Biden. It allows border agents to rapidly expel migrants at official ports of entry during public health emergencies. The policy has resulted in the expulsion of tens of thousands of people seeking asylum and has discouraged many others from crossing the border.[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_11936012,news_11910789,news_11936184\"]The policy states that if the U.S. surgeon general determines there is a communicable disease in another country, \u003ca href=\"https://www.law.cornell.edu/uscode/text/42/265\">health officials have the authority, with the approval of the president, to prohibit\u003c/a> “the introduction of persons and property from such countries or places” for as long as health officials determine that action is necessary.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure had been set to lift last week by order of a federal court, which would have allowed many asylum-seekers waiting in limbo at the border to go ahead and cross into the United States. Some experts say that because smugglers in Mexico use any shift in U.S. immigration policy to exploit migrants, mere conversation about the possibility of lifting Title 42 triggered even more people to try to cross into the U.S. in recent weeks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/22pdf/22a544_n758.pdf\">Supreme Court’s brief order (PDF)\u003c/a> Tuesday stayed — meaning delayed — the trial judge’s ruling that would have lifted Title 42 until the high court hears arguments in the case in February. The political and legal ping-pong in the case is hard enough for U.S. audiences to follow, making it nearly impossible to explain south of the border.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Supreme Court’s order is a response to a request filed by 19 Republican-led states that they be heard in the case. It does not overrule the lower court’s decision that Title 42 is illegal; it merely leaves the measure in place while the legal challenges play out in court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The federal court order that was supposed to lift Title 42 came as a result of a lawsuit brought by the American Civil Liberties Union on behalf of asylum-seeking families. Asylum is a protection codified in international law for foreign nationals who meet the legal definition of “refugee.” The United Nations 1951 Convention and 1967 Protocol define refugees as people unable or unwilling to return to their home country, and who cannot obtain protection in that country, due to past persecution or a well-founded fear of being persecuted in the future “on account of race, religion, nationality, membership in a particular social group, or political opinion.” Congress incorporated this definition into U.S. immigration law in the Refugee Act of 1980.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For those stuck in Mexico because of Title 42, waiting can be perilous. Human Rights First has documented more than 13,000 attacks on asylum seekers waiting in Mexico during the Biden administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11936462\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11936462\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/122222-Title-42-Migrants-MC-CM-08-copy-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Latinx migrants of various ages from adults to children look on with concerned expressions as they stand next to white steel barriers.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/122222-Title-42-Migrants-MC-CM-08-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/122222-Title-42-Migrants-MC-CM-08-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/122222-Title-42-Migrants-MC-CM-08-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/122222-Title-42-Migrants-MC-CM-08-copy-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/122222-Title-42-Migrants-MC-CM-08-copy-1920x1280.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/122222-Title-42-Migrants-MC-CM-08-copy.jpg 2000w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Migrants wait in line while California border activists organize the group to enter the U.S. and seek asylum through the Chaparral entryway in Tijuana, Mexico on Dec. 22, 2022. \u003ccite>(Carlos A. Moreno for CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Because it takes time for news of shifts in U.S. immigration policy to reach areas in rural Mexico and Central America, the numbers of migrants arriving in Tijuana and San Diego this week in anticipation of the end of Title 42 could be elevated right now — and it may take some time before those numbers drop-off as news travels, experts said. Migration numbers typically increase through the first half of the year before dropping off in the summer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Diego County Supervisor Joel Anderson, a former Republican state senator, was among a group of political leaders who recently complained that the state and federal governments have not provided the funds local leaders have requested to handle the expected influx of asylum seekers and other migrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re not even talking about whether these are good policies or not,” he said. “But whatever the policy is, we become the targets of it. We’re willing to step up, but they have to step up, too, by giving us the resources we need to deal with it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He joined several local Republican and Democratic leaders in San Diego in urging in letters and news conferences that the state and the feds should provide more support ahead of the expected end of Title 42.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Local officials pointed to needing more funding for schools, hospitals, and police services, among other resources, if Title 42 eventually lifts. The near constant legal back-and-forth has also provided a convenient conversation starter for politicians wanting to debate larger immigration policy issues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“With the state budget projecting a $25 billion deficit, I’d like to know what the plan is for our schools and to help lift all of our students,” said Andrew Hayes, board president of the Lakeside school district in rural eastern San Diego. Hayes said increases in immigration causes strains to the local educational systems because students fleeing persecution in other countries often have increased mental health needs and sometimes require special instruction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Diego County Supervisors Nathan Fletcher and Nora Vargas, both Democrats, wrote to Alejandro Mayorkas, the U.S. homeland security secretary, on December 19, also requesting federal resources and “a comprehensive plan to ensure humane entry into the United States for those seeking asylum into our country.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When Title 42 is lifted, we will need additional resources and personnel on the ground to process and arrange for the onward travel of asylum seekers to their final destination,” they wrote. ”We will also need the federal government to set up temporary shelters on federal property to ensure access to needed social and health services. Our hospitals, our public health department, our social services, and our homeless service providers are already at maximum capacity serving vulnerable residents in San Diego.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>El Cajon not ‘the governor’s neighborhood’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Title 42 policy’s end “will likely increase” migration flows, the Department of Homeland Security officially said last week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The burden will unfairly fall on a few border cities, Anderson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’re not talking about releasing people into Sacramento or putting people in the governor’s neighborhood,” said Anderson. “No, they’re talking about releasing people right here in El Cajon, where the median household income is just over $58,000 per year.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom’s office responded that the state has done what it can to support local jurisdictions.[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Joel Anderson, supervisor, San Diego County\"]‘It is irresponsible to ask the City of El Cajon to shoulder the burden and costs necessary to address the needs of these individuals without assistance from the [state] and federal government.’[/pullquote]“While the federal government is responsible for immigration, California has invested more than any other state to ensure the safety and dignity of asylum seekers. Roughly $1 billion has been invested to provide critical services to migrants, including medical screenings, vaccinations, temporary shelter, food, clothes, and other aid. However, with looming budget deficits, the state cannot continue to fund these efforts at scale without significant support from Congress,” said Daniel Lopez, the deputy communications director for Newsom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The state has advocated for additional resources to help communities like San Diego provide services to recently arrived migrants,” Lopez added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Anderson wrote to Gov. Gavin Newsom on December 14 complaining that a plan that San Diego County officials proposed to the state was rejected. Though he declined to discuss the plan’s specifics, he said it included opening a temporary emergency shelter, providing food, clothing, healthcare and wrap-around services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is irresponsible to ask the City of El Cajon to shoulder the burden and costs necessary to address the needs of these individuals without assistance from the State and federal government,” wrote Anderson in the letter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For his part, Newsom has been complaining of a lack of federal support for asylum seekers and immigrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom said earlier this month that, because of the federal government’s lackluster support, the state has had to spend nearly $1 billion in the last three years, working with nonprofits to provide immigrants released from federal detention with health screenings, temporary shelter and help connecting with sponsors. The immigrants had been held at nine facilities in Imperial, San Diego and Riverside counties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“With the respect to the federal government, we’ve been doing their job for the last few years at scale,” Newsom said. “But we cannot continue to absorb that responsibility.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state Legislative Analyst’s Office recently said in its annual forecast that Newsom and the Democratic Party-controlled Legislature are facing a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2022/12/california-budget-deficit-safety-net/\">$24 billion projected budget deficit\u003c/a> for the next fiscal year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the state enters a recession the outlook is even worse, with revenues predicted to fall short by $30 billion to $50 billion. The governor signed a record-breaking \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2022/06/california-budget-deal-2/\">$308 billion budget\u003c/a> in June.[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Gov. Gavin Newsom\"]‘With the respect to the federal government, we’ve been doing their job for the last few years at scale. But we cannot continue to absorb that responsibility.’[/pullquote]Advocates say that while migrants sometimes require services when they first enter the country, research shows they ultimately contribute to the larger economy. In California undocumented immigrants collectively pay $3.1 billion a year in state and local taxes, according to the \u003ca href=\"https://itep.sfo2.digitaloceanspaces.com/ITEP-2017-Undocumented-Immigrants-State-and-Local-Contributions.pdf\">Institute on Taxation and Economic Policy (PDF)\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, some migrants in Mexico last week expressed disappointment, concern and confusion about the delay in lifting Title 42.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several people said they had left shelters with the expectation that the order would be released last week and now they had no place to go.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, the scene outside El Chaparral, a pedestrian border crossing between San Ysidro and Tijuana that has been closed since the pandemic began, looked far different than images coming out of Texas. There, members of the National Guard, armed with rifles, have put up razor wire and are blocking migrants from entering the United States.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Waiting patiently, but getting desperate\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Here in Baja California, just south of San Diego, migrants wearing masks stood patiently in lines last week waiting for services or to receive news about any policy changes that may impact their ability to cross the border. The flow of people in the area was orderly, mirroring any other normal mid-week day during the lunch hour.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A migrant from Michoacán said being out on the streets in Tijuana was extremely uncomfortable for his wife, who has been diagnosed with a brain tumor. He asked not to be named because people in Tijuana were looking for him, putting him in danger.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We haven’t been able to receive any help from anywhere,” he said. “We’re getting desperate.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Anderson said that the county was willing to welcome asylum seekers “with open arms,” but it needs more funds to do it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Even if it’s only 10 more people coming in, that’s 10 people too many without additional funding because we already have so many people living on our streets needing services,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11936463\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11936463\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/122222-Title-42-Migrants-MC-CM-05-copy-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"A migrant mother with her baby in her arms and her daughter by her side sit among other asylum seekers in a crowded room with iron bars on windows.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/122222-Title-42-Migrants-MC-CM-05-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/122222-Title-42-Migrants-MC-CM-05-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/122222-Title-42-Migrants-MC-CM-05-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/122222-Title-42-Migrants-MC-CM-05-copy-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/122222-Title-42-Migrants-MC-CM-05-copy.jpg 1568w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Migrants line up to get health services near the free non-profit clinic in Tijuana, Mexico on Dec. 22, 2022. \u003ccite>(Carlos A. Moreno/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Newsom toured a state-funded migrant center that provides services to asylum seekers near the Imperial County border with Mexico on December 12. There the governor criticized Republicans in Congress for politicizing immigration while failing to support comprehensive reforms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Department of Homeland Security said it plans to boost resources at the border, “increasing processing efficiency, imposing consequences for unlawful entry, bolstering nonprofit capacity, targeting smugglers and working with international partners,” a DHS spokesperson said Thursday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If Title 42 is ultimately lifted, the process for processing migrants at the border would return to the way it was before the start of the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Asylum seekers who don’t have prior permission to be in the country would have to pass what’s called a “credible fear” test. They would have to prove to a processing agent or asylum officer that they have a well-founded fear that if they are deported home, they would face persecution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After that test, migrants would either be removed from the country, detained in immigration custody or released into the U.S. to wait while their asylum cases make their way through immigration court — a \u003ca href=\"https://trac.syr.edu/immigration/reports/672/\">process that can take years\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "With a projected budget deficit of $24 billion for the next fiscal year and a possible recession, California has yet to figure out how to meet the needs of an influx of migrants when Title 42 ends.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The Supreme Court’s latest move allows \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2022/12/27/us/politics/title-42-border-supreme-court.html\">a short-term reprieve to an anticipated increase in asylum seekers trying to cross from Mexico\u003c/a> into California and other states, but recent confusion at the border is a preview of what may soon come should a pandemic-era measure known as Title 42 be lifted in 2023.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The situation, and its use as a political backdrop, has prompted local officials to ask what state resources will be available next year with California facing a potential budget shortfall and the possibility that Title 42 will end.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Title 42 is a Trump-era immigration policy that has continued under President Joe Biden. It allows border agents to rapidly expel migrants at official ports of entry during public health emergencies. The policy has resulted in the expulsion of tens of thousands of people seeking asylum and has discouraged many others from crossing the border.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The policy states that if the U.S. surgeon general determines there is a communicable disease in another country, \u003ca href=\"https://www.law.cornell.edu/uscode/text/42/265\">health officials have the authority, with the approval of the president, to prohibit\u003c/a> “the introduction of persons and property from such countries or places” for as long as health officials determine that action is necessary.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure had been set to lift last week by order of a federal court, which would have allowed many asylum-seekers waiting in limbo at the border to go ahead and cross into the United States. Some experts say that because smugglers in Mexico use any shift in U.S. immigration policy to exploit migrants, mere conversation about the possibility of lifting Title 42 triggered even more people to try to cross into the U.S. in recent weeks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/22pdf/22a544_n758.pdf\">Supreme Court’s brief order (PDF)\u003c/a> Tuesday stayed — meaning delayed — the trial judge’s ruling that would have lifted Title 42 until the high court hears arguments in the case in February. The political and legal ping-pong in the case is hard enough for U.S. audiences to follow, making it nearly impossible to explain south of the border.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Supreme Court’s order is a response to a request filed by 19 Republican-led states that they be heard in the case. It does not overrule the lower court’s decision that Title 42 is illegal; it merely leaves the measure in place while the legal challenges play out in court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The federal court order that was supposed to lift Title 42 came as a result of a lawsuit brought by the American Civil Liberties Union on behalf of asylum-seeking families. Asylum is a protection codified in international law for foreign nationals who meet the legal definition of “refugee.” The United Nations 1951 Convention and 1967 Protocol define refugees as people unable or unwilling to return to their home country, and who cannot obtain protection in that country, due to past persecution or a well-founded fear of being persecuted in the future “on account of race, religion, nationality, membership in a particular social group, or political opinion.” Congress incorporated this definition into U.S. immigration law in the Refugee Act of 1980.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For those stuck in Mexico because of Title 42, waiting can be perilous. Human Rights First has documented more than 13,000 attacks on asylum seekers waiting in Mexico during the Biden administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11936462\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11936462\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/122222-Title-42-Migrants-MC-CM-08-copy-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Latinx migrants of various ages from adults to children look on with concerned expressions as they stand next to white steel barriers.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/122222-Title-42-Migrants-MC-CM-08-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/122222-Title-42-Migrants-MC-CM-08-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/122222-Title-42-Migrants-MC-CM-08-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/122222-Title-42-Migrants-MC-CM-08-copy-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/122222-Title-42-Migrants-MC-CM-08-copy-1920x1280.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/122222-Title-42-Migrants-MC-CM-08-copy.jpg 2000w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Migrants wait in line while California border activists organize the group to enter the U.S. and seek asylum through the Chaparral entryway in Tijuana, Mexico on Dec. 22, 2022. \u003ccite>(Carlos A. Moreno for CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Because it takes time for news of shifts in U.S. immigration policy to reach areas in rural Mexico and Central America, the numbers of migrants arriving in Tijuana and San Diego this week in anticipation of the end of Title 42 could be elevated right now — and it may take some time before those numbers drop-off as news travels, experts said. Migration numbers typically increase through the first half of the year before dropping off in the summer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Diego County Supervisor Joel Anderson, a former Republican state senator, was among a group of political leaders who recently complained that the state and federal governments have not provided the funds local leaders have requested to handle the expected influx of asylum seekers and other migrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re not even talking about whether these are good policies or not,” he said. “But whatever the policy is, we become the targets of it. We’re willing to step up, but they have to step up, too, by giving us the resources we need to deal with it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He joined several local Republican and Democratic leaders in San Diego in urging in letters and news conferences that the state and the feds should provide more support ahead of the expected end of Title 42.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Local officials pointed to needing more funding for schools, hospitals, and police services, among other resources, if Title 42 eventually lifts. The near constant legal back-and-forth has also provided a convenient conversation starter for politicians wanting to debate larger immigration policy issues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“With the state budget projecting a $25 billion deficit, I’d like to know what the plan is for our schools and to help lift all of our students,” said Andrew Hayes, board president of the Lakeside school district in rural eastern San Diego. Hayes said increases in immigration causes strains to the local educational systems because students fleeing persecution in other countries often have increased mental health needs and sometimes require special instruction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Diego County Supervisors Nathan Fletcher and Nora Vargas, both Democrats, wrote to Alejandro Mayorkas, the U.S. homeland security secretary, on December 19, also requesting federal resources and “a comprehensive plan to ensure humane entry into the United States for those seeking asylum into our country.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When Title 42 is lifted, we will need additional resources and personnel on the ground to process and arrange for the onward travel of asylum seekers to their final destination,” they wrote. ”We will also need the federal government to set up temporary shelters on federal property to ensure access to needed social and health services. Our hospitals, our public health department, our social services, and our homeless service providers are already at maximum capacity serving vulnerable residents in San Diego.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>El Cajon not ‘the governor’s neighborhood’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Title 42 policy’s end “will likely increase” migration flows, the Department of Homeland Security officially said last week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The burden will unfairly fall on a few border cities, Anderson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’re not talking about releasing people into Sacramento or putting people in the governor’s neighborhood,” said Anderson. “No, they’re talking about releasing people right here in El Cajon, where the median household income is just over $58,000 per year.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom’s office responded that the state has done what it can to support local jurisdictions.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘It is irresponsible to ask the City of El Cajon to shoulder the burden and costs necessary to address the needs of these individuals without assistance from the [state] and federal government.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“While the federal government is responsible for immigration, California has invested more than any other state to ensure the safety and dignity of asylum seekers. Roughly $1 billion has been invested to provide critical services to migrants, including medical screenings, vaccinations, temporary shelter, food, clothes, and other aid. However, with looming budget deficits, the state cannot continue to fund these efforts at scale without significant support from Congress,” said Daniel Lopez, the deputy communications director for Newsom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The state has advocated for additional resources to help communities like San Diego provide services to recently arrived migrants,” Lopez added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Anderson wrote to Gov. Gavin Newsom on December 14 complaining that a plan that San Diego County officials proposed to the state was rejected. Though he declined to discuss the plan’s specifics, he said it included opening a temporary emergency shelter, providing food, clothing, healthcare and wrap-around services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is irresponsible to ask the City of El Cajon to shoulder the burden and costs necessary to address the needs of these individuals without assistance from the State and federal government,” wrote Anderson in the letter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For his part, Newsom has been complaining of a lack of federal support for asylum seekers and immigrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom said earlier this month that, because of the federal government’s lackluster support, the state has had to spend nearly $1 billion in the last three years, working with nonprofits to provide immigrants released from federal detention with health screenings, temporary shelter and help connecting with sponsors. The immigrants had been held at nine facilities in Imperial, San Diego and Riverside counties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“With the respect to the federal government, we’ve been doing their job for the last few years at scale,” Newsom said. “But we cannot continue to absorb that responsibility.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state Legislative Analyst’s Office recently said in its annual forecast that Newsom and the Democratic Party-controlled Legislature are facing a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2022/12/california-budget-deficit-safety-net/\">$24 billion projected budget deficit\u003c/a> for the next fiscal year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the state enters a recession the outlook is even worse, with revenues predicted to fall short by $30 billion to $50 billion. The governor signed a record-breaking \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2022/06/california-budget-deal-2/\">$308 billion budget\u003c/a> in June.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Advocates say that while migrants sometimes require services when they first enter the country, research shows they ultimately contribute to the larger economy. In California undocumented immigrants collectively pay $3.1 billion a year in state and local taxes, according to the \u003ca href=\"https://itep.sfo2.digitaloceanspaces.com/ITEP-2017-Undocumented-Immigrants-State-and-Local-Contributions.pdf\">Institute on Taxation and Economic Policy (PDF)\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, some migrants in Mexico last week expressed disappointment, concern and confusion about the delay in lifting Title 42.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several people said they had left shelters with the expectation that the order would be released last week and now they had no place to go.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, the scene outside El Chaparral, a pedestrian border crossing between San Ysidro and Tijuana that has been closed since the pandemic began, looked far different than images coming out of Texas. There, members of the National Guard, armed with rifles, have put up razor wire and are blocking migrants from entering the United States.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Waiting patiently, but getting desperate\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Here in Baja California, just south of San Diego, migrants wearing masks stood patiently in lines last week waiting for services or to receive news about any policy changes that may impact their ability to cross the border. The flow of people in the area was orderly, mirroring any other normal mid-week day during the lunch hour.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A migrant from Michoacán said being out on the streets in Tijuana was extremely uncomfortable for his wife, who has been diagnosed with a brain tumor. He asked not to be named because people in Tijuana were looking for him, putting him in danger.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We haven’t been able to receive any help from anywhere,” he said. “We’re getting desperate.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Anderson said that the county was willing to welcome asylum seekers “with open arms,” but it needs more funds to do it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Even if it’s only 10 more people coming in, that’s 10 people too many without additional funding because we already have so many people living on our streets needing services,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11936463\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11936463\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/122222-Title-42-Migrants-MC-CM-05-copy-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"A migrant mother with her baby in her arms and her daughter by her side sit among other asylum seekers in a crowded room with iron bars on windows.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/122222-Title-42-Migrants-MC-CM-05-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/122222-Title-42-Migrants-MC-CM-05-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/122222-Title-42-Migrants-MC-CM-05-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/122222-Title-42-Migrants-MC-CM-05-copy-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/122222-Title-42-Migrants-MC-CM-05-copy.jpg 1568w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Migrants line up to get health services near the free non-profit clinic in Tijuana, Mexico on Dec. 22, 2022. \u003ccite>(Carlos A. Moreno/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Newsom toured a state-funded migrant center that provides services to asylum seekers near the Imperial County border with Mexico on December 12. There the governor criticized Republicans in Congress for politicizing immigration while failing to support comprehensive reforms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Department of Homeland Security said it plans to boost resources at the border, “increasing processing efficiency, imposing consequences for unlawful entry, bolstering nonprofit capacity, targeting smugglers and working with international partners,” a DHS spokesperson said Thursday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If Title 42 is ultimately lifted, the process for processing migrants at the border would return to the way it was before the start of the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Asylum seekers who don’t have prior permission to be in the country would have to pass what’s called a “credible fear” test. They would have to prove to a processing agent or asylum officer that they have a well-founded fear that if they are deported home, they would face persecution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After that test, migrants would either be removed from the country, detained in immigration custody or released into the U.S. to wait while their asylum cases make their way through immigration court — a \u003ca href=\"https://trac.syr.edu/immigration/reports/672/\">process that can take years\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Show up at a border crossing with Mexico and ask a U.S. official for asylum? Sign up online? Go to a U.S. embassy or consulate?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Biden administration has been conspicuously silent about how migrants should enter the United States when Trump-era asylum limits end, fueling rumors, confusion and doubts about the government’s readiness despite more than two years to prepare.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I absolutely wish that we had more information to share with folks,” said Kate Clark, senior director for immigration services at Jewish Family Service of San Diego, which has facilitated travel within the United States for more than 110,000 migrants released from custody since October 2018.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Migrants have been denied rights to seek asylum under U.S. and international law 2.5 million times since March 2020 on grounds of preventing COVID-19 under a public-health rule that was scheduled to expire Wednesday until U.S. Supreme Court Chief Justice John Roberts ordered a temporary hold. Title 42 has been applied disproportionately to those from countries that Mexico agrees to take back: Guatemala, Honduras, El Salvador and more recently Venezuela, in addition to Mexico. People from those countries are expected to drive an anticipated increase in asylum claims once the rule is lifted.[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Nicolas Palazzo, attorney, Las Americas Immigrant Advocacy Center\"]‘ … [S]omeone applying for admission on CBP One is going to be given a date that is like a year out. Realistically, can they tell me with a straight face that they expect people to wait that long?’[/pullquote]Many expect the government to use CBP One, an online platform for appointment registration that was introduced in 2020. The U.S. Customs and Border Protection mobile app has had limited use for people applying for travel permits and for those tracking U.S. immigration court hearings under the now-defunct “Remain in Mexico” policy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s expected that migrants using the app would make appointments to seek asylum in the United States, but would have to remain outside the country until their slotted time and date.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CBP One, which some advocacy groups oppose over data privacy concerns, may be impractical for migrants without internet access or language skills. The agency also must get the word out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nicolas Palazzo, an attorney with Las Americas Immigrant Advocacy Center in El Paso, Texas, said he worries scammers will charge migrants to sign them up and that CBP’s limited processing capacity will result in intolerable waits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Unless they plan to ramp that up significantly, someone applying for admission on CBP One is going to be given a date that is like a year out,” Palazzo said. “Realistically, can they tell me with a straight face that they expect people to wait that long?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mohamad Reza Taran, 56, left Iran on Nov. 26 after converting to Christianity and flew to Tijuana, Mexico, where U.S. border inspectors at a San Diego crossing turned him away when he asked for asylum.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The computer technician planned to wait to see whether he would get in immediately after Title 42 is lifted and, if not, said he would cross the border illegally, perhaps by climbing the border wall in San Diego or walking across flat desert in Yuma, Arizona. He has family in Los Angeles and sees the United States as his only option.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I have nothing here,” Taran said in an interview outside a church in Tijuana, where he was searching for people who could instruct him on U.S. policies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. Rep. Henry Cuellar, a Texas Democrat, said CBP officials told him last week that they hoped, to the greatest possible extent, to funnel asylum-seekers through official crossings and turn back to Mexico anyone who crosses the border illegally. Doing so would likely be challenged in court because asylum law says people who enter illegally are entitled to seek protection.[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_11918517,news_11910789,news_11909334\"]No one disputes that the Border Patrol is woefully ill-equipped for processing — even while Title 42 kept a lid on numbers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Border Patrol paroled nearly 450,000 migrants in the United States through October — including 68,837 in October and 95,191 in September — sparing its agents the time-consuming work of issuing orders to appear in immigration court. According to a Government Accountability Office report, it typically takes at least two hours to prepare a court case, compared to a half-hour to release someone on parole.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Migrants paroled by Border Patrol agents are allowed to move freely within the United States and told to report to U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement offices at their final destinations, typically in two months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The GAO report, released in September, details how the processing work dumped on ICE has hamstrung employees. As of March, ICE scheduled 15,100 appointments for families to complete processing as far out as March 2024. One ICE office reported up to 500 people a day showing up in person, most without appointments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After families get a court appearance, they contend with a court system that is backlogged by more than 2 million cases, resulting in waits of several years for judges to reach decisions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Waiting two years just to get on the court docket reflects a “totally collapsed” system, said Theresa Cardinal Brown, managing director of immigration and cross-border policy for the Bipartisan Policy Center.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Online registration using CBP One would be “antithetical to the whole concept of asylum” because it could force people to wait in unsafe places, said Melissa Crow, litigation director for the Center for Gender and Refugee Studies at the University of California Hastings College of the Law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Crow and others believe CBP could process far more people than they have been.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this year, the agency processed up to about 1,000 Ukrainians a day at San Diego’s San Ysidro border crossing, about three times its custody capacity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since the pandemic, migrants released in San Diego have been housed in motels until leaving, usually on a flight to family and friends east of the Mississippi River, Clark said. To prepare for the end of Title 42, Jewish Family Service opened a building for families to snack, watch television and play in a courtyard after they book travel, freeing up motel rooms for new arrivals. Clark likens it to an “airport lounge.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CBP has been releasing more migrants to Jewish Family Service through exemptions to the asylum limits — about 200 to 250 a day, Clark said. Others are housed by the Catholic Charities Diocese of San Diego.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a day we’ve been working toward for some time,” Clark said Monday, having heard nothing from CBP about how migrants will be processed after asylum limits end. She anticipates more releases but doesn’t know how many.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Show up at a border crossing with Mexico and ask a U.S. official for asylum? Sign up online? Go to a U.S. embassy or consulate?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Biden administration has been conspicuously silent about how migrants should enter the United States when Trump-era asylum limits end, fueling rumors, confusion and doubts about the government’s readiness despite more than two years to prepare.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I absolutely wish that we had more information to share with folks,” said Kate Clark, senior director for immigration services at Jewish Family Service of San Diego, which has facilitated travel within the United States for more than 110,000 migrants released from custody since October 2018.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Migrants have been denied rights to seek asylum under U.S. and international law 2.5 million times since March 2020 on grounds of preventing COVID-19 under a public-health rule that was scheduled to expire Wednesday until U.S. Supreme Court Chief Justice John Roberts ordered a temporary hold. Title 42 has been applied disproportionately to those from countries that Mexico agrees to take back: Guatemala, Honduras, El Salvador and more recently Venezuela, in addition to Mexico. People from those countries are expected to drive an anticipated increase in asylum claims once the rule is lifted.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Many expect the government to use CBP One, an online platform for appointment registration that was introduced in 2020. The U.S. Customs and Border Protection mobile app has had limited use for people applying for travel permits and for those tracking U.S. immigration court hearings under the now-defunct “Remain in Mexico” policy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s expected that migrants using the app would make appointments to seek asylum in the United States, but would have to remain outside the country until their slotted time and date.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CBP One, which some advocacy groups oppose over data privacy concerns, may be impractical for migrants without internet access or language skills. The agency also must get the word out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nicolas Palazzo, an attorney with Las Americas Immigrant Advocacy Center in El Paso, Texas, said he worries scammers will charge migrants to sign them up and that CBP’s limited processing capacity will result in intolerable waits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Unless they plan to ramp that up significantly, someone applying for admission on CBP One is going to be given a date that is like a year out,” Palazzo said. “Realistically, can they tell me with a straight face that they expect people to wait that long?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mohamad Reza Taran, 56, left Iran on Nov. 26 after converting to Christianity and flew to Tijuana, Mexico, where U.S. border inspectors at a San Diego crossing turned him away when he asked for asylum.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The computer technician planned to wait to see whether he would get in immediately after Title 42 is lifted and, if not, said he would cross the border illegally, perhaps by climbing the border wall in San Diego or walking across flat desert in Yuma, Arizona. He has family in Los Angeles and sees the United States as his only option.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I have nothing here,” Taran said in an interview outside a church in Tijuana, where he was searching for people who could instruct him on U.S. policies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. Rep. Henry Cuellar, a Texas Democrat, said CBP officials told him last week that they hoped, to the greatest possible extent, to funnel asylum-seekers through official crossings and turn back to Mexico anyone who crosses the border illegally. Doing so would likely be challenged in court because asylum law says people who enter illegally are entitled to seek protection.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>No one disputes that the Border Patrol is woefully ill-equipped for processing — even while Title 42 kept a lid on numbers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Border Patrol paroled nearly 450,000 migrants in the United States through October — including 68,837 in October and 95,191 in September — sparing its agents the time-consuming work of issuing orders to appear in immigration court. According to a Government Accountability Office report, it typically takes at least two hours to prepare a court case, compared to a half-hour to release someone on parole.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Migrants paroled by Border Patrol agents are allowed to move freely within the United States and told to report to U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement offices at their final destinations, typically in two months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The GAO report, released in September, details how the processing work dumped on ICE has hamstrung employees. As of March, ICE scheduled 15,100 appointments for families to complete processing as far out as March 2024. One ICE office reported up to 500 people a day showing up in person, most without appointments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After families get a court appearance, they contend with a court system that is backlogged by more than 2 million cases, resulting in waits of several years for judges to reach decisions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Waiting two years just to get on the court docket reflects a “totally collapsed” system, said Theresa Cardinal Brown, managing director of immigration and cross-border policy for the Bipartisan Policy Center.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Online registration using CBP One would be “antithetical to the whole concept of asylum” because it could force people to wait in unsafe places, said Melissa Crow, litigation director for the Center for Gender and Refugee Studies at the University of California Hastings College of the Law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Crow and others believe CBP could process far more people than they have been.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this year, the agency processed up to about 1,000 Ukrainians a day at San Diego’s San Ysidro border crossing, about three times its custody capacity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since the pandemic, migrants released in San Diego have been housed in motels until leaving, usually on a flight to family and friends east of the Mississippi River, Clark said. To prepare for the end of Title 42, Jewish Family Service opened a building for families to snack, watch television and play in a courtyard after they book travel, freeing up motel rooms for new arrivals. Clark likens it to an “airport lounge.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CBP has been releasing more migrants to Jewish Family Service through exemptions to the asylum limits — about 200 to 250 a day, Clark said. Others are housed by the Catholic Charities Diocese of San Diego.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a day we’ve been working toward for some time,” Clark said Monday, having heard nothing from CBP about how migrants will be processed after asylum limits end. She anticipates more releases but doesn’t know how many.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cb>Mayor Libby Schaaf\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">After eight years at the head of Oakland’s city government,\u003c/span>\u003cb> Mayor Libby Schaaf\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">‘s tenure is coming to an end. With over two decades of experience in East Bay politics, what has she learned about Oakland? Schaaf joins us in the studio for some \u003c/span>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">town business\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Fusion Ignition\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">On Tuesday, the U.S. Department of Energy announced that the Lawrence Livermore National Lab had achieved nuclear fusion ignition. We take a look at the scientific breakthrough that could someday revolutionize energy systems around the globe. Is it the key to solving climate change? We discuss the initial findings with San Jose Mercury News science and research reporter\u003c/span>\u003cb> Lisa Krieger\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Something Beautiful: 2022: A Year in Photos\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">We look back at the incredible work of KQED photographer Beth LaBerge and her team for this week’s Something Beautiful.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cb>Mayor Libby Schaaf\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">After eight years at the head of Oakland’s city government,\u003c/span>\u003cb> Mayor Libby Schaaf\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">‘s tenure is coming to an end. With over two decades of experience in East Bay politics, what has she learned about Oakland? Schaaf joins us in the studio for some \u003c/span>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">town business\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Fusion Ignition\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">On Tuesday, the U.S. Department of Energy announced that the Lawrence Livermore National Lab had achieved nuclear fusion ignition. We take a look at the scientific breakthrough that could someday revolutionize energy systems around the globe. Is it the key to solving climate change? We discuss the initial findings with San Jose Mercury News science and research reporter\u003c/span>\u003cb> Lisa Krieger\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "gift-el-programa-de-san-francisco-que-otorgara-1200-al-mes-a-personas-transgenero",
"title": "'GIFT', el programa de San Francisco que otorgará $1,200 al mes a personas transgénero",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11934613/gift-is-san-franciscos-guaranteed-income-program-for-transgender-people-heres-how-to-apply\">\u003cem>Read in English\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>El programa \u003ca href=\"https://www.giftincome.org/es/apply\">GIFT de San Francisco proporcionará a 55 personas trans que viven en la ciudad $1,200 dólares al mes\u003c/a> durante un máximo de 18 meses, y la fecha límite para solicitarlo se acerca rápidamente.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>GIFT (por sus siglas en inglés), que significa Ingresos Garantizados para Personas Transgénero, \u003ca href=\"https://www.giftincome.org/es/faq\">es el primer programa de ingresos garantizados del Área de la Bahía que se centra exclusivamente en atender a las personas trans\u003c/a>. Este fue creado por la ciudad en colaboración con el centro comunitario de salud Lyon-Martin, el cual proporciona atención médica a las personas trans, no binarias e intersexuales, junto con las mujeres cisgénero que forman parte de la comunidad LGBTQA+, y el Distrito Transgénero de San Francisco, que trabaja para empoderar y visibilizar a las personas trans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>La fecha límite para \u003ca href=\"https://www.giftincome.org/es/apply\">solicitar GIFT\u003c/a> es el jueves 15 de diciembre. La aplicación de GIFT \u003ca href=\"https://www.giftincome.org/apply\">ya está disponible en línea\u003c/a> y en la misma página, puedes subir todos los documentos requeridos. \u003ca href=\"https://www.giftincome.org/es/apply\">El sitio de GIFT también está disponible en español\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.giftincome.org/es/faq\">El sitio de GIFT incluye una sección de preguntas frecuentes\u003c/a>, y también hemos creado esta guía para responder a preguntas adicionales que el público ha hecho a KQED sobre el programa.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ir a:\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#GIFT\">\u003cstrong>¿Quién puede solicitar la ayuda GIFT?\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#impuestos\">\u003cstrong>¿Cómo funciona GIFT con mis impuestos o con otras prestaciones que esté recibiendo?\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#vivienda\">\u003cstrong>¿Cómo puedo demostrar que vivo en San Francisco si mi situación de vivienda es complicada?\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#encuestas\">\u003cstrong>¿Qué son las encuestas que los participantes tienen que hacer cada tres meses?\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#puedo\">\u003cstrong>¿Dónde puedo hablar con alguien que me ayude a solicitar GIFT?\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003ch3>¿Qué es GIFT y para qué sirve el programa?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>El programa GIFT ofrecerá a 55 personas trans de San Francisco $1,200 dólares al mes durante 18 meses, desde enero de 2023 hasta junio de 2024. Los fondos se entregarán a los participantes a través de una tarjeta Visa de débito que el programa recargará con la misma cantidad cada mes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Aubrey Davis, asociada ejecutiva del Distrito Transgénero, señala que muchas personas trans de San Francisco siguen teniendo dificultades para hacer alcanzar el dinero debido a la situación económica, pero también a causa de la intolerancia y discriminación.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dice que algunas personas trans también se enfrentan a la falta de hogar y a la inseguridad de la vivienda después de haber sido expulsadas por la familia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Este programa propone mejorar este tipo de situación, hacer posible que las personas puedan mantenerse a sí mismas, que tengan un poco más de tranquilidad con sus finanzas”, dijo Davis. Añadió que no es fácil vivir en una de las ciudades más caras del país y la ayuda económica que ofrecería GIFT sería como una especie de salvavidas para cubrir algunos gastos esenciales.\u003cbr>\n[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003ca id=\"GIFT\">\u003c/a>¿Quién puede aplicar a GIFT?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Para poder solicitar GIFT, debe:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Tener 18 años o más\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>No percibir ingresos superiores a $600 dólares al mes\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Vivir en la ciudad de San Francisco\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Hablar con los organizadores de GIFT cada tres meses durante el programa para llenar una encuesta\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Debe de completar y entregar su solicitud \u003cstrong>antes de la fecha límite del 15 de diciembre\u003c/strong>. Recuerde que sólo se seleccionarán 55 beneficiarios para este programa piloto.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dado que la financiación procede de la ciudad de San Francisco, sólo los residentes de San Francisco podrán participar en el programa, y aquellos participantes inscritos si abandonan la ciudad también tendrán que abandonar el programa GIFT.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003ca id=\"impuestos\">\u003c/a>¿Cómo incluyo GIFT en mis impuestos o en otras prestaciones que esté recibiendo?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Tendrá que declarar a la Oficina de Impuestos sobre la Renta (IRS, por sus siglas en inglés) lo que ha recibido de GIFT cuando presente sus impuestos del 2023 en el 2024.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Otros organismos públicos, como la Administración del Seguro Social, también considerarán el GIFT como un ingreso, lo que podría afectar a otras prestaciones, como la Seguridad de Ingreso Suplementario (SSI por sus siglas en inglés).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A veces se tarda décadas en conseguir la SSI y cuando por fin se recibe, sólo se puede ganar hasta cierto punto”, dijo Samuel Favela, asociado del programa en el Distrito Transgénero. El SSI y otros programas de ayuda del gobierno, como CalFresh, tienen estrictos límites de ingresos. Favela señala la posibilidad de que alguien pueda perder estas prestaciones si supera el límite de ingresos al recibir los fondos de GIFT.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Si es elegido para participar en GIFT y también recibe prestaciones estatales como CalFresh o CalWorks, Favela recomienda notificar a ese organismo de la existencia de GIFT antes de empezar a recibir dinero. “Si no lo comunica, le pasarán factura al final del programa”, dice Favela.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sin embargo, Favela afirma que el equipo del Distrito Transexual se compromete a ayudar a la gente en estas situaciones delicadas, ya que la organización cree que alguien no debería tener que elegir entre dos salvavidas cuando se trata de sobrevivir.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Hay exenciones a las que pueden acogerse y vamos a trabajar con ellos en eso también”, dijo Favela.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pero lo más importante que puede hacer si recibe prestaciones del gobierno y está avanzando en el proceso de solicitud de GIFT es ser lo más transparente posible, tanto con los organizadores de GIFT, como con los organismos gubernamentales. “Su trabajador social es probablemente la mejor persona con la que debe ponerse en contacto, y quien también puede ponerse en contacto con nosotros”, añadió Favela.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Trabajo de manera informal. ¿Qué puedo hacer para demostrar mis ingresos?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>En la página web de GIFT puede \u003ca href=\"https://www.giftincome.org/es/apply\">cargar diversos documentos para acompañar su solicitud\u003c/a> y comprobar sus ingresos. Puede incluir formularios W-2, talones de pago o incluso extractos bancarios. Las personas que sólo reciben ingresos del SSI o del SSDI pueden compartir las cartas que reciben de la Administración del Seguro Social confirmando que reciben estas prestaciones. También se aceptan las cartas de ayuda financiera de universidades o escuelas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pero si trabaja de manera informal y no dispone de documentación que acredite sus ingresos, puede presentar una carta de autocertificación. Este \u003ca href=\"https://www.giftincome.org/_files/ugd/40a234_33ab30018f9c4a53bc75aee82f583dcb.pdf\">formulario de declaración de ingresos está disponible en PDF\u003c/a> en el sitio web de GIFT, junto con otros documentos para descargar y utilizar, y le permite compartir cuántos ingresos tiene al mes, cuántas personas viven con usted y por qué no puede aportar pruebas de sus ingresos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Confiamos en que la gente nos facilite la información correcta y tenga buenas intenciones”, explica Favela, quien añade que son muy comprensivos con el hecho de que la gente tenga muchas formas distintas de ganarse la visa. “Así que si quieren hacernos saber que son trabajadores sexuales, y esto es lo que ganan al mes, sólo tienen que escribir un correo electrónico y llenar esa sección de esa manera”, dijo Favela.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11934956\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11934956\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/HAND-ON-LAPTOP-ON-DESK-NEXT-TO-WINDOW-HERE.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/HAND-ON-LAPTOP-ON-DESK-NEXT-TO-WINDOW-HERE.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/HAND-ON-LAPTOP-ON-DESK-NEXT-TO-WINDOW-HERE-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/HAND-ON-LAPTOP-ON-DESK-NEXT-TO-WINDOW-HERE-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/HAND-ON-LAPTOP-ON-DESK-NEXT-TO-WINDOW-HERE-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/HAND-ON-LAPTOP-ON-DESK-NEXT-TO-WINDOW-HERE-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">En el sitio web de GIFT, puede subir una serie de documentos para acompañar su solicitud y comprobar cuánto gana. \u003ccite>(Cottonbro/Pexels)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>\u003ca id=\"vivienda\">\u003c/a>Mi situación de vivienda es complicada, o estoy entre dos alojamientos en este momento. ¿Cómo puedo demostrar que vivo en San Francisco?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Al igual que para verificar sus ingresos, hay muchas formas de confirmar que vive actualmente en San Francisco. Si no tiene ningún recibo de PG&E o de una compañía telefónica que incluya su nombre y dirección actual, puede pedir a un trabajador social o proveedor de atención sanitaria o agencia con la que esté trabajando, que escriba una carta que confirme que vive en la ciudad.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Si se aloja en un albergue, puede solicitar una carta de verificación a la gerencia del albergue. Pero si eso tampoco es una opción, puede llenar otro \u003ca href=\"https://www.giftincome.org/_files/ugd/40a234_e495477cb1df47319fab57e3b20f314e.pdf\">formulario de autocertificación de residencia (PDF) disponible en el sitio web de GIFT\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>En el formulario de declaración de residencia, tendrá que confirmar que actualmente no tiene vivienda y que no hay ningún organismo u organización que pueda facilitarle una carta que confirme su situación de alojamiento. Una vez completado, \u003ca href=\"https://www.giftincome.org/es/apply\">puede subirlo al portal en línea con el resto de sus documentos\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003ca id=\"encuestas\">\u003c/a>¿Qué hay de esas encuestas de seguimiento que los participantes en GIFT tienen que hacer cada tres meses?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Aubrey Davis, asociada ejecutiva del Distrito Transgénero, confirma que el objetivo de estos controles es saber cómo les va a la gente desde que inició el programa. “No estamos vigilando cómo gastan el dinero”, afirma Davis. “Pero nos gustaría saber cómo está mejorando su vida”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>La clínica Lyon-Martin y el Distrito Transgénero participarán en estos seguimientos, los cuales también verán si han cambiado las rutinas diarias y las responsabilidades de los participantes. Por ejemplo, explica Davis, “¿Están recibiendo la atención de salud mental que necesitan? ¿Pueden pagar la comida? ¿Pueden pagar el seguro? ¿Pueden acudir a las citas con el médico o conseguir recetas médicas?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>En estas conversaciones, si un participante dice que necesita servicios de atención de salud, se le puede poner en contacto con los Servicios Comunitarios de Salud Lyon-Martin para que reciba tratamiento. Algunos de estos datos también se compartirán con la Oficina de Iniciativas Transgénero del Ayuntamiento. Sin embargo, el equipo del Distrito Transgénero aclaró que estos datos se utilizarán para comprender mejor el impacto del programa.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>También es importante mencionar que las agencias de la ciudad no comparten información sobre el estatus migratorio de nadie con las agencias federales.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>¿Puedo participar en este programa si estoy indocumentado?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Sí, y no necesita un número del Seguro Social para recibir los ingresos de GIFT.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Los organizadores dicen que las personas hispanohablantes monolingües, y los inmigrantes indocumentados tienen prioridad de inscripción.\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>¿Cómo se elegirá exactamente a los participantes?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>El centro de Servicios Comunitarios de Salud Lyon-Martin y el Distrito Transgénero seleccionarán a los participantes al azar. Y en cuanto al público trans de San Francisco al que se quiere llegar, el programa todavía tiene “datos demográficos que estamos tratando de concretar”, dijo Favela.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>“El 60% de las personas que vamos a intentar que participen en el programa son personas trans negras”, explicaron.\u003c/strong> “Así que en esa selección al azar, al menos el 60% van a ser [personas trans negras]”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Los clasificaremos según la categoría en la que se encuentren y luego simplemente haremos una selección al azar dentro de cada categoría”, añadió Davis.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003ca id=\"puedo\">\u003c/a>¿Dónde puedo dirigirme?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.giftincome.org/es/apply\">Dado que la solicitud GIFT sólo está disponible en línea\u003c/a>, puede resultar difícil presentarla para las personas que no tienen acceso regular a una computadora o una conexión estable a Internet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Para ofrecer un asesoramiento más personalizado, el equipo del centro de Servicios Comunitarios de Salud Lyon-Martin está aceptando ayudar a personas interesadas sin cita previa a presentar su solicitud, o que tengan preguntas al respecto. Puede hablar en persona con el equipo en la clínica ubicada en el 1735 de la calle Mission, cerca de las líneas 14 y 49 de Muni. También puede llamarles al (415) 565-7667.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Davis, del Distrito Transgénero, también recomienda que acuda a su trabajador social si lo tiene. Si usted o alguien que usted conoce necesita más ayuda en español, Davis recomienda contactar a \u003ca href=\"https://ellaparatranslatinas.org/es/home\">El/La Para TransLatinas\u003c/a>, una organización que se centra en servir y abogar por las personas trans Latinx en el Área de la Bahía. Puede ponerse en contacto llamando al (415) 864-7278.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>¿Quiere solicitar GIFT pero se siente inseguro o incluso nervioso por hacerlo?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No tenga dudas”, exhorta Davis, añadiendo que, al tratarse de un programa piloto, este puede influir en lo que se pueda hacer en San Francisco, y potencialmente otras ciudades más.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Por el momento, es una oportunidad única en la vida, y esto ayudará a muchas más personas trans, jóvenes trans y personas mayores trans en el futuro”, dijo.\u003c/p>\n\u003chr>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Este artículo fue traducido por la periodista \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/mpena/\">María Peña\u003c/a> y editado por el periodista \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/ccabreralomeli\">Carlos Cabrera-Lomelí\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003cbr>\n[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "El programa GIFT de San Francisco proporcionará a 55 personas trans que viven en la ciudad $1,200 dólares al mes durante un máximo de 18 meses. La fecha límite para aplicar es el 15 de diciembre.",
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"description": "El programa GIFT de San Francisco proporcionará a 55 personas trans que viven en la ciudad $1,200 dólares al mes durante un máximo de 18 meses. La fecha límite para aplicar es el 15 de diciembre.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11934613/gift-is-san-franciscos-guaranteed-income-program-for-transgender-people-heres-how-to-apply\">\u003cem>Read in English\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>El programa \u003ca href=\"https://www.giftincome.org/es/apply\">GIFT de San Francisco proporcionará a 55 personas trans que viven en la ciudad $1,200 dólares al mes\u003c/a> durante un máximo de 18 meses, y la fecha límite para solicitarlo se acerca rápidamente.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>GIFT (por sus siglas en inglés), que significa Ingresos Garantizados para Personas Transgénero, \u003ca href=\"https://www.giftincome.org/es/faq\">es el primer programa de ingresos garantizados del Área de la Bahía que se centra exclusivamente en atender a las personas trans\u003c/a>. Este fue creado por la ciudad en colaboración con el centro comunitario de salud Lyon-Martin, el cual proporciona atención médica a las personas trans, no binarias e intersexuales, junto con las mujeres cisgénero que forman parte de la comunidad LGBTQA+, y el Distrito Transgénero de San Francisco, que trabaja para empoderar y visibilizar a las personas trans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>La fecha límite para \u003ca href=\"https://www.giftincome.org/es/apply\">solicitar GIFT\u003c/a> es el jueves 15 de diciembre. La aplicación de GIFT \u003ca href=\"https://www.giftincome.org/apply\">ya está disponible en línea\u003c/a> y en la misma página, puedes subir todos los documentos requeridos. \u003ca href=\"https://www.giftincome.org/es/apply\">El sitio de GIFT también está disponible en español\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.giftincome.org/es/faq\">El sitio de GIFT incluye una sección de preguntas frecuentes\u003c/a>, y también hemos creado esta guía para responder a preguntas adicionales que el público ha hecho a KQED sobre el programa.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ir a:\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#GIFT\">\u003cstrong>¿Quién puede solicitar la ayuda GIFT?\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#impuestos\">\u003cstrong>¿Cómo funciona GIFT con mis impuestos o con otras prestaciones que esté recibiendo?\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#vivienda\">\u003cstrong>¿Cómo puedo demostrar que vivo en San Francisco si mi situación de vivienda es complicada?\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#encuestas\">\u003cstrong>¿Qué son las encuestas que los participantes tienen que hacer cada tres meses?\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#puedo\">\u003cstrong>¿Dónde puedo hablar con alguien que me ayude a solicitar GIFT?\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003ch3>¿Qué es GIFT y para qué sirve el programa?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>El programa GIFT ofrecerá a 55 personas trans de San Francisco $1,200 dólares al mes durante 18 meses, desde enero de 2023 hasta junio de 2024. Los fondos se entregarán a los participantes a través de una tarjeta Visa de débito que el programa recargará con la misma cantidad cada mes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Aubrey Davis, asociada ejecutiva del Distrito Transgénero, señala que muchas personas trans de San Francisco siguen teniendo dificultades para hacer alcanzar el dinero debido a la situación económica, pero también a causa de la intolerancia y discriminación.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dice que algunas personas trans también se enfrentan a la falta de hogar y a la inseguridad de la vivienda después de haber sido expulsadas por la familia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Este programa propone mejorar este tipo de situación, hacer posible que las personas puedan mantenerse a sí mismas, que tengan un poco más de tranquilidad con sus finanzas”, dijo Davis. Añadió que no es fácil vivir en una de las ciudades más caras del país y la ayuda económica que ofrecería GIFT sería como una especie de salvavidas para cubrir algunos gastos esenciales.\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003ca id=\"GIFT\">\u003c/a>¿Quién puede aplicar a GIFT?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Para poder solicitar GIFT, debe:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Tener 18 años o más\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>No percibir ingresos superiores a $600 dólares al mes\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Vivir en la ciudad de San Francisco\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Hablar con los organizadores de GIFT cada tres meses durante el programa para llenar una encuesta\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Debe de completar y entregar su solicitud \u003cstrong>antes de la fecha límite del 15 de diciembre\u003c/strong>. Recuerde que sólo se seleccionarán 55 beneficiarios para este programa piloto.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dado que la financiación procede de la ciudad de San Francisco, sólo los residentes de San Francisco podrán participar en el programa, y aquellos participantes inscritos si abandonan la ciudad también tendrán que abandonar el programa GIFT.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003ca id=\"impuestos\">\u003c/a>¿Cómo incluyo GIFT en mis impuestos o en otras prestaciones que esté recibiendo?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Tendrá que declarar a la Oficina de Impuestos sobre la Renta (IRS, por sus siglas en inglés) lo que ha recibido de GIFT cuando presente sus impuestos del 2023 en el 2024.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Otros organismos públicos, como la Administración del Seguro Social, también considerarán el GIFT como un ingreso, lo que podría afectar a otras prestaciones, como la Seguridad de Ingreso Suplementario (SSI por sus siglas en inglés).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A veces se tarda décadas en conseguir la SSI y cuando por fin se recibe, sólo se puede ganar hasta cierto punto”, dijo Samuel Favela, asociado del programa en el Distrito Transgénero. El SSI y otros programas de ayuda del gobierno, como CalFresh, tienen estrictos límites de ingresos. Favela señala la posibilidad de que alguien pueda perder estas prestaciones si supera el límite de ingresos al recibir los fondos de GIFT.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Si es elegido para participar en GIFT y también recibe prestaciones estatales como CalFresh o CalWorks, Favela recomienda notificar a ese organismo de la existencia de GIFT antes de empezar a recibir dinero. “Si no lo comunica, le pasarán factura al final del programa”, dice Favela.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sin embargo, Favela afirma que el equipo del Distrito Transexual se compromete a ayudar a la gente en estas situaciones delicadas, ya que la organización cree que alguien no debería tener que elegir entre dos salvavidas cuando se trata de sobrevivir.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Hay exenciones a las que pueden acogerse y vamos a trabajar con ellos en eso también”, dijo Favela.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pero lo más importante que puede hacer si recibe prestaciones del gobierno y está avanzando en el proceso de solicitud de GIFT es ser lo más transparente posible, tanto con los organizadores de GIFT, como con los organismos gubernamentales. “Su trabajador social es probablemente la mejor persona con la que debe ponerse en contacto, y quien también puede ponerse en contacto con nosotros”, añadió Favela.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Trabajo de manera informal. ¿Qué puedo hacer para demostrar mis ingresos?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>En la página web de GIFT puede \u003ca href=\"https://www.giftincome.org/es/apply\">cargar diversos documentos para acompañar su solicitud\u003c/a> y comprobar sus ingresos. Puede incluir formularios W-2, talones de pago o incluso extractos bancarios. Las personas que sólo reciben ingresos del SSI o del SSDI pueden compartir las cartas que reciben de la Administración del Seguro Social confirmando que reciben estas prestaciones. También se aceptan las cartas de ayuda financiera de universidades o escuelas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pero si trabaja de manera informal y no dispone de documentación que acredite sus ingresos, puede presentar una carta de autocertificación. Este \u003ca href=\"https://www.giftincome.org/_files/ugd/40a234_33ab30018f9c4a53bc75aee82f583dcb.pdf\">formulario de declaración de ingresos está disponible en PDF\u003c/a> en el sitio web de GIFT, junto con otros documentos para descargar y utilizar, y le permite compartir cuántos ingresos tiene al mes, cuántas personas viven con usted y por qué no puede aportar pruebas de sus ingresos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Confiamos en que la gente nos facilite la información correcta y tenga buenas intenciones”, explica Favela, quien añade que son muy comprensivos con el hecho de que la gente tenga muchas formas distintas de ganarse la visa. “Así que si quieren hacernos saber que son trabajadores sexuales, y esto es lo que ganan al mes, sólo tienen que escribir un correo electrónico y llenar esa sección de esa manera”, dijo Favela.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11934956\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11934956\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/HAND-ON-LAPTOP-ON-DESK-NEXT-TO-WINDOW-HERE.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/HAND-ON-LAPTOP-ON-DESK-NEXT-TO-WINDOW-HERE.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/HAND-ON-LAPTOP-ON-DESK-NEXT-TO-WINDOW-HERE-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/HAND-ON-LAPTOP-ON-DESK-NEXT-TO-WINDOW-HERE-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/HAND-ON-LAPTOP-ON-DESK-NEXT-TO-WINDOW-HERE-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/HAND-ON-LAPTOP-ON-DESK-NEXT-TO-WINDOW-HERE-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">En el sitio web de GIFT, puede subir una serie de documentos para acompañar su solicitud y comprobar cuánto gana. \u003ccite>(Cottonbro/Pexels)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>\u003ca id=\"vivienda\">\u003c/a>Mi situación de vivienda es complicada, o estoy entre dos alojamientos en este momento. ¿Cómo puedo demostrar que vivo en San Francisco?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Al igual que para verificar sus ingresos, hay muchas formas de confirmar que vive actualmente en San Francisco. Si no tiene ningún recibo de PG&E o de una compañía telefónica que incluya su nombre y dirección actual, puede pedir a un trabajador social o proveedor de atención sanitaria o agencia con la que esté trabajando, que escriba una carta que confirme que vive en la ciudad.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Si se aloja en un albergue, puede solicitar una carta de verificación a la gerencia del albergue. Pero si eso tampoco es una opción, puede llenar otro \u003ca href=\"https://www.giftincome.org/_files/ugd/40a234_e495477cb1df47319fab57e3b20f314e.pdf\">formulario de autocertificación de residencia (PDF) disponible en el sitio web de GIFT\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>En el formulario de declaración de residencia, tendrá que confirmar que actualmente no tiene vivienda y que no hay ningún organismo u organización que pueda facilitarle una carta que confirme su situación de alojamiento. Una vez completado, \u003ca href=\"https://www.giftincome.org/es/apply\">puede subirlo al portal en línea con el resto de sus documentos\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003ca id=\"encuestas\">\u003c/a>¿Qué hay de esas encuestas de seguimiento que los participantes en GIFT tienen que hacer cada tres meses?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Aubrey Davis, asociada ejecutiva del Distrito Transgénero, confirma que el objetivo de estos controles es saber cómo les va a la gente desde que inició el programa. “No estamos vigilando cómo gastan el dinero”, afirma Davis. “Pero nos gustaría saber cómo está mejorando su vida”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>La clínica Lyon-Martin y el Distrito Transgénero participarán en estos seguimientos, los cuales también verán si han cambiado las rutinas diarias y las responsabilidades de los participantes. Por ejemplo, explica Davis, “¿Están recibiendo la atención de salud mental que necesitan? ¿Pueden pagar la comida? ¿Pueden pagar el seguro? ¿Pueden acudir a las citas con el médico o conseguir recetas médicas?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>En estas conversaciones, si un participante dice que necesita servicios de atención de salud, se le puede poner en contacto con los Servicios Comunitarios de Salud Lyon-Martin para que reciba tratamiento. Algunos de estos datos también se compartirán con la Oficina de Iniciativas Transgénero del Ayuntamiento. Sin embargo, el equipo del Distrito Transgénero aclaró que estos datos se utilizarán para comprender mejor el impacto del programa.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>También es importante mencionar que las agencias de la ciudad no comparten información sobre el estatus migratorio de nadie con las agencias federales.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>¿Puedo participar en este programa si estoy indocumentado?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Sí, y no necesita un número del Seguro Social para recibir los ingresos de GIFT.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Los organizadores dicen que las personas hispanohablantes monolingües, y los inmigrantes indocumentados tienen prioridad de inscripción.\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>¿Cómo se elegirá exactamente a los participantes?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>El centro de Servicios Comunitarios de Salud Lyon-Martin y el Distrito Transgénero seleccionarán a los participantes al azar. Y en cuanto al público trans de San Francisco al que se quiere llegar, el programa todavía tiene “datos demográficos que estamos tratando de concretar”, dijo Favela.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>“El 60% de las personas que vamos a intentar que participen en el programa son personas trans negras”, explicaron.\u003c/strong> “Así que en esa selección al azar, al menos el 60% van a ser [personas trans negras]”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Los clasificaremos según la categoría en la que se encuentren y luego simplemente haremos una selección al azar dentro de cada categoría”, añadió Davis.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003ca id=\"puedo\">\u003c/a>¿Dónde puedo dirigirme?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.giftincome.org/es/apply\">Dado que la solicitud GIFT sólo está disponible en línea\u003c/a>, puede resultar difícil presentarla para las personas que no tienen acceso regular a una computadora o una conexión estable a Internet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Para ofrecer un asesoramiento más personalizado, el equipo del centro de Servicios Comunitarios de Salud Lyon-Martin está aceptando ayudar a personas interesadas sin cita previa a presentar su solicitud, o que tengan preguntas al respecto. Puede hablar en persona con el equipo en la clínica ubicada en el 1735 de la calle Mission, cerca de las líneas 14 y 49 de Muni. También puede llamarles al (415) 565-7667.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Davis, del Distrito Transgénero, también recomienda que acuda a su trabajador social si lo tiene. Si usted o alguien que usted conoce necesita más ayuda en español, Davis recomienda contactar a \u003ca href=\"https://ellaparatranslatinas.org/es/home\">El/La Para TransLatinas\u003c/a>, una organización que se centra en servir y abogar por las personas trans Latinx en el Área de la Bahía. Puede ponerse en contacto llamando al (415) 864-7278.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>¿Quiere solicitar GIFT pero se siente inseguro o incluso nervioso por hacerlo?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No tenga dudas”, exhorta Davis, añadiendo que, al tratarse de un programa piloto, este puede influir en lo que se pueda hacer en San Francisco, y potencialmente otras ciudades más.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Por el momento, es una oportunidad única en la vida, y esto ayudará a muchas más personas trans, jóvenes trans y personas mayores trans en el futuro”, dijo.\u003c/p>\n\u003chr>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Este artículo fue traducido por la periodista \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/mpena/\">María Peña\u003c/a> y editado por el periodista \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/ccabreralomeli\">Carlos Cabrera-Lomelí\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "'Waste of Federal Funds': ICE Ends Contract With Northern California Jail After Years of Outrage Over Conditions",
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"content": "\u003cp>Federal immigration officials are terminating their detention contract with a Northern California county jail, the last public facility in the state to hold immigrants fighting deportation, KQED has learned. The news comes after years of public outcry over substandard and dangerous conditions in the facility.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesperson for U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement said Friday the agency has provided the Yuba County Jail in Marysville 60 days' notice and will terminate the $8.7 million-a-year contract on Feb. 8.[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"US Rep. Zoe Lofgren (D-San José)\"]'ICE has made the proper decision to terminate its contract with the Yuba County Jail. The facility consistently failed to meet ICE's own detention standards and was a waste of federal funds.'[/pullquote]“It’s in the agency’s best interest to terminate agreements with an operationally unnecessary facility and utilize taxpayer resources more efficiently by housing noncitizens at other locations,” the spokesperson said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ICE is currently holding just four people at the jail, though it is paying for a nightly minimum of 150 beds. For two months in 2021, no ICE detainees were housed there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. Rep. Zoe Lofgren (D-San José) applauded the news, saying, “ICE has made the proper decision to terminate its contract with the Yuba County Jail. The facility consistently \u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/doclib/foia/odo-compliance-inspections/yubaCoJailMarysvilleCA_Apr5-9_2021.pdf\">failed to meet ICE’s own detention standards (PDF)\u003c/a> and was a waste of federal funds.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lofgren was one of 24 California Democratic members of Congress who \u003ca href=\"https://lofgren.house.gov/media/press-releases/lofgren-correa-ca-dems-urge-dhs-close-three-ice-detention-centers\">sent a letter to ICE last year\u003c/a> calling on the agency to stop using Yuba and two privately run detention facilities in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11934903\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11934903\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS52945_IMG_4596-qut.jpg\" alt='Protesters on street hold a banner that reads \"Not One More Detention, Not One More Deportation\"' width=\"1920\" height=\"1440\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS52945_IMG_4596-qut.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS52945_IMG_4596-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS52945_IMG_4596-qut-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS52945_IMG_4596-qut-160x120.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS52945_IMG_4596-qut-1536x1152.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">More than a dozen people gather by ICE offices in San Francisco on Dec. 15, 2021. They called on the agency to terminate its detention contract with Yuba County Jail. \u003ccite>(Farida Jhabvala Romero/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The letter read, in part: “Those detained at Yuba have experienced a lack of medical care, broken hygiene facilities, unsanitary conditions including mold and insects, spoiled food, and excessive use of solitary confinement, leading to repeat protests and hunger strikes, when formal complaints were mishandled. In July 2020, guards retaliated against two men peacefully protesting poor conditions related to COVID-19 by ripping up their mattresses and denying them access to phone calls, mail, and soap.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Yuba County Jail has been under the supervision of a federal judge since 1979, in a \u003ca href=\"https://rbgg.com/wp-content/uploads/Yuba-CountyAmended-Consent-Decree-FINAL-08-10-18.pdf\">consent decree (PDF)\u003c/a> requiring the facility to correct deficiencies in medical and mental health care and access to exercise and recreation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Immigrant rights advocates, who have \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11899490/protestors-demand-ice-stop-using-yuba-jail-to-detain-undocumented-migrants\">pushed for years to close the facility\u003c/a> and other immigration detention centers, celebrated the news.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I'm overwhelmed with joy and a lot of emotion,” said Edwin Carmona-Cruz of the California Collaborative for Immigrant Justice. “This is really years in the making.”[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_11835611,news_11597341,news_11917597\"]Carmona-Cruz, whose group is part of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.ccijustice.org/yuba-liberation-coalition\">Yuba Liberation Coalition\u003c/a>, credited the courage of detained immigrants who waged hunger strikes and spoke out about medical neglect and other dangers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This also reminds me of all of the people that we fought to get out,” he said. “This victory is really for them, because they came out publicly about the conditions inside, risking retaliation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yuba County, meanwhile, will lose a multimillion-dollar revenue stream from the ICE contract, which dates back to 1994. It has ensured ICE a “guaranteed minimum” of 150 beds at all times, at the rate of $158.13 a day per bed, regardless of whether or not they are occupied, according to an April 28, 2020, \u003ca href=\"https://www.aclunc.org/sites/default/files/Received_2022.02.02_2012_2020_IGSA_Contract_Amendments.pdf\">contract modification (PDF)\u003c/a> between ICE and the county.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11597341/these-immigrants-and-their-county-jailer-need-each-other-to-survive-will-they-make-it\">revenue has helped the rural county\u003c/a>, north of Sacramento, weather economic downturns over the years. But at one point during the COVID-19 pandemic, all ICE detainees were released, partly due to a federal court order aimed at \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11835611/ice-detainees-at-yuba-jail-press-for-covid-19-protections\">preventing an outbreak\u003c/a> of the virus inside.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Before COVID restrictions, our jail averaged close to 175 detainees,” said Yuba County Sheriff Wendell Anderson in a statement Friday. “That number has gradually decreased and it’s understandable that it no longer fiscally makes sense for ICE to continue the contract.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under President Joe Biden, the Department of Homeland Security has discontinued use of several other ICE detention facilities, including ones in Massachusetts, Georgia, Alabama and Florida. Most recently, ICE announced it is terminating its contract with the Berks County immigrant detention center in Pennsylvania, effective at the end of January.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ICE has adopted wider use of so-called “\u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/detain/detention-management\">alternatives to detention\u003c/a>,” including GPS ankle monitors, under the Biden administration, but roughly 30,000 people are currently in ICE custody.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11934902\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 640px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11934902\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS26106_G-H-I-Hallways-rec_d-11-10-15-qut.jpg\" alt=\"A barred cell in Yuba jail.\" width=\"640\" height=\"427\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS26106_G-H-I-Hallways-rec_d-11-10-15-qut.jpg 640w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS26106_G-H-I-Hallways-rec_d-11-10-15-qut-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 640px) 100vw, 640px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The hallway leading to sections of the jail, including the H-tank, where several inmates have tried to commit suicide by hanging themselves from bars. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Rosen Bien Galvan and Grunfeld LLP)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In California all the remaining ICE detention facilities are operated by large private prison companies. They include the Otay Mesa Detention Center in San Diego and the Adelanto facility in San Bernardino County, which Lofgren and other members of Congress \u003ca href=\"https://lofgren.house.gov/media/press-releases/lofgren-correa-ca-dems-urge-dhs-close-three-ice-detention-centers\">flagged in a letter to DHS last year\u003c/a> for “dire conditions.” And they include the Mesa Verde and Golden State Annex facilities, which were the subject of \u003ca href=\"https://lofgren.house.gov/media/press-releases/lofgren-padilla-correa-ca-dems-call-dhs-investigation-ca-detention-centers\">another letter\u003c/a> from Democratic members to DHS Secretary Alejandro Mayorkas in September, raising alarm about “abusive and retaliatory” treatment of detainees. That letter cited \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11917597/immigrant-detainees-strike-over-working-conditions-california-regulators-investigate\">KQED’s reporting\u003c/a> on a labor strike by detained immigrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In its statement on the contract termination with Yuba County, ICE said it “works to ensure an appropriate detention footprint and will continue to evaluate the operation of each of its facilities to ensure its resources are effectively utilized.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates, meanwhile, insist ICE should not be locking up any immigrants going through deportation proceedings. ICE detention is not a punishment for a crime, it’s a form of civil detention, though it commonly feels punitive for those incarcerated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People who are fighting immigration cases don't need to be detained. There is absolutely no reason,” said Carmona-Cruz. “People fight their cases in the community with their families every single day without having to be in detention.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“It’s in the agency’s best interest to terminate agreements with an operationally unnecessary facility and utilize taxpayer resources more efficiently by housing noncitizens at other locations,” the spokesperson said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ICE is currently holding just four people at the jail, though it is paying for a nightly minimum of 150 beds. For two months in 2021, no ICE detainees were housed there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. Rep. Zoe Lofgren (D-San José) applauded the news, saying, “ICE has made the proper decision to terminate its contract with the Yuba County Jail. The facility consistently \u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/doclib/foia/odo-compliance-inspections/yubaCoJailMarysvilleCA_Apr5-9_2021.pdf\">failed to meet ICE’s own detention standards (PDF)\u003c/a> and was a waste of federal funds.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lofgren was one of 24 California Democratic members of Congress who \u003ca href=\"https://lofgren.house.gov/media/press-releases/lofgren-correa-ca-dems-urge-dhs-close-three-ice-detention-centers\">sent a letter to ICE last year\u003c/a> calling on the agency to stop using Yuba and two privately run detention facilities in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11934903\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11934903\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS52945_IMG_4596-qut.jpg\" alt='Protesters on street hold a banner that reads \"Not One More Detention, Not One More Deportation\"' width=\"1920\" height=\"1440\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS52945_IMG_4596-qut.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS52945_IMG_4596-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS52945_IMG_4596-qut-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS52945_IMG_4596-qut-160x120.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS52945_IMG_4596-qut-1536x1152.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">More than a dozen people gather by ICE offices in San Francisco on Dec. 15, 2021. They called on the agency to terminate its detention contract with Yuba County Jail. \u003ccite>(Farida Jhabvala Romero/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The letter read, in part: “Those detained at Yuba have experienced a lack of medical care, broken hygiene facilities, unsanitary conditions including mold and insects, spoiled food, and excessive use of solitary confinement, leading to repeat protests and hunger strikes, when formal complaints were mishandled. In July 2020, guards retaliated against two men peacefully protesting poor conditions related to COVID-19 by ripping up their mattresses and denying them access to phone calls, mail, and soap.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Yuba County Jail has been under the supervision of a federal judge since 1979, in a \u003ca href=\"https://rbgg.com/wp-content/uploads/Yuba-CountyAmended-Consent-Decree-FINAL-08-10-18.pdf\">consent decree (PDF)\u003c/a> requiring the facility to correct deficiencies in medical and mental health care and access to exercise and recreation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Immigrant rights advocates, who have \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11899490/protestors-demand-ice-stop-using-yuba-jail-to-detain-undocumented-migrants\">pushed for years to close the facility\u003c/a> and other immigration detention centers, celebrated the news.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I'm overwhelmed with joy and a lot of emotion,” said Edwin Carmona-Cruz of the California Collaborative for Immigrant Justice. “This is really years in the making.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Carmona-Cruz, whose group is part of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.ccijustice.org/yuba-liberation-coalition\">Yuba Liberation Coalition\u003c/a>, credited the courage of detained immigrants who waged hunger strikes and spoke out about medical neglect and other dangers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This also reminds me of all of the people that we fought to get out,” he said. “This victory is really for them, because they came out publicly about the conditions inside, risking retaliation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yuba County, meanwhile, will lose a multimillion-dollar revenue stream from the ICE contract, which dates back to 1994. It has ensured ICE a “guaranteed minimum” of 150 beds at all times, at the rate of $158.13 a day per bed, regardless of whether or not they are occupied, according to an April 28, 2020, \u003ca href=\"https://www.aclunc.org/sites/default/files/Received_2022.02.02_2012_2020_IGSA_Contract_Amendments.pdf\">contract modification (PDF)\u003c/a> between ICE and the county.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11597341/these-immigrants-and-their-county-jailer-need-each-other-to-survive-will-they-make-it\">revenue has helped the rural county\u003c/a>, north of Sacramento, weather economic downturns over the years. But at one point during the COVID-19 pandemic, all ICE detainees were released, partly due to a federal court order aimed at \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11835611/ice-detainees-at-yuba-jail-press-for-covid-19-protections\">preventing an outbreak\u003c/a> of the virus inside.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Before COVID restrictions, our jail averaged close to 175 detainees,” said Yuba County Sheriff Wendell Anderson in a statement Friday. “That number has gradually decreased and it’s understandable that it no longer fiscally makes sense for ICE to continue the contract.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under President Joe Biden, the Department of Homeland Security has discontinued use of several other ICE detention facilities, including ones in Massachusetts, Georgia, Alabama and Florida. Most recently, ICE announced it is terminating its contract with the Berks County immigrant detention center in Pennsylvania, effective at the end of January.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ICE has adopted wider use of so-called “\u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/detain/detention-management\">alternatives to detention\u003c/a>,” including GPS ankle monitors, under the Biden administration, but roughly 30,000 people are currently in ICE custody.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11934902\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 640px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11934902\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS26106_G-H-I-Hallways-rec_d-11-10-15-qut.jpg\" alt=\"A barred cell in Yuba jail.\" width=\"640\" height=\"427\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS26106_G-H-I-Hallways-rec_d-11-10-15-qut.jpg 640w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS26106_G-H-I-Hallways-rec_d-11-10-15-qut-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 640px) 100vw, 640px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The hallway leading to sections of the jail, including the H-tank, where several inmates have tried to commit suicide by hanging themselves from bars. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Rosen Bien Galvan and Grunfeld LLP)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In California all the remaining ICE detention facilities are operated by large private prison companies. They include the Otay Mesa Detention Center in San Diego and the Adelanto facility in San Bernardino County, which Lofgren and other members of Congress \u003ca href=\"https://lofgren.house.gov/media/press-releases/lofgren-correa-ca-dems-urge-dhs-close-three-ice-detention-centers\">flagged in a letter to DHS last year\u003c/a> for “dire conditions.” And they include the Mesa Verde and Golden State Annex facilities, which were the subject of \u003ca href=\"https://lofgren.house.gov/media/press-releases/lofgren-padilla-correa-ca-dems-call-dhs-investigation-ca-detention-centers\">another letter\u003c/a> from Democratic members to DHS Secretary Alejandro Mayorkas in September, raising alarm about “abusive and retaliatory” treatment of detainees. That letter cited \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11917597/immigrant-detainees-strike-over-working-conditions-california-regulators-investigate\">KQED’s reporting\u003c/a> on a labor strike by detained immigrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In its statement on the contract termination with Yuba County, ICE said it “works to ensure an appropriate detention footprint and will continue to evaluate the operation of each of its facilities to ensure its resources are effectively utilized.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates, meanwhile, insist ICE should not be locking up any immigrants going through deportation proceedings. ICE detention is not a punishment for a crime, it’s a form of civil detention, though it commonly feels punitive for those incarcerated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People who are fighting immigration cases don't need to be detained. There is absolutely no reason,” said Carmona-Cruz. “People fight their cases in the community with their families every single day without having to be in detention.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Silicon Valley companies rely on thousands of H-1B visa holders who have come to the Bay Area from all over the world. H-1B visas grant temporary status to work and live in the U.S. But in the wake of mass layoffs in the tech industry, visa holders have 60 days to find a new job or face the threat of deportation.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Guest: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/rachaelmyrow\">Rachael Myrow\u003c/a>, KQED Silicon Valley senior editor\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" frameborder=\"0\" height=\"200\" scrolling=\"no\" src=\"https://playlist.megaphone.fm?e=KQINC9801237366\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://bit.ly/3VDT1NT\">\u003cem>Read the transcript\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Links:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11933511/mass-bay-area-tech-layoffs-thrust-thousands-of-h-1b-visa-holders-into-frantic-job-hunt\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Mass Bay Area Tech Layoffs Thrust Thousands of H-1B Visa Holders Into Frantic Job Hunt\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli class=\"li1\">\u003cspan class=\"s1\">\u003cb>\u003c/b>\u003ca href=\"https://kqed.org/thebaysurvey\">\u003cspan class=\"s2\">\u003cb>Survey: Help Make The Bay Even Better\u003c/b>!\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Silicon Valley companies rely on thousands of H-1B visa holders who have come to the Bay Area from all over the world. H-1B visas grant temporary status to work and live in the U.S. But in the wake of mass layoffs in the tech industry, visa holders have 60 days to find a new job or face the threat of deportation.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Guest: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/rachaelmyrow\">Rachael Myrow\u003c/a>, KQED Silicon Valley senior editor\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" frameborder=\"0\" height=\"200\" scrolling=\"no\" src=\"https://playlist.megaphone.fm?e=KQINC9801237366\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://bit.ly/3VDT1NT\">\u003cem>Read the transcript\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Links:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11933511/mass-bay-area-tech-layoffs-thrust-thousands-of-h-1b-visa-holders-into-frantic-job-hunt\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Mass Bay Area Tech Layoffs Thrust Thousands of H-1B Visa Holders Into Frantic Job Hunt\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli class=\"li1\">\u003cspan class=\"s1\">\u003cb>\u003c/b>\u003ca href=\"https://kqed.org/thebaysurvey\">\u003cspan class=\"s2\">\u003cb>Survey: Help Make The Bay Even Better\u003c/b>!\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Immigrant advocates say more than 90 detainees are continuing to strike at the for-profit Mesa Verde and Golden State Annex detention centers near Bakersfield. The work stoppage has reached the six-month mark at one facility. On this week’s California Report Magazine, host Sasha Khokha checks in with KQED labor correspondent Farida Jhabvala Romero, who has been speaking to striking detainees from inside the facilities, even when some have been held in solitary confinement.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Detainees at Mesa Verde and Golden State Annex detention centers are demanding California’s minimum wage for jobs like folding laundry, scrubbing toilets and working as barbers inside the detention facilities. Currently, they make only $1 a day, even when working a full-time shift.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_11919161,news_11919749,news_11923753\"]“I stand up against unfair treatment. It’s like that slavery rate of $1 a day,” said Mohammed Mousa, 41, an immigrant from Egypt who said detention center staff held him in solitary confinement for more than 40 days for supporting the strike.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an official civil liberties complaint and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11919749/ice-detainees-making-1-a-day-sue-over-alleged-wage-theft\">a lawsuit\u003c/a>, some strikers alleged The GEO Group, the private company operating the detention centers, retaliated against them, including subjecting them to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11919161/ice-detainees-protested-1-a-day-wage-now-theyre-in-solitary-confinement\">solitary confinement\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is what they’re doing to retaliate against people who speak up. This is what they’re doing to intimidate us,” Pedro Figueroa, 34, told KQED by phone from solitary confinement. Records show guards moved him to segregation shortly after he and other people in his dormitory joined the work stoppage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Figueroa said he spent 40 hours a week scrubbing floors and cleaning bathrooms inside the Mesa Verde ICE Processing Facility in Bakersfield. “I chose not to work and voice my opinion respectfully, and that’s within my right,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The legal challenge by Figueroa and eight other detainees charges the multinational prison company The GEO Group with “systematic and unlawful wage theft, unjust enrichment and forced labor” at Mesa Verde and the nearby Golden State Annex in McFarland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. District Judge Ana de Alba is set to hear the case in federal court in Fresno next month. Additional lawsuits in Washington and other states also claim GEO, which reported \u003ca href=\"https://www.businesswire.com/news/home/20220216006284/en/The-GEO-Group-Reports-Fourth-Quarter-and-Full-Year-2021-Results\">revenues of $2.26 billion last year\u003c/a>, should pay detained workers minimum wage or more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Pedro Figueroa, detainee, who was moved to solitary confinement after participating in a work stoppage\"]‘This is what they’re doing to retaliate against people who speak up. This is what they’re doing to intimidate us.’[/pullquote]A GEO spokesperson declined an interview with KQED, but strongly rejected allegations of retaliation. He said the company is meeting all federal detention standards while committing to ensuring a humane and safe environment at their facilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The spokesperson has repeatedly denied that a labor strike is taking place at Mesa Verde and Golden State Annex, as the work program is deemed voluntary and established under federal detention guidelines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We firmly deny any allegations of retaliation, direct or indirect, against persons housed at the centers for any reason whatsoever,” he said in a statement. “Under no circumstances are any detainees forced to participate in the Voluntary Work Program.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Office of the Immigration Detention Ombudsman, to whom detainees submitted a complaint, confirmed that \u003ca href=\"http://www.dhs.gov/oido\">a staff member is regularly visiting Mesa Verde and Golden State Annex\u003c/a>, but declined to comment on any investigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In September, more than a dozen members of Congress from California \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11925791/california-lawmakers-call-for-investigation-into-detainee-complaints-of-solitary-confinement\">requested top federal immigration officials investigate\u003c/a> reports of “disturbing conditions and abusive and retaliatory behavior towards detainees.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>South Bay Rep. Zoe Lofgren, chair of the House Immigration and Citizenship Subcommittee, told KQED that if the complaints of retaliation are found valid, Immigration and Customs Enforcement should terminate its contracts with GEO for these facilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As of this week, the Departments of Homeland Security and Immigration and Customs Enforcement have not responded to the \u003ca href=\"https://lofgren.house.gov/media/press-releases/lofgren-padilla-correa-ca-dems-call-dhs-investigation-ca-detention-centers\">lawmakers’ request\u003c/a>, according to Lofgren’s office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>DHS declined requests for comment. An ICE spokesperson said the agency will respond to congressional correspondence “through official channels and by appropriate officials at the agency.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ICE detention guidelines establish that detainees volunteering to work must be paid “at least” $1 per day. The low wage rate has operated with the blessing of Congress, which has the authority to increase pay but has not done so for decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, Figueroa and other detainees at Mesa Verde said some conditions have worsened since the strike began and guards are now more frequently frisking them with invasive pat-downs whenever they leave their dormitory. GEO and ICE declined to comment directly on those allegations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a constant invasion of privacy,” said Figueroa. “And we are not prisoners, we shouldn’t be treated as prisoners.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That argument is key to why detainees are asking for minimum wage. While people incarcerated in federal or state prisons often earn very low wages for jobs inside those facilities, immigration detention is classified as a civil — not criminal — matter and is not intended to be punitive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ICE officials say they determine on a case-by-case basis whether to jail immigrants while they fight deportation proceedings in court.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Figueroa said he spent 40 hours a week scrubbing floors and cleaning bathrooms inside the Mesa Verde ICE Processing Facility in Bakersfield. “I chose not to work and voice my opinion respectfully, and that’s within my right,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The legal challenge by Figueroa and eight other detainees charges the multinational prison company The GEO Group with “systematic and unlawful wage theft, unjust enrichment and forced labor” at Mesa Verde and the nearby Golden State Annex in McFarland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. District Judge Ana de Alba is set to hear the case in federal court in Fresno next month. Additional lawsuits in Washington and other states also claim GEO, which reported \u003ca href=\"https://www.businesswire.com/news/home/20220216006284/en/The-GEO-Group-Reports-Fourth-Quarter-and-Full-Year-2021-Results\">revenues of $2.26 billion last year\u003c/a>, should pay detained workers minimum wage or more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘This is what they’re doing to retaliate against people who speak up. This is what they’re doing to intimidate us.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>A GEO spokesperson declined an interview with KQED, but strongly rejected allegations of retaliation. He said the company is meeting all federal detention standards while committing to ensuring a humane and safe environment at their facilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The spokesperson has repeatedly denied that a labor strike is taking place at Mesa Verde and Golden State Annex, as the work program is deemed voluntary and established under federal detention guidelines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We firmly deny any allegations of retaliation, direct or indirect, against persons housed at the centers for any reason whatsoever,” he said in a statement. “Under no circumstances are any detainees forced to participate in the Voluntary Work Program.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Office of the Immigration Detention Ombudsman, to whom detainees submitted a complaint, confirmed that \u003ca href=\"http://www.dhs.gov/oido\">a staff member is regularly visiting Mesa Verde and Golden State Annex\u003c/a>, but declined to comment on any investigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In September, more than a dozen members of Congress from California \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11925791/california-lawmakers-call-for-investigation-into-detainee-complaints-of-solitary-confinement\">requested top federal immigration officials investigate\u003c/a> reports of “disturbing conditions and abusive and retaliatory behavior towards detainees.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>South Bay Rep. Zoe Lofgren, chair of the House Immigration and Citizenship Subcommittee, told KQED that if the complaints of retaliation are found valid, Immigration and Customs Enforcement should terminate its contracts with GEO for these facilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As of this week, the Departments of Homeland Security and Immigration and Customs Enforcement have not responded to the \u003ca href=\"https://lofgren.house.gov/media/press-releases/lofgren-padilla-correa-ca-dems-call-dhs-investigation-ca-detention-centers\">lawmakers’ request\u003c/a>, according to Lofgren’s office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>DHS declined requests for comment. An ICE spokesperson said the agency will respond to congressional correspondence “through official channels and by appropriate officials at the agency.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ICE detention guidelines establish that detainees volunteering to work must be paid “at least” $1 per day. The low wage rate has operated with the blessing of Congress, which has the authority to increase pay but has not done so for decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, Figueroa and other detainees at Mesa Verde said some conditions have worsened since the strike began and guards are now more frequently frisking them with invasive pat-downs whenever they leave their dormitory. GEO and ICE declined to comment directly on those allegations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a constant invasion of privacy,” said Figueroa. “And we are not prisoners, we shouldn’t be treated as prisoners.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That argument is key to why detainees are asking for minimum wage. While people incarcerated in federal or state prisons often earn very low wages for jobs inside those facilities, immigration detention is classified as a civil — not criminal — matter and is not intended to be punitive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ICE officials say they determine on a case-by-case basis whether to jail immigrants while they fight deportation proceedings in court.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2022/09/16/she-fought-racism-in-early-hollywood-now-shell-be-the-first-asian-american-on-us-currency/\">\u003cstrong>She Fought Racism in Early Hollywood. Now She’ll Be the First Asian American on US Currency\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The pioneering Asian American actress Anna May Wong is one of five American women the U.S. Mint is recognizing this year with an image on the American quarter, and the first Asian American to appear on U.S. currency. Wong was born in Los Angeles in 1905, and she grew up helping out at her father’s laundromat. When the film industry moved from New York to Hollywood, she started skipping school to visit movie sets. She would eventually go on to become Hollywood’s first Chinese American movie star. Wong fought the ever-present obstacle of institutional racism in the film industry to forge a remarkable career that spanned 40 years. Host Sasha Khokha talks about Wong’s legacy with Nancy Wang Yeun, a sociologist and expert on race in Hollywood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Lost in Translation\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What is it like to talk about your gender identity in different languages? What happens when the pronouns for “he” and “she” in a particular language are similar, or even identical? We meet Emmett Chen-Ran, who decided during his senior year of high school to tell his parents he is transgender. While he grappled with whether they would accept and understand him, there was another challenge: deciding what language he should use to tell them – English or Chinese? The California Report Magazine’s former intern Izzy Bloom and reporter Elena Neale-Sacks bring us this story, which first aired on \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/transcripts/1115176145\">NPR’s Code Switch\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2022/09/16/she-fought-racism-in-early-hollywood-now-shell-be-the-first-asian-american-on-us-currency/\">\u003cstrong>She Fought Racism in Early Hollywood. Now She’ll Be the First Asian American on US Currency\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The pioneering Asian American actress Anna May Wong is one of five American women the U.S. Mint is recognizing this year with an image on the American quarter, and the first Asian American to appear on U.S. currency. Wong was born in Los Angeles in 1905, and she grew up helping out at her father’s laundromat. When the film industry moved from New York to Hollywood, she started skipping school to visit movie sets. She would eventually go on to become Hollywood’s first Chinese American movie star. Wong fought the ever-present obstacle of institutional racism in the film industry to forge a remarkable career that spanned 40 years. Host Sasha Khokha talks about Wong’s legacy with Nancy Wang Yeun, a sociologist and expert on race in Hollywood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Lost in Translation\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What is it like to talk about your gender identity in different languages? What happens when the pronouns for “he” and “she” in a particular language are similar, or even identical? We meet Emmett Chen-Ran, who decided during his senior year of high school to tell his parents he is transgender. While he grappled with whether they would accept and understand him, there was another challenge: deciding what language he should use to tell them – English or Chinese? The California Report Magazine’s former intern Izzy Bloom and reporter Elena Neale-Sacks bring us this story, which first aired on \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/transcripts/1115176145\">NPR’s Code Switch\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "feeling-the-heat-how-workers-can-advocate-for-safer-working-conditions-under-the-sun",
"title": "Feeling the Heat: How Outdoor Workers Can Advocate for Safer Conditions on the Job",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11955907/derechos-laborales-ola-de-calor\">Leer en español\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Don’t have time to read the whole guide? Click on the links below to skip to a specific section:\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#protections\">\u003cstrong>If I work outside in California, what protections do I have during dangerously hot weather?\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#talk\">\u003cstrong>How should I talk to my employer about these protections?\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#still\">\u003cstrong>What can I do if my employer still doesn’t provide these protections?\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#report\">\u003cstrong>What can I do if my employer retaliated against me for speaking up?\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#options\">\u003cstrong>What are my other options here?\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>The Bay Area is experiencing an intense heat wave this September with \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/NWSBayArea/status/1567316722000207872\">several cities registering all-time record temperatures\u003c/a>. On September 6, San José reached 109 degrees, while Santa Rosa topped 115 degrees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although some residents are able to work in air-conditioned offices or homes to avoid the worst of the heat, many essential workers — including construction workers, farm laborers and delivery people — have to remain outdoors, exposed to the most intense heat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, employers are legally required to provide all outdoor workers with four things to prevent heat-related illness: access to fresh water, shade, breaks and an emergency response plan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But KQED has spoken to various outdoor workers who say that bringing up their rights with their employer isn’t so easy. For some, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11918317/blacklisted-for-speaking-up-how-california-farmworkers-fighting-abuses-are-vulnerable-to-retaliation\">the risk of losing their job for speaking up against an unsafe workplace is always present\u003c/a> while others are unsure whether they are eligible for these protections due to their contract or immigration status.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s despite \u003ca href=\"https://www.99calor.org/english.html\">rules established by the California Occupational Safety and Health Standards Board\u003c/a> (Cal/OSHA) that are meant to protect all outdoor employees in California, regardless of their immigration or employment status. But still, that doesn’t make some workers feel any more comfortable talking to their bosses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s a real concern,” said David Hornung, Cal/OSHA’s heat and agriculture program coordinator: “workers not wanting to ask for their worker protections because of their concern of retaliation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you’re working outside during a heat wave and your employer isn’t providing you with the required protections, there are a number of things you can do, even if you don’t feel comfortable bringing things up directly with your supervisor.\u003cbr>\n[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"protections\">\u003c/a>What are the Cal/OSHA protections?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In July 2006, a major \u003ca href=\"https://oehha.ca.gov/epic/impacts-biological-systems/heat-related-mortality-and-morbidity\">heat wave in California resulted in at least 140 deaths\u003c/a> over two weeks, the highest fatality rate on record from a single heat event, prompting state regulators to strengthen protections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label ='Related Coverage' tag='california-workers']“The employer must provide drinking water that is fresh, cool and free so that each worker has a sufficient amount to drink,” said Angela Yahaira Breining, a staff attorney with the Workers’ Rights program at Centro Legal de la Raza in Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California defines a “sufficient” drinking supply as at least one quart of water per hour. And even if workers bring their own water bottles, employers must still have enough water available on site.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When temperatures rise above 80 degrees, employers must also provide an area with enough shade to accommodate every worker on-site. But, Breining adds, workers also have the right to request breaks in the shade — regardless of temperature — whenever they feel the need to.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And when temperatures rise over 95 degrees, “employers or supervisors must observe these employees regularly,” Breining said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Having a supervisor on-site, she explains, is key to setting up a communication system that can swing into action if a worker starts to feel sick. “If someone is getting a headache, having them sit down, making sure that there is a safe way of communicating with higher-ups, and having an emergency plan in place,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Setting up an emergency plan is the next requirement for employers, says Hornung from Cal/OSHA. That includes “training for all the employees so they recognize the signs and symptoms of heat illness in themselves or in their co-workers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11886992\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11886992 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/08/RS50584_007_SanFrancisco_HeatWaveImpacts_08062021-qut.jpg\" alt=\"A man, face concealed by a tarp, sit surrounded by bundles of dried red beans, shelling them into a bucket in his lap.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/08/RS50584_007_SanFrancisco_HeatWaveImpacts_08062021-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/08/RS50584_007_SanFrancisco_HeatWaveImpacts_08062021-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/08/RS50584_007_SanFrancisco_HeatWaveImpacts_08062021-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/08/RS50584_007_SanFrancisco_HeatWaveImpacts_08062021-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/08/RS50584_007_SanFrancisco_HeatWaveImpacts_08062021-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A vendor sitting in the back of a tarp-covered truck in San Francisco’s Mission District shells beans on Aug. 6, 2021. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>Whom do these heat protections apply to?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>A misconception Hornung says he often hears is that Cal/OSHA rules only apply to certain industries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It applies to all outdoor workers, not just agriculture,” he said. “It applies to construction workers, gardeners, landscapers, maintenance people and anyone driving around in trucks that don’t have air-conditioning.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another common misconception, Hornung adds, is that the protections apply only to citizens or employees with valid immigration status.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"news_11878134\" hero=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/RS49883_GettyImages-1270893851-qut-1020x680.jpg\"]“California law for workplace safety is great because it protects all workers regardless of immigration status,” he said. “So whether you are here with the right papers or not, you are still protected by our regulations.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But for people who work informally, things are a bit trickier and often depend on the situation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hornung explains that Cal/OSHA first needs to verify that there is an “employee-employer relationship” — in other words, that the worker has provided labor in exchange for payment. This can include workers who lack a formal contract.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If an employee is paid by an employer, then that establishes an employer-employee relationship,” said Hornung.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the heat protections don’t apply to someone who is self-employed through an informal business, like fruit cart owners who sell their own produce.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"talk\">\u003c/a>If my boss is not following Cal/OSHA regulations, how should I bring it up?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Although it may be difficult for some workers to approach their supervisors, California labor laws prohibit employers from retaliating against workers who raise concerns about unsafe working conditions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s unlawful for an employer to retaliate against this — speaking about a workplace right they are entitled to,” said Breining, the workers’ rights attorney.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She recommends workers document in writing everything that’s going on, including keeping track of the dates and places that their bosses haven’t followed regulations. And she suggests workers also address their employers in writing, in the form of a text message, an email or a traditional letter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Specifically say what it is that you are requesting,” she said. “Are you requesting for the employer to provide training, to see what the heat illness prevention plan is or to request these cooldown breaks?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Documenting every time an employer does not follow heat regulations can be useful later on if a worker decides to file a complaint with Cal/OSHA, Breining says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, Hornung suggests that workers who fear immediate retaliation first discuss the issue with their peers to build additional support. “So rather than you as an individual asking your boss, try to get your co-workers to ask as a group,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, the fact that retaliation is illegal doesn’t prevent an employer from retaliating against workers who speak up against an unsafe workplace, says Cynthia Rice, director of litigation, advocacy and training at California Rural Legal Assistance, a group that provides free legal aid to agricultural workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We never say the employer can’t retaliate against you because of course the employer can retaliate against you,” she told KQED. If you believe your employer fired you or cut your hours or wages because you spoke up for a safe workplace, \u003ca href=\"#report\">\u003cstrong>you can report this behavior to labor officials, who can start an investigation\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11887210\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11887210 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/09/RS50606_031_SanFrancisco_HeatWaveImpacts_08062021-qut.jpg\" alt=\"Clear plastic tubs of brightly colored fruit beneath an awning, with a city block in the background.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/09/RS50606_031_SanFrancisco_HeatWaveImpacts_08062021-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/09/RS50606_031_SanFrancisco_HeatWaveImpacts_08062021-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/09/RS50606_031_SanFrancisco_HeatWaveImpacts_08062021-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/09/RS50606_031_SanFrancisco_HeatWaveImpacts_08062021-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/09/RS50606_031_SanFrancisco_HeatWaveImpacts_08062021-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A vendor sells cut fruit underneath an umbrella in San Francisco’s Mission District on Aug. 6, 2021. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"still\">\u003c/a>My boss didn’t listen to me. What do I do now?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>If an employer is still unwilling to provide required heat protections, the next step may be to file a complaint with Cal/OSHA, a process that can be completed anonymously.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agency has several Bay Area field offices workers can contact directly to file a report, based on where their work sites are located.\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>San Francisco workers can call (415) 557-0100.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>San Mateo County workers can call the Foster City office at (650) 573-3812. This office also accommodates workers in some Santa Clara locations, including Palo Alto, Mountain View and Sunnyvale.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Most workers in Santa Clara County can call the Fremont office at (510) 794-2521.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Alameda County workers can call the Oakland office at (510) 622-2916.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>North Bay workers — in Sonoma, Napa, Solano, Marin and Contra Costa counties — can call the American Canyon office at (707) 649-3700.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>There’s also a statewide heat help line, which offers assistance in both English and Spanish (and can connect workers to assistance in other languages): (833) 579-0927.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When filing a complaint, you’ll be asked questions about your employer or company, including the name, location and number of workers on site, how many hours you work in a day and what the safety issue is. This is when having a written record of past incidents or requests is especially useful.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While providing your name is optional, Hornung from Cal/OSHA says that if you provide your contact information, you can be notified when the report was received and if Cal/OSHA will look into the situation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If Cal/OSHA takes up your case, the agency will assign an inspector to your work site who will speak to both employers and employees. Hornung says the inspection can take up to six months, although it often takes less.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11887034\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/08/RS50579_002_SanFrancisco_HeatWaveImpacts_08062021-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11887034 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/08/RS50579_002_SanFrancisco_HeatWaveImpacts_08062021-qut.jpg\" alt=\"A close-up of a worker's hands shelling long beans.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/08/RS50579_002_SanFrancisco_HeatWaveImpacts_08062021-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/08/RS50579_002_SanFrancisco_HeatWaveImpacts_08062021-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/08/RS50579_002_SanFrancisco_HeatWaveImpacts_08062021-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/08/RS50579_002_SanFrancisco_HeatWaveImpacts_08062021-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/08/RS50579_002_SanFrancisco_HeatWaveImpacts_08062021-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A vendor takes shelter from the sun while shelling beans in San Francisco on Aug. 6, 2021. David Hornung from Cal/OSHA says that state heat protections apply to every person who works outdoors — not just agricultural workers. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“If there were any violations of the California code of regulations,” he said, “then the employer would be cited for those violations and those citations would have a monetary penalty.” The employer would also have to resolve whatever issue is putting workers at risk.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca id=\"report\">\u003c/a>If your employer decides to retaliate against you during this time and either threatens you, cuts your hours or fires you, that’s grounds for a retaliation complaint with the state Labor Commissioner’s Office. You can \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/dlse/rci_osha_complaint.htm\">file a retaliation complaint online\u003c/a>; by calling (714) 558-4913; or through \u003ca href=\"mailto:oshaRetaliation@dir.ca.gov\">email\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If [your employer] retaliates against you, you have a remedy,” said Breining. “They can reinstate you, there’s penalties for retaliation, there’s back wages you can get.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you are an agricultural worker, another option is filing an unfair labor practice charge against your employer with the state’s Agricultural Labor Relations Board (ALRB). The ALRB investigates potential unfair labor practices including retaliation by an employer against a worker who reports unsafe working conditions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At least two workers must come together to file a charge with the ALRB. You can \u003ca href=\"https://www.alrb.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/sites/196/2018/05/alrb_form38_en.pdf\">file a charge using this form\u003c/a> and then send it, either though the mail or fax, to the closest ALRB office. In the Bay Area, \u003ca href=\"https://www.alrb.ca.gov/contact-us/\">the regional ALRB office is in Santa Rosa\u003c/a>:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>606 Healdsburg Avenue\u003cbr>\nSanta Rosa, CA 95401\u003cbr>\nPhone: (707) 527-3256\u003cbr>\nFax: (707) 576-2360\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"options\">\u003c/a>What are my other options?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Last summer, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11875988/minimal-to-non-existent-safety-inspector-shortage-worsened-in-pandemic-leaving-california-workers-vulnerable\">workers at an Oakland fast food restaurant filed a workplace COVID-19 safety complaint\u003c/a> with Cal/OSHA against their employer, alleging unsafe working conditions Agency officials responded nine months later saying no violations had been found — even as the employees who filed the original report claim that inspectors never reached out to them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"news_11875988\" hero=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/RS49630_GettyImages-1231067411-qut-1020x600.jpg\"]\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2020/10/cal-osha-response-covid-complaints/\">Understaffing has plagued Cal/OSHA\u003c/a> for years, and that has only been exacerbated during the pandemic, limiting the agency’s ability to investigate claims.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That said, \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/dosh/COVID19citations.html\">the agency has already issued hundreds of citations this year\u003c/a> to employers who have not adhered to workplace regulations — so filing a claim can in some cases produce an outcome.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But there are additional steps you can take.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breining, the workers’ rights attorney, points out that there are multiple legal aid offices around the Bay Area that can support employees throughout the complaint process and offer additional legal assistance, most of the time at no cost — including her office, Centro Legal de la Raza.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re more than happy to help [workers] make the complaint or help make them make a demand letter if they don’t really want to go through this more formal process,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breining adds that in many cases, workers reach out to her office after their employers have already retaliated against them or they have already suffered heat-related illness. While Centro Legal can still provide assistance, she encourages workers to seek aid before things go wrong.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We prefer to help when it’s actually happening so that you don’t have to do some of the difficult legal processes after the fact,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here are some organizations that offer free legal aid to workers in the Bay Area:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://legalaidatwork.org/\">Legal Aid at Work\u003c/a>: (415) 864-8208\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.advancingjustice-alc.org/\">Asian Americans Advancing Justice/Asian Law Caucus\u003c/a>: (415) 896-1701\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.centrolegal.org/\">Centro Legal de la Raza\u003c/a> (Oakland): (510) 437-1554\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://lrcl.org/\">La Raza Centro Legal\u003c/a> (San Francisco): (415) 575-3500\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.tuwu.org/\">Trabajadores Unidos Workers United\u003c/a>: (415) 621-4155\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"http://streetlevelhealthproject.org/\">Street Level Health Project\u003c/a>: (510) 533-9906\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://crla.org\">California Rural Legal Assistance\u003c/a>: (800) 337-0690\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>A version of this story was originally published on Sept. 8, 2021. This post includes reporting from KQED’s Farida Jhabvala Romero.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "A step-by-step guide to asking your employer for protections against the heat. California law mandates protections for all outdoor workers — regardless of immigration status or work arrangement.",
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"title": "Feeling the Heat: How Outdoor Workers Can Advocate for Safer Conditions on the Job | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11955907/derechos-laborales-ola-de-calor\">Leer en español\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Don’t have time to read the whole guide? Click on the links below to skip to a specific section:\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#protections\">\u003cstrong>If I work outside in California, what protections do I have during dangerously hot weather?\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#talk\">\u003cstrong>How should I talk to my employer about these protections?\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#still\">\u003cstrong>What can I do if my employer still doesn’t provide these protections?\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#report\">\u003cstrong>What can I do if my employer retaliated against me for speaking up?\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#options\">\u003cstrong>What are my other options here?\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>The Bay Area is experiencing an intense heat wave this September with \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/NWSBayArea/status/1567316722000207872\">several cities registering all-time record temperatures\u003c/a>. On September 6, San José reached 109 degrees, while Santa Rosa topped 115 degrees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although some residents are able to work in air-conditioned offices or homes to avoid the worst of the heat, many essential workers — including construction workers, farm laborers and delivery people — have to remain outdoors, exposed to the most intense heat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, employers are legally required to provide all outdoor workers with four things to prevent heat-related illness: access to fresh water, shade, breaks and an emergency response plan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But KQED has spoken to various outdoor workers who say that bringing up their rights with their employer isn’t so easy. For some, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11918317/blacklisted-for-speaking-up-how-california-farmworkers-fighting-abuses-are-vulnerable-to-retaliation\">the risk of losing their job for speaking up against an unsafe workplace is always present\u003c/a> while others are unsure whether they are eligible for these protections due to their contract or immigration status.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s despite \u003ca href=\"https://www.99calor.org/english.html\">rules established by the California Occupational Safety and Health Standards Board\u003c/a> (Cal/OSHA) that are meant to protect all outdoor employees in California, regardless of their immigration or employment status. But still, that doesn’t make some workers feel any more comfortable talking to their bosses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s a real concern,” said David Hornung, Cal/OSHA’s heat and agriculture program coordinator: “workers not wanting to ask for their worker protections because of their concern of retaliation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you’re working outside during a heat wave and your employer isn’t providing you with the required protections, there are a number of things you can do, even if you don’t feel comfortable bringing things up directly with your supervisor.\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"protections\">\u003c/a>What are the Cal/OSHA protections?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In July 2006, a major \u003ca href=\"https://oehha.ca.gov/epic/impacts-biological-systems/heat-related-mortality-and-morbidity\">heat wave in California resulted in at least 140 deaths\u003c/a> over two weeks, the highest fatality rate on record from a single heat event, prompting state regulators to strengthen protections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“The employer must provide drinking water that is fresh, cool and free so that each worker has a sufficient amount to drink,” said Angela Yahaira Breining, a staff attorney with the Workers’ Rights program at Centro Legal de la Raza in Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California defines a “sufficient” drinking supply as at least one quart of water per hour. And even if workers bring their own water bottles, employers must still have enough water available on site.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When temperatures rise above 80 degrees, employers must also provide an area with enough shade to accommodate every worker on-site. But, Breining adds, workers also have the right to request breaks in the shade — regardless of temperature — whenever they feel the need to.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And when temperatures rise over 95 degrees, “employers or supervisors must observe these employees regularly,” Breining said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Having a supervisor on-site, she explains, is key to setting up a communication system that can swing into action if a worker starts to feel sick. “If someone is getting a headache, having them sit down, making sure that there is a safe way of communicating with higher-ups, and having an emergency plan in place,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Setting up an emergency plan is the next requirement for employers, says Hornung from Cal/OSHA. That includes “training for all the employees so they recognize the signs and symptoms of heat illness in themselves or in their co-workers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11886992\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11886992 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/08/RS50584_007_SanFrancisco_HeatWaveImpacts_08062021-qut.jpg\" alt=\"A man, face concealed by a tarp, sit surrounded by bundles of dried red beans, shelling them into a bucket in his lap.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/08/RS50584_007_SanFrancisco_HeatWaveImpacts_08062021-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/08/RS50584_007_SanFrancisco_HeatWaveImpacts_08062021-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/08/RS50584_007_SanFrancisco_HeatWaveImpacts_08062021-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/08/RS50584_007_SanFrancisco_HeatWaveImpacts_08062021-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/08/RS50584_007_SanFrancisco_HeatWaveImpacts_08062021-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A vendor sitting in the back of a tarp-covered truck in San Francisco’s Mission District shells beans on Aug. 6, 2021. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>Whom do these heat protections apply to?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>A misconception Hornung says he often hears is that Cal/OSHA rules only apply to certain industries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It applies to all outdoor workers, not just agriculture,” he said. “It applies to construction workers, gardeners, landscapers, maintenance people and anyone driving around in trucks that don’t have air-conditioning.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another common misconception, Hornung adds, is that the protections apply only to citizens or employees with valid immigration status.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“California law for workplace safety is great because it protects all workers regardless of immigration status,” he said. “So whether you are here with the right papers or not, you are still protected by our regulations.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But for people who work informally, things are a bit trickier and often depend on the situation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hornung explains that Cal/OSHA first needs to verify that there is an “employee-employer relationship” — in other words, that the worker has provided labor in exchange for payment. This can include workers who lack a formal contract.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If an employee is paid by an employer, then that establishes an employer-employee relationship,” said Hornung.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the heat protections don’t apply to someone who is self-employed through an informal business, like fruit cart owners who sell their own produce.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"talk\">\u003c/a>If my boss is not following Cal/OSHA regulations, how should I bring it up?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Although it may be difficult for some workers to approach their supervisors, California labor laws prohibit employers from retaliating against workers who raise concerns about unsafe working conditions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s unlawful for an employer to retaliate against this — speaking about a workplace right they are entitled to,” said Breining, the workers’ rights attorney.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She recommends workers document in writing everything that’s going on, including keeping track of the dates and places that their bosses haven’t followed regulations. And she suggests workers also address their employers in writing, in the form of a text message, an email or a traditional letter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Specifically say what it is that you are requesting,” she said. “Are you requesting for the employer to provide training, to see what the heat illness prevention plan is or to request these cooldown breaks?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Documenting every time an employer does not follow heat regulations can be useful later on if a worker decides to file a complaint with Cal/OSHA, Breining says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, Hornung suggests that workers who fear immediate retaliation first discuss the issue with their peers to build additional support. “So rather than you as an individual asking your boss, try to get your co-workers to ask as a group,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, the fact that retaliation is illegal doesn’t prevent an employer from retaliating against workers who speak up against an unsafe workplace, says Cynthia Rice, director of litigation, advocacy and training at California Rural Legal Assistance, a group that provides free legal aid to agricultural workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We never say the employer can’t retaliate against you because of course the employer can retaliate against you,” she told KQED. If you believe your employer fired you or cut your hours or wages because you spoke up for a safe workplace, \u003ca href=\"#report\">\u003cstrong>you can report this behavior to labor officials, who can start an investigation\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11887210\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11887210 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/09/RS50606_031_SanFrancisco_HeatWaveImpacts_08062021-qut.jpg\" alt=\"Clear plastic tubs of brightly colored fruit beneath an awning, with a city block in the background.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/09/RS50606_031_SanFrancisco_HeatWaveImpacts_08062021-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/09/RS50606_031_SanFrancisco_HeatWaveImpacts_08062021-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/09/RS50606_031_SanFrancisco_HeatWaveImpacts_08062021-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/09/RS50606_031_SanFrancisco_HeatWaveImpacts_08062021-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/09/RS50606_031_SanFrancisco_HeatWaveImpacts_08062021-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A vendor sells cut fruit underneath an umbrella in San Francisco’s Mission District on Aug. 6, 2021. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"still\">\u003c/a>My boss didn’t listen to me. What do I do now?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>If an employer is still unwilling to provide required heat protections, the next step may be to file a complaint with Cal/OSHA, a process that can be completed anonymously.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agency has several Bay Area field offices workers can contact directly to file a report, based on where their work sites are located.\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>San Francisco workers can call (415) 557-0100.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>San Mateo County workers can call the Foster City office at (650) 573-3812. This office also accommodates workers in some Santa Clara locations, including Palo Alto, Mountain View and Sunnyvale.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Most workers in Santa Clara County can call the Fremont office at (510) 794-2521.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Alameda County workers can call the Oakland office at (510) 622-2916.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>North Bay workers — in Sonoma, Napa, Solano, Marin and Contra Costa counties — can call the American Canyon office at (707) 649-3700.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>There’s also a statewide heat help line, which offers assistance in both English and Spanish (and can connect workers to assistance in other languages): (833) 579-0927.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When filing a complaint, you’ll be asked questions about your employer or company, including the name, location and number of workers on site, how many hours you work in a day and what the safety issue is. This is when having a written record of past incidents or requests is especially useful.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While providing your name is optional, Hornung from Cal/OSHA says that if you provide your contact information, you can be notified when the report was received and if Cal/OSHA will look into the situation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If Cal/OSHA takes up your case, the agency will assign an inspector to your work site who will speak to both employers and employees. Hornung says the inspection can take up to six months, although it often takes less.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11887034\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/08/RS50579_002_SanFrancisco_HeatWaveImpacts_08062021-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11887034 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/08/RS50579_002_SanFrancisco_HeatWaveImpacts_08062021-qut.jpg\" alt=\"A close-up of a worker's hands shelling long beans.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/08/RS50579_002_SanFrancisco_HeatWaveImpacts_08062021-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/08/RS50579_002_SanFrancisco_HeatWaveImpacts_08062021-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/08/RS50579_002_SanFrancisco_HeatWaveImpacts_08062021-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/08/RS50579_002_SanFrancisco_HeatWaveImpacts_08062021-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/08/RS50579_002_SanFrancisco_HeatWaveImpacts_08062021-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A vendor takes shelter from the sun while shelling beans in San Francisco on Aug. 6, 2021. David Hornung from Cal/OSHA says that state heat protections apply to every person who works outdoors — not just agricultural workers. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“If there were any violations of the California code of regulations,” he said, “then the employer would be cited for those violations and those citations would have a monetary penalty.” The employer would also have to resolve whatever issue is putting workers at risk.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca id=\"report\">\u003c/a>If your employer decides to retaliate against you during this time and either threatens you, cuts your hours or fires you, that’s grounds for a retaliation complaint with the state Labor Commissioner’s Office. You can \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/dlse/rci_osha_complaint.htm\">file a retaliation complaint online\u003c/a>; by calling (714) 558-4913; or through \u003ca href=\"mailto:oshaRetaliation@dir.ca.gov\">email\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If [your employer] retaliates against you, you have a remedy,” said Breining. “They can reinstate you, there’s penalties for retaliation, there’s back wages you can get.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you are an agricultural worker, another option is filing an unfair labor practice charge against your employer with the state’s Agricultural Labor Relations Board (ALRB). The ALRB investigates potential unfair labor practices including retaliation by an employer against a worker who reports unsafe working conditions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At least two workers must come together to file a charge with the ALRB. You can \u003ca href=\"https://www.alrb.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/sites/196/2018/05/alrb_form38_en.pdf\">file a charge using this form\u003c/a> and then send it, either though the mail or fax, to the closest ALRB office. In the Bay Area, \u003ca href=\"https://www.alrb.ca.gov/contact-us/\">the regional ALRB office is in Santa Rosa\u003c/a>:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>606 Healdsburg Avenue\u003cbr>\nSanta Rosa, CA 95401\u003cbr>\nPhone: (707) 527-3256\u003cbr>\nFax: (707) 576-2360\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"options\">\u003c/a>What are my other options?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Last summer, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11875988/minimal-to-non-existent-safety-inspector-shortage-worsened-in-pandemic-leaving-california-workers-vulnerable\">workers at an Oakland fast food restaurant filed a workplace COVID-19 safety complaint\u003c/a> with Cal/OSHA against their employer, alleging unsafe working conditions Agency officials responded nine months later saying no violations had been found — even as the employees who filed the original report claim that inspectors never reached out to them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2020/10/cal-osha-response-covid-complaints/\">Understaffing has plagued Cal/OSHA\u003c/a> for years, and that has only been exacerbated during the pandemic, limiting the agency’s ability to investigate claims.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That said, \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/dosh/COVID19citations.html\">the agency has already issued hundreds of citations this year\u003c/a> to employers who have not adhered to workplace regulations — so filing a claim can in some cases produce an outcome.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But there are additional steps you can take.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breining, the workers’ rights attorney, points out that there are multiple legal aid offices around the Bay Area that can support employees throughout the complaint process and offer additional legal assistance, most of the time at no cost — including her office, Centro Legal de la Raza.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re more than happy to help [workers] make the complaint or help make them make a demand letter if they don’t really want to go through this more formal process,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breining adds that in many cases, workers reach out to her office after their employers have already retaliated against them or they have already suffered heat-related illness. While Centro Legal can still provide assistance, she encourages workers to seek aid before things go wrong.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We prefer to help when it’s actually happening so that you don’t have to do some of the difficult legal processes after the fact,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here are some organizations that offer free legal aid to workers in the Bay Area:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://legalaidatwork.org/\">Legal Aid at Work\u003c/a>: (415) 864-8208\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.advancingjustice-alc.org/\">Asian Americans Advancing Justice/Asian Law Caucus\u003c/a>: (415) 896-1701\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.centrolegal.org/\">Centro Legal de la Raza\u003c/a> (Oakland): (510) 437-1554\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://lrcl.org/\">La Raza Centro Legal\u003c/a> (San Francisco): (415) 575-3500\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.tuwu.org/\">Trabajadores Unidos Workers United\u003c/a>: (415) 621-4155\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"http://streetlevelhealthproject.org/\">Street Level Health Project\u003c/a>: (510) 533-9906\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://crla.org\">California Rural Legal Assistance\u003c/a>: (800) 337-0690\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>A version of this story was originally published on Sept. 8, 2021. This post includes reporting from KQED’s Farida Jhabvala Romero.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
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"info": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown brings listeners the wisdom of the former Governor, Mayor, and presidential candidate. Scott Shafer interviewed Brown for more than 40 hours, covering the former governor's life and half-century in the political game – and Brown has some lessons he'd like to share. ",
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"marketplace": {
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"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 4pm-4:30pm, MON-WED 6:30pm-7pm",
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"masters-of-scale": {
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},
"mindshift": {
"id": "mindshift",
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"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
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"order": 12
},
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM1NzY0NjAwNDI5",
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"morning-edition": {
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"info": "\u003cem>Morning Edition\u003c/em> takes listeners around the country and the world with multi-faceted stories and commentaries every weekday. Hosts Steve Inskeep, David Greene and Rachel Martin bring you the latest breaking news and features to prepare you for the day.",
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"onourwatch": {
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"title": "On Our Watch",
"tagline": "Deeply-reported investigative journalism",
"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
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"order": 11
},
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"on-the-media": {
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"title": "On The Media",
"info": "Our weekly podcast explores how the media 'sausage' is made, casts an incisive eye on fluctuations in the marketplace of ideas, and examines threats to the freedom of information and expression in America and abroad. For one hour a week, the show tries to lift the veil from the process of \"making media,\" especially news media, because it's through that lens that we see the world and the world sees us",
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},
"link": "/radio/program/on-the-media",
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},
"pbs-newshour": {
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"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/radio/PBS-NewsHour---Full-Show-p425698/",
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},
"perspectives": {
"id": "perspectives",
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"order": 14
},
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"planet-money": {
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"info": "The economy explained. Imagine you could call up a friend and say, Meet me at the bar and tell me what's going on with the economy. Now imagine that's actually a fun evening.",
"airtime": "SUN 3pm-4pm",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/planetmoney.jpg",
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},
"link": "/radio/program/planet-money",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/planet-money/id290783428?mt=2",
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},
"politicalbreakdown": {
"id": "politicalbreakdown",
"title": "Political Breakdown",
"tagline": "Politics from a personal perspective",
"info": "Political Breakdown is a new series that explores the political intersection of California and the nation. Each week hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos are joined with a new special guest to unpack politics -- with personality — and offer an insider’s glimpse at how politics happens.",
"airtime": "THU 6:30pm-7pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Political-Breakdown-2024-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
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"order": 5
},
"link": "/podcasts/politicalbreakdown",
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"amazon": "https://music.amazon.com/podcasts/e0c2d153-ad36-4c8d-901d-f1da6a724824/political-breakdown",
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"possible": {
"id": "possible",
"title": "Possible",
"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
"airtime": "SUN 2pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Possible-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.possible.fm/",
"meta": {
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"source": "Possible"
},
"link": "/radio/program/possible",
"subscribe": {
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"spotify": "https://open.spotify.com/show/730YpdUSNlMyPQwNnyjp4k"
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},
"pri-the-world": {
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