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"content": "\u003cp>As Sen. Dianne Feinstein is being eulogized for her long career in elected office, and her impact on gun control, water policy and other political issues, one Oakland family is remembering a more personal side of the late Senator.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2013, Highland Hospital oncology nurse María Mendoza reached out to Feinstein’s office for help when she and her husband Eusebio Sánchez, a truck driver, were at risk of deportation to Mexico. Feinstein advocated vigorously, even sponsoring a private bill, to keep the parents in the U.S. with their four children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the bill failed and, in August 2017, U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement warned the parents they would be deported.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vianney Mendoza, now 29, remembers getting a call from the Senator’s staff the day before her parents were to board a plane. They were startled to hear that Feinstein was going to pay them a visit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We were confused because we didn’t know what they meant. And it turned out that the senator had her staff drive her from her office in San Francisco all the way to our little neighborhood in East Oakland,” said Vianney. “She came into our house, took my mother by the hand, and let her know, ‘I’m sorry that I couldn’t stop this. But your kids are going to be okay. I promise you that they’re going to be okay.’ And she hugged my mom. She hugged us.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11962980\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1642px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11962980\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/230929-DIANNE-FEINSTEIN-IMMIGRATION-01-KQED.jpeg\" alt=\"A group of people sit on a sofa indoors and smile for the camera.\" width=\"1642\" height=\"1095\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/230929-DIANNE-FEINSTEIN-IMMIGRATION-01-KQED.jpeg 1642w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/230929-DIANNE-FEINSTEIN-IMMIGRATION-01-KQED-800x533.jpeg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/230929-DIANNE-FEINSTEIN-IMMIGRATION-01-KQED-1020x680.jpeg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/230929-DIANNE-FEINSTEIN-IMMIGRATION-01-KQED-160x107.jpeg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/230929-DIANNE-FEINSTEIN-IMMIGRATION-01-KQED-1536x1024.jpeg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1642px) 100vw, 1642px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Sen. Dianne Feinstein (second from left) visited María Mendoza and her family at their home in Oakland in August 2017, the day before she and her husband flew to Mexico in the face of deportation. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of María Mendoza)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Vianney said she was struck that Feinstein was not there for media recognition or to make a public statement, but because these were her constituents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She made my family feel like we mattered,” she said. “She made us feel like we did belong here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"María Mendoza \"]‘Senator Feinstein was the answer to my prayers. From the first time I reached out to her for help, she was there for us. … She will forever live in my heart.’[/pullquote]That fall, as Vianney, a new graduate from UC Santa Cruz, was struggling to raise her younger sisters, she got another call: Feinstein invited them to join her family’s Thanksgiving dinner in San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ll never forget me and my siblings scrambling to think of what we were going to wear to such an event,” she recalled. “It was an intimate setting. And for the entertainment, she hired a magician. So before dinner, we all saw a magic show in her living room.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With Feinstein’s help, a year and a half later, María Mendoza was able to return to California and her job at Highland Hospital on an H-1B visa, a temporary visa for skilled workers. Shortly afterward, in February 2019, the senator invited María to be her guest at President Donald Trump’s State of the Union speech in Washington, D.C.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Senator Feinstein was the answer to my prayers,” María said Friday. “From the first time I reached out to her for help, she was there for us. … She will forever live in my heart.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11962979\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 1242px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11962979\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/230929-DIANNE-FEINSTEIN-IMMIGRATION-02-KQED-2.jpeg\" alt=\"Two people hug and pose for the camera in an indoor setting.\" width=\"1242\" height=\"1863\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/230929-DIANNE-FEINSTEIN-IMMIGRATION-02-KQED-2.jpeg 1242w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/230929-DIANNE-FEINSTEIN-IMMIGRATION-02-KQED-2-800x1200.jpeg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/230929-DIANNE-FEINSTEIN-IMMIGRATION-02-KQED-2-1020x1530.jpeg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/230929-DIANNE-FEINSTEIN-IMMIGRATION-02-KQED-2-160x240.jpeg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/230929-DIANNE-FEINSTEIN-IMMIGRATION-02-KQED-2-1024x1536.jpeg 1024w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1242px) 100vw, 1242px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Sen. Dianne Feinstein (left) poses with María Mendoza in her Washington, DC office before the State of the Union speech in February 2019, after Mendoza, an oncology nurse at Highland Hospital in Oakland, was able to return to the US on an H-1B visa. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of María Mendoza)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Some time later, the Senator invited the family to lunch at Water Bar, a seafood restaurant on San Francisco’s Embarcadero. Vianney recalled that Feinstein turned to her during the meal and asked her what she wanted to do with her life, now that her mother was home and she could think about her own plans again.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That was a very daunting question to be asked by a Senator,” said Vianney, who has temporary immigration status through Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals, or DACA. “I didn’t have too much of an answer, but I just let her know that I want to use my experience of what we went through to help people in my community.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vianney said Feinstein gave it some thought, then turned to her staff and asked if there were any openings in her district office. Shortly afterwards, Vianney was offered an internship.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That experience enabled Vianney to land a job at the Alameda County District Attorney’s office, where she still works today, assisting crime victims and their families.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The senator is someone who, to this day I hold near and dear to my heart,” she said. “She truly demonstrated to me the impact that one person can have.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>As Sen. Dianne Feinstein is being eulogized for her long career in elected office, and her impact on gun control, water policy and other political issues, one Oakland family is remembering a more personal side of the late Senator.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2013, Highland Hospital oncology nurse María Mendoza reached out to Feinstein’s office for help when she and her husband Eusebio Sánchez, a truck driver, were at risk of deportation to Mexico. Feinstein advocated vigorously, even sponsoring a private bill, to keep the parents in the U.S. with their four children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the bill failed and, in August 2017, U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement warned the parents they would be deported.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vianney Mendoza, now 29, remembers getting a call from the Senator’s staff the day before her parents were to board a plane. They were startled to hear that Feinstein was going to pay them a visit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We were confused because we didn’t know what they meant. And it turned out that the senator had her staff drive her from her office in San Francisco all the way to our little neighborhood in East Oakland,” said Vianney. “She came into our house, took my mother by the hand, and let her know, ‘I’m sorry that I couldn’t stop this. But your kids are going to be okay. I promise you that they’re going to be okay.’ And she hugged my mom. She hugged us.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11962980\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1642px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11962980\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/230929-DIANNE-FEINSTEIN-IMMIGRATION-01-KQED.jpeg\" alt=\"A group of people sit on a sofa indoors and smile for the camera.\" width=\"1642\" height=\"1095\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/230929-DIANNE-FEINSTEIN-IMMIGRATION-01-KQED.jpeg 1642w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/230929-DIANNE-FEINSTEIN-IMMIGRATION-01-KQED-800x533.jpeg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/230929-DIANNE-FEINSTEIN-IMMIGRATION-01-KQED-1020x680.jpeg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/230929-DIANNE-FEINSTEIN-IMMIGRATION-01-KQED-160x107.jpeg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/230929-DIANNE-FEINSTEIN-IMMIGRATION-01-KQED-1536x1024.jpeg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1642px) 100vw, 1642px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Sen. Dianne Feinstein (second from left) visited María Mendoza and her family at their home in Oakland in August 2017, the day before she and her husband flew to Mexico in the face of deportation. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of María Mendoza)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Vianney said she was struck that Feinstein was not there for media recognition or to make a public statement, but because these were her constituents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She made my family feel like we mattered,” she said. “She made us feel like we did belong here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>That fall, as Vianney, a new graduate from UC Santa Cruz, was struggling to raise her younger sisters, she got another call: Feinstein invited them to join her family’s Thanksgiving dinner in San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ll never forget me and my siblings scrambling to think of what we were going to wear to such an event,” she recalled. “It was an intimate setting. And for the entertainment, she hired a magician. So before dinner, we all saw a magic show in her living room.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With Feinstein’s help, a year and a half later, María Mendoza was able to return to California and her job at Highland Hospital on an H-1B visa, a temporary visa for skilled workers. Shortly afterward, in February 2019, the senator invited María to be her guest at President Donald Trump’s State of the Union speech in Washington, D.C.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Senator Feinstein was the answer to my prayers,” María said Friday. “From the first time I reached out to her for help, she was there for us. … She will forever live in my heart.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11962979\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 1242px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11962979\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/230929-DIANNE-FEINSTEIN-IMMIGRATION-02-KQED-2.jpeg\" alt=\"Two people hug and pose for the camera in an indoor setting.\" width=\"1242\" height=\"1863\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/230929-DIANNE-FEINSTEIN-IMMIGRATION-02-KQED-2.jpeg 1242w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/230929-DIANNE-FEINSTEIN-IMMIGRATION-02-KQED-2-800x1200.jpeg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/230929-DIANNE-FEINSTEIN-IMMIGRATION-02-KQED-2-1020x1530.jpeg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/230929-DIANNE-FEINSTEIN-IMMIGRATION-02-KQED-2-160x240.jpeg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/230929-DIANNE-FEINSTEIN-IMMIGRATION-02-KQED-2-1024x1536.jpeg 1024w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1242px) 100vw, 1242px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Sen. Dianne Feinstein (left) poses with María Mendoza in her Washington, DC office before the State of the Union speech in February 2019, after Mendoza, an oncology nurse at Highland Hospital in Oakland, was able to return to the US on an H-1B visa. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of María Mendoza)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Some time later, the Senator invited the family to lunch at Water Bar, a seafood restaurant on San Francisco’s Embarcadero. Vianney recalled that Feinstein turned to her during the meal and asked her what she wanted to do with her life, now that her mother was home and she could think about her own plans again.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That was a very daunting question to be asked by a Senator,” said Vianney, who has temporary immigration status through Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals, or DACA. “I didn’t have too much of an answer, but I just let her know that I want to use my experience of what we went through to help people in my community.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vianney said Feinstein gave it some thought, then turned to her staff and asked if there were any openings in her district office. Shortly afterwards, Vianney was offered an internship.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That experience enabled Vianney to land a job at the Alameda County District Attorney’s office, where she still works today, assisting crime victims and their families.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The senator is someone who, to this day I hold near and dear to my heart,” she said. “She truly demonstrated to me the impact that one person can have.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "Advocates Vow to Fight On After Newsom Vetoes Bill to End Some Transfers From Prison to ICE",
"headTitle": "Advocates Vow to Fight On After Newsom Vetoes Bill to End Some Transfers From Prison to ICE | KQED",
"content": "\u003cp>Lawmakers and immigrant advocates vow to persist after Gov. Gavin Newsom vetoed a bill that would have protected some immigrants from federal authorities if they’re released from prison under state criminal justice reforms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State Assemblymember Wendy Carrillo (D-Los Angeles), the bill’s author, said she was disappointed in Newsom’s decision to veto \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11946255/california-bill-would-protect-immigrants-freed-under-criminal-justice-reforms-from-being-handed-to-ice\">AB 1306, known as the HOME Act\u003c/a>, saying collaboration with U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement amounts to “double punishment” for immigrants who have earned parole.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was never the intention of the Legislature to exclude immigrants from restorative justice reform policies,” Carrillo said. “I am committed to re-introducing the policy and ending a dual system of justice in California that treats immigrants as less than and unworthy of a second chance.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"ICE Out of California Coalition\"]‘The Governor may claim that he supports rehabilitation and second chances. Yet he cannot praise rehabilitation in one breath, but condone the racist targeting of immigrants for detention and deportation in the next.’[/pullquote]The bill would have required the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation to let noncitizens return to their homes and communities, as U.S. citizens do, if they earn clemency from the governor or resentencing under \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11714104/jerry-brown-will-leave-lasting-impact-on-criminal-justice-in-california\">recent laws aimed at rehabilitation and reducing mass incarceration\u003c/a> and racial disparities in sentencing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under current practice, prison officials alert federal authorities and arrange to transfer noncitizen inmates to immigration custody upon their release. Even longtime legal residents with green cards can spend months or years in ICE detention, and many are eventually deported.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom vetoed the bill Friday evening and issued a statement explaining the decision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The bill would prevent information sharing and coordination upon a person’s release from CDCR custody for a significant number of people and, as a result, would impede CDCR’s interaction with a federal law enforcement agency charged with assessing public safety risks,” he wrote. “I believe current law strikes the right balance on limiting interaction to support community trust and cooperation between law enforcement and local communities. For this reason, I cannot sign this bill.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates called Newsom’s veto a calculated move to protect his presidential aspirations. A statement from the ICE Out of California Coalition reads in part: “We denounce Gov. Newsom’s cruel, callous and cowardly decision to veto this common-sense solution. When policy-making is driven by vanity and crass ambition rather than sound judgment, all Californians suffer.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under federal immigration law, even legal permanent residents can lose their lawful status and be deported if they have committed certain crimes. Nothing in the state bill would have prevented ICE from locating those people after they returned home. But it would have restricted the state’s role in cooperating with ICE’s enforcement efforts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The HOME Act is more limited than a different bill last year, the VISION Act, which would have blocked all transfers from prison to ICE. That bill \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11924388/effort-to-block-prison-to-ice-transfers-in-california-fails-in-final-hours-of-legislative-session\">narrowly failed in the state Legislature last August\u003c/a>. But the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11960794/a-bill-to-stop-some-prison-to-ice-transfers-heads-to-newsoms-desk\">HOME Act overwhelmingly passed both the state Assembly and Senate this year\u003c/a>. It would have shielded incarcerated people from ICE if they qualified for release under criminal justice reform bills signed by Newsom and former Gov. Jerry Brown, including:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Elderly people or those suffering severe medical conditions.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>People whose crimes were committed in their youth and have already served long sentences.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>People whose crimes were a direct result of suffering sexual assault or domestic violence.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Several states, including Oregon, Illinois, plus Washington, D.C., have already enacted legislation to restrict prison-to-ICE transfers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Law enforcement groups that had opposed the broader VISION Act took no position on the HOME Act, so the bill faced no organized opposition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, sanctuary laws prevent local police and sheriffs from cooperating in immigration enforcement much of the time. But there’s a broad exemption for prisons. CDCR documents recently obtained under public records laws by the ACLU of Northern California show that in just two months last year California turned over 200 people to ICE after they’d served their time in prison. In addition, the records show, incarcerated people who have been flagged for ICE are barred from many re-entry programs in prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Governor may claim that he supports rehabilitation and second chances,” said the ICE Out of California Coalition. “Yet he cannot praise rehabilitation in one breath, but condone the racist targeting of immigrants for detention and deportation in the next.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One person who knows the toll of the current policy is Los Angeles resident Sandra Castañeda. She served 19 years of a 40-year murder sentence she received for driving a van out of which a man shot and killed someone. But her conviction was vacated after California reformed a law that had caused people like her to be sentenced for murders they did not commit. In addition, Newsom commuted her sentence, based on her rehabilitation in prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11943030,news_11946255]But instead of going home, Castañeda, who’s had a legal green card since she was 9, spent an additional year in ICE detention fighting until her deportation case was dropped by an immigration judge last year. She said she feels devastated for other immigrants who will suffer a similar fate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s like a slap in the face,” she said of the governor’s veto. “He commuted me! We’ve been rehabilitated, and then you want us to get deported? But the fight doesn’t stop here. Hopefully someday somebody will realize that this law should pass.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, another criminal justice bill that was well on its way to the governor’s desk was pulled back at the last minute. Lawmakers carrying the California Mandela Act (AB 280) — a bill to restrict the use of solitary confinement in jails, prisons and ICE facilities — decided to make it a two-year bill after indications that Newsom would veto it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill had passed the Assembly and the state Senate but the two houses have yet to concur on amendments. But the Mandela Act faces opposition from law enforcement groups. Supporters of that bill say they will try to establish a productive dialogue with Newsom and move it forward next year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"description": "The HOME Act had aimed to align prison treatment of immigrants with recent criminal justice reforms focused on rehabilitation and reducing mass incarceration.\r\n",
"title": "Advocates Vow to Fight On After Newsom Vetoes Bill to End Some Transfers From Prison to ICE | KQED",
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"headline": "Advocates Vow to Fight On After Newsom Vetoes Bill to End Some Transfers From Prison to ICE",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Lawmakers and immigrant advocates vow to persist after Gov. Gavin Newsom vetoed a bill that would have protected some immigrants from federal authorities if they’re released from prison under state criminal justice reforms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State Assemblymember Wendy Carrillo (D-Los Angeles), the bill’s author, said she was disappointed in Newsom’s decision to veto \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11946255/california-bill-would-protect-immigrants-freed-under-criminal-justice-reforms-from-being-handed-to-ice\">AB 1306, known as the HOME Act\u003c/a>, saying collaboration with U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement amounts to “double punishment” for immigrants who have earned parole.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was never the intention of the Legislature to exclude immigrants from restorative justice reform policies,” Carrillo said. “I am committed to re-introducing the policy and ending a dual system of justice in California that treats immigrants as less than and unworthy of a second chance.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘The Governor may claim that he supports rehabilitation and second chances. Yet he cannot praise rehabilitation in one breath, but condone the racist targeting of immigrants for detention and deportation in the next.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The bill would have required the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation to let noncitizens return to their homes and communities, as U.S. citizens do, if they earn clemency from the governor or resentencing under \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11714104/jerry-brown-will-leave-lasting-impact-on-criminal-justice-in-california\">recent laws aimed at rehabilitation and reducing mass incarceration\u003c/a> and racial disparities in sentencing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under current practice, prison officials alert federal authorities and arrange to transfer noncitizen inmates to immigration custody upon their release. Even longtime legal residents with green cards can spend months or years in ICE detention, and many are eventually deported.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom vetoed the bill Friday evening and issued a statement explaining the decision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The bill would prevent information sharing and coordination upon a person’s release from CDCR custody for a significant number of people and, as a result, would impede CDCR’s interaction with a federal law enforcement agency charged with assessing public safety risks,” he wrote. “I believe current law strikes the right balance on limiting interaction to support community trust and cooperation between law enforcement and local communities. For this reason, I cannot sign this bill.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates called Newsom’s veto a calculated move to protect his presidential aspirations. A statement from the ICE Out of California Coalition reads in part: “We denounce Gov. Newsom’s cruel, callous and cowardly decision to veto this common-sense solution. When policy-making is driven by vanity and crass ambition rather than sound judgment, all Californians suffer.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under federal immigration law, even legal permanent residents can lose their lawful status and be deported if they have committed certain crimes. Nothing in the state bill would have prevented ICE from locating those people after they returned home. But it would have restricted the state’s role in cooperating with ICE’s enforcement efforts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The HOME Act is more limited than a different bill last year, the VISION Act, which would have blocked all transfers from prison to ICE. That bill \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11924388/effort-to-block-prison-to-ice-transfers-in-california-fails-in-final-hours-of-legislative-session\">narrowly failed in the state Legislature last August\u003c/a>. But the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11960794/a-bill-to-stop-some-prison-to-ice-transfers-heads-to-newsoms-desk\">HOME Act overwhelmingly passed both the state Assembly and Senate this year\u003c/a>. It would have shielded incarcerated people from ICE if they qualified for release under criminal justice reform bills signed by Newsom and former Gov. Jerry Brown, including:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Elderly people or those suffering severe medical conditions.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>People whose crimes were committed in their youth and have already served long sentences.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>People whose crimes were a direct result of suffering sexual assault or domestic violence.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Several states, including Oregon, Illinois, plus Washington, D.C., have already enacted legislation to restrict prison-to-ICE transfers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Law enforcement groups that had opposed the broader VISION Act took no position on the HOME Act, so the bill faced no organized opposition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, sanctuary laws prevent local police and sheriffs from cooperating in immigration enforcement much of the time. But there’s a broad exemption for prisons. CDCR documents recently obtained under public records laws by the ACLU of Northern California show that in just two months last year California turned over 200 people to ICE after they’d served their time in prison. In addition, the records show, incarcerated people who have been flagged for ICE are barred from many re-entry programs in prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Governor may claim that he supports rehabilitation and second chances,” said the ICE Out of California Coalition. “Yet he cannot praise rehabilitation in one breath, but condone the racist targeting of immigrants for detention and deportation in the next.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One person who knows the toll of the current policy is Los Angeles resident Sandra Castañeda. She served 19 years of a 40-year murder sentence she received for driving a van out of which a man shot and killed someone. But her conviction was vacated after California reformed a law that had caused people like her to be sentenced for murders they did not commit. In addition, Newsom commuted her sentence, based on her rehabilitation in prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>But instead of going home, Castañeda, who’s had a legal green card since she was 9, spent an additional year in ICE detention fighting until her deportation case was dropped by an immigration judge last year. She said she feels devastated for other immigrants who will suffer a similar fate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s like a slap in the face,” she said of the governor’s veto. “He commuted me! We’ve been rehabilitated, and then you want us to get deported? But the fight doesn’t stop here. Hopefully someday somebody will realize that this law should pass.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, another criminal justice bill that was well on its way to the governor’s desk was pulled back at the last minute. Lawmakers carrying the California Mandela Act (AB 280) — a bill to restrict the use of solitary confinement in jails, prisons and ICE facilities — decided to make it a two-year bill after indications that Newsom would veto it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill had passed the Assembly and the state Senate but the two houses have yet to concur on amendments. But the Mandela Act faces opposition from law enforcement groups. Supporters of that bill say they will try to establish a productive dialogue with Newsom and move it forward next year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "How Cambodian Americans Heal the Cycle of Intergenerational Trauma",
"headTitle": "How Cambodian Americans Heal the Cycle of Intergenerational Trauma | KQED",
"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>If you or someone you know may be considering suicide or is in crisis, call or text\u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://988lifeline.org/\">\u003cem> 988 to reach the Suicide & Crisis Lifeline\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[dropcap]L[/dropcap]ions and angels guard the perimeter of the main pagoda at Fresno’s largest Cambodian Buddhist temple, resplendent in gold, green and red hues. They were witness to the inauguration of the temple’s first-ever abbot, a lifelong appointment so rare that dozens of Cambodian Buddhist monks from around the world flew in to offer blessings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A sea of orange robes lined the procession route winding around the pagoda. At the center, the new abbot, Say Bunthon, sat atop a chariot serenely taking in the scene. Temple-goers began their circular march as a boisterous band of musicians and singers set the rhythm. This was where I met Nancy Meas a year ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Aren’t they gorgeous?” she asked, smiling from behind a row of lush flower bouquets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11960677\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11960677\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-02-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-02-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-02-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-02-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-02-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-02-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-02-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The pagoda at the Fresno Cambodian Buddhist Society temple on Sept. 9, 2023. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Designed to mimic the colors of the Buddhist flag, blue, orange, red, yellow and white bursts of delphiniums, snapdragons and mums were arranged on the dais. There are 12 in all, and together, they symbolize completion. For Meas, they were a hopeful sign that things were moving in a new direction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She’s dealt with more than her fair share of pain and loss.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 36-year-old was born and raised in Fresno to parents who fled the Khmer Rouge. From 1975 to 1979, soldiers under communist leader Pol Pot, murdered, tortured and starved people in an attempt to rebuild a society free of Western influences.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than 40 years after \u003ca href=\"https://sfi.usc.edu/collections/cambodian-genocide\">the genocide killed some 2 million Cambodians\u003c/a>, the refugees who survived are still struggling to move past the trauma they endured. And that brutal past is often echoed in the next generation — children of refugees like Meas and her siblings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Piecing life back together after a genocide\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Nancy’s father, Kong Meas, became a monk at the Fresno temple in 2014, a few years after his mother died. She was a nun and Kong felt the need to carry on the family tradition. Through his practice, he found a measure of peace after surviving brutal working conditions under the Khmer Rouge regime. There wasn’t always enough food and many people starved to death.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’d work so hard every day, but they would only give us a little bit of porridge,” he said, speaking in Khmer. “Since I didn’t have food to eat, I became really skinny and I couldn’t walk. I would almost fall.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11960680\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11960680\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-07-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-07-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-07-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-07-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-07-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-07-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-07-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Nancy Meas (left) and her father Kong Meas hold a photo of Phay Prak, Nancy’s grandmother and Kong’s mother in the garden at the Fresno Cambodian Buddhist Society temple on Sept. 9, 2023. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>One of his children died from starvation. His older brother was executed by Khmer Rouge soldiers. He never knew what happened to his remains.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They killed soldiers from the former Lon Nol government. They took them away by carloads, including my brother,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 1979, when the regime fell, Kong and his family fled to Thailand. While they waited for exit visas, he risked his life to help other people sneak into their camp, Khao-I-Dang. \u003ca href=\"https://www.unhcr.org/news/stories/famed-cambodian-refugee-camp-reopens-educational-centre\">It was the main place people could get visas to immigrate.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=B1L6eMymNr0\u003c/p>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Sometimes, I would see others on the path having a difficult time,” Kong said. “Or sometimes, the people were lost and didn’t know the path. I would see them and just help guide them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kong Meas recalled how risky the missions were. Most of the time, they had to travel at night. [pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Kong Meas, monk, Fresno Cambodian Buddhist Society \"]‘We’d work so hard every day, but they would only give us a little bit of porridge. Since I didn’t have food to eat, I became really skinny and I couldn’t walk. I would almost fall.’[/pullquote] They encountered thieves who searched travelers for hidden jewelry and he was always on the lookout for armed guards that prowled the jungle paths.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Even when we arrived, we wouldn’t go in immediately for fear that soldiers would see us and shoot us,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One day, it was his family’s turn to leave. They received a visa for the United States and immigrated to Fresno in 1984. Nancy was born two years later.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than 40 years after the genocide, Nancy knows her parents suffer from the trauma of what they witnessed, but they don’t talk much about the details. Even if her parents were willing to share more about what they went through, Nancy might not understand them. She grew up in the U.S., speaking English, while her parents mostly speak Khmer. Things get lost in translation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s broken English, broken Khmer all mixed up. There’s a lot of miscommunication,” Nancy said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11960678\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11960678\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-03-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-03-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-03-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-03-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-03-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-03-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-03-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Community members offer alms to the monks at the Fresno Cambodian Buddhist Society temple on Sept. 9, 2023. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>There are cultural differences at play between the generations too. Nancy said her parents didn’t understand the way their kids dressed or acted once they moved to Fresno. Cambodian society, where they had grown up, is a more reserved society, one with more rules.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s hard to understand their parents, where they came from,” Nancy said. “It’s just a culture clash.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And Nancy said her parents didn’t have a lot of time to spend with their kids to overcome these barriers. They were busy adjusting to a foreign country and finding work, which left Nancy and her siblings fending for themselves in the lower-income neighborhood where they lived.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Second-generation trauma looks different\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The Meas family survived a genocide, but they couldn’t escape more tragedy in the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nancy Meas is one of eight kids, but only five are still alive today. One child died in Cambodia, and Fresno claimed two more. Nancy’s older sister, Kunnea Meas, died by suicide in 2010 at age 25. [pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Nancy Meas\"]‘It’s hard to understand their parents, where they came from. It’s just a culture clash.’[/pullquote] “We didn’t expect it to happen,” Nancy said. “My sister was a very bubbly person, loving, caring, kind.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kunnea was only a year older than Nancy and they were close.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was just so hurtful that she couldn’t at least share what was going inside, what was bothering her because we were really best friends,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kunnea had been struggling with depression for months, but it was taboo in their family to talk about it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You have to be happy and move forward,” Nancy said. “And [my parents] would always tell me the kids back in Cambodia have it much worse than us. You know, we are blessed to be here in America.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nancy knows this is how her parents learned to cope with all they suffered, but she wonders about the impact it had on her sister’s mental health.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11960681\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11960681\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-08-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-08-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-08-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-08-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-08-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-08-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-08-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Nancy Meas at the Fresno Cambodian Buddhist Society temple on Sept. 9, 2023. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“I felt like they were dismissing what we felt internally,” Nancy said. “[I don’t want] to blame them, but I feel, in a sense, that’s the reason why my sister hid everything inside and didn’t dare to let anything out. And she dealt with it by herself.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Around the same time, one of Nancy’s brothers, Chantha, was detained for gang activity. She said gangs were hard to avoid in the Southeast Fresno neighborhood where they grew up. Gangs were a way for boys, in particular, to protect themselves. Two of Nancy’s four brothers got involved. Because of his gang connections, Chantha was deported to Cambodia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He doesn’t even know Cambodia,” she said. “He doesn’t know the culture. He can barely speak the language.” [aside postID=news_11954142 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/062623-CALIFORNIA-ARMENIA-01-KQED-1020x680.jpg'] Just after he was detained, Kunnea died by suicide. Chantha was in shackles when he attended Kunnea’s viewing. He wasn’t even allowed to stay in the country long enough to attend her funeral, which took place several days later.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He took it really hard. He was able to go to her viewing for literally 30 minutes and it broke my heart to see him drop down to his knees and just bawl,” Nancy said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lawyers for the family have been working to bring him back home for the past seven years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rocked by these losses, Nancy planned a trip to Cambodia the following year. She wanted to visit sacred religious sites, check on her brother and ground herself. While there, she experienced something profound, what she calls an “awakening.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I completely changed. I just completely prioritized my life and filtered out what wasn’t important and what was,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When she returned to Fresno, she leaned into her faith, spending time at the temple meditating and praying. It helped her feel spiritually connected to her ancestors and able to accept what had happened.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I felt like I had a huge role in bringing the family together in a sense, spiritually,” she said. “And if I don’t do that, I feel like we’re gonna fall apart again.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Nancy’s faith was put to the test once again. Just a few years ago, her oldest sister died from complications related to alcohol, a way of coping with all the other losses.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Culturally responsive mental health care could help\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Throughout her grief and loss, Nancy Meas continues to turn to her religion and culture for comfort. She saw a therapist when Kunnea died, but didn’t feel the need to continue sessions. She said if the care focused more specifically on the experience of Cambodian Americans, it might have been different. She would even be open to getting her parents to try it too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There is a model for that type of culturally responsive care in Fresno already. But it’s geared toward the Hmong population, many of whom are older and don’t like direct questions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11960682\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11960682\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-09-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-09-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-09-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-09-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-09-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-09-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-09-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Fresno Center in Fresno on Sept. 9, 2023. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“It’s almost like a dance,” said Ze Vang, the clinical director at \u003ca href=\"https://fresnocenter.org/\">The Fresno Center\u003c/a> whose mission is to offer health and immigration services to the Southeast Asian community. “They come in, we have to talk about, ‘So what did you do today?’ That type of thing, and they’re like, ‘Oh nothing.’ And we have to kind of dance around what they do and how they’re feeling. And then, 10 minutes into the session, they finally say, ‘Oh, I feel really depressed.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Fresno Center’s success with the Hmong community started with destigmatizing mental health, a huge obstacle to accessing mental health care. [pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Dr. Ghia Xiong, clinical psychologist and program director, The Fresno Center\"]‘Generation after generation told them that if you have mental health, you’re actually crazy.’[/pullquote] “Generation after generation told them that if you have mental health [treatment], you’re actually crazy,” said clinical psychologist and program director Dr. Ghia Xiong.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It turned out that people were turned off by terms like “mental health” or “clinic.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We actually have the ladies test this out with their husbands,” Xiong said. “When he asks you where you’re going, you just say, ‘I’m going to the Happy House,’ rather than, ‘going and seeking mental health.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And, crucially, the center offers therapy in the Hmong language.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you provide mental health services with the interpreter, it completely changes the context of therapy,” Vang said. “Because then you have to translate what the client is saying to the interpreter, then the interpreter translates to you. You lose all the emotions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://mhsoac.ca.gov/transparency-suite/fiscal-transparency-dashboard/\">In California, mental health programs are growing in size and scope\u003c/a> and becoming more widely available for underserved populations like Hmong and Cambodian Americans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11960679\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11960679\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-04-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-04-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-04-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-04-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-04-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-04-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-04-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The photos of community elders adorn the walls at the Fresno Cambodian Buddhist Society temple on Sept. 9, 2023. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In 2004, California voters passed Proposition 63, a ballot initiative known as the Mental Health Services Fund. It places a 1% tax on incomes over $1 million, which funds mental health programs like The Fresno Center.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although Vang and Xiong are both Hmong and specialize in treating Hmong patients, they say the intergenerational trauma and barriers to accessing care are similar across the Southeast Asian community. [pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Ze Vang, clinical director, The Fresno Center\"]‘Sometimes, the parents are just so busy making a living, so busy with making sure that there’s food on the table, they don’t have time for their kids.’[/pullquote]“Sometimes, the parents are just so busy making a living, so busy with making sure that there’s food on the table, they don’t have time for their kids,” Vang said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said many don’t understand why their children are struggling in the U.S., where life is so much easier than in Cambodia. On the flip side, the younger generation can feel abandoned and misunderstood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s really no sense of belonging with the family,” Vang said. “There’s no sort of relationship at all.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To make up for that, children often try to find supportive relationships somewhere else, sometimes in gangs. Many also suffer from anxiety, depression and suicidal thoughts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But it’s because their parents have their own trauma,” Vang said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Fostering a sense of belonging\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Formal therapy isn’t the only way to help folks dealing with trauma. As Nancy Meas found, volunteering at the Cambodian Buddhist temple and maintaining a connection to the older generation through language and tradition can go a long way.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It offers a sense of belonging.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Even though I’m American-born, I feel like to make my ancestors proud, to make my parents and family proud, I have to carry on the tradition,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/UKCP.org/\">United Khmer Cultural Preservation\u003c/a> is trying to do the same thing for more Cambodian kids. It runs a weekly language and cultural arts class for children and teens as a way of bridging the cultural gap between generations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11960687\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11960687\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-05-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-05-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-05-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-05-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-05-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-05-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-05-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Cahoeun (Chantao) Gov helps her granddaughters Zora Sanchez and Kai Sanchez pray at the Fresno Cambodian Buddhist Society temple on Sept. 9, 2023. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Setha Nhim teaches on weekends, teaching children how to play traditional Cambodian instruments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I started practicing a little before with Yeh Yeh,” said 8-year-old Nadine Gov as she tapped along on a drum. “I knew a little bit before we came.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, she can count to 100 in Khmer, which makes her grandmother — her Yeh Yeh — proud. [pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Chhoeun Gov, grandmother\"]‘I bring my grandchildren to learn about culture. I don’t want to forget Cambodian culture. And I like my culture a lot.’[/pullquote] “I bring my grandchildren to learn about culture,” said Chhoeun Gov, Nadine’s grandmother. “I don’t want to forget Cambodian culture. And I like my culture a lot.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Phany Sor enrolled all four of her kids in language classes at the cultural center because her husband is Lao and the kids mostly speak English at home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s kind of hard, like how you have two parents, different languages,” she said. “I want them to learn our language too.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nancy Meas doesn’t want to forget either. That’s why she often visits the Cambodian temple, taking a meditation walk each time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So each step that I take around the perimeter, you know the shrine, I feel like it brings me more healing, brings more peace, more comfort,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She often lingers at her favorite spot, the pond.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I love seeing the lotus flowers,” she said gazing at a sea of green. The flowers sprout from green lily pads as tall, thin stalks blooming with white and pink flowers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In order for it to become the beautiful flower, it has to go through mud and all the dirt and challenges, the weather,” Nancy said. “But at the end of all the challenges and the winds and the storms it blooms so beautifully.”\u003cbr>\n\u003cem>\u003cbr>\nThis reporting was supported by the Carter Center’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.cartercenter.org/health/mental_health/fellowships/\">Rosalynn Carter Fellowship for Mental Health Journalism\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Thousands of Cambodians fled the Khmer Rouge and ended up in California. Now, their children are trying to cope with the collective trauma.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>If you or someone you know may be considering suicide or is in crisis, call or text\u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://988lifeline.org/\">\u003cem> 988 to reach the Suicide & Crisis Lifeline\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class=\"utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__dropcapShortcode__dropcap\">L\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>ions and angels guard the perimeter of the main pagoda at Fresno’s largest Cambodian Buddhist temple, resplendent in gold, green and red hues. They were witness to the inauguration of the temple’s first-ever abbot, a lifelong appointment so rare that dozens of Cambodian Buddhist monks from around the world flew in to offer blessings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A sea of orange robes lined the procession route winding around the pagoda. At the center, the new abbot, Say Bunthon, sat atop a chariot serenely taking in the scene. Temple-goers began their circular march as a boisterous band of musicians and singers set the rhythm. This was where I met Nancy Meas a year ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Aren’t they gorgeous?” she asked, smiling from behind a row of lush flower bouquets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11960677\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11960677\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-02-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-02-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-02-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-02-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-02-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-02-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-02-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The pagoda at the Fresno Cambodian Buddhist Society temple on Sept. 9, 2023. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Designed to mimic the colors of the Buddhist flag, blue, orange, red, yellow and white bursts of delphiniums, snapdragons and mums were arranged on the dais. There are 12 in all, and together, they symbolize completion. For Meas, they were a hopeful sign that things were moving in a new direction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She’s dealt with more than her fair share of pain and loss.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 36-year-old was born and raised in Fresno to parents who fled the Khmer Rouge. From 1975 to 1979, soldiers under communist leader Pol Pot, murdered, tortured and starved people in an attempt to rebuild a society free of Western influences.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than 40 years after \u003ca href=\"https://sfi.usc.edu/collections/cambodian-genocide\">the genocide killed some 2 million Cambodians\u003c/a>, the refugees who survived are still struggling to move past the trauma they endured. And that brutal past is often echoed in the next generation — children of refugees like Meas and her siblings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Piecing life back together after a genocide\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Nancy’s father, Kong Meas, became a monk at the Fresno temple in 2014, a few years after his mother died. She was a nun and Kong felt the need to carry on the family tradition. Through his practice, he found a measure of peace after surviving brutal working conditions under the Khmer Rouge regime. There wasn’t always enough food and many people starved to death.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’d work so hard every day, but they would only give us a little bit of porridge,” he said, speaking in Khmer. “Since I didn’t have food to eat, I became really skinny and I couldn’t walk. I would almost fall.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11960680\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11960680\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-07-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-07-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-07-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-07-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-07-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-07-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-07-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Nancy Meas (left) and her father Kong Meas hold a photo of Phay Prak, Nancy’s grandmother and Kong’s mother in the garden at the Fresno Cambodian Buddhist Society temple on Sept. 9, 2023. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>One of his children died from starvation. His older brother was executed by Khmer Rouge soldiers. He never knew what happened to his remains.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They killed soldiers from the former Lon Nol government. They took them away by carloads, including my brother,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 1979, when the regime fell, Kong and his family fled to Thailand. While they waited for exit visas, he risked his life to help other people sneak into their camp, Khao-I-Dang. \u003ca href=\"https://www.unhcr.org/news/stories/famed-cambodian-refugee-camp-reopens-educational-centre\">It was the main place people could get visas to immigrate.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/B1L6eMymNr0'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/B1L6eMymNr0'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Sometimes, I would see others on the path having a difficult time,” Kong said. “Or sometimes, the people were lost and didn’t know the path. I would see them and just help guide them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kong Meas recalled how risky the missions were. Most of the time, they had to travel at night. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp> They encountered thieves who searched travelers for hidden jewelry and he was always on the lookout for armed guards that prowled the jungle paths.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Even when we arrived, we wouldn’t go in immediately for fear that soldiers would see us and shoot us,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One day, it was his family’s turn to leave. They received a visa for the United States and immigrated to Fresno in 1984. Nancy was born two years later.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than 40 years after the genocide, Nancy knows her parents suffer from the trauma of what they witnessed, but they don’t talk much about the details. Even if her parents were willing to share more about what they went through, Nancy might not understand them. She grew up in the U.S., speaking English, while her parents mostly speak Khmer. Things get lost in translation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s broken English, broken Khmer all mixed up. There’s a lot of miscommunication,” Nancy said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11960678\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11960678\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-03-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-03-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-03-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-03-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-03-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-03-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-03-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Community members offer alms to the monks at the Fresno Cambodian Buddhist Society temple on Sept. 9, 2023. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>There are cultural differences at play between the generations too. Nancy said her parents didn’t understand the way their kids dressed or acted once they moved to Fresno. Cambodian society, where they had grown up, is a more reserved society, one with more rules.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s hard to understand their parents, where they came from,” Nancy said. “It’s just a culture clash.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And Nancy said her parents didn’t have a lot of time to spend with their kids to overcome these barriers. They were busy adjusting to a foreign country and finding work, which left Nancy and her siblings fending for themselves in the lower-income neighborhood where they lived.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Second-generation trauma looks different\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The Meas family survived a genocide, but they couldn’t escape more tragedy in the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nancy Meas is one of eight kids, but only five are still alive today. One child died in Cambodia, and Fresno claimed two more. Nancy’s older sister, Kunnea Meas, died by suicide in 2010 at age 25. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp> “We didn’t expect it to happen,” Nancy said. “My sister was a very bubbly person, loving, caring, kind.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kunnea was only a year older than Nancy and they were close.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was just so hurtful that she couldn’t at least share what was going inside, what was bothering her because we were really best friends,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kunnea had been struggling with depression for months, but it was taboo in their family to talk about it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You have to be happy and move forward,” Nancy said. “And [my parents] would always tell me the kids back in Cambodia have it much worse than us. You know, we are blessed to be here in America.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nancy knows this is how her parents learned to cope with all they suffered, but she wonders about the impact it had on her sister’s mental health.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11960681\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11960681\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-08-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-08-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-08-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-08-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-08-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-08-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-08-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Nancy Meas at the Fresno Cambodian Buddhist Society temple on Sept. 9, 2023. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“I felt like they were dismissing what we felt internally,” Nancy said. “[I don’t want] to blame them, but I feel, in a sense, that’s the reason why my sister hid everything inside and didn’t dare to let anything out. And she dealt with it by herself.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Around the same time, one of Nancy’s brothers, Chantha, was detained for gang activity. She said gangs were hard to avoid in the Southeast Fresno neighborhood where they grew up. Gangs were a way for boys, in particular, to protect themselves. Two of Nancy’s four brothers got involved. Because of his gang connections, Chantha was deported to Cambodia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He doesn’t even know Cambodia,” she said. “He doesn’t know the culture. He can barely speak the language.” \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp> Just after he was detained, Kunnea died by suicide. Chantha was in shackles when he attended Kunnea’s viewing. He wasn’t even allowed to stay in the country long enough to attend her funeral, which took place several days later.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He took it really hard. He was able to go to her viewing for literally 30 minutes and it broke my heart to see him drop down to his knees and just bawl,” Nancy said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lawyers for the family have been working to bring him back home for the past seven years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rocked by these losses, Nancy planned a trip to Cambodia the following year. She wanted to visit sacred religious sites, check on her brother and ground herself. While there, she experienced something profound, what she calls an “awakening.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I completely changed. I just completely prioritized my life and filtered out what wasn’t important and what was,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When she returned to Fresno, she leaned into her faith, spending time at the temple meditating and praying. It helped her feel spiritually connected to her ancestors and able to accept what had happened.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I felt like I had a huge role in bringing the family together in a sense, spiritually,” she said. “And if I don’t do that, I feel like we’re gonna fall apart again.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Nancy’s faith was put to the test once again. Just a few years ago, her oldest sister died from complications related to alcohol, a way of coping with all the other losses.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Culturally responsive mental health care could help\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Throughout her grief and loss, Nancy Meas continues to turn to her religion and culture for comfort. She saw a therapist when Kunnea died, but didn’t feel the need to continue sessions. She said if the care focused more specifically on the experience of Cambodian Americans, it might have been different. She would even be open to getting her parents to try it too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There is a model for that type of culturally responsive care in Fresno already. But it’s geared toward the Hmong population, many of whom are older and don’t like direct questions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11960682\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11960682\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-09-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-09-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-09-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-09-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-09-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-09-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-09-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Fresno Center in Fresno on Sept. 9, 2023. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“It’s almost like a dance,” said Ze Vang, the clinical director at \u003ca href=\"https://fresnocenter.org/\">The Fresno Center\u003c/a> whose mission is to offer health and immigration services to the Southeast Asian community. “They come in, we have to talk about, ‘So what did you do today?’ That type of thing, and they’re like, ‘Oh nothing.’ And we have to kind of dance around what they do and how they’re feeling. And then, 10 minutes into the session, they finally say, ‘Oh, I feel really depressed.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Fresno Center’s success with the Hmong community started with destigmatizing mental health, a huge obstacle to accessing mental health care. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp> “Generation after generation told them that if you have mental health [treatment], you’re actually crazy,” said clinical psychologist and program director Dr. Ghia Xiong.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It turned out that people were turned off by terms like “mental health” or “clinic.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We actually have the ladies test this out with their husbands,” Xiong said. “When he asks you where you’re going, you just say, ‘I’m going to the Happy House,’ rather than, ‘going and seeking mental health.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And, crucially, the center offers therapy in the Hmong language.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you provide mental health services with the interpreter, it completely changes the context of therapy,” Vang said. “Because then you have to translate what the client is saying to the interpreter, then the interpreter translates to you. You lose all the emotions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://mhsoac.ca.gov/transparency-suite/fiscal-transparency-dashboard/\">In California, mental health programs are growing in size and scope\u003c/a> and becoming more widely available for underserved populations like Hmong and Cambodian Americans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11960679\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11960679\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-04-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-04-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-04-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-04-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-04-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-04-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-04-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The photos of community elders adorn the walls at the Fresno Cambodian Buddhist Society temple on Sept. 9, 2023. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In 2004, California voters passed Proposition 63, a ballot initiative known as the Mental Health Services Fund. It places a 1% tax on incomes over $1 million, which funds mental health programs like The Fresno Center.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although Vang and Xiong are both Hmong and specialize in treating Hmong patients, they say the intergenerational trauma and barriers to accessing care are similar across the Southeast Asian community. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“Sometimes, the parents are just so busy making a living, so busy with making sure that there’s food on the table, they don’t have time for their kids,” Vang said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said many don’t understand why their children are struggling in the U.S., where life is so much easier than in Cambodia. On the flip side, the younger generation can feel abandoned and misunderstood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s really no sense of belonging with the family,” Vang said. “There’s no sort of relationship at all.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To make up for that, children often try to find supportive relationships somewhere else, sometimes in gangs. Many also suffer from anxiety, depression and suicidal thoughts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But it’s because their parents have their own trauma,” Vang said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Fostering a sense of belonging\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Formal therapy isn’t the only way to help folks dealing with trauma. As Nancy Meas found, volunteering at the Cambodian Buddhist temple and maintaining a connection to the older generation through language and tradition can go a long way.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It offers a sense of belonging.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Even though I’m American-born, I feel like to make my ancestors proud, to make my parents and family proud, I have to carry on the tradition,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/UKCP.org/\">United Khmer Cultural Preservation\u003c/a> is trying to do the same thing for more Cambodian kids. It runs a weekly language and cultural arts class for children and teens as a way of bridging the cultural gap between generations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11960687\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11960687\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-05-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-05-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-05-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-05-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-05-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-05-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-05-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Cahoeun (Chantao) Gov helps her granddaughters Zora Sanchez and Kai Sanchez pray at the Fresno Cambodian Buddhist Society temple on Sept. 9, 2023. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Setha Nhim teaches on weekends, teaching children how to play traditional Cambodian instruments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I started practicing a little before with Yeh Yeh,” said 8-year-old Nadine Gov as she tapped along on a drum. “I knew a little bit before we came.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, she can count to 100 in Khmer, which makes her grandmother — her Yeh Yeh — proud. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp> “I bring my grandchildren to learn about culture,” said Chhoeun Gov, Nadine’s grandmother. “I don’t want to forget Cambodian culture. And I like my culture a lot.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Phany Sor enrolled all four of her kids in language classes at the cultural center because her husband is Lao and the kids mostly speak English at home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s kind of hard, like how you have two parents, different languages,” she said. “I want them to learn our language too.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nancy Meas doesn’t want to forget either. That’s why she often visits the Cambodian temple, taking a meditation walk each time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So each step that I take around the perimeter, you know the shrine, I feel like it brings me more healing, brings more peace, more comfort,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She often lingers at her favorite spot, the pond.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I love seeing the lotus flowers,” she said gazing at a sea of green. The flowers sprout from green lily pads as tall, thin stalks blooming with white and pink flowers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In order for it to become the beautiful flower, it has to go through mud and all the dirt and challenges, the weather,” Nancy said. “But at the end of all the challenges and the winds and the storms it blooms so beautifully.”\u003cbr>\n\u003cem>\u003cbr>\nThis reporting was supported by the Carter Center’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.cartercenter.org/health/mental_health/fellowships/\">Rosalynn Carter Fellowship for Mental Health Journalism\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "A Bill to Stop Some Prison-to-ICE Transfers Heads to Newsom's Desk",
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"content": "\u003cp>The California Legislature took steps Monday to close an exception to the state’s sanctuary laws and offer incarcerated immigrants the same opportunity as U.S. citizens to restart their lives upon release from prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By a vote of 29–9, the California state Senate gave final approval to a bill that would bar state officials from turning some immigrants over to federal authorities when they’re granted parole. The bill, known as \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240AB1306\">the HOME Act\u003c/a>, now goes to Gov. Gavin Newsom’s desk. He has until Oct. 14 to decide whether to sign it into law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Passage is a victory for advocates, who have pressed for years to end the practice by the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation of flagging foreign-born people in its custody and, after they’ve served their times, transferring them to U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement for detention and possible deportation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The existing state sanctuary laws have not covered people in CDCR custody, and that’s been heartbreaking for a lot of families who’ve been separated because an individual obtained release from state prison but then was handed over to ICE,” said Angela Chan, an immigration expert at the San Francisco Public Defender’s Office who helped craft the bill. “To have the HOME Act pass the Legislature, and hopefully, get signed by the governor, means we’re going to make a significant dent in covering this glaring gap.”[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Asm. Wendy Carrillo (D-Echo Park)\"]‘It was never the intent of the Legislature to create a dual system of justice that treats immigrants differently and as second-class individuals. We now look to the governor in putting a stop to this inhumane practice …’[/pullquote]AB 1306 would bar prison-to-ICE transfers specifically for people who win clemency from the governor or are released from prison under any of several criminal justice reform laws recently enacted in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill’s author, Assemblymember Wendy Carrillo (D-Echo Park), said she was elated by the overwhelming support for the bill, which would allow immigrants to benefit from recent laws that aim to reduce over-incarceration and racial disparities in sentencing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was never the intent of the Legislature to create a dual system of justice that treats immigrants differently and as second-class individuals,” she said. “We now look to the governor in putting a stop to this inhumane practice, which results in the indefinite incarceration of justice-impacted individuals when transferred to immigration detention centers to serve an additional sentence that is never handed down by a criminal court or a judge.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under federal immigration law, even legal permanent residents with green cards can lose their lawful status and be deported if they have committed certain crimes. Nothing in the state bill prevents ICE from locating those people after they return home, but it reduces the state’s role in cooperating with ICE’s enforcement efforts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The HOME Act is more limited than a different bill last year, the VISION Act, which would have blocked all transfers from prison to ICE. That bill\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11924388/effort-to-block-prison-to-ice-transfers-in-california-fails-in-final-hours-of-legislative-session\"> narrowly failed in the state Legislature\u003c/a> last August after three Democratic senators joined Republicans to vote against the bill and nine others abstained from voting. A number of those Democrats voted in support of the HOME Act on Monday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One was Sen. Susan Talamantes Eggman.[aside label='More on California Law' tag='california-law']“Last year’s bill was far more expansive than I could support due to public safety concerns,” Eggman told KQED. “This year’s bill is a more measured approach that protects immigrants and helps keep families together without putting public safety at risk.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ICE officials say the agency does not comment on pending legislation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Peace Officers Research Association of California opposed the broader VISION Act last year, but chose not to take a position on the HOME Act.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On average, \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billAnalysisClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB937\">nearly 1,600 people come out of state prison each year with an immigration detainer\u003c/a> that leads to their transfer to ICE to be deported, according to an estimate by state Senate staff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The HOME Act would bar prisons from handing over noncitizens to ICE who are being released as a result of several criminal justice reforms signed by Gov. Newsom or his predecessor, Jerry Brown. They include:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>People eligible for compassionate release or parole because they are older or suffering severe medical conditions.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>People eligible for early parole after serving a set amount of time because their crimes were committed in their youth.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>People whose crimes were a direct result of having been victims of sexual assault or domestic violence.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>People eligible for release because they demonstrate that racial bias affected their case.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>People eligible for resentencing because they were originally convicted under the felony murder rule but did not kill anyone.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>The bill would also protect people whose sentences were commuted by the governor. And, where the unsuccessful \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11923465/immigrant-advocates-make-final-push-to-pass-bill-ending-prison-to-ice-transfers-in-california\">VISION Act also would have banned transfers from local jails to ICE\u003c/a>, the HOME Act only focuses on restricting transfers by the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation, or CDCR.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In coming weeks, advocates plan to press Newsom to support the bill, and Chan noted that it passed both the Senate and Assembly with veto-proof supermajorities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are going to hold his feet to the fire and make sure that we strongly encourage him to sign the HOME Act into law,” she said. “He certainly hasn’t said anything yet, so we’re reading the tea leaves. But we’re pretty hopeful because the bills have passed the legislature with no opposition.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The California Legislature took steps Monday to close an exception to the state’s sanctuary laws and offer incarcerated immigrants the same opportunity as U.S. citizens to restart their lives upon release from prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By a vote of 29–9, the California state Senate gave final approval to a bill that would bar state officials from turning some immigrants over to federal authorities when they’re granted parole. The bill, known as \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240AB1306\">the HOME Act\u003c/a>, now goes to Gov. Gavin Newsom’s desk. He has until Oct. 14 to decide whether to sign it into law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Passage is a victory for advocates, who have pressed for years to end the practice by the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation of flagging foreign-born people in its custody and, after they’ve served their times, transferring them to U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement for detention and possible deportation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>AB 1306 would bar prison-to-ICE transfers specifically for people who win clemency from the governor or are released from prison under any of several criminal justice reform laws recently enacted in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill’s author, Assemblymember Wendy Carrillo (D-Echo Park), said she was elated by the overwhelming support for the bill, which would allow immigrants to benefit from recent laws that aim to reduce over-incarceration and racial disparities in sentencing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was never the intent of the Legislature to create a dual system of justice that treats immigrants differently and as second-class individuals,” she said. “We now look to the governor in putting a stop to this inhumane practice, which results in the indefinite incarceration of justice-impacted individuals when transferred to immigration detention centers to serve an additional sentence that is never handed down by a criminal court or a judge.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under federal immigration law, even legal permanent residents with green cards can lose their lawful status and be deported if they have committed certain crimes. Nothing in the state bill prevents ICE from locating those people after they return home, but it reduces the state’s role in cooperating with ICE’s enforcement efforts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The HOME Act is more limited than a different bill last year, the VISION Act, which would have blocked all transfers from prison to ICE. That bill\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11924388/effort-to-block-prison-to-ice-transfers-in-california-fails-in-final-hours-of-legislative-session\"> narrowly failed in the state Legislature\u003c/a> last August after three Democratic senators joined Republicans to vote against the bill and nine others abstained from voting. A number of those Democrats voted in support of the HOME Act on Monday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One was Sen. Susan Talamantes Eggman.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“Last year’s bill was far more expansive than I could support due to public safety concerns,” Eggman told KQED. “This year’s bill is a more measured approach that protects immigrants and helps keep families together without putting public safety at risk.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ICE officials say the agency does not comment on pending legislation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Peace Officers Research Association of California opposed the broader VISION Act last year, but chose not to take a position on the HOME Act.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On average, \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billAnalysisClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB937\">nearly 1,600 people come out of state prison each year with an immigration detainer\u003c/a> that leads to their transfer to ICE to be deported, according to an estimate by state Senate staff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The HOME Act would bar prisons from handing over noncitizens to ICE who are being released as a result of several criminal justice reforms signed by Gov. Newsom or his predecessor, Jerry Brown. They include:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>People eligible for compassionate release or parole because they are older or suffering severe medical conditions.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>People eligible for early parole after serving a set amount of time because their crimes were committed in their youth.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>People whose crimes were a direct result of having been victims of sexual assault or domestic violence.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>People eligible for release because they demonstrate that racial bias affected their case.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>People eligible for resentencing because they were originally convicted under the felony murder rule but did not kill anyone.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>The bill would also protect people whose sentences were commuted by the governor. And, where the unsuccessful \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11923465/immigrant-advocates-make-final-push-to-pass-bill-ending-prison-to-ice-transfers-in-california\">VISION Act also would have banned transfers from local jails to ICE\u003c/a>, the HOME Act only focuses on restricting transfers by the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation, or CDCR.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In coming weeks, advocates plan to press Newsom to support the bill, and Chan noted that it passed both the Senate and Assembly with veto-proof supermajorities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are going to hold his feet to the fire and make sure that we strongly encourage him to sign the HOME Act into law,” she said. “He certainly hasn’t said anything yet, so we’re reading the tea leaves. But we’re pretty hopeful because the bills have passed the legislature with no opposition.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "trabaja-en-los-campos-de-california-que-hacer-si-sufre-represalias",
"title": "¿Trabaja en los campos de California? Qué hacer si su patrón toma represalias contra usted",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11958506/guide-unsafe-working-conditions-employer-retaliation-and-worker-protections\">\u003cem>Read in English\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>21 trabajadores agrícolas inmigrantes \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11957505/campesinos-denunciaron-a-un-vinedo-por-abusos-laborales-y-ganaron\">recibirán colectivamente 328 mil 077 dólares de su antiguo empleador, Mauritson Farms\u003c/a>, una empresa de viñedos del condado de Sonoma, después de que el productor llegó a un acuerdo con los reguladores laborales estatales este verano.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Funcionarios de la Junta de Relaciones Laborales Agrícolas de California (ALRB, por sus siglas en inglés) anunciaron en julio que su investigación había determinado que Mauritson Farms tomó represalias contra los trabajadores, quienes se encontraban en Estados Unidos con una visa H-2A.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Después de haber pedido mejoras laborales en los campos de Mauritson Farms, los campesinos no recibieron una oferta de empleo para la siguiente temporada de cultivo. El acuerdo de 328 mil 077 dólares que beneficiará a los 21 trabajadores representa lo que los trabajadores perdieron en ingresos por haber sido excluidos de la temporada de 2022, según los cálculos del ALRB.[aside postID=\"news_11957505\" hero=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/farmworker-lady-and-supporters.jpg\"]“Cuando recibí la noticia, agradecí a Dios que se ganó porque no fue nada fácil. Teníamos mucho miedo de hablar. Fue un proceso complicado, pero hay que quitarse ese miedo”, dijo Martín Sandoval Rivera, uno de los trabajadores que denunció las condiciones en Mauritson Farms. Actualmente se encuentra en el estado de Oaxaca, México, manejando varios trabajos para poder mantener a su familia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Desgraciadamente, es algo común en la industria agrícola ver casos donde los patrones toman represalias contra trabajadores que alzan la voz. En la industria agrícola muchos trabajadores son castigados por su jefe, o por la persona que les dio empleo, después de solicitar un lugar de trabajo mejor o más seguro.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Al hacer clic en una de estas preguntas, tendrá más información específica:\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#considera\">\u003cstrong>¿Cuándo es que un lugar de trabajo se vuelve “inseguro” para los campesinos?\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#represalias\">\u003cstrong>¿Qué son las represalias por parte de un empresario?\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#siguen\">\u003cstrong>¿Estas protecciones también benefician a los trabajadores indocumentados?\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#organismos\">\u003cstrong>¿Qué organismos hacen cumplir las leyes laborales en California?\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#creo\">\u003cstrong>Creo que mi empleador ha tomado represalias contra mí por denunciar las condiciones de trabajo. ¿Qué debo hacer?\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#preocupa\">\u003cstrong>Me preocupa mi situación migratoria si denuncio algo que pasó en el trabajo. ¿Cuáles son mis opciones?\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>En California es ilegal que un empresario tome represalias contra un empleado, independientemente de su situación en materia de inmigración o documentación. Pero eso no impide que algunos cultivadores castiguen a los trabajadores que denuncian.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cuando trabaja en el campo, aunque esté en Estados Unidos sin papeles, su empleador tiene que respetar sus derechos, por eso hemos creado esta guía para informar a los trabajadores agrícolas sobre sus derechos y qué hacer si su empleador no los respeta.\u003cbr>\n[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003ca id=\"considera\">\u003c/a>¿Cuándo es que un lugar de trabajo se vuelve inseguro?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>California cuenta con una \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/dosh/dosh_publications/ag-field-operations.pdf\">larga lista de normas que definen lo que es un lugar de trabajo seguro en la agricultura\u003c/a>. Esta lista cubre temas como la seguridad de los trabajadores durante los incendios forestales, el manejo de maquinaria agrícola, e incluso en el caso de las lecherías e instalaciones de grano, cómo prevenir accidentes en espacios confinados.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sin importar la temperatura, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11955907/derechos-laborales-ola-de-calor\">los empresarios deben siempre proveer a los campesinos suficiente agua potable cerca de donde están trabajando.\u003c/a> Cada empleado debe tener acceso al menos a un litro de agua cada hora, e incluso si la gente trae sus propias botellas de agua, los empleadores deben tener suficiente agua disponible en el lugar.[aside postID=\"news_11955907\" hero=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS50596_019_SanFrancisco_HeatWaveImpacts_08062021-qut-1020x680-1.jpg\"]Cuando las temperaturas superan los 80 grados Fahrenheit (equivalente a 27 centígrados), los empresarios también deben proporcionar una zona con sombra suficiente para acomodar a todos los trabajadores en la propiedad. En los días en que la temperatura supere los 95 grados Fahrenheit (equivalente a 35 centígrados), los supervisores deben monitorear el bienestar de los trabajadores a lo largo del día y asegurarse de que tomen descansos de al menos 10 minutos cada 2 horas para evitar la insolación. No basta con “ofrecer” estas pausas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Es importante recalcar que estas normas de seguridad contra el calor se aplican a los trabajadores de todas las industrias, no sólo del sector agrícola.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003ca id=\"represalias\">\u003c/a>¿Qué son las represalias por parte de un empresario?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>En California, se entiende por represalia cuando un empresario despide, castiga o recorta el salario o el horario de un trabajador porque éste ha intentado mejorar sus condiciones laborales. Esto incluye los \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11956413/how-california-farmworkers-took-on-a-sonoma-winery-over-abuses-and-won\">casos de cultivadores que se niegan a volver a contratar a trabajadores de temporada para la próxima cosecha después de que hayan denunciado su situación\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pedirle a su jefe que mejore las condiciones de trabajo no tiene que ser algo grande como organizar una huelga o una marcha. También puede ser el:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Pedir más agua y sombra para los días de mucho calor.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Pedir el equipo necesario para trabajar con seguridad en el campo.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Señalar que le falta parte de su salario.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Si hay una ley que tenga que ver con su seguridad, sus derechos laborales o su salario, y su empleador no la está cumpliendo, debe poder hablar de ello con libertad y seguridad con su jefe.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003ca id=\"siguen\">\u003c/a>¿Estas protecciones aplican incluso si uno no tiene papeles?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Sí. Las normas de seguridad de California benefician a todos los trabajadores, sin importar su estatus migratorio. Su empleador no puede usar su situación migratoria como razón para excluir a usted o sus colegas de las protecciones de seguridad.[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Jessica Arciniega, directora regional del ALRB\"]‘Nuestra oficina no pregunta por su estatus migratorio, si usted cree que podría traerle problemas.’[/pullquote]Además, los trabajadores indocumentados pueden pedir ayuda a las dependencias estatales que hacen cumplir las leyes laborales; es decir, ser indocumentado no les impide solicitar (y obtener) esta ayuda del estado de California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Nuestra oficina no pregunta por su estatus migratorio, si usted cree que podría traerle problemas”, confirma Jessica Arciniega, directora regional del ALRB, que investiga posibles abusos laborales en el sector agrícola.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>¿Y si no tengo un contrato formal para trabajar, siguen aplicándose estas protecciones?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Si trabaja para un particular o una empresa sin un contrato de trabajo formal, los expertos en derechos laborales afirman que estas protecciones siguen siendo aplicables en su caso, siempre y cuando pueda demostrar que, como trabajador, ha proporcionado mano de obra a cambio de una remuneración, o sea un pago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>En algunos casos, esa prueba puede incluir una comunicación escrita entre el trabajador y el empresario, como un correo electrónico o un mensaje de texto, que confirme que se ha producido un intercambio de servicios a cambio de dinero.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003ca id=\"organismos\">\u003c/a>¿Qué organismos hacen cumplir las normas laborales en California?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Existen tres dependencias estatales que investigan las infracciones laborales y tienen autoridad para sancionar a los malos empleadores. Las tres agencias pueden investigar casos en la industria agrícola.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>La Junta de Relaciones Laborales Agrícolas\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>El ALRB fue creado en 1975 después de que el entonces gobernador Jerry Brown firmara la Ley de Relaciones Laborales Agrícolas de California en 1975. Esta legislación también define lo que es una violación de derechos laborales, lo que incluye represalias, despedir o recortar el salario de los empleados que piden mejores condiciones de trabajo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A quienes creen que sus derechos laborales no fueron respetados, yo recomendaría que llamen a nuestra oficina”, dijo Arciniega del ALRB. “Nuestro personal no sólo es bilingüe, sino que también entiende bien la cultura. Muchos de ellos, sus familias o generaciones pasadas han trabajado en la agricultura o actualmente son trabajadores agrícolas.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Puede ponerse en contacto directamente con el ALRB llamando al 1-800-449-3699 o \u003ca href=\"https://www.alrb.ca.gov/contact-us/\">dirigirse a sus oficinas regionales situadas en Indio, Oxnard, Salinas, Santa Rosa, o Visalia\u003c/a>. Los trabajadores del Área de la Bahía deben ponerse en contacto con la oficina de Santa Rosa (el teléfono para esa oficina es: (707) 527-3256)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Un funcionario del ALRB puede hablarle más sobre cuáles son las normas de seguridad en el trabajo y qué derechos aplican en su situación. Además, pueden explicarle cómo usted puede presentar una denuncia contra su empleador, lo que podría desencadenar una investigación formal de su empleador por parte del ALRB.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Cal/OSHA\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cal/OSHA crea y hace cumplir las normas estatales sobre seguridad en el lugar de trabajo, asegurándose de que los empleados no estén expuestos a sustancias químicas peligrosas ni se encuentren en situaciones de riesgo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Si su jefe le obliga a usted o a sus compañeros a hacer algo que no sabe si es seguro o no, puede ponerse en contacto con la agencia llamando al (415) 557-0100 o \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/dosh/complaint.htm\">visitando la página web de la agencia\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Oficina del Comisionado Laboral\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>La Oficina del Comisionado Laboral, también conocida como la División de Cumplimiento de Normas Laborales (DLSE por sus siglas en inglés), es la parte del Departamento de Relaciones Industriales de California y se encarga de investigar el robo de salarios y las represalias de los empleadores contra los trabajadores.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Si usted cree que su jefe no le paga correctamente por las horas que trabaja o se niega a pagar las horas extra, \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/dlse/howtoreportviolationtobofe.htm\">éste es el organismo al que debe dirigirse\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003ca id=\"creo\">\u003c/a>Creo que mi jefe ha tomado represalias contra mí por denunciar las condiciones de trabajo. ¿Qué debo hacer?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Haga una pausa mientras lo documenta todo.\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Si acaba de perder su empleo o su salario y cree que se debe a represalias, primero dese tiempo para procesar la situación y ordenar sus ideas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Yo recomendio que escribas todo lo que te pasó, porque con todas esas emociones fuertes que uno tiene en ese momento, es fácil olvidar los detalles importantes”, dijo Ana Salgado, ex trabajadora agrícola e integrante de la junta directiva de North Bay Jobs With Justice (NBJWJ), un grupo de derechos laborales que ayudó a los campesinos que denunciaron a Mauritson Farms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Cree en ti mismo y en lo que tú sabes que pasó”, añadió.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11957508\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11957508\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/healdsburg-plaza-farm-workers-rally.jpg\" alt=\"Una mujer habla enfrente de una multitud. Muchos en la multitud sostienen letreros y pancartas con lemas de justicia labora.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/healdsburg-plaza-farm-workers-rally.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/healdsburg-plaza-farm-workers-rally-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/healdsburg-plaza-farm-workers-rally-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/healdsburg-plaza-farm-workers-rally-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/healdsburg-plaza-farm-workers-rally-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Ana Salgado (centro), ex trabajadora agrícola y miembro de la junta directiva de NBJWJ, habla en una rueda de prensa del lunes, 24 de julio de 2023, en la plaza central de Healdsburg. \u003ccite>(Juliana Yamada/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Recopile pruebas anteriores\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mientras anota sus experiencias, busque también mensajes escritos entre usted y su empleador en los que describen las condiciones de trabajo y la respuesta de su supervisor. Puede tratarse de cartas, correos electrónicos o incluso capturas de pantalla de una conversación por mensaje de texto.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Otros detalles importantes que debe buscar: sus recibos o comprobantes de pago si es que hubo un recorte en su salario o las horas que trabajó. Además, tenga fotos de donde trabaja, lo que puede incluir los campos o cualquier otro sitio donde usted labora y ha visto condiciones laborales inseguras, y su vivienda, si esa es proporcionada por su empleador.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Busque ayuda de los profesionales\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Salgado, activista con NBJWJ, también recomienda buscar la ayuda de una organización de derechos laborales en su zona. Los integrantes del grupo pueden ayudarle a crear una cronología de lo ocurrido, a ponerse en contacto con su empresa si quiere intentar resolver la situación directamente, o incluso prepararle para hablar con funcionarios estatales si decide dar ese paso.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>En función de sus recursos, como el número de empleados, algunos grupos pueden ofrecer más ayuda que otros. Por eso, si cree que necesitas más orientación y apoyo, considere la posibilidad de acudir a más de una organización.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Aquí hay algunas organizaciones en el Área de la Bahía que pueden conectar a los trabajadores agrícolas con ayuda:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>California Rural Legal Assistance: (800) 337-0690\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Legal Aid at Work: (415) 864-8208\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>North Bay Organizing Project: (707) 843-7858\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Asian Americans Advancing Justice/Asian Law Caucus: (415) 896-1701\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Centro Legal de la Raza (Oakland): (510) 437-1554\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Centro Legal de la Raza (San Francisco): (415) 575-3500\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003ch3>Quiero presentar una denuncia para que los funcionarios investiguen mi situación. ¿Qué hay que hacer?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Si está dispuesto a denunciar lo ocurrido, el ALRB será el organismo al que deberá dirigirse. Necesitará \u003ca href=\"https://www.alrb.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/sites/196/2018/05/alrb_form38_en.pdf\">un formulario de Denuncia contra el empleador\u003c/a>, el cual deberá imprimir, rellenar y enviar por correo electrónico o postal, a la oficina local del ALRB más cercana, y si necesita rellenar el formulario en otro idioma que no sea el inglés, también contacte al ALRB.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Para los residentes del Área de la Bahía, la oficina indicada se encuentra en Santa Rosa:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Teléfono: (707) 527-3256\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Correo electrónico: Póngase en contacto con la directora regional Jessica Arciniega escribiendo a Jessica.Arciniega@alrb.ca.gov\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Correo postal: 606 Healdsburg Avenue, Santa Rosa, CA 95401\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Tenga en cuenta que el ALRB requiere que al menos dos trabajadores se reúnan para presentar una denuncia. Si le pone nervioso este paso, un grupo de derechos laborales puede presentar una denuncia en su nombre, que es lo que ocurrió en el caso de Mauritson Farms.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Por qué debe presentar una denuncia lo antes posible (aunque esté nervioso)\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Quienes abogan por los derechos de los campesinos recomiendan que uno denuncie lo que pasó lo más antes posible. De este modo, los funcionarios del estado tienen más tiempo para hablar con los trabajadores e investigar lo ocurrido en los campos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>El tiempo es aún más importante cuando los trabajadores agrícolas están en el país con un permiso de trabajo temporal, como la visa H-2A.[aside label='Más en español' tag='kqed-en-espanol']Es comprensible que se sienta muy nervioso a la hora de presentar una denuncia, sobre todo si teme que su empleador o la persona que le consiguió el trabajo le amenace con más represalias. Pero tenga en cuenta que hay un límite de tiempo para denunciar un incidente ante el estado. Sólo tiene seis meses desde el momento en que sufrió represalias (cuando le recortaron horas, o le despidieron o supo que no le volverían a contratar) para presentar una denuncia ante el ALRB.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Una vez que ya hayan pasado los seis meses, los funcionarios no pueden iniciar una investigación.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>¿Y si su jefe, o la persona que le conectó con el empleo, como un reclutador, sigue amenazándole con más represalias si habla con el estado?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>En este caso, podría ser una buena idea buscar ayuda de un grupo de derechos laborales para protegerse.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch4>Ya que yo haya presentado una denuncia ante el ALRB, ¿qué ocurre?\u003c/h4>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>La agencia evalúa su caso\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Los funcionarios decidirán primero si su situación cumple los requisitos para iniciar una investigación.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Algunos ejemplos de cuándo el ALRB no podría tomar su caso son: si fue despedido, hace dos años, y cree que su jefe lo hizo para tomar represalias contra usted, ya que esa situación excede el límite de tiempo de seis meses del ALRB, y la agencia no puede iniciar una investigación. O si el incidente tuvo lugar en un rancho ubicado en otro estado, eso también queda fuera de la jurisdicción del ALRB.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11956406\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11956406\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS67225_20230724-NBJWJPresser-05-JY-KQED.jpg\" alt='Una persona con cabello largo y ropa forma; habla frente a otras personas con carteles que dicen \"Los campesinos merecen pago por desastre\". El grupo se encuentra en un parque.' width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS67225_20230724-NBJWJPresser-05-JY-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS67225_20230724-NBJWJPresser-05-JY-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS67225_20230724-NBJWJPresser-05-JY-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS67225_20230724-NBJWJPresser-05-JY-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS67225_20230724-NBJWJPresser-05-JY-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS67225_20230724-NBJWJPresser-05-JY-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Julia Montgomery, abogada principal del ALRB, habla en una rueda de prensa organizada por el grupo de derechos laborales NBJWJ, el lunes, 24 de julio de 2023. Montgomery, junto con otros funcionarios del ALRB, compartieron detalles sobre el acuerdo legal entre su dependencia y el empleador Mauritson Farms, para resolver una denuncia presentada por un grupo de campesinos que previamente trabajaban en los viñedos de Mauritson. \u003ccite>(Juliana Yamada/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Se inicia una investigación y su empleador es notificado\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Si el organismo puede aceptar el caso, los funcionarios del ALRB se lo confirmarán. A partir de ese momento, notificarán a su empleador de la acusación y que se iniciará una investigación, explica Julia Montgomery, abogada principal del ALRB.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Un equipo de abogados e investigadores se encargará de la investigación, que puede incluir a los trabajadores implicados en la investigación, otros empleados, supervisores y cualquier otra persona que pueda tener información relevante”, dijo Montgomery. Los investigadores también pueden solicitar documentos y otros registros escritos tanto a los empresarios como a los trabajadores, explicó.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Este paso puede tardar meses, o incluso años. Si ya no se encuentra en EE.UU. debido a su situación migratoria, el ALRB seguirá intentando ponerse en contacto con usted. En casos anteriores, los funcionarios de la agencia han localizado a trabajadores agrícolas incluso cuando han viajado de regreso a comunidades rurales remotas en sus países de origen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Se toma una decisión sobre la acusación\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tras la investigación, los funcionarios determinarán si hay pruebas suficientes para confirmar si hubo represalias u otra práctica laboral injusta. Si no hay pruebas suficientes, se desestima la denuncia, o sea que se termina el proceso de investigación.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sin embargo, si las pruebas son suficientes, el director regional del ALRB presentará una denuncia formal contra el empresario.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pero espere, eso no significa que haya ganado su caso todavía — falta aún más.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>El ALRB presenta una demanda legal contra un empresario\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Se fijará una fecha para una audiencia con un juez, el cual decidirá si el empresario violó la ley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ambas partes tendrán la oportunidad de defender su caso: su empleador y sus representantes legales, y el ALRB, que argumentará que usted sufrió represalias.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Si el juez falla a favor del ALRB y de los empleados implicados, los trabajadores pueden recibir un monto para compensar los salarios perdidos y, potencialmente, incluso volver a ser contratados si perdieron su empleo. Los funcionarios del ALRB se desplazarán al rancho e informarán a los demás empleados del caso. Además, los empresarios podrían enfrentarse a fuertes multas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>En cualquier momento del proceso, el ALRB puede llegar a un acuerdo con el empresario. Un acuerdo puede incluir indemnizaciones para los trabajadores afectados o incluso ofertas de empleo.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003ca id=\"preocupa\">\u003c/a>Me preocupa mi situación de inmigración si denuncio lo ocurrido en el trabajo. ¿Cuáles son mis opciones?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>El 19 de julio, el gobernador Gavin Newsom anunció un \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11956315/some-migrant-farmworkers-to-get-free-legal-help-with-immigration\">programa piloto de 4.5 millones de dólares para proporcionar servicios legales de inmigración gratuitos a los trabajadores agrícolas que están involucrados en investigaciones laborales estatales (enlace sólo en inglés)\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Esto incluiría servicios de revisión de casos, asesoría legal y representación por un abogado a los trabajadores en California que tengan un caso pendiente ya sea con la ALRB, la Oficina del Comisionado Laboral o Cal/OSHA.[aside postID=\"news_11941448\" hero=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/FARMWORKETS-SHOVELING-DIRT-YELLOW-RAINGEAR.jpg\"]El objetivo de este programa, según los funcionarios, es abordar uno de los temores que impiden a los empleados hablar, el miedo a perder su visado o a no volver a ser contratados, poniéndolos en contacto con expertos en inmigración que podrían ayudarles a encontrar formas de permanecer en este país. Y a principios de este año, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11941448/que-es-el-programa-de-accion-diferida-de-la-administracion-biden-para-trabajadores-indocumentados\">el gobierno del presidente Biden presentó una nueva y simplificada iniciativa de “acción diferida”\u003c/a> que permite a los trabajadores solicitar un permiso de trabajo y dos años de protección frente a la deportación si cooperan con una investigación sobre derechos laborales.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Para obtener más información sobre el programa piloto y si su caso podría calificar para servicios legales gratuitos del estado, \u003ca href=\"https://www.alrb.ca.gov/contact-us/\">contacte la oficina de ALRB más cercana a usted\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003chr>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Este artículo fue traducido por la periodista \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/mpena/\">María Peña\u003c/a> y editado por el periodista \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/ccabreralomeli\">Carlos Cabrera-Lomelí\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
"blocks": [],
"excerpt": "En California, es ilegal que un patrón castigue o corra a un campesino por pedir mejoras laborales. Le explicamos sus derechos, los cuales aplican a todos, incluso a los inmigrantes indocumentados.",
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"title": "¿Trabaja en los campos de California? Qué hacer si su patrón toma represalias contra usted | KQED",
"description": "En California, es ilegal que un patrón castigue o corra a un campesino por pedir mejoras laborales. Le explicamos sus derechos, los cuales aplican a todos, incluso a los inmigrantes indocumentados.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11958506/guide-unsafe-working-conditions-employer-retaliation-and-worker-protections\">\u003cem>Read in English\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>21 trabajadores agrícolas inmigrantes \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11957505/campesinos-denunciaron-a-un-vinedo-por-abusos-laborales-y-ganaron\">recibirán colectivamente 328 mil 077 dólares de su antiguo empleador, Mauritson Farms\u003c/a>, una empresa de viñedos del condado de Sonoma, después de que el productor llegó a un acuerdo con los reguladores laborales estatales este verano.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Funcionarios de la Junta de Relaciones Laborales Agrícolas de California (ALRB, por sus siglas en inglés) anunciaron en julio que su investigación había determinado que Mauritson Farms tomó represalias contra los trabajadores, quienes se encontraban en Estados Unidos con una visa H-2A.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Después de haber pedido mejoras laborales en los campos de Mauritson Farms, los campesinos no recibieron una oferta de empleo para la siguiente temporada de cultivo. El acuerdo de 328 mil 077 dólares que beneficiará a los 21 trabajadores representa lo que los trabajadores perdieron en ingresos por haber sido excluidos de la temporada de 2022, según los cálculos del ALRB.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“Cuando recibí la noticia, agradecí a Dios que se ganó porque no fue nada fácil. Teníamos mucho miedo de hablar. Fue un proceso complicado, pero hay que quitarse ese miedo”, dijo Martín Sandoval Rivera, uno de los trabajadores que denunció las condiciones en Mauritson Farms. Actualmente se encuentra en el estado de Oaxaca, México, manejando varios trabajos para poder mantener a su familia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Desgraciadamente, es algo común en la industria agrícola ver casos donde los patrones toman represalias contra trabajadores que alzan la voz. En la industria agrícola muchos trabajadores son castigados por su jefe, o por la persona que les dio empleo, después de solicitar un lugar de trabajo mejor o más seguro.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Al hacer clic en una de estas preguntas, tendrá más información específica:\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#considera\">\u003cstrong>¿Cuándo es que un lugar de trabajo se vuelve “inseguro” para los campesinos?\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#represalias\">\u003cstrong>¿Qué son las represalias por parte de un empresario?\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#siguen\">\u003cstrong>¿Estas protecciones también benefician a los trabajadores indocumentados?\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#organismos\">\u003cstrong>¿Qué organismos hacen cumplir las leyes laborales en California?\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#creo\">\u003cstrong>Creo que mi empleador ha tomado represalias contra mí por denunciar las condiciones de trabajo. ¿Qué debo hacer?\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#preocupa\">\u003cstrong>Me preocupa mi situación migratoria si denuncio algo que pasó en el trabajo. ¿Cuáles son mis opciones?\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>En California es ilegal que un empresario tome represalias contra un empleado, independientemente de su situación en materia de inmigración o documentación. Pero eso no impide que algunos cultivadores castiguen a los trabajadores que denuncian.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cuando trabaja en el campo, aunque esté en Estados Unidos sin papeles, su empleador tiene que respetar sus derechos, por eso hemos creado esta guía para informar a los trabajadores agrícolas sobre sus derechos y qué hacer si su empleador no los respeta.\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003ca id=\"considera\">\u003c/a>¿Cuándo es que un lugar de trabajo se vuelve inseguro?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>California cuenta con una \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/dosh/dosh_publications/ag-field-operations.pdf\">larga lista de normas que definen lo que es un lugar de trabajo seguro en la agricultura\u003c/a>. Esta lista cubre temas como la seguridad de los trabajadores durante los incendios forestales, el manejo de maquinaria agrícola, e incluso en el caso de las lecherías e instalaciones de grano, cómo prevenir accidentes en espacios confinados.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sin importar la temperatura, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11955907/derechos-laborales-ola-de-calor\">los empresarios deben siempre proveer a los campesinos suficiente agua potable cerca de donde están trabajando.\u003c/a> Cada empleado debe tener acceso al menos a un litro de agua cada hora, e incluso si la gente trae sus propias botellas de agua, los empleadores deben tener suficiente agua disponible en el lugar.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Cuando las temperaturas superan los 80 grados Fahrenheit (equivalente a 27 centígrados), los empresarios también deben proporcionar una zona con sombra suficiente para acomodar a todos los trabajadores en la propiedad. En los días en que la temperatura supere los 95 grados Fahrenheit (equivalente a 35 centígrados), los supervisores deben monitorear el bienestar de los trabajadores a lo largo del día y asegurarse de que tomen descansos de al menos 10 minutos cada 2 horas para evitar la insolación. No basta con “ofrecer” estas pausas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Es importante recalcar que estas normas de seguridad contra el calor se aplican a los trabajadores de todas las industrias, no sólo del sector agrícola.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003ca id=\"represalias\">\u003c/a>¿Qué son las represalias por parte de un empresario?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>En California, se entiende por represalia cuando un empresario despide, castiga o recorta el salario o el horario de un trabajador porque éste ha intentado mejorar sus condiciones laborales. Esto incluye los \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11956413/how-california-farmworkers-took-on-a-sonoma-winery-over-abuses-and-won\">casos de cultivadores que se niegan a volver a contratar a trabajadores de temporada para la próxima cosecha después de que hayan denunciado su situación\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pedirle a su jefe que mejore las condiciones de trabajo no tiene que ser algo grande como organizar una huelga o una marcha. También puede ser el:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Pedir más agua y sombra para los días de mucho calor.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Pedir el equipo necesario para trabajar con seguridad en el campo.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Señalar que le falta parte de su salario.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Si hay una ley que tenga que ver con su seguridad, sus derechos laborales o su salario, y su empleador no la está cumpliendo, debe poder hablar de ello con libertad y seguridad con su jefe.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003ca id=\"siguen\">\u003c/a>¿Estas protecciones aplican incluso si uno no tiene papeles?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Sí. Las normas de seguridad de California benefician a todos los trabajadores, sin importar su estatus migratorio. Su empleador no puede usar su situación migratoria como razón para excluir a usted o sus colegas de las protecciones de seguridad.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Además, los trabajadores indocumentados pueden pedir ayuda a las dependencias estatales que hacen cumplir las leyes laborales; es decir, ser indocumentado no les impide solicitar (y obtener) esta ayuda del estado de California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Nuestra oficina no pregunta por su estatus migratorio, si usted cree que podría traerle problemas”, confirma Jessica Arciniega, directora regional del ALRB, que investiga posibles abusos laborales en el sector agrícola.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>¿Y si no tengo un contrato formal para trabajar, siguen aplicándose estas protecciones?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Si trabaja para un particular o una empresa sin un contrato de trabajo formal, los expertos en derechos laborales afirman que estas protecciones siguen siendo aplicables en su caso, siempre y cuando pueda demostrar que, como trabajador, ha proporcionado mano de obra a cambio de una remuneración, o sea un pago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>En algunos casos, esa prueba puede incluir una comunicación escrita entre el trabajador y el empresario, como un correo electrónico o un mensaje de texto, que confirme que se ha producido un intercambio de servicios a cambio de dinero.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003ca id=\"organismos\">\u003c/a>¿Qué organismos hacen cumplir las normas laborales en California?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Existen tres dependencias estatales que investigan las infracciones laborales y tienen autoridad para sancionar a los malos empleadores. Las tres agencias pueden investigar casos en la industria agrícola.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>La Junta de Relaciones Laborales Agrícolas\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>El ALRB fue creado en 1975 después de que el entonces gobernador Jerry Brown firmara la Ley de Relaciones Laborales Agrícolas de California en 1975. Esta legislación también define lo que es una violación de derechos laborales, lo que incluye represalias, despedir o recortar el salario de los empleados que piden mejores condiciones de trabajo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A quienes creen que sus derechos laborales no fueron respetados, yo recomendaría que llamen a nuestra oficina”, dijo Arciniega del ALRB. “Nuestro personal no sólo es bilingüe, sino que también entiende bien la cultura. Muchos de ellos, sus familias o generaciones pasadas han trabajado en la agricultura o actualmente son trabajadores agrícolas.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Puede ponerse en contacto directamente con el ALRB llamando al 1-800-449-3699 o \u003ca href=\"https://www.alrb.ca.gov/contact-us/\">dirigirse a sus oficinas regionales situadas en Indio, Oxnard, Salinas, Santa Rosa, o Visalia\u003c/a>. Los trabajadores del Área de la Bahía deben ponerse en contacto con la oficina de Santa Rosa (el teléfono para esa oficina es: (707) 527-3256)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Un funcionario del ALRB puede hablarle más sobre cuáles son las normas de seguridad en el trabajo y qué derechos aplican en su situación. Además, pueden explicarle cómo usted puede presentar una denuncia contra su empleador, lo que podría desencadenar una investigación formal de su empleador por parte del ALRB.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Cal/OSHA\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cal/OSHA crea y hace cumplir las normas estatales sobre seguridad en el lugar de trabajo, asegurándose de que los empleados no estén expuestos a sustancias químicas peligrosas ni se encuentren en situaciones de riesgo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Si su jefe le obliga a usted o a sus compañeros a hacer algo que no sabe si es seguro o no, puede ponerse en contacto con la agencia llamando al (415) 557-0100 o \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/dosh/complaint.htm\">visitando la página web de la agencia\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Oficina del Comisionado Laboral\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>La Oficina del Comisionado Laboral, también conocida como la División de Cumplimiento de Normas Laborales (DLSE por sus siglas en inglés), es la parte del Departamento de Relaciones Industriales de California y se encarga de investigar el robo de salarios y las represalias de los empleadores contra los trabajadores.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Si usted cree que su jefe no le paga correctamente por las horas que trabaja o se niega a pagar las horas extra, \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/dlse/howtoreportviolationtobofe.htm\">éste es el organismo al que debe dirigirse\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003ca id=\"creo\">\u003c/a>Creo que mi jefe ha tomado represalias contra mí por denunciar las condiciones de trabajo. ¿Qué debo hacer?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Haga una pausa mientras lo documenta todo.\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Si acaba de perder su empleo o su salario y cree que se debe a represalias, primero dese tiempo para procesar la situación y ordenar sus ideas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Yo recomendio que escribas todo lo que te pasó, porque con todas esas emociones fuertes que uno tiene en ese momento, es fácil olvidar los detalles importantes”, dijo Ana Salgado, ex trabajadora agrícola e integrante de la junta directiva de North Bay Jobs With Justice (NBJWJ), un grupo de derechos laborales que ayudó a los campesinos que denunciaron a Mauritson Farms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Cree en ti mismo y en lo que tú sabes que pasó”, añadió.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11957508\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11957508\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/healdsburg-plaza-farm-workers-rally.jpg\" alt=\"Una mujer habla enfrente de una multitud. Muchos en la multitud sostienen letreros y pancartas con lemas de justicia labora.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/healdsburg-plaza-farm-workers-rally.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/healdsburg-plaza-farm-workers-rally-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/healdsburg-plaza-farm-workers-rally-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/healdsburg-plaza-farm-workers-rally-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/healdsburg-plaza-farm-workers-rally-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Ana Salgado (centro), ex trabajadora agrícola y miembro de la junta directiva de NBJWJ, habla en una rueda de prensa del lunes, 24 de julio de 2023, en la plaza central de Healdsburg. \u003ccite>(Juliana Yamada/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Recopile pruebas anteriores\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mientras anota sus experiencias, busque también mensajes escritos entre usted y su empleador en los que describen las condiciones de trabajo y la respuesta de su supervisor. Puede tratarse de cartas, correos electrónicos o incluso capturas de pantalla de una conversación por mensaje de texto.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Otros detalles importantes que debe buscar: sus recibos o comprobantes de pago si es que hubo un recorte en su salario o las horas que trabajó. Además, tenga fotos de donde trabaja, lo que puede incluir los campos o cualquier otro sitio donde usted labora y ha visto condiciones laborales inseguras, y su vivienda, si esa es proporcionada por su empleador.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Busque ayuda de los profesionales\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Salgado, activista con NBJWJ, también recomienda buscar la ayuda de una organización de derechos laborales en su zona. Los integrantes del grupo pueden ayudarle a crear una cronología de lo ocurrido, a ponerse en contacto con su empresa si quiere intentar resolver la situación directamente, o incluso prepararle para hablar con funcionarios estatales si decide dar ese paso.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>En función de sus recursos, como el número de empleados, algunos grupos pueden ofrecer más ayuda que otros. Por eso, si cree que necesitas más orientación y apoyo, considere la posibilidad de acudir a más de una organización.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Aquí hay algunas organizaciones en el Área de la Bahía que pueden conectar a los trabajadores agrícolas con ayuda:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>California Rural Legal Assistance: (800) 337-0690\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Legal Aid at Work: (415) 864-8208\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>North Bay Organizing Project: (707) 843-7858\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Asian Americans Advancing Justice/Asian Law Caucus: (415) 896-1701\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Centro Legal de la Raza (Oakland): (510) 437-1554\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Centro Legal de la Raza (San Francisco): (415) 575-3500\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003ch3>Quiero presentar una denuncia para que los funcionarios investiguen mi situación. ¿Qué hay que hacer?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Si está dispuesto a denunciar lo ocurrido, el ALRB será el organismo al que deberá dirigirse. Necesitará \u003ca href=\"https://www.alrb.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/sites/196/2018/05/alrb_form38_en.pdf\">un formulario de Denuncia contra el empleador\u003c/a>, el cual deberá imprimir, rellenar y enviar por correo electrónico o postal, a la oficina local del ALRB más cercana, y si necesita rellenar el formulario en otro idioma que no sea el inglés, también contacte al ALRB.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Para los residentes del Área de la Bahía, la oficina indicada se encuentra en Santa Rosa:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Teléfono: (707) 527-3256\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Correo electrónico: Póngase en contacto con la directora regional Jessica Arciniega escribiendo a Jessica.Arciniega@alrb.ca.gov\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Correo postal: 606 Healdsburg Avenue, Santa Rosa, CA 95401\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Tenga en cuenta que el ALRB requiere que al menos dos trabajadores se reúnan para presentar una denuncia. Si le pone nervioso este paso, un grupo de derechos laborales puede presentar una denuncia en su nombre, que es lo que ocurrió en el caso de Mauritson Farms.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Por qué debe presentar una denuncia lo antes posible (aunque esté nervioso)\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Quienes abogan por los derechos de los campesinos recomiendan que uno denuncie lo que pasó lo más antes posible. De este modo, los funcionarios del estado tienen más tiempo para hablar con los trabajadores e investigar lo ocurrido en los campos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>El tiempo es aún más importante cuando los trabajadores agrícolas están en el país con un permiso de trabajo temporal, como la visa H-2A.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Es comprensible que se sienta muy nervioso a la hora de presentar una denuncia, sobre todo si teme que su empleador o la persona que le consiguió el trabajo le amenace con más represalias. Pero tenga en cuenta que hay un límite de tiempo para denunciar un incidente ante el estado. Sólo tiene seis meses desde el momento en que sufrió represalias (cuando le recortaron horas, o le despidieron o supo que no le volverían a contratar) para presentar una denuncia ante el ALRB.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Una vez que ya hayan pasado los seis meses, los funcionarios no pueden iniciar una investigación.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>¿Y si su jefe, o la persona que le conectó con el empleo, como un reclutador, sigue amenazándole con más represalias si habla con el estado?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>En este caso, podría ser una buena idea buscar ayuda de un grupo de derechos laborales para protegerse.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch4>Ya que yo haya presentado una denuncia ante el ALRB, ¿qué ocurre?\u003c/h4>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>La agencia evalúa su caso\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Los funcionarios decidirán primero si su situación cumple los requisitos para iniciar una investigación.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Algunos ejemplos de cuándo el ALRB no podría tomar su caso son: si fue despedido, hace dos años, y cree que su jefe lo hizo para tomar represalias contra usted, ya que esa situación excede el límite de tiempo de seis meses del ALRB, y la agencia no puede iniciar una investigación. O si el incidente tuvo lugar en un rancho ubicado en otro estado, eso también queda fuera de la jurisdicción del ALRB.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11956406\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11956406\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS67225_20230724-NBJWJPresser-05-JY-KQED.jpg\" alt='Una persona con cabello largo y ropa forma; habla frente a otras personas con carteles que dicen \"Los campesinos merecen pago por desastre\". El grupo se encuentra en un parque.' width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS67225_20230724-NBJWJPresser-05-JY-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS67225_20230724-NBJWJPresser-05-JY-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS67225_20230724-NBJWJPresser-05-JY-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS67225_20230724-NBJWJPresser-05-JY-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS67225_20230724-NBJWJPresser-05-JY-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS67225_20230724-NBJWJPresser-05-JY-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Julia Montgomery, abogada principal del ALRB, habla en una rueda de prensa organizada por el grupo de derechos laborales NBJWJ, el lunes, 24 de julio de 2023. Montgomery, junto con otros funcionarios del ALRB, compartieron detalles sobre el acuerdo legal entre su dependencia y el empleador Mauritson Farms, para resolver una denuncia presentada por un grupo de campesinos que previamente trabajaban en los viñedos de Mauritson. \u003ccite>(Juliana Yamada/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Se inicia una investigación y su empleador es notificado\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Si el organismo puede aceptar el caso, los funcionarios del ALRB se lo confirmarán. A partir de ese momento, notificarán a su empleador de la acusación y que se iniciará una investigación, explica Julia Montgomery, abogada principal del ALRB.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Un equipo de abogados e investigadores se encargará de la investigación, que puede incluir a los trabajadores implicados en la investigación, otros empleados, supervisores y cualquier otra persona que pueda tener información relevante”, dijo Montgomery. Los investigadores también pueden solicitar documentos y otros registros escritos tanto a los empresarios como a los trabajadores, explicó.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Este paso puede tardar meses, o incluso años. Si ya no se encuentra en EE.UU. debido a su situación migratoria, el ALRB seguirá intentando ponerse en contacto con usted. En casos anteriores, los funcionarios de la agencia han localizado a trabajadores agrícolas incluso cuando han viajado de regreso a comunidades rurales remotas en sus países de origen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Se toma una decisión sobre la acusación\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tras la investigación, los funcionarios determinarán si hay pruebas suficientes para confirmar si hubo represalias u otra práctica laboral injusta. Si no hay pruebas suficientes, se desestima la denuncia, o sea que se termina el proceso de investigación.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sin embargo, si las pruebas son suficientes, el director regional del ALRB presentará una denuncia formal contra el empresario.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pero espere, eso no significa que haya ganado su caso todavía — falta aún más.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>El ALRB presenta una demanda legal contra un empresario\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Se fijará una fecha para una audiencia con un juez, el cual decidirá si el empresario violó la ley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ambas partes tendrán la oportunidad de defender su caso: su empleador y sus representantes legales, y el ALRB, que argumentará que usted sufrió represalias.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Si el juez falla a favor del ALRB y de los empleados implicados, los trabajadores pueden recibir un monto para compensar los salarios perdidos y, potencialmente, incluso volver a ser contratados si perdieron su empleo. Los funcionarios del ALRB se desplazarán al rancho e informarán a los demás empleados del caso. Además, los empresarios podrían enfrentarse a fuertes multas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>En cualquier momento del proceso, el ALRB puede llegar a un acuerdo con el empresario. Un acuerdo puede incluir indemnizaciones para los trabajadores afectados o incluso ofertas de empleo.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003ca id=\"preocupa\">\u003c/a>Me preocupa mi situación de inmigración si denuncio lo ocurrido en el trabajo. ¿Cuáles son mis opciones?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>El 19 de julio, el gobernador Gavin Newsom anunció un \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11956315/some-migrant-farmworkers-to-get-free-legal-help-with-immigration\">programa piloto de 4.5 millones de dólares para proporcionar servicios legales de inmigración gratuitos a los trabajadores agrícolas que están involucrados en investigaciones laborales estatales (enlace sólo en inglés)\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Esto incluiría servicios de revisión de casos, asesoría legal y representación por un abogado a los trabajadores en California que tengan un caso pendiente ya sea con la ALRB, la Oficina del Comisionado Laboral o Cal/OSHA.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>El objetivo de este programa, según los funcionarios, es abordar uno de los temores que impiden a los empleados hablar, el miedo a perder su visado o a no volver a ser contratados, poniéndolos en contacto con expertos en inmigración que podrían ayudarles a encontrar formas de permanecer en este país. Y a principios de este año, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11941448/que-es-el-programa-de-accion-diferida-de-la-administracion-biden-para-trabajadores-indocumentados\">el gobierno del presidente Biden presentó una nueva y simplificada iniciativa de “acción diferida”\u003c/a> que permite a los trabajadores solicitar un permiso de trabajo y dos años de protección frente a la deportación si cooperan con una investigación sobre derechos laborales.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Para obtener más información sobre el programa piloto y si su caso podría calificar para servicios legales gratuitos del estado, \u003ca href=\"https://www.alrb.ca.gov/contact-us/\">contacte la oficina de ALRB más cercana a usted\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003chr>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Este artículo fue traducido por la periodista \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/mpena/\">María Peña\u003c/a> y editado por el periodista \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/ccabreralomeli\">Carlos Cabrera-Lomelí\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "campesinos-denunciaron-a-un-vinedo-por-abusos-laborales-y-ganaron",
"title": "Cómo un grupo de campesinos denunció a un viñedo por abusos laborales y ganó",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11956413/how-california-farmworkers-took-on-a-sonoma-winery-over-abuses-and-won\">\u003cem>Read in English\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mauritson Farms Inc. en el condado de Sonoma pagará 328 mil 077 dólares a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11919450/trabajar-con-una-visa-h-2a-en-estados-unidos-represalias-derechos\">21 de sus ex empleados\u003c/a> como parte de un \u003ca href=\"https://s3.documentcloud.org/documents/23885712/settlement-agreement-june-2023.pdf\">acuerdo legal\u003c/a> con la Junta de Relaciones Laborales Agrícolas de California (ALRB, por sus siglas en inglés), el mayor acuerdo monetario que se ha visto en la oficina de Santa Rosa de esta dependencia. Funcionarios de la ALRB, junto con decenas de activistas laborales y trabajadores agrícolas, anunciaron el acuerdo en una conferencia de prensa el lunes 24 de julio de 2023 en Healdsburg.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mauritson Farms Inc, que gestiona los viñedos, es una empresa independiente y distinta de Mauritson Wines. Ambas empresas son propiedad de la familia Mauritson.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tras una investigación impulsada por las quejas de los trabajadores agrícolas, los funcionarios del ALRB determinaron que Mauritson Farms tomó represalias contra el equipo entero de antiguos empleados porque algunos de ellos se organizaron a finales de la temporada de cultivo de 2021 para denunciar las condiciones de trabajo inseguras en los viñedos de Mauritson.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Debemos reconocer que se trata de una victoria iniciada por los trabajadores para defender no sólo sus derechos, sino también su dignidad”, dijo el activista Davin Cárdenas en una conferencia que se llevó a cabo el pasado 24 de julio. Cárdenas es el director de la organización North Bay Jobs With Justice (NBJWJ, por sus siglas en inglés), un grupo de derechos laborales que apoyó a los trabajadores en su denuncia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Se trata de un caso que establece un precedente para otros trabajadores de la región”, afirmó Cárdenas.[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Miguel Ángel Bravo Silva, uno de los seis trabajadores que denunciaron el trato recibido en Mauritson\"]‘Después de tantos abusos, creo que es justo que se respeten nuestros derechos y se nos respete por lo que somos.’[/pullquote]Los trabajadores implicados eran inmigrantes mexicanos, originarios del estado de Oaxaca, y se encontraban en los Estados Unidos con la visa H-2A, que permite a los trabajadores agrícolas permanecer en el país por períodos limitados.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KQED r\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11919450/trabajar-con-una-visa-h-2a-en-estados-unidos-represalias-derechos\">eportó por vez primera el año pasado\u003c/a> que ninguno de los trabajadores oaxaqueños que denunciaron los hechos en 2021 fueron recontratados para la temporada de cultivo de 2022, pese a las promesas que hizo la dirección de la empresa. En su denuncia presentada contra Mauritson el pasado mes de marzo, el ALRB \u003ca href=\"https://s3.documentcloud.org/documents/23885711/alrb-complaint-march-2023.pdf\">determinó que el hecho de que Mauritson no volviera a contratar a estos trabajadores representa una violación de sus derechos laborales\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Cuando recibí la noticia, agradecí a Dios que se ganó porque no fue nada fácil. Teníamos mucho miedo de hablar. Fue un proceso complicado, pero hay que quitarse ese miedo”, dijo Martín Sandoval Rivera, uno de los trabajadores que denunció las condiciones en Mauritson Farms. Actualmente se encuentra en Oaxaca, con varios trabajos para mantener a su familia.\u003cbr>\n[ad fullwidth]\u003cbr>\nSandoval Rivera y sus compañeros dijeron que sufrieron acoso verbal por parte de su supervisor, que se les negó sombra mientras trabajaban en los campos cuando las temperaturas superaban los 90 grados Fahrenheit (equivalente a 32 centígrados) y que no recibieron sus períodos de descanso y almuerzo en algunas ocasiones. Todo esto viola las regulaciones laborales de California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Seis de los trabajadores, incluido Sandoval Rivera, buscaron el apoyo del grupo de derechos laborales NBJWJ para mediar en la situación. NBJWJ organizó una reunión con los trabajadores y los directivos de la empresa en octubre de 2021.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>En esa reunión, el director del viñedo, Cameron Mauritson, prometió que las condiciones en los campos mejorarían y \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11919450/trabajar-con-una-visa-h-2a-en-estados-unidos-represalias-derechos\">aseguró a los trabajadores que volvería a contratarlos en 2022\u003c/a>, aliviando así la mayor preocupación de los trabajadores: que se les fuera a negar empleo en el futuro por haber pedido mejoras laborales. Después de esa plática, Mauritson Farms, que según los trabajadores previamente gestionaba el proceso de contratación a través de las redes sociales, contrató a CIERTO Global, una empresa multinacional que busca mano de obra en el extranjero para el sector agrícola de Estados Unidos.[aside postID=\"news_11919450\" hero=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/FarmworkersIlloVignet-1020x659-1.jpg\"]Mauritson Farms pide a CIERTO Global que busque a trabajadores para la temporada de 2022, y por ende le cierra la puerta a los campesinos oaxaqueños. Según la denuncia del ALRB, para las empresas de cultivo de uva, CIERTO Global sólo recluta a trabajadores que viven en el estado mexicano de Baja California, no en Oaxaca.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Además, las capturas de pantalla de un grupo de Facebook que los trabajadores oaxaqueños compartieron con KQED mostraron que los directivos de Mauritson compartieron información incorrecta sobre cómo debían ponerse en contacto los trabajadores con CIERTO para ser considerados para la temporada de 2022. Representantes de CIERTO confirmaron a KQED que esas instrucciones eran falsas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Estas instrucciones no reflejan nuestras prácticas con ninguno de los trabajadores a los que atendemos”, respondió por correo electrónico un representante de CIERTO. “Las instrucciones de Mauritson no fueron autorizadas ni difundidas por CIERTO”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cuando los trabajadores se dieron cuenta de lo que estaba ocurriendo, alertaron al grupo NBJWJ. En febrero de 2022, los activistas \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11919450/trabajar-con-una-visa-h-2a-en-estados-unidos-represalias-derechos\">presentaron una demanda ante el ALRB en nombre de los seis trabajadores que asistieron a la reunión con Mauritson\u003c/a>. Inicialmente, seis de ellos hablaron, pero en su investigación, el ALRB descubrió que Mauritson había tomado represalias contra todo la cuadrilla de 21 personas al que pertenecían los seis trabajadores.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>El acuerdo de 328 mil 077 dólares que beneficiará a los 21 trabajadores representa lo que los trabajadores perdieron en ingresos por haber sido excluidos de la temporada de 2022, según los cálculos del ALRB. Una audiencia con un juez ya había sido programada para finales de este verano, pero el acuerdo entre la empresa y el ALRB concluye este proceso.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>En una declaración enviada por correo electrónico a KQED, Mauritson Farms declaró que “cree firmemente que [no estaba] en ninguna violación de la Ley de Relaciones Laborales Agrícolas (ALRA). Este acuerdo es estrictamente una decisión empresarial que nos permite resolver este asunto sin necesidad de más litigios”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11957507\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11957507 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/LA-UNION-HACE-LA-FUERZA-BANNERS.jpg\" alt='Varias personas de distintas edades sostienen letreros con consignas. Algunos letreros dicen, \"La unión hace la fuerza\".' width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/LA-UNION-HACE-LA-FUERZA-BANNERS.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/LA-UNION-HACE-LA-FUERZA-BANNERS-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/LA-UNION-HACE-LA-FUERZA-BANNERS-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/LA-UNION-HACE-LA-FUERZA-BANNERS-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/LA-UNION-HACE-LA-FUERZA-BANNERS-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Los trabajadores agrícolas Antonio Flores (izquierda) y su hijo Mateo, Rosalba Gutiérrez (centro) y Valentina Sosa (derecha) se sientan en la conferencia de prensa organizada por el grupo de derechos laborales NBJWJ, donde se dio a conocer el acuerdo con Mauritson Farms en la plaza central de Healdsburg el lunes 24 de julio de 2023. \u003ccite>(Juliana Yamada/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Después de tantos abusos, creo que es justo que se respeten nuestros derechos y se nos respete por lo que somos”, dijo Miguel Ángel Bravo Silva, uno de los seis trabajadores que se reunieron con Mauritson. Durante el último año y medio, ha buscado cualquier trabajo en su comunidad rural de Oaxaca para mantener a su esposa y sus dos hijos y, al mismo tiempo, se ha mantenido en contacto con funcionarios del ALRB que investigaban la situación.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Durante meses, el ALRB trabajó para localizar a los 21 trabajadores que no fueron recontratados. Una vez finalizada la temporada de 2021, muchos regresaron a pueblos remotos de Oaxaca, donde el acceso al internet y la cobertura de telefonía móvil son extremadamente limitados y, para algunos, inexistentes. Localizar a la gente fue uno de los retos, dijo la directora regional de ALRB, Jessica Arciniega. El otro era establecer confianza.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“En muchos casos, resulta difícil mantener la comunicación con los trabajadores”, explica. “Pueden no estar familiarizados con nuestro proceso, con nosotros como agencia gubernamental y con lo que realmente hacemos. Así que puede que no siempre se sientan 100% preparados o cómodos de compartir toda esta información”.[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Ana Salgado, antigua trabajadora agrícola y miembro de la junta de NBJWJ\"]‘Muchos [trabajadores H-2A] tienen miedo de perder la oportunidad que tienen \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">… \u003c/span> Pueden estar sufriendo muchos abusos, pero no quieren decir nada porque temen perder lo que consideran un privilegio.’[/pullquote]Los trabajadores no sólo temen sufrir más represalias del mismo empleador, sino que, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11919450/trabajar-con-una-visa-h-2a-en-estados-unidos-represalias-derechos\">como informó KQED el año pasado, muchos empleadores utilizan una red de reclutadores para impedir que los trabajadores que denuncian encuentren otro empleo en el futuro\u003c/a>. En ese mismo reportaje, KQED compartió la historia de Kevin y Samuel, dos ex empleados de Mauritson que estaban entre los seis que hicieron la primera denuncia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kevin y Samuel eran en realidad los alias de Sandoval Rivera y Bravo Silva, respectivamente.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>En aquel momento, ambos hombres tenían mucho miedo de las repercusiones que podría tener el compartir públicamente sus identidades durante la investigación del ALRB. A medida la investigación se hacía más larga, Sandoval Rivera sentía cada vez menos confianza en que hubiera una respuesta por parte de las autoridades, especialmente a medida que empeoraba la situación económica de su familia. “La necesidad te hace pensar muchas cosas”, dijo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sin embargo, él y Bravo Silva se alegran de haber esperado los resultados de la investigación y el acuerdo. Esto no sólo les beneficiará a ellos, dice Bravo Silva, “sino también a los trabajadores inmigrantes que ahora trabajan en esa empresa, para que se les respete más y no se sientan solos. Hay leyes que protegen a los trabajadores agrícolas”.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Celebrando una difícil victoria\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Con pancartas y carteles, muchos de ellos con la frase de Emiliano Zapata, como “La tierra es de quien la trabaja”, decenas de trabajadores agrícolas y activistas con NBJWJ llenaron parte de la plaza principal de Healdsburg para la conferencia de prensa que se realizó el pasado 24 de julio.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Ustedes representan a los trabajadores agrícolas que no pueden estar hoy aquí, pero cuya valentía nos ha dejado este legado, que luchando y encontrando aliados, los trabajadores podemos lograr muchas cosas”, dijo Ana Salgado, quien anteriormente era una trabajadora agrícola y ahora es una activista comunitaria y forma parte de la junta directiva de NBJWJ.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11957508\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11957508 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/healdsburg-plaza-farm-workers-rally.jpg\" alt=\"Una mujer habla enfrente de una multitud. Muchos en la multitud sostienen letreros y pancartas con lemas de justicia labora.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/healdsburg-plaza-farm-workers-rally.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/healdsburg-plaza-farm-workers-rally-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/healdsburg-plaza-farm-workers-rally-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/healdsburg-plaza-farm-workers-rally-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/healdsburg-plaza-farm-workers-rally-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Ana Salgado (centro), ex trabajadora agrícola y miembro de la junta directiva de NBJWJ, habla en la rueda de prensa del lunes, 24 de julio de 2023, en la plaza central de Healdsburg. \u003ccite>(Juliana Yamada/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>A pocas calles de esa plaza se encuentra el centro comunitario donde Salgado conoció a varios de los hombres que entonces trabajaban para Mauritson. Recuerda las primeras conversaciones que mantuvo con los trabajadores.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Miré a uno de ellos y vi la preocupación en su cara”, dijo, “tomé su mano y le dije ‘ya puedes abrirte, estás en un espacio seguro'”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Tantos trabajadores que tienen la visa H-2A temen perder la oportunidad que tienen porque los empleadores les dicen que es un privilegio ser traídos de México con una visa”, explicó. “Pueden estar sufriendo muchos abusos, pero no quieren decir nada porque tienen miedo de perder lo que consideran un privilegio”.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>‘Leyes que no se cumplen’\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>El programa de visados H-2A es el sucesor del Programa Bracero, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/thesalt/2018/07/31/634442195/when-the-u-s-government-tried-to-replace-migrant-farmworkers-with-high-schoolers\">que trajo trabajadores mexicanos a los campos agrícolas de Estados Unidos durante la década de 1940\u003c/a>. El actual sistema H-2A ahora trae a trabajadores de todo el mundo para trabajar en Estados Unidos y, como parte del programa, los empleadores deben proporcionar alojamiento, transporte y comidas, lo que da a las empresas un increíble poder sobre la vida personal de sus trabajadores.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Y al igual que el Programa Bracero, \u003ca href=\"https://prismreports.org/2023/04/14/h2a-visa-wage-theft-exploitation/\">el sistema H-2A está plagado de robo de salarios, abuso físico y mental a los empleados, y represalias por parte de los empleadores hacia los trabajadores que denuncian\u003c/a> las condiciones laborales, esto según una investigación de 18 meses publicada en abril por las agencias de noticias Prism, Futuro Investigates y Latino USA.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11957509\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11957509 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/davin-cardenas-with-migrant-workers-at-rally.jpg\" alt=\"Un hombre da un discurso ante una multitud. Muchos de los asistentes sostienen pancartas con consignas de protesta. El grupo se encuentra en un parque.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/davin-cardenas-with-migrant-workers-at-rally.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/davin-cardenas-with-migrant-workers-at-rally-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/davin-cardenas-with-migrant-workers-at-rally-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/davin-cardenas-with-migrant-workers-at-rally-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/davin-cardenas-with-migrant-workers-at-rally-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Davin Cárdenas, director del grupo de derechos laborales NBJWJ, habla en la rueda de prensa del 24 de agosto en la plaza central de Healdsburg. \u003ccite>(Juliana Yamada/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Tanto el gobierno federal como el de California han reforzado sus leyes laborales desde la década de 1940, así que ¿por qué persiste el abuso de los trabajadores H-2A?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Una de las razones es que las dependencias regulatorias necesitan más personal y recursos para hacer cumplir las normas laborales, dice Josephine Weinberg, abogada de California Rural Legal Assistance (CRLA, por sus siglas en inglés), un bufete de abogados sin fines de lucro que representa a campesinos que han sufrido represalias y abusos en el lugar de trabajo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Contamos con las dependencias. Contamos con normas. Pero faltan los mecanismos para hacer cumplir las leyes y monitorear los campos. Así que lo que nos toca no es más que leyes simbólicas'”, dijo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Aproximadamente 1 de cada 3 puestos sigue vacante en la Oficina del Comisionado Laboral de California, uno de los organismos encargados de investigar el robo de sueldos y las represalias en todas las industrias en el estado. La escasez de empleados en esta dependencia deja al personal actual sobrecargado de casos, lo que significa que quienes presentan una denuncia a menudo tienen que esperar años para obtener un resultado. Decenas de empleados de esta agencia mandaron una carta a legisladores estatales a principios de julio, argumentando que ellos están “fracasando en nuestra misión si no podemos contratar y retener al personal necesario”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>En el ALRB, la directora regional Jessica Arciniega señala que su agencia tiene cinco oficinas repartidas por varias regiones agrícolas del estado, “pero California es un estado inmenso y hay muchos trabajadores agrícolas en todo el estado”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No tenemos oficinas en todas las regiones agrícolas”, dice, “así que hacemos lo que podemos en este enorme estado para cubrir dondequiera que estén los trabajadores”. Añade que el departamento colabora estrechamente con organizaciones comunitarias y sindicales, como NBJWJ, para conectar con más obreros.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pero activistas laborales insisten en que hay que hacer más para aplicar mejor las normas laborales y mejorar el programa H-2A en su conjunto. Weinberg, de CRLA, añade que los reguladores deben vigilar más de cerca los campos agrícolas, con visitas aleatorias durante la temporada de cultivo. Y por otro lado, los empleadores deben facilitar que las agencias y los grupos laborales hablen con los campesinos sin restricciones.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>La forma en que se diseñó el programa H-2A, en el que las empresas tienen un control directo sobre el alojamiento, el transporte, la situación migratoria e incluso la alimentación de sus empleados, dificulta enormemente que los trabajadores puedan hablar libremente.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No tienen acceso a un lugar donde sientan que pueden hablar confidencialmente o de forma anónima sobre lo que está pasando”, dijo Weinberg.[aside label='Más en español' tag='kqed-en-espanol']El 19 de julio, el gobernador Gavin Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11956315/some-migrant-farmworkers-to-get-free-legal-help-with-immigration\">anunció un programa piloto de 4.5 millones de dólares para proporcionar servicios legales gratuitos de inmigración a los trabajadores agrícolas que están involucrados en investigaciones laborales estatales\u003c/a>. Esto incluiría servicios de revisión de casos, asesoramiento jurídico y representación por un abogado a los trabajadores en California que tienen un caso pendiente ya sea con el ALRB, la Oficina del Comisionado Laboral o Cal/OSHA.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>El objetivo de este programa, según los funcionarios, es abordar uno de los temores que impiden a los empleados hablar, que es el miedo a perder su visado o a no volver a ser contratado, poniéndolos en contacto con expertos en inmigración que podrían ayudarles a encontrar formas de permanecer en este país. Y a principios de este año, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11941448/que-es-el-programa-de-accion-diferida-de-la-administracion-biden-para-trabajadores-indocumentados\">el gobierno del presidente Biden presentó una nueva y simplificada iniciativa de “acción diferida”\u003c/a> que permite a los trabajadores solicitar un permiso de trabajo y dos años de protección frente a la deportación si cooperan con una investigación sobre derechos laborales.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pero, por encima de todo, afirma Salgado de NBJWJ, lo que realmente ayuda a la gente a sentirse con la seguridad de hablar es saber que hay casos en los que el sistema funciona a favor de los trabajadores. “Sin duda, el resultado del caso Mauritson, reafirma la fe entre nosotros, pero también la credibilidad del trabajo que hacemos cuando salimos a hablar con los trabajadores”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Nota del editor: La versión original de este reportaje describió de manera errónea a Mauritson Farms como una bodega vinícola, en vez de una empresa de viñedos. Este reportaje ha sido actualizado para aclarar la relación entre Mauritson Farms, Inc. y Mauritson Wines.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003chr>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Este artículo incluye información de las periodistas Farida Jhabvala Romero y Tyche Hendricks, de KQED. Además fue traducido por \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/mpena/\">María Peña\u003c/a> y editado por \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/ccabreralomeli\">Carlos Cabrera-Lomelí\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "El viñedo Mauritson Farms Inc. ubicado en California, pagará $328,077 a 21 de sus ex empleados, quienes trabajaron por varios años por este empleador con una visa H-2A y reportaron faltas a sus derechos laborales.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11956413/how-california-farmworkers-took-on-a-sonoma-winery-over-abuses-and-won\">\u003cem>Read in English\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mauritson Farms Inc. en el condado de Sonoma pagará 328 mil 077 dólares a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11919450/trabajar-con-una-visa-h-2a-en-estados-unidos-represalias-derechos\">21 de sus ex empleados\u003c/a> como parte de un \u003ca href=\"https://s3.documentcloud.org/documents/23885712/settlement-agreement-june-2023.pdf\">acuerdo legal\u003c/a> con la Junta de Relaciones Laborales Agrícolas de California (ALRB, por sus siglas en inglés), el mayor acuerdo monetario que se ha visto en la oficina de Santa Rosa de esta dependencia. Funcionarios de la ALRB, junto con decenas de activistas laborales y trabajadores agrícolas, anunciaron el acuerdo en una conferencia de prensa el lunes 24 de julio de 2023 en Healdsburg.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mauritson Farms Inc, que gestiona los viñedos, es una empresa independiente y distinta de Mauritson Wines. Ambas empresas son propiedad de la familia Mauritson.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tras una investigación impulsada por las quejas de los trabajadores agrícolas, los funcionarios del ALRB determinaron que Mauritson Farms tomó represalias contra el equipo entero de antiguos empleados porque algunos de ellos se organizaron a finales de la temporada de cultivo de 2021 para denunciar las condiciones de trabajo inseguras en los viñedos de Mauritson.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Debemos reconocer que se trata de una victoria iniciada por los trabajadores para defender no sólo sus derechos, sino también su dignidad”, dijo el activista Davin Cárdenas en una conferencia que se llevó a cabo el pasado 24 de julio. Cárdenas es el director de la organización North Bay Jobs With Justice (NBJWJ, por sus siglas en inglés), un grupo de derechos laborales que apoyó a los trabajadores en su denuncia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Se trata de un caso que establece un precedente para otros trabajadores de la región”, afirmó Cárdenas.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘Después de tantos abusos, creo que es justo que se respeten nuestros derechos y se nos respete por lo que somos.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Los trabajadores implicados eran inmigrantes mexicanos, originarios del estado de Oaxaca, y se encontraban en los Estados Unidos con la visa H-2A, que permite a los trabajadores agrícolas permanecer en el país por períodos limitados.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KQED r\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11919450/trabajar-con-una-visa-h-2a-en-estados-unidos-represalias-derechos\">eportó por vez primera el año pasado\u003c/a> que ninguno de los trabajadores oaxaqueños que denunciaron los hechos en 2021 fueron recontratados para la temporada de cultivo de 2022, pese a las promesas que hizo la dirección de la empresa. En su denuncia presentada contra Mauritson el pasado mes de marzo, el ALRB \u003ca href=\"https://s3.documentcloud.org/documents/23885711/alrb-complaint-march-2023.pdf\">determinó que el hecho de que Mauritson no volviera a contratar a estos trabajadores representa una violación de sus derechos laborales\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Cuando recibí la noticia, agradecí a Dios que se ganó porque no fue nada fácil. Teníamos mucho miedo de hablar. Fue un proceso complicado, pero hay que quitarse ese miedo”, dijo Martín Sandoval Rivera, uno de los trabajadores que denunció las condiciones en Mauritson Farms. Actualmente se encuentra en Oaxaca, con varios trabajos para mantener a su familia.\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cbr>\nSandoval Rivera y sus compañeros dijeron que sufrieron acoso verbal por parte de su supervisor, que se les negó sombra mientras trabajaban en los campos cuando las temperaturas superaban los 90 grados Fahrenheit (equivalente a 32 centígrados) y que no recibieron sus períodos de descanso y almuerzo en algunas ocasiones. Todo esto viola las regulaciones laborales de California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Seis de los trabajadores, incluido Sandoval Rivera, buscaron el apoyo del grupo de derechos laborales NBJWJ para mediar en la situación. NBJWJ organizó una reunión con los trabajadores y los directivos de la empresa en octubre de 2021.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>En esa reunión, el director del viñedo, Cameron Mauritson, prometió que las condiciones en los campos mejorarían y \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11919450/trabajar-con-una-visa-h-2a-en-estados-unidos-represalias-derechos\">aseguró a los trabajadores que volvería a contratarlos en 2022\u003c/a>, aliviando así la mayor preocupación de los trabajadores: que se les fuera a negar empleo en el futuro por haber pedido mejoras laborales. Después de esa plática, Mauritson Farms, que según los trabajadores previamente gestionaba el proceso de contratación a través de las redes sociales, contrató a CIERTO Global, una empresa multinacional que busca mano de obra en el extranjero para el sector agrícola de Estados Unidos.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Mauritson Farms pide a CIERTO Global que busque a trabajadores para la temporada de 2022, y por ende le cierra la puerta a los campesinos oaxaqueños. Según la denuncia del ALRB, para las empresas de cultivo de uva, CIERTO Global sólo recluta a trabajadores que viven en el estado mexicano de Baja California, no en Oaxaca.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Además, las capturas de pantalla de un grupo de Facebook que los trabajadores oaxaqueños compartieron con KQED mostraron que los directivos de Mauritson compartieron información incorrecta sobre cómo debían ponerse en contacto los trabajadores con CIERTO para ser considerados para la temporada de 2022. Representantes de CIERTO confirmaron a KQED que esas instrucciones eran falsas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Estas instrucciones no reflejan nuestras prácticas con ninguno de los trabajadores a los que atendemos”, respondió por correo electrónico un representante de CIERTO. “Las instrucciones de Mauritson no fueron autorizadas ni difundidas por CIERTO”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cuando los trabajadores se dieron cuenta de lo que estaba ocurriendo, alertaron al grupo NBJWJ. En febrero de 2022, los activistas \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11919450/trabajar-con-una-visa-h-2a-en-estados-unidos-represalias-derechos\">presentaron una demanda ante el ALRB en nombre de los seis trabajadores que asistieron a la reunión con Mauritson\u003c/a>. Inicialmente, seis de ellos hablaron, pero en su investigación, el ALRB descubrió que Mauritson había tomado represalias contra todo la cuadrilla de 21 personas al que pertenecían los seis trabajadores.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>El acuerdo de 328 mil 077 dólares que beneficiará a los 21 trabajadores representa lo que los trabajadores perdieron en ingresos por haber sido excluidos de la temporada de 2022, según los cálculos del ALRB. Una audiencia con un juez ya había sido programada para finales de este verano, pero el acuerdo entre la empresa y el ALRB concluye este proceso.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>En una declaración enviada por correo electrónico a KQED, Mauritson Farms declaró que “cree firmemente que [no estaba] en ninguna violación de la Ley de Relaciones Laborales Agrícolas (ALRA). Este acuerdo es estrictamente una decisión empresarial que nos permite resolver este asunto sin necesidad de más litigios”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11957507\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11957507 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/LA-UNION-HACE-LA-FUERZA-BANNERS.jpg\" alt='Varias personas de distintas edades sostienen letreros con consignas. Algunos letreros dicen, \"La unión hace la fuerza\".' width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/LA-UNION-HACE-LA-FUERZA-BANNERS.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/LA-UNION-HACE-LA-FUERZA-BANNERS-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/LA-UNION-HACE-LA-FUERZA-BANNERS-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/LA-UNION-HACE-LA-FUERZA-BANNERS-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/LA-UNION-HACE-LA-FUERZA-BANNERS-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Los trabajadores agrícolas Antonio Flores (izquierda) y su hijo Mateo, Rosalba Gutiérrez (centro) y Valentina Sosa (derecha) se sientan en la conferencia de prensa organizada por el grupo de derechos laborales NBJWJ, donde se dio a conocer el acuerdo con Mauritson Farms en la plaza central de Healdsburg el lunes 24 de julio de 2023. \u003ccite>(Juliana Yamada/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Después de tantos abusos, creo que es justo que se respeten nuestros derechos y se nos respete por lo que somos”, dijo Miguel Ángel Bravo Silva, uno de los seis trabajadores que se reunieron con Mauritson. Durante el último año y medio, ha buscado cualquier trabajo en su comunidad rural de Oaxaca para mantener a su esposa y sus dos hijos y, al mismo tiempo, se ha mantenido en contacto con funcionarios del ALRB que investigaban la situación.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Durante meses, el ALRB trabajó para localizar a los 21 trabajadores que no fueron recontratados. Una vez finalizada la temporada de 2021, muchos regresaron a pueblos remotos de Oaxaca, donde el acceso al internet y la cobertura de telefonía móvil son extremadamente limitados y, para algunos, inexistentes. Localizar a la gente fue uno de los retos, dijo la directora regional de ALRB, Jessica Arciniega. El otro era establecer confianza.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“En muchos casos, resulta difícil mantener la comunicación con los trabajadores”, explica. “Pueden no estar familiarizados con nuestro proceso, con nosotros como agencia gubernamental y con lo que realmente hacemos. Así que puede que no siempre se sientan 100% preparados o cómodos de compartir toda esta información”.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘Muchos [trabajadores H-2A] tienen miedo de perder la oportunidad que tienen \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">… \u003c/span> Pueden estar sufriendo muchos abusos, pero no quieren decir nada porque temen perder lo que consideran un privilegio.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Los trabajadores no sólo temen sufrir más represalias del mismo empleador, sino que, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11919450/trabajar-con-una-visa-h-2a-en-estados-unidos-represalias-derechos\">como informó KQED el año pasado, muchos empleadores utilizan una red de reclutadores para impedir que los trabajadores que denuncian encuentren otro empleo en el futuro\u003c/a>. En ese mismo reportaje, KQED compartió la historia de Kevin y Samuel, dos ex empleados de Mauritson que estaban entre los seis que hicieron la primera denuncia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kevin y Samuel eran en realidad los alias de Sandoval Rivera y Bravo Silva, respectivamente.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>En aquel momento, ambos hombres tenían mucho miedo de las repercusiones que podría tener el compartir públicamente sus identidades durante la investigación del ALRB. A medida la investigación se hacía más larga, Sandoval Rivera sentía cada vez menos confianza en que hubiera una respuesta por parte de las autoridades, especialmente a medida que empeoraba la situación económica de su familia. “La necesidad te hace pensar muchas cosas”, dijo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sin embargo, él y Bravo Silva se alegran de haber esperado los resultados de la investigación y el acuerdo. Esto no sólo les beneficiará a ellos, dice Bravo Silva, “sino también a los trabajadores inmigrantes que ahora trabajan en esa empresa, para que se les respete más y no se sientan solos. Hay leyes que protegen a los trabajadores agrícolas”.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Celebrando una difícil victoria\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Con pancartas y carteles, muchos de ellos con la frase de Emiliano Zapata, como “La tierra es de quien la trabaja”, decenas de trabajadores agrícolas y activistas con NBJWJ llenaron parte de la plaza principal de Healdsburg para la conferencia de prensa que se realizó el pasado 24 de julio.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Ustedes representan a los trabajadores agrícolas que no pueden estar hoy aquí, pero cuya valentía nos ha dejado este legado, que luchando y encontrando aliados, los trabajadores podemos lograr muchas cosas”, dijo Ana Salgado, quien anteriormente era una trabajadora agrícola y ahora es una activista comunitaria y forma parte de la junta directiva de NBJWJ.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11957508\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11957508 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/healdsburg-plaza-farm-workers-rally.jpg\" alt=\"Una mujer habla enfrente de una multitud. Muchos en la multitud sostienen letreros y pancartas con lemas de justicia labora.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/healdsburg-plaza-farm-workers-rally.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/healdsburg-plaza-farm-workers-rally-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/healdsburg-plaza-farm-workers-rally-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/healdsburg-plaza-farm-workers-rally-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/healdsburg-plaza-farm-workers-rally-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Ana Salgado (centro), ex trabajadora agrícola y miembro de la junta directiva de NBJWJ, habla en la rueda de prensa del lunes, 24 de julio de 2023, en la plaza central de Healdsburg. \u003ccite>(Juliana Yamada/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>A pocas calles de esa plaza se encuentra el centro comunitario donde Salgado conoció a varios de los hombres que entonces trabajaban para Mauritson. Recuerda las primeras conversaciones que mantuvo con los trabajadores.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Miré a uno de ellos y vi la preocupación en su cara”, dijo, “tomé su mano y le dije ‘ya puedes abrirte, estás en un espacio seguro'”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Tantos trabajadores que tienen la visa H-2A temen perder la oportunidad que tienen porque los empleadores les dicen que es un privilegio ser traídos de México con una visa”, explicó. “Pueden estar sufriendo muchos abusos, pero no quieren decir nada porque tienen miedo de perder lo que consideran un privilegio”.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>‘Leyes que no se cumplen’\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>El programa de visados H-2A es el sucesor del Programa Bracero, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/thesalt/2018/07/31/634442195/when-the-u-s-government-tried-to-replace-migrant-farmworkers-with-high-schoolers\">que trajo trabajadores mexicanos a los campos agrícolas de Estados Unidos durante la década de 1940\u003c/a>. El actual sistema H-2A ahora trae a trabajadores de todo el mundo para trabajar en Estados Unidos y, como parte del programa, los empleadores deben proporcionar alojamiento, transporte y comidas, lo que da a las empresas un increíble poder sobre la vida personal de sus trabajadores.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Y al igual que el Programa Bracero, \u003ca href=\"https://prismreports.org/2023/04/14/h2a-visa-wage-theft-exploitation/\">el sistema H-2A está plagado de robo de salarios, abuso físico y mental a los empleados, y represalias por parte de los empleadores hacia los trabajadores que denuncian\u003c/a> las condiciones laborales, esto según una investigación de 18 meses publicada en abril por las agencias de noticias Prism, Futuro Investigates y Latino USA.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11957509\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11957509 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/davin-cardenas-with-migrant-workers-at-rally.jpg\" alt=\"Un hombre da un discurso ante una multitud. Muchos de los asistentes sostienen pancartas con consignas de protesta. El grupo se encuentra en un parque.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/davin-cardenas-with-migrant-workers-at-rally.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/davin-cardenas-with-migrant-workers-at-rally-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/davin-cardenas-with-migrant-workers-at-rally-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/davin-cardenas-with-migrant-workers-at-rally-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/davin-cardenas-with-migrant-workers-at-rally-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Davin Cárdenas, director del grupo de derechos laborales NBJWJ, habla en la rueda de prensa del 24 de agosto en la plaza central de Healdsburg. \u003ccite>(Juliana Yamada/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Tanto el gobierno federal como el de California han reforzado sus leyes laborales desde la década de 1940, así que ¿por qué persiste el abuso de los trabajadores H-2A?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Una de las razones es que las dependencias regulatorias necesitan más personal y recursos para hacer cumplir las normas laborales, dice Josephine Weinberg, abogada de California Rural Legal Assistance (CRLA, por sus siglas en inglés), un bufete de abogados sin fines de lucro que representa a campesinos que han sufrido represalias y abusos en el lugar de trabajo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Contamos con las dependencias. Contamos con normas. Pero faltan los mecanismos para hacer cumplir las leyes y monitorear los campos. Así que lo que nos toca no es más que leyes simbólicas'”, dijo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Aproximadamente 1 de cada 3 puestos sigue vacante en la Oficina del Comisionado Laboral de California, uno de los organismos encargados de investigar el robo de sueldos y las represalias en todas las industrias en el estado. La escasez de empleados en esta dependencia deja al personal actual sobrecargado de casos, lo que significa que quienes presentan una denuncia a menudo tienen que esperar años para obtener un resultado. Decenas de empleados de esta agencia mandaron una carta a legisladores estatales a principios de julio, argumentando que ellos están “fracasando en nuestra misión si no podemos contratar y retener al personal necesario”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>En el ALRB, la directora regional Jessica Arciniega señala que su agencia tiene cinco oficinas repartidas por varias regiones agrícolas del estado, “pero California es un estado inmenso y hay muchos trabajadores agrícolas en todo el estado”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No tenemos oficinas en todas las regiones agrícolas”, dice, “así que hacemos lo que podemos en este enorme estado para cubrir dondequiera que estén los trabajadores”. Añade que el departamento colabora estrechamente con organizaciones comunitarias y sindicales, como NBJWJ, para conectar con más obreros.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pero activistas laborales insisten en que hay que hacer más para aplicar mejor las normas laborales y mejorar el programa H-2A en su conjunto. Weinberg, de CRLA, añade que los reguladores deben vigilar más de cerca los campos agrícolas, con visitas aleatorias durante la temporada de cultivo. Y por otro lado, los empleadores deben facilitar que las agencias y los grupos laborales hablen con los campesinos sin restricciones.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>La forma en que se diseñó el programa H-2A, en el que las empresas tienen un control directo sobre el alojamiento, el transporte, la situación migratoria e incluso la alimentación de sus empleados, dificulta enormemente que los trabajadores puedan hablar libremente.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No tienen acceso a un lugar donde sientan que pueden hablar confidencialmente o de forma anónima sobre lo que está pasando”, dijo Weinberg.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>El 19 de julio, el gobernador Gavin Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11956315/some-migrant-farmworkers-to-get-free-legal-help-with-immigration\">anunció un programa piloto de 4.5 millones de dólares para proporcionar servicios legales gratuitos de inmigración a los trabajadores agrícolas que están involucrados en investigaciones laborales estatales\u003c/a>. Esto incluiría servicios de revisión de casos, asesoramiento jurídico y representación por un abogado a los trabajadores en California que tienen un caso pendiente ya sea con el ALRB, la Oficina del Comisionado Laboral o Cal/OSHA.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>El objetivo de este programa, según los funcionarios, es abordar uno de los temores que impiden a los empleados hablar, que es el miedo a perder su visado o a no volver a ser contratado, poniéndolos en contacto con expertos en inmigración que podrían ayudarles a encontrar formas de permanecer en este país. Y a principios de este año, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11941448/que-es-el-programa-de-accion-diferida-de-la-administracion-biden-para-trabajadores-indocumentados\">el gobierno del presidente Biden presentó una nueva y simplificada iniciativa de “acción diferida”\u003c/a> que permite a los trabajadores solicitar un permiso de trabajo y dos años de protección frente a la deportación si cooperan con una investigación sobre derechos laborales.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pero, por encima de todo, afirma Salgado de NBJWJ, lo que realmente ayuda a la gente a sentirse con la seguridad de hablar es saber que hay casos en los que el sistema funciona a favor de los trabajadores. “Sin duda, el resultado del caso Mauritson, reafirma la fe entre nosotros, pero también la credibilidad del trabajo que hacemos cuando salimos a hablar con los trabajadores”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Nota del editor: La versión original de este reportaje describió de manera errónea a Mauritson Farms como una bodega vinícola, en vez de una empresa de viñedos. Este reportaje ha sido actualizado para aclarar la relación entre Mauritson Farms, Inc. y Mauritson Wines.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003chr>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Este artículo incluye información de las periodistas Farida Jhabvala Romero y Tyche Hendricks, de KQED. Además fue traducido por \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/mpena/\">María Peña\u003c/a> y editado por \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/ccabreralomeli\">Carlos Cabrera-Lomelí\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "California Farmworkers Guide to Unsafe Working Conditions and Worker Protections",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11960536/trabaja-en-los-campos-de-california-que-hacer-si-sufre-represalias\">\u003cem>Leer en español\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Twenty-one immigrant farmworkers will collectively receive $328,077 from their former employer, Mauritson Farms, a Sonoma County vineyard company, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11956413/how-california-farmworkers-took-on-a-sonoma-winery-over-abuses-and-won\">after the grower reached a settlement with state labor regulators\u003c/a> earlier this summer. Officials with the California Agricultural Labor Relations Board (ALRB) announced in July that their investigation determined Mauritson Farms retaliated against the workers — who were in the U.S. on H-2A visas — after they spoke up about unsafe conditions in the fields.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Such incidents of employer retaliation against workers who speak up are unfortunately not rare. In the agriculture industry, many workers get punished by their boss — or the person that connected them to employment — after they request a better or safer workplace.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Jump straight to specific advice: \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#unsafe\">What’s considered ‘unsafe working conditions’ for farmworkers?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#retaliation\">What is retaliation by an employer?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#undocumented\">Do these protections still apply for undocumented employees?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#enforce\">Which agencies enforce labor rules in California?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#speakingup\">I believe my employer retaliated against me for speaking up about conditions at work. What should I do?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#options\">I am nervous about my immigration situation if I report what happened at work. What are my options?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>In California, it is illegal for an employer to retaliate against their employee, regardless of their immigration or documentation status. But that still doesn’t prevent some growers from punishing workers that speak up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s why we have created this guide to inform farmworkers about their rights and protections. When you work in the fields, even if you are in the United States without documentation, your employer needs to respect your rights — and this is how they can be held accountable if they don’t.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"unsafe\">\u003c/a>What’s considered unsafe working conditions for farmworkers?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>California has \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/dosh/dosh_publications/ag-field-operations.pdf\">a complex set of rules for what a safe working environment is in the agriculture industry (PDF)\u003c/a>, which cover things like worker safety during wildfires, handling farm machinery, and even in the case of dairies and grain facilities, how to prevent accidents in confined spaces.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Regardless of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11886628/feeling-the-heat-how-workers-can-advocate-for-safer-working-conditions-under-the-sun\">how hot it is\u003c/a>, employers must always provide farmworkers with enough drinking water near their stations. Each employee should have access to at least one quart of water every hour. And even if folks bring their own water bottles, employers must still have enough water available on site.[aside postID=news_11886628]When temperatures rise above 80 degrees, employers must also provide an area with enough shade to accommodate every worker on-site. On days hotter than 95 degrees, supervisors must check in with laborers consistently throughout the day and ensure workers take breaks that are at least 10 minutes long every 2 hours to prevent overheating. Just “offering” these breaks is not sufficient.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These heat-safety rules apply to workers in all industries, not just the agricultural sector.\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#tellus\">Tell us: What else do you need information about right now?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"retaliation\">\u003c/a>What is retaliation by an employer?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In California, retaliation means when an employer fires, punishes or cuts the wages or hours of a worker because that individual sought to improve their working conditions. This includes \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11956413/how-california-farmworkers-took-on-a-sonoma-winery-over-abuses-and-won\">cases of growers refusing to rehire seasonal workers for the next harvest after they have spoken up\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Asking your boss to improve working conditions doesn’t have to be something big like organizing a strike or a march. It can also include:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Asking for more water and shade to be provided on very hot days.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Asking for equipment necessary to keep you safe when working in the fields.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Pointing out that some of your wages are missing.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>If there is a law concerning your safety, your labor rights or your wages that your employer is not following, you should be able to talk about it with your boss freely and safely.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca id=\"undocumented\">\u003c/a>\u003cstrong>Do these protections still apply for undocumented employees?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yes. California’s safety rules benefit all workers, regardless of their immigration status. Your employer cannot use your immigration status as a reason to exclude you from safety protections.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Jessica Arciniega, regional director, ALRB\"]‘Immigration status, if that’s an issue, is not anything that our office asks folks about.’[/pullquote]Additionally, undocumented workers can still seek help from state agencies that enforce labor protections — that is, being undocumented doesn’t disqualify them from seeking (and getting) this help from the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Immigration status, if that’s an issue, is not anything that our office asks folks about,” confirmed Jessica Arciniega, regional director of the ALRB, which investigates possible workplace abuses in the agricultural industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca id=\"withoutcontract\">\u003c/a>\u003cstrong>Do these protections still apply for those working without a formal contract?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you’re working for an individual or a business without a formal job contract, labor rights experts say that these protections still apply to you — as long as it can be proven that you, as a worker, have provided labor in exchange for payment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In some cases, that proof could include written communication between a worker and an employer — like an email, or a text message — that confirms that an exchange of services for payment took place.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"enforce\">\u003c/a>Which agencies enforce labor rules in California?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>There are three state agencies that investigate labor violations and have the authority to penalize bad employers. All three agencies can investigate cases in the agricultural industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>The Agricultural Labor Relations Board\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ALRB was created in 1975 after then-Gov. Jerry Brown signed the California Agricultural Labor Relations Act in 1975. This legislation also defines what an unfair labor practice is: actions taken by an employer that violate the rights of farmworkers, which includes retaliation — firing or cutting the wages of employees who ask for better working conditions. \u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#speakingup\">Jump straight to what you can do if you believe your employer has retaliated against you.\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I would encourage anybody that’s considering whether or not their rights were violated to call our office,” said the ALRB’s Arciniega. “Not only is our staff bilingual, but they’re culturally competent. Many of them, their families or past generations have worked in agriculture or are farmworkers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You can contact the ALRB directly by calling 1-800-449-3699 or \u003ca href=\"https://www.alrb.ca.gov/contact-us/\">reach out to its regional offices located in Santa Rosa, Salinas, Visalia, Oxnard and Indio\u003c/a>. Bay Area workers should contact the Santa Rosa office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An ALRB official can talk to you more about workplace safety rules and your rights as a worker specific to your situation. Additionally, they can explain how you can file an unfair labor practice charge against your employer which could set off a formal investigation of your employer by the ALRB.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>California Division of Occupational Safety and Health\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cal/OSHA creates and enforces the state’s rules on workplace safety, making sure that employees are not exposed to dangerous chemicals or placed in risky situations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If your boss is making you or your colleagues do something you are not sure is safe, you can check in with the agency by calling (833) 579-0927.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>The Labor Commissioner’s Office\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Labor Commissioner’s Office — which is also known as the Division of Labor Standards Enforcement (DLSE) — is the part of California’s Department of Industrial Relations that looks into wage theft and retaliation by employers against workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you think your boss is not paying you correctly for the hours you work or refuses to pay you for overtime, this is the agency you should contact.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"speakingup\">\u003c/a>I believe my employer retaliated against me for speaking up about conditions at work. What should I do?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Pause while you document everything.\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you just lost your job or wages, and you think it’s because of retaliation, first take some time to process the situation, and collect your thoughts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’d recommend folks to write down everything they remember that led up to this, because with the strong feelings you have at the moment, it is easy to forget important details,” said Ana Salgado, former farmworker and board member of North Bay Jobs With Justice (NBJWJ), a labor rights group that assisted the former employees of Mauritson Farms in their case with the ALRB.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Believe in yourself and in what you know happened to you,” she added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Collect past evidence\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As you’re jotting down your experiences, also look for written messages between you and your employer where you describe conditions at work and your supervisor’s response. This could be letters, emails or even screenshots of a text message conversation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other important pieces of information to look for are your pay stubs that show a cut in wages or hours after you spoke, or photos of conditions in the fields, your workstation or housing, if it’s employer-provided.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>\u003ca id=\"laborrightsgroups\">\u003c/a>Seek help from the professionals\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Salgado also recommends looking for the help of a labor rights organization in your area. Advocates can help you create a timeline of what happened, help you contact your employer if you want to try resolving the situation directly, or even prepare you for talking to state officials if you choose to take that step.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Based on their resources, like staff numbers, some groups can provide more help than others. So if you think you may need extra guidance and support, consider reaching out to more than one organization.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here are some organizations in the Bay Area that can connect farmworkers with help:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>California Rural Legal Assistance: (800) 337-0690\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Legal Aid at Work: (415) 864-8208\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>North Bay Organizing Project: (707) 843-7858\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Asian Americans Advancing Justice/Asian Law Caucus: (415) 896-1701\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Centro Legal de la Raza (Oakland): (510) 437-1554\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>La Raza Centro Legal (San Francisco): (415) 575-3500\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"fileclaim\">\u003c/a>I want to file a claim so officials can investigate my situation. What’s next?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>If you are ready to report what happened, the ALRB will be the agency you contact. You will need a \u003ca href=\"https://www.alrb.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/sites/196/2018/05/alrb_form38_en.pdf\">Charge Against Employer form (PDF)\u003c/a>, which you need to print out, complete and either email or mail to your \u003ca href=\"https://www.alrb.ca.gov/contact-us/\">nearest ALRB field office\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Bay Area residents, that’s the Santa Rosa office:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Phone: (707) 527-3256\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Email: Contact regional director Jessica Arciniega at \u003ca href=\"Jessica.Arciniega@alrb.ca.gov\">Jessica.Arciniega@alrb.ca.gov\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Mail: 606 Healdsburg Avenue Santa Rosa, CA 95401\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>If you need to complete the form in another language that is not English, \u003ca href=\"https://www.alrb.ca.gov/contact-us/\">reach out to your nearest field office directly\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Keep in mind that the ALRB requires at least two workers to come together to file a charge. If you are nervous about this step, a workers’ rights group can file a charge on your behalf — \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11956413/how-california-farmworkers-took-on-a-sonoma-winery-over-abuses-and-won\">which is what happened in the Mauritson Farms case\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Why you should file a charge as soon as possible (even if you’re anxious)\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Labor advocates recommend employees report what happened to them as soon as they can. This gives state officials more time to talk to laborers and investigate what happened in the fields.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Timing becomes even more important when farmworkers are in the country on a temporary work permit, like the H-2A visa.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It is completely understandable if you are feeling very nervous about filing a report — especially if you are afraid your employer or the person that got you the job is threatening you with further retaliation. But keep in mind that there is a time limit to report an incident with the state. You only have six months from the moment you experienced retaliation (when your hours were cut, or you were fired or knew you would not be rehired) to file a charge with the ALRB.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the six-month mark, officials cannot launch an investigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What if your boss — or the individual that connected you with employment, like a job recruiter — continues to threaten you with further retaliation if you talk to the state?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In this case, it could be a good idea to seek help from a labor rights group to protect yourself. \u003ca href=\"#laborrightsgroups\">See a list of labor rights groups you can contact.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Once I file a charge with the ALRB, what happens?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>The agency assesses your case.\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Officials will first decide if your situation meets the requirements to begin an investigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some examples of when the ALRB wouldn’t be able to take your case: if you were fired — two years ago — and you think your boss did that to retaliate against you, that exceeds the ALRB’s six-month time limit and the agency cannot launch an investigation. Or if the incident took place in a farm in another state, that is also out of the ALRB’s jurisdiction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>An investigation begins, and your employer is notified.\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the agency is able to take the case, ALRB officials will confirm that with you. They will then notify your employer about the charge, and that an investigation will begin, says ALRB General Counsel Julia Montgomery.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A team of lawyers and investigators will take on the investigation, which can include the workers involved in the investigation, other employees, supervisors and anyone else that could have relevant information,” said Montgomery. Investigators can also request documents and other written records from both employers and workers, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This step can take months, or even years. If you are no longer in the U.S. during the investigation because of your immigration situation, the ALRB will still look to contact you. In past cases, agency officials have sought out farmworkers even when they have traveled back to remote rural communities in their countries of origin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>A decision is made about the charge.\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the investigation, officials will determine if there is enough evidence to confirm if retaliation or another unfair labor practice took place. If there is not enough evidence, the charge is dismissed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the evidence is sufficient, however, the ALRB regional director will present a formal complaint against the employer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But, hold on, that doesn’t mean you have won your case yet.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How the ALRB brings a case against an employer\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>A date for a hearing will be set and an administrative judge will decide whether the employer did in fact break the law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both sides will have an opportunity to defend their case: your employer and their legal representatives, and the ALRB which will argue that you experienced retaliation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the judge decides in favor of the ALRB and the employees involved, workers can receive compensation to make up for lost wages and potentially even be re-employed if they lost their jobs. ALRB officials will travel to the farm and inform other employees of the case. Additionally, employers could face heavy fines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At any step of the process, the ALRB can strike a settlement agreement with the employer. A settlement can also include compensation for the affected workers or even employment offers.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"options\">\u003c/a>I am nervous about my immigration situation if I report what happened at work. What are my options?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>On July 19, Gov. Gavin Newsom announced a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11956315/some-migrant-farmworkers-to-get-free-legal-help-with-immigration\">$4.5 million pilot program to provide free immigration legal services to farmworkers who are involved in state labor investigations\u003c/a>. This would include case-review services, legal advice and representation by an attorney to laborers in California who have a pending case with either the ALRB, the Labor Commissioner’s Office or Cal/OSHA.[aside postID=news_11956315]The goal of this program, officials say, is to address one of the fears that prevents employees from speaking up — the fear of losing their visa or not being rehired — by connecting them to immigration experts who could help them find ways to stay in this country. And earlier this year, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11940316/fear-of-deportation-keeps-some-workers-from-reporting-labor-abuses-a-new-biden-program-aims-to-change-that\">Biden administration unveiled a new, streamlined “deferred action” initiative\u003c/a> that allows workers to apply for a work permit and two years of protection from deportation, if they are cooperating with a labor rights investigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To learn more about the pilot program and whether your case could qualify for free legal services from the state, \u003ca href=\"https://www.alrb.ca.gov/contact-us/\">talk to your ALRB field office\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"tellus\">\u003c/a>Tell us: What else do you need information about?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>At KQED News, we know that it can sometimes be hard to track down the answers to navigate life in the Bay Area in 2023. We’ve published \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/coronavirus-resources-and-explainers\">clear, practical explainers and guides about COVID\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11936674/how-to-prepare-for-this-weeks-atmospheric-river-storm-sandbags-emergency-kits-and-more\">how to cope with intense winter weather\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11821950/how-to-safely-attend-a-protest-in-the-bay-area\">how to exercise your right to protest safely\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So tell us: What do you need to know more about? Tell us, and you could see your question answered online or on social media. What you submit will make our reporting stronger, and help us decide what to cover here on our site, and on KQED Public Radio, too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[hearken id=\"10483\" src=\"https://modules.wearehearken.com/kqed/embed/10483.js\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "In California, it's illegal for an employer to retaliate against workers, regardless of immigration or documentation status. Still, some employers punish workers for speaking up. Here's what you can do.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11960536/trabaja-en-los-campos-de-california-que-hacer-si-sufre-represalias\">\u003cem>Leer en español\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Twenty-one immigrant farmworkers will collectively receive $328,077 from their former employer, Mauritson Farms, a Sonoma County vineyard company, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11956413/how-california-farmworkers-took-on-a-sonoma-winery-over-abuses-and-won\">after the grower reached a settlement with state labor regulators\u003c/a> earlier this summer. Officials with the California Agricultural Labor Relations Board (ALRB) announced in July that their investigation determined Mauritson Farms retaliated against the workers — who were in the U.S. on H-2A visas — after they spoke up about unsafe conditions in the fields.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Such incidents of employer retaliation against workers who speak up are unfortunately not rare. In the agriculture industry, many workers get punished by their boss — or the person that connected them to employment — after they request a better or safer workplace.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Jump straight to specific advice: \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#unsafe\">What’s considered ‘unsafe working conditions’ for farmworkers?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#retaliation\">What is retaliation by an employer?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#undocumented\">Do these protections still apply for undocumented employees?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#enforce\">Which agencies enforce labor rules in California?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#speakingup\">I believe my employer retaliated against me for speaking up about conditions at work. What should I do?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#options\">I am nervous about my immigration situation if I report what happened at work. What are my options?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>In California, it is illegal for an employer to retaliate against their employee, regardless of their immigration or documentation status. But that still doesn’t prevent some growers from punishing workers that speak up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s why we have created this guide to inform farmworkers about their rights and protections. When you work in the fields, even if you are in the United States without documentation, your employer needs to respect your rights — and this is how they can be held accountable if they don’t.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"unsafe\">\u003c/a>What’s considered unsafe working conditions for farmworkers?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>California has \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/dosh/dosh_publications/ag-field-operations.pdf\">a complex set of rules for what a safe working environment is in the agriculture industry (PDF)\u003c/a>, which cover things like worker safety during wildfires, handling farm machinery, and even in the case of dairies and grain facilities, how to prevent accidents in confined spaces.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Regardless of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11886628/feeling-the-heat-how-workers-can-advocate-for-safer-working-conditions-under-the-sun\">how hot it is\u003c/a>, employers must always provide farmworkers with enough drinking water near their stations. Each employee should have access to at least one quart of water every hour. And even if folks bring their own water bottles, employers must still have enough water available on site.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>When temperatures rise above 80 degrees, employers must also provide an area with enough shade to accommodate every worker on-site. On days hotter than 95 degrees, supervisors must check in with laborers consistently throughout the day and ensure workers take breaks that are at least 10 minutes long every 2 hours to prevent overheating. Just “offering” these breaks is not sufficient.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These heat-safety rules apply to workers in all industries, not just the agricultural sector.\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#tellus\">Tell us: What else do you need information about right now?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"retaliation\">\u003c/a>What is retaliation by an employer?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In California, retaliation means when an employer fires, punishes or cuts the wages or hours of a worker because that individual sought to improve their working conditions. This includes \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11956413/how-california-farmworkers-took-on-a-sonoma-winery-over-abuses-and-won\">cases of growers refusing to rehire seasonal workers for the next harvest after they have spoken up\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Asking your boss to improve working conditions doesn’t have to be something big like organizing a strike or a march. It can also include:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Asking for more water and shade to be provided on very hot days.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Asking for equipment necessary to keep you safe when working in the fields.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Pointing out that some of your wages are missing.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>If there is a law concerning your safety, your labor rights or your wages that your employer is not following, you should be able to talk about it with your boss freely and safely.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca id=\"undocumented\">\u003c/a>\u003cstrong>Do these protections still apply for undocumented employees?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yes. California’s safety rules benefit all workers, regardless of their immigration status. Your employer cannot use your immigration status as a reason to exclude you from safety protections.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Additionally, undocumented workers can still seek help from state agencies that enforce labor protections — that is, being undocumented doesn’t disqualify them from seeking (and getting) this help from the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Immigration status, if that’s an issue, is not anything that our office asks folks about,” confirmed Jessica Arciniega, regional director of the ALRB, which investigates possible workplace abuses in the agricultural industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca id=\"withoutcontract\">\u003c/a>\u003cstrong>Do these protections still apply for those working without a formal contract?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you’re working for an individual or a business without a formal job contract, labor rights experts say that these protections still apply to you — as long as it can be proven that you, as a worker, have provided labor in exchange for payment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In some cases, that proof could include written communication between a worker and an employer — like an email, or a text message — that confirms that an exchange of services for payment took place.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"enforce\">\u003c/a>Which agencies enforce labor rules in California?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>There are three state agencies that investigate labor violations and have the authority to penalize bad employers. All three agencies can investigate cases in the agricultural industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>The Agricultural Labor Relations Board\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ALRB was created in 1975 after then-Gov. Jerry Brown signed the California Agricultural Labor Relations Act in 1975. This legislation also defines what an unfair labor practice is: actions taken by an employer that violate the rights of farmworkers, which includes retaliation — firing or cutting the wages of employees who ask for better working conditions. \u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#speakingup\">Jump straight to what you can do if you believe your employer has retaliated against you.\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I would encourage anybody that’s considering whether or not their rights were violated to call our office,” said the ALRB’s Arciniega. “Not only is our staff bilingual, but they’re culturally competent. Many of them, their families or past generations have worked in agriculture or are farmworkers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You can contact the ALRB directly by calling 1-800-449-3699 or \u003ca href=\"https://www.alrb.ca.gov/contact-us/\">reach out to its regional offices located in Santa Rosa, Salinas, Visalia, Oxnard and Indio\u003c/a>. Bay Area workers should contact the Santa Rosa office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An ALRB official can talk to you more about workplace safety rules and your rights as a worker specific to your situation. Additionally, they can explain how you can file an unfair labor practice charge against your employer which could set off a formal investigation of your employer by the ALRB.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>California Division of Occupational Safety and Health\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cal/OSHA creates and enforces the state’s rules on workplace safety, making sure that employees are not exposed to dangerous chemicals or placed in risky situations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If your boss is making you or your colleagues do something you are not sure is safe, you can check in with the agency by calling (833) 579-0927.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>The Labor Commissioner’s Office\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Labor Commissioner’s Office — which is also known as the Division of Labor Standards Enforcement (DLSE) — is the part of California’s Department of Industrial Relations that looks into wage theft and retaliation by employers against workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you think your boss is not paying you correctly for the hours you work or refuses to pay you for overtime, this is the agency you should contact.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"speakingup\">\u003c/a>I believe my employer retaliated against me for speaking up about conditions at work. What should I do?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Pause while you document everything.\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you just lost your job or wages, and you think it’s because of retaliation, first take some time to process the situation, and collect your thoughts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’d recommend folks to write down everything they remember that led up to this, because with the strong feelings you have at the moment, it is easy to forget important details,” said Ana Salgado, former farmworker and board member of North Bay Jobs With Justice (NBJWJ), a labor rights group that assisted the former employees of Mauritson Farms in their case with the ALRB.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Believe in yourself and in what you know happened to you,” she added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Collect past evidence\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As you’re jotting down your experiences, also look for written messages between you and your employer where you describe conditions at work and your supervisor’s response. This could be letters, emails or even screenshots of a text message conversation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other important pieces of information to look for are your pay stubs that show a cut in wages or hours after you spoke, or photos of conditions in the fields, your workstation or housing, if it’s employer-provided.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>\u003ca id=\"laborrightsgroups\">\u003c/a>Seek help from the professionals\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Salgado also recommends looking for the help of a labor rights organization in your area. Advocates can help you create a timeline of what happened, help you contact your employer if you want to try resolving the situation directly, or even prepare you for talking to state officials if you choose to take that step.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Based on their resources, like staff numbers, some groups can provide more help than others. So if you think you may need extra guidance and support, consider reaching out to more than one organization.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here are some organizations in the Bay Area that can connect farmworkers with help:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>California Rural Legal Assistance: (800) 337-0690\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Legal Aid at Work: (415) 864-8208\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>North Bay Organizing Project: (707) 843-7858\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Asian Americans Advancing Justice/Asian Law Caucus: (415) 896-1701\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Centro Legal de la Raza (Oakland): (510) 437-1554\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>La Raza Centro Legal (San Francisco): (415) 575-3500\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"fileclaim\">\u003c/a>I want to file a claim so officials can investigate my situation. What’s next?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>If you are ready to report what happened, the ALRB will be the agency you contact. You will need a \u003ca href=\"https://www.alrb.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/sites/196/2018/05/alrb_form38_en.pdf\">Charge Against Employer form (PDF)\u003c/a>, which you need to print out, complete and either email or mail to your \u003ca href=\"https://www.alrb.ca.gov/contact-us/\">nearest ALRB field office\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Bay Area residents, that’s the Santa Rosa office:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Phone: (707) 527-3256\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Email: Contact regional director Jessica Arciniega at \u003ca href=\"Jessica.Arciniega@alrb.ca.gov\">Jessica.Arciniega@alrb.ca.gov\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Mail: 606 Healdsburg Avenue Santa Rosa, CA 95401\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>If you need to complete the form in another language that is not English, \u003ca href=\"https://www.alrb.ca.gov/contact-us/\">reach out to your nearest field office directly\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Keep in mind that the ALRB requires at least two workers to come together to file a charge. If you are nervous about this step, a workers’ rights group can file a charge on your behalf — \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11956413/how-california-farmworkers-took-on-a-sonoma-winery-over-abuses-and-won\">which is what happened in the Mauritson Farms case\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Why you should file a charge as soon as possible (even if you’re anxious)\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Labor advocates recommend employees report what happened to them as soon as they can. This gives state officials more time to talk to laborers and investigate what happened in the fields.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Timing becomes even more important when farmworkers are in the country on a temporary work permit, like the H-2A visa.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It is completely understandable if you are feeling very nervous about filing a report — especially if you are afraid your employer or the person that got you the job is threatening you with further retaliation. But keep in mind that there is a time limit to report an incident with the state. You only have six months from the moment you experienced retaliation (when your hours were cut, or you were fired or knew you would not be rehired) to file a charge with the ALRB.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the six-month mark, officials cannot launch an investigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What if your boss — or the individual that connected you with employment, like a job recruiter — continues to threaten you with further retaliation if you talk to the state?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In this case, it could be a good idea to seek help from a labor rights group to protect yourself. \u003ca href=\"#laborrightsgroups\">See a list of labor rights groups you can contact.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Once I file a charge with the ALRB, what happens?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>The agency assesses your case.\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Officials will first decide if your situation meets the requirements to begin an investigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some examples of when the ALRB wouldn’t be able to take your case: if you were fired — two years ago — and you think your boss did that to retaliate against you, that exceeds the ALRB’s six-month time limit and the agency cannot launch an investigation. Or if the incident took place in a farm in another state, that is also out of the ALRB’s jurisdiction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>An investigation begins, and your employer is notified.\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the agency is able to take the case, ALRB officials will confirm that with you. They will then notify your employer about the charge, and that an investigation will begin, says ALRB General Counsel Julia Montgomery.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A team of lawyers and investigators will take on the investigation, which can include the workers involved in the investigation, other employees, supervisors and anyone else that could have relevant information,” said Montgomery. Investigators can also request documents and other written records from both employers and workers, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This step can take months, or even years. If you are no longer in the U.S. during the investigation because of your immigration situation, the ALRB will still look to contact you. In past cases, agency officials have sought out farmworkers even when they have traveled back to remote rural communities in their countries of origin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>A decision is made about the charge.\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the investigation, officials will determine if there is enough evidence to confirm if retaliation or another unfair labor practice took place. If there is not enough evidence, the charge is dismissed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the evidence is sufficient, however, the ALRB regional director will present a formal complaint against the employer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But, hold on, that doesn’t mean you have won your case yet.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How the ALRB brings a case against an employer\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>A date for a hearing will be set and an administrative judge will decide whether the employer did in fact break the law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both sides will have an opportunity to defend their case: your employer and their legal representatives, and the ALRB which will argue that you experienced retaliation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the judge decides in favor of the ALRB and the employees involved, workers can receive compensation to make up for lost wages and potentially even be re-employed if they lost their jobs. ALRB officials will travel to the farm and inform other employees of the case. Additionally, employers could face heavy fines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At any step of the process, the ALRB can strike a settlement agreement with the employer. A settlement can also include compensation for the affected workers or even employment offers.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"options\">\u003c/a>I am nervous about my immigration situation if I report what happened at work. What are my options?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>On July 19, Gov. Gavin Newsom announced a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11956315/some-migrant-farmworkers-to-get-free-legal-help-with-immigration\">$4.5 million pilot program to provide free immigration legal services to farmworkers who are involved in state labor investigations\u003c/a>. This would include case-review services, legal advice and representation by an attorney to laborers in California who have a pending case with either the ALRB, the Labor Commissioner’s Office or Cal/OSHA.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The goal of this program, officials say, is to address one of the fears that prevents employees from speaking up — the fear of losing their visa or not being rehired — by connecting them to immigration experts who could help them find ways to stay in this country. And earlier this year, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11940316/fear-of-deportation-keeps-some-workers-from-reporting-labor-abuses-a-new-biden-program-aims-to-change-that\">Biden administration unveiled a new, streamlined “deferred action” initiative\u003c/a> that allows workers to apply for a work permit and two years of protection from deportation, if they are cooperating with a labor rights investigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To learn more about the pilot program and whether your case could qualify for free legal services from the state, \u003ca href=\"https://www.alrb.ca.gov/contact-us/\">talk to your ALRB field office\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"tellus\">\u003c/a>Tell us: What else do you need information about?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>At KQED News, we know that it can sometimes be hard to track down the answers to navigate life in the Bay Area in 2023. We’ve published \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/coronavirus-resources-and-explainers\">clear, practical explainers and guides about COVID\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11936674/how-to-prepare-for-this-weeks-atmospheric-river-storm-sandbags-emergency-kits-and-more\">how to cope with intense winter weather\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11821950/how-to-safely-attend-a-protest-in-the-bay-area\">how to exercise your right to protest safely\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So tell us: What do you need to know more about? Tell us, and you could see your question answered online or on social media. What you submit will make our reporting stronger, and help us decide what to cover here on our site, and on KQED Public Radio, too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "Biden Border Policies Face Challenges From Left and Right",
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"content": "\u003cp>In San Francisco, immigrants’ rights lawyers are preparing court filings this month in a legal fight to end the Biden administration’s border policies, which they say are too restrictive and violate the rights of asylum seekers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Los Angeles, migrants keep arriving on buses sent from Texas by Republican Gov. Greg Abbott, who says President Joe Biden’s policies are not restrictive enough and create chaos at the border.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Asylum and border politics are playing out across California and, as the presidential election season begins to heat up, the rhetoric — and the stakes — are likely to get more intense in coming months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With the ending in May of pandemic border restrictions known as Title 42 that first allowed former President Donald Trump and then Biden to expel migrants without a legally required asylum screening, the Biden administration is trying to thread the needle with an approach to \u003ca href=\"https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2023/jul/26/us-homeland-security-chief-house-hearing-border-policies\">border management that officials describe as both secure and humane\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But at a time of \u003ca href=\"https://www.unhcr.org/spotlight/2023/01/2023-a-moment-of-truth-for-global-displacement/\">high migration globally\u003c/a>, including at the U.S.-Mexico border, the administration is facing criticism from both the left and the right.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On the one hand, progressives accuse the president of caring more about the political optics of border control than respect for the legal duty to provide refuge. On the other, Republicans see a political advantage in portraying the border as out of control and are denouncing what they call the “Biden Border Crisis” in \u003ca href=\"https://rondesantis.com/mission/stop-the-invasion/\">campaign material\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://oversight.house.gov/landing/bidens-border-crisis/\">Congressional hearings\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.heritage.org/biden-border-crisis\">conservative think tanks\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.foxnews.com/us/bidens-border-crisis-forced-rancher-caretaking-drug-traffickers-migrants\">right-wing news outlets\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[Americans] say, ‘We’d like to admit legitimate refugees,’ but there’s political pushback due to the high numbers and the perceived disorderliness,” said Theresa Cardinal Brown, \u003ca href=\"https://bipartisanpolicy.org/person/theresa-cardinal-brown/\">an immigration expert at the Bipartisan Policy Center\u003c/a> in Washington, D.C. “It’s clearly an issue Republicans want to hammer Biden over… It’s highly motivating for the Republican base.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, the dynamics may be a little different. \u003ca href=\"https://carnegieendowment.org/2023/06/21/importance-of-californians-views-on-immigration-policies-pub-90018\">Two-thirds of Californians overall believe immigrants are a benefit to the state\u003c/a>, though only a quarter of Republicans do, according to polling by the Public Policy Institute of California.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Biden’s new border management rule\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Just as Title 42 lifted on May 11, the Department of Homeland Security put in place \u003ca href=\"https://www.dhs.gov/news/2023/05/11/fact-sheet-circumvention-lawful-pathways-final-rule\">a new rule aimed at deterring unlawful border crossings, anticipating a surge in the number of asylum seekers trying to come to the U.S.\u003c/a>[aside label=\"Related Stories\" tag=\"asylum\"]Under the rule, migrants are required to make an appointment, using the Biden administration’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbp.gov/about/mobile-apps-directory/cbpone\">CBP One smartphone app,\u003c/a> to be screened at an official port of entry. People caught entering the country illegally — even those with an asylum claim — face swift deportation and a five-year bar to reentry, unless they can show they were turned down for asylum in another country on the way here, or unless they face an acute medical emergency or an imminent threat to their safety.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To further reduce the number of people waiting at the border, the government is granting \u003ca href=\"https://www.uscis.gov/CHNV\">up to 30,000 people a month from Cuba, Haiti, Nicaragua and Venezuela\u003c/a> a two-year humanitarian parole — similar to programs for Ukrainians and Afghans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s too soon to tell whether these policies will reduce illegal border crossings. In June, the first month after the border rule took effect, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbp.gov/newsroom/stats/southwest-land-border-encounters\">number of people encountered by the Border Patrol dropped dramatically\u003c/a> — by more than 40% — to just below 100,000 arrests. But preliminary numbers for July, \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/immigration/2023/08/01/border-arrests-migrants-biden/\">first reported in \u003cem>The\u003c/em> \u003cem>Washington Post\u003c/em>\u003c/a>, were ticking back up again, though they are still lower than in recent months.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>First stop: shelter in San Diego\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Many migrants in Tijuana and other border cities report frustrating challenges with the government’s app and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11957568/long-wait-for-asylum-at-california-border-leaves-migrants-vulnerable\">months of failed attempts\u003c/a> to get an appointment — and some still try to cross illegally. But nationally, \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbp.gov/newsroom/national-media-release/cbp-one-appointments-increased-1450-day\">nearly 1,500 people a day\u003c/a> are getting access to the U.S.-Mexico border using the app, officials say.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those who cross into San Diego — roughly 250 a day, advocates say — are met by representatives from the San Diego Rapid Response Network and taken to the network’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.jfssd.org/our-services/refugees-immigration/shelter-services/\">shelter, operated by Jewish Family Service of San Diego\u003c/a>. There they can rest for a couple of days and get a health screening, legal orientation and help with travel arrangements to their destinations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After three years in which Title 42 gave asylum seekers no way to cross the border legally, the new system is safe, humane and orderly, said Kate Clark, who runs the immigration program at Jewish Family Service.[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation=\"Kate Clark, senior director of immigration services, Jewish Family Service\"]‘I think that there has been significant progress and we have some more work to do.’[/pullquote]“I am absolutely supportive of the port of entry processing,” said Clark. “Also I’m very keenly aware of the challenges that non-citizens in very vulnerable circumstances are having in getting appointments… I think that there has been significant progress and we have some more work to do.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But \u003ca href=\"https://www.aclu.org/documents/complaint-east-bay-sanctuary-covenant-v-biden\">a federal lawsuit filed by the East Bay Sanctuary Covenant and other immigrant advocacy groups\u003c/a> charged that the administration’s rule violates U.S. immigration law — which says\u003ca href=\"https://www.law.cornell.edu/uscode/text/8/1158\"> anyone on U.S. soil may request asylum\u003c/a>, regardless of how they entered the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Late last month, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2023/07/25/1189794196/asylum-border-migrants-judge-cbpone-justice-department\">U.S. District Judge Jon Tigar in Oakland agreed\u003c/a>. The Biden administration appealed the ruling to the 9th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals, in San Francisco, with a hearing likely in late September.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Homeland Security Secretary Alejandro Mayorkas has said the administration is working with limited resources and a dysfunctional immigration system that Congress has not updated, but \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Ns7XCYY7JYk\">he defends the legality of the asylum rule\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lawsuits make it more difficult for officials to implement a coherent border policy — and they send mixed messages to migrants and smugglers, said Doris Meissner, \u003ca href=\"https://www.migrationpolicy.org/about/staff/doris-meissner\">a senior fellow at the nonpartisan Migration Policy Institute\u003c/a>, in Washington, D.C.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I give the administration credit for trying to cobble together legal pathways and a humanitarian dimension to a more orderly border regime, in the face of no help from Congress, and litigation that could stop the initiatives,” said Meissner, who was the commissioner of the former Immigration and Naturalization Service under President Bill Clinton.[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation=\"Nicole Elizabeth Ramos, border rights project director, Al Otro Lado\"]‘People are dying that don’t have to die because they don’t want to process people. This is not a capacity issue. This is a lack of willingness.’[/pullquote]But to Nicole Elizabeth Ramos, director of the border rights project at the immigrant advocacy group \u003ca href=\"https://alotrolado.org\">Al Otro Lado\u003c/a>, the Biden administration’s restrictions on access to asylum are no different than more sweeping rules imposed by former President Trump.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ramos works in Tijuana, where many thousands of migrants are still waiting for slots to seek asylum in the U.S., and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11957568/long-wait-for-asylum-at-california-border-leaves-migrants-vulnerable\">becoming increasingly desperate\u003c/a>. She described one family who spent four months trying to make an appointment through the app and were only allowed into the U.S. after the father in the family was murdered.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People are dying that don’t have to die because they don’t want to process people,” she said. “This is not a capacity issue,” she said. “This is a lack of willingness.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Al Otro Lado filed suit last month in federal court in San Diego\u003ca href=\"https://cgrs.uclawsf.edu/our-work/litigation/al-otro-lado-and-haitian-bridge-alliance-v-mayorkas\"> to prevent the government from requiring asylum seekers to use the app\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Bussing migrants to California to make a political point\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, Republicans have sought to keep the spotlight on \u003ca href=\"https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2023/may/29/texas-invasion-clause-migrants-racist-dangerous\">what Abbott has called an “invasion,”\u003c/a> at the border.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis has made headlines by flying migrants from Texas to Martha’s Vineyard, and to Sacramento in June — in an incident that \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11952335/california-investigates-desantis-role-in-migrants-arrival-in-sacramento\">California Attorney General Rob Bonta vowed to investigate\u003c/a>. And Abbott is waging a campaign of bussing migrants from Texas to Democratic-led cities, including Los Angeles, saying Texas border towns are “\u003ca href=\"https://gov.texas.gov/news/post/governor-abbott-announces-first-bus-of-migrants-arrives-in-los-angeles\">overwhelmed and overrun\u003c/a>” because Biden is failing to enforce the law.[aside label=\"More Coverage\" tag=\"immigration\"]The latest of eight buses to Los Angeles arrived today. City officials have coordinated with faith and human rights groups to welcome the 323 asylum seekers who’ve come so far.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement, \u003ca href=\"https://mayor.lacity.gov/news/mayor-bass-issues-statement-regarding-arrival-migrants-los-angeles\">Los Angeles Mayor Karen Bass called the practice a “despicable stunt,”\u003c/a> adding it’s “abhorrent that an American elected official is using human beings as pawns in his cheap political games.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As California’s Democratic leaders push back against Republicans, Biden’s team is conscious that public perception of his border management could sway independent voters next year — and that’s led to a tougher border policy with the 2024 election in mind, says Meissner, of the Migration Policy Institute.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If what they’ve done can hold, so the ‘chaos at the border’ narratives are off the front page, that’s the best they can hope for,” she said. “If the Abbott/DeSantis rhetoric can start to ring hollow, [Biden and his advisors] don’t mind pressure from the left. They want to be positioned as taking a tougher stance.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But advocates like Kate Clark, who works with asylum seekers in San Diego every day, says what’s often missing in the political conversation is empathy for migrants as human beings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s about centering humanity,” she said. “If there was more of a focus on the humanity behind this issue, maybe others would better understand the challenges that are faced and be more comfortable with moving forward with [welcoming] policies.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "President Biden is getting heat from progressives over a restrictive new asylum rule, while Republicans are intensifying their attacks as election season gets underway.\r\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>In San Francisco, immigrants’ rights lawyers are preparing court filings this month in a legal fight to end the Biden administration’s border policies, which they say are too restrictive and violate the rights of asylum seekers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Los Angeles, migrants keep arriving on buses sent from Texas by Republican Gov. Greg Abbott, who says President Joe Biden’s policies are not restrictive enough and create chaos at the border.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Asylum and border politics are playing out across California and, as the presidential election season begins to heat up, the rhetoric — and the stakes — are likely to get more intense in coming months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With the ending in May of pandemic border restrictions known as Title 42 that first allowed former President Donald Trump and then Biden to expel migrants without a legally required asylum screening, the Biden administration is trying to thread the needle with an approach to \u003ca href=\"https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2023/jul/26/us-homeland-security-chief-house-hearing-border-policies\">border management that officials describe as both secure and humane\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But at a time of \u003ca href=\"https://www.unhcr.org/spotlight/2023/01/2023-a-moment-of-truth-for-global-displacement/\">high migration globally\u003c/a>, including at the U.S.-Mexico border, the administration is facing criticism from both the left and the right.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On the one hand, progressives accuse the president of caring more about the political optics of border control than respect for the legal duty to provide refuge. On the other, Republicans see a political advantage in portraying the border as out of control and are denouncing what they call the “Biden Border Crisis” in \u003ca href=\"https://rondesantis.com/mission/stop-the-invasion/\">campaign material\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://oversight.house.gov/landing/bidens-border-crisis/\">Congressional hearings\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.heritage.org/biden-border-crisis\">conservative think tanks\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.foxnews.com/us/bidens-border-crisis-forced-rancher-caretaking-drug-traffickers-migrants\">right-wing news outlets\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[Americans] say, ‘We’d like to admit legitimate refugees,’ but there’s political pushback due to the high numbers and the perceived disorderliness,” said Theresa Cardinal Brown, \u003ca href=\"https://bipartisanpolicy.org/person/theresa-cardinal-brown/\">an immigration expert at the Bipartisan Policy Center\u003c/a> in Washington, D.C. “It’s clearly an issue Republicans want to hammer Biden over… It’s highly motivating for the Republican base.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, the dynamics may be a little different. \u003ca href=\"https://carnegieendowment.org/2023/06/21/importance-of-californians-views-on-immigration-policies-pub-90018\">Two-thirds of Californians overall believe immigrants are a benefit to the state\u003c/a>, though only a quarter of Republicans do, according to polling by the Public Policy Institute of California.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Biden’s new border management rule\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Just as Title 42 lifted on May 11, the Department of Homeland Security put in place \u003ca href=\"https://www.dhs.gov/news/2023/05/11/fact-sheet-circumvention-lawful-pathways-final-rule\">a new rule aimed at deterring unlawful border crossings, anticipating a surge in the number of asylum seekers trying to come to the U.S.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Under the rule, migrants are required to make an appointment, using the Biden administration’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbp.gov/about/mobile-apps-directory/cbpone\">CBP One smartphone app,\u003c/a> to be screened at an official port of entry. People caught entering the country illegally — even those with an asylum claim — face swift deportation and a five-year bar to reentry, unless they can show they were turned down for asylum in another country on the way here, or unless they face an acute medical emergency or an imminent threat to their safety.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To further reduce the number of people waiting at the border, the government is granting \u003ca href=\"https://www.uscis.gov/CHNV\">up to 30,000 people a month from Cuba, Haiti, Nicaragua and Venezuela\u003c/a> a two-year humanitarian parole — similar to programs for Ukrainians and Afghans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s too soon to tell whether these policies will reduce illegal border crossings. In June, the first month after the border rule took effect, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbp.gov/newsroom/stats/southwest-land-border-encounters\">number of people encountered by the Border Patrol dropped dramatically\u003c/a> — by more than 40% — to just below 100,000 arrests. But preliminary numbers for July, \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/immigration/2023/08/01/border-arrests-migrants-biden/\">first reported in \u003cem>The\u003c/em> \u003cem>Washington Post\u003c/em>\u003c/a>, were ticking back up again, though they are still lower than in recent months.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>First stop: shelter in San Diego\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Many migrants in Tijuana and other border cities report frustrating challenges with the government’s app and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11957568/long-wait-for-asylum-at-california-border-leaves-migrants-vulnerable\">months of failed attempts\u003c/a> to get an appointment — and some still try to cross illegally. But nationally, \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbp.gov/newsroom/national-media-release/cbp-one-appointments-increased-1450-day\">nearly 1,500 people a day\u003c/a> are getting access to the U.S.-Mexico border using the app, officials say.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those who cross into San Diego — roughly 250 a day, advocates say — are met by representatives from the San Diego Rapid Response Network and taken to the network’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.jfssd.org/our-services/refugees-immigration/shelter-services/\">shelter, operated by Jewish Family Service of San Diego\u003c/a>. There they can rest for a couple of days and get a health screening, legal orientation and help with travel arrangements to their destinations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After three years in which Title 42 gave asylum seekers no way to cross the border legally, the new system is safe, humane and orderly, said Kate Clark, who runs the immigration program at Jewish Family Service.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“I am absolutely supportive of the port of entry processing,” said Clark. “Also I’m very keenly aware of the challenges that non-citizens in very vulnerable circumstances are having in getting appointments… I think that there has been significant progress and we have some more work to do.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But \u003ca href=\"https://www.aclu.org/documents/complaint-east-bay-sanctuary-covenant-v-biden\">a federal lawsuit filed by the East Bay Sanctuary Covenant and other immigrant advocacy groups\u003c/a> charged that the administration’s rule violates U.S. immigration law — which says\u003ca href=\"https://www.law.cornell.edu/uscode/text/8/1158\"> anyone on U.S. soil may request asylum\u003c/a>, regardless of how they entered the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Late last month, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2023/07/25/1189794196/asylum-border-migrants-judge-cbpone-justice-department\">U.S. District Judge Jon Tigar in Oakland agreed\u003c/a>. The Biden administration appealed the ruling to the 9th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals, in San Francisco, with a hearing likely in late September.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Homeland Security Secretary Alejandro Mayorkas has said the administration is working with limited resources and a dysfunctional immigration system that Congress has not updated, but \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Ns7XCYY7JYk\">he defends the legality of the asylum rule\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lawsuits make it more difficult for officials to implement a coherent border policy — and they send mixed messages to migrants and smugglers, said Doris Meissner, \u003ca href=\"https://www.migrationpolicy.org/about/staff/doris-meissner\">a senior fellow at the nonpartisan Migration Policy Institute\u003c/a>, in Washington, D.C.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I give the administration credit for trying to cobble together legal pathways and a humanitarian dimension to a more orderly border regime, in the face of no help from Congress, and litigation that could stop the initiatives,” said Meissner, who was the commissioner of the former Immigration and Naturalization Service under President Bill Clinton.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>But to Nicole Elizabeth Ramos, director of the border rights project at the immigrant advocacy group \u003ca href=\"https://alotrolado.org\">Al Otro Lado\u003c/a>, the Biden administration’s restrictions on access to asylum are no different than more sweeping rules imposed by former President Trump.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ramos works in Tijuana, where many thousands of migrants are still waiting for slots to seek asylum in the U.S., and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11957568/long-wait-for-asylum-at-california-border-leaves-migrants-vulnerable\">becoming increasingly desperate\u003c/a>. She described one family who spent four months trying to make an appointment through the app and were only allowed into the U.S. after the father in the family was murdered.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People are dying that don’t have to die because they don’t want to process people,” she said. “This is not a capacity issue,” she said. “This is a lack of willingness.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Al Otro Lado filed suit last month in federal court in San Diego\u003ca href=\"https://cgrs.uclawsf.edu/our-work/litigation/al-otro-lado-and-haitian-bridge-alliance-v-mayorkas\"> to prevent the government from requiring asylum seekers to use the app\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Bussing migrants to California to make a political point\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, Republicans have sought to keep the spotlight on \u003ca href=\"https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2023/may/29/texas-invasion-clause-migrants-racist-dangerous\">what Abbott has called an “invasion,”\u003c/a> at the border.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis has made headlines by flying migrants from Texas to Martha’s Vineyard, and to Sacramento in June — in an incident that \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11952335/california-investigates-desantis-role-in-migrants-arrival-in-sacramento\">California Attorney General Rob Bonta vowed to investigate\u003c/a>. And Abbott is waging a campaign of bussing migrants from Texas to Democratic-led cities, including Los Angeles, saying Texas border towns are “\u003ca href=\"https://gov.texas.gov/news/post/governor-abbott-announces-first-bus-of-migrants-arrives-in-los-angeles\">overwhelmed and overrun\u003c/a>” because Biden is failing to enforce the law.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The latest of eight buses to Los Angeles arrived today. City officials have coordinated with faith and human rights groups to welcome the 323 asylum seekers who’ve come so far.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement, \u003ca href=\"https://mayor.lacity.gov/news/mayor-bass-issues-statement-regarding-arrival-migrants-los-angeles\">Los Angeles Mayor Karen Bass called the practice a “despicable stunt,”\u003c/a> adding it’s “abhorrent that an American elected official is using human beings as pawns in his cheap political games.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As California’s Democratic leaders push back against Republicans, Biden’s team is conscious that public perception of his border management could sway independent voters next year — and that’s led to a tougher border policy with the 2024 election in mind, says Meissner, of the Migration Policy Institute.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If what they’ve done can hold, so the ‘chaos at the border’ narratives are off the front page, that’s the best they can hope for,” she said. “If the Abbott/DeSantis rhetoric can start to ring hollow, [Biden and his advisors] don’t mind pressure from the left. They want to be positioned as taking a tougher stance.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But advocates like Kate Clark, who works with asylum seekers in San Diego every day, says what’s often missing in the political conversation is empathy for migrants as human beings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s about centering humanity,” she said. “If there was more of a focus on the humanity behind this issue, maybe others would better understand the challenges that are faced and be more comfortable with moving forward with [welcoming] policies.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Long Wait for Asylum at California Border Leaves Migrants Vulnerable",
"headTitle": "Long Wait for Asylum at California Border Leaves Migrants Vulnerable | KQED",
"content": "\u003cp>María Guadalupe Cruz has been trying every day since January to get on the Biden administration’s electronic waitlist, so she could seek asylum in the United States for her and her family.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 32-year-old mother left Honduras in 2021 with her husband and two children after local gangs tried charging a “war tax” on her home that she couldn’t pay, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Organized criminal gangs fighting for territory near San Pedro Sula, the northern city where Cruz’s family lived, have progressed from extorting protection money from businesses to collecting it from households, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I told them I couldn’t pay, so they gave me 24 hours to abandon the country,” she recently told CalMatters, at the Tijuana shelter where her family lives in a tent. “And they said if we ever came back, they’d kill us all.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11957581\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/072623_Movimiento_Juventud_Migrants_AH_CM_01.jpg\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11957581\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/072623_Movimiento_Juventud_Migrants_AH_CM_01-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"A group of people of various ages standing in line with some holding children near colorful tents in a warehouse.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/072623_Movimiento_Juventud_Migrants_AH_CM_01-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/072623_Movimiento_Juventud_Migrants_AH_CM_01-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/072623_Movimiento_Juventud_Migrants_AH_CM_01-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/072623_Movimiento_Juventud_Migrants_AH_CM_01-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/072623_Movimiento_Juventud_Migrants_AH_CM_01-1920x1280.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/072623_Movimiento_Juventud_Migrants_AH_CM_01.jpg 2000w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Migrants wait in line to receive toiletry items at Moviemiento Juventud 2000 in Tijuana on July 26, 2023. \u003ccite>(Adriana Heldiz/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The family had traveled along the northern border of Mexico, trying to find an access point where they could legally approach the United States to seek asylum.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now it’s up to technology. The Biden administration requires asylum seekers to seek asylum appointments through its CBP One smartphone app.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Eleanor Acer, director of refugee protection, Human Rights First\"]‘The bottom line … is that no policy that endangers lives, tramples on due process and unlawfully denies some people the right to seek asylum can be considered a success.’[/pullquote]But so far, Cruz, like thousands of others, has been unable to get an appointment through the U.S. Customs and Border Protection’s app using her cell phone. Mexican and U.S. authorities are blocking people without appointments from even approaching land ports of entry, contributing to increased risks at the Mexico-California border.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t want to try to throw ourselves across the (border) because I know it’s a crime,” she said. “Even though migration isn’t a crime, I just want to do everything legally. We just want to follow the rules — whatever they are — because if we don’t, and they send us back to Honduras, we’ll be killed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Legal challenges to asylum rules\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>What exactly those rules are seems to become less clear every day, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A federal judge in San Francisco ruled in July that the Biden administration cannot restrict how individuals apply for asylum, even by requiring them to use an app.[aside postID=\"news_11949678,news_11949267,news_11936453\" label=\"Related Stories\"]The Biden administration has appealed to the 9th Circuit Court of Appeals, asking it to block U.S. District Judge Jon S. Tigar’s decision. The administration indicated it plans to fight the issue all the way to the Supreme Court, if necessary.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The legal challenge could disrupt what had been a downward trend in the number of unauthorized border crossings at U.S. border cities, Biden administration officials warn. That outcome could substantially impact California, where many migrants arrive hoping to find more humane treatment than at other places along the 2,000-mile stretch of border.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Texas last week, two migrants drowned near Eagle Pass, where the state has installed razor wire and floating buoy barriers in the Rio Grande to deter migrants. Although the Texas Department of Public Safety denies either migrant died from getting entangled in the barriers, Mexico President Andrés Manuel López Obrador blasted the Texas governor, calling the buoy system a ‘death trap.’\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No good person would do this,” said López Obrador at a recent news briefing in Mexico City.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>California seen as safer\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>By contrast, California officials tout the state’s more welcoming and humane border. Gov. Gavin Newsom’s office has declined to comment on the federal asylum ruling or on California’s specific plans should the court’s stay be lifted, allowing more asylum seekers entry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11957592\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11957592\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/072623_Movimiento_Juventud_Migrants_AH_CM_06.jpg\" alt=\"A person holds a cellphone with a message that displays a red, white and blue logo from the U.S. Department of Homeland Security.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/072623_Movimiento_Juventud_Migrants_AH_CM_06.jpg 2000w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/072623_Movimiento_Juventud_Migrants_AH_CM_06-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/072623_Movimiento_Juventud_Migrants_AH_CM_06-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/072623_Movimiento_Juventud_Migrants_AH_CM_06-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/072623_Movimiento_Juventud_Migrants_AH_CM_06-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/072623_Movimiento_Juventud_Migrants_AH_CM_06-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Maria Guadalupe Cruz, a Honduran migrant staying at Movimiento Juventud 2000, tries to log in to the CBP One mobile application on July 26, 2023. \u003ccite>(Adriana Heldiz / CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The officials have said California has helped 423,000 people since April 2021, with “temporary services and travel coordination,” and spent $1.3 billion since 2019, helping the federal government provide humanitarian services to new arrivals at the border.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“While the federal government is responsible for immigration policy and processing, California has served as a model of partnership for a safe and welcoming border, undertaking humanitarian efforts in border communities,” wrote Scott Murray, deputy director for public affairs and outreach programs for the California Department of Social Services, in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California has long been home to the largest number of immigrants in the United States. According to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.americanimmigrationcouncil.org/\">American Immigration Council\u003c/a>, they make up more than a quarter of the state’s population and a third of its labor force, and \u003ca href=\"https://map.americanimmigrationcouncil.org/locations/california/?_gl=1*1qio4ha*_ga*MjI2MjM1NjE0LjE2ODk5NjI0MTQ.*_ga_W0MSMD2GPV*MTY5MDkyMTM4Ni40LjEuMTY5MDkyMTQ4Ni4wLjAuMA..\">they contribute $124.3 billion a year in taxes\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Golden State has worked around limits in federal law that bar many immigrants — those with and without legal status — from social programs. That has meant building its own, state-funded programs. But California still struggles to protect its most vulnerable citizens from such issues as \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/series/unpaid-wages-california-workers/\">wage theft\u003c/a> and substandard housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The judge’s order lifting Biden’s asylum rule requiring migrants to use the app was set to take effect this week, though the federal government received a stay while it argues its case to a higher court.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A right to request asylum\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In addition to requiring migrants to use the app, the Biden rule, known as the “Circumvention of Lawful Pathways,” blocks those who attempt to enter the country between designated ports of entry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Federal law says anyone fleeing persecution may request asylum once they get a foot on U.S. soil, no matter how they got there — whether they used an app first or not, the judge said. The Immigration and Naturalization Act passed by Congress in 1965 spells that out further, saying any immigrant who has arrived in the U.S. may apply for asylum “whether or not at a designated port of arrival.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Biden administration argues its rule — put in place when COVID restrictions \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2022/12/california-border-immigrants/\">known as Title 42\u003c/a> ended — encourages legal pathways for immigration. The administration notes there has since been a dramatic drop in unauthorized border crossings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates say the policy amounts to an asylum ban that is harmful and not working.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They say the drop in numbers is artificial because Title 42 led to a significant increase in “repeat” crossings by migrants who were sent back across the border only to attempt crossings multiple times a day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Besides, advocates say, regardless of whether the app policy is working or not, it’s illegal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The bottom line … is that no policy that endangers lives, tramples on due process and unlawfully denies some people the right to seek asylum can be considered a success,” said Eleanor Acer, director of refugee protection at Human Rights First, a New York-based international human rights organization.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Desperate and in danger\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Christina Asencio, also a director at Human Rights First, said increasingly unsafe and inhumane conditions in Mexico are making people desperate while waiting for an app appointment. Many are attempting irregular crossings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Asencio said in the two months since Biden’s rule took effect, her team of researchers has spoken to a Venezuelan family who was kidnaped and tortured in Reynosa by members of an organized criminal group, a Honduran woman who was raped while sleeping in her tent in the encampment in Matamoros and a Central American man who was kidnapped and tortured.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said she also met asylum seekers who “would tie cable wires around themselves and their children for fear that while they were sleeping, their children would be abducted from them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The federal judge agreed that families may not be safe waiting in Mexico. “The record suggests that migrants waiting in Mexico are at serious risk of violence,” wrote Tigar.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>David Pérez Tejada Padilla, regional Baja California delegate for Mexico’s National Institute of Migration, issued a warning in July to migrants in Baja California to not to be fooled by smugglers who may later abandon them in extreme heat, pointing to several recent life-threatening incidents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The best, fastest and safest thing to do is to process your asylum application to the United States through the CBP One application, through which they authorize 12,000 entries per month from Baja California,” said Pérez Tejada.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Risks of crossing\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Pérez Tejeda said approximately 10,000 migrants arrive each month in Baja California, south of San Diego and Imperial counties. They come from 46 different countries, although the majority come from Mexico and Latin America.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said U.S. border authorities process through the app about 370 asylum seekers a day in Tijuana and 70 in Mexicali, totaling approximately 3,080 people processed weekly, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We want more people to get across safely and orderly, instead of doing it by irregular ways through the desert, rivers and mountains, risking their lives with high temperatures,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The delegate highlighted a few incidents in July when migrants’ lives were endangered by smugglers encouraging people to cross into the United States without CBP One appointments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In one incident a 9-year-old girl got separated from her family in the Tijuana river canal at night. Her family was trying to cross illegally with about 60 people. Border Patrol agents found her unharmed the next day in Imperial Beach. Authorities said she was being reunited with her family.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another incident involved a 14-hour rescue in La Rumorosa, a mountainous area with steep ravines between Mexicali and Tecate. Five people, including a 4-year-old child, were severely dehydrated by the time they were pulled out of a ravine by Grupos Beta, the rescue arm of Mexico’s federal migration agency, Pérez Tejeda said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He added that Mexican border authorities also found 17 migrants from south Mexico who were apparently tricked into getting into a fake Customs and Border Patrol truck in Mexicali, south of Calexico in Imperial County. The truck was painted with green CBP logos and had a false US government license plate, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Choosing to stay or go\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Pérez Tejeda said authorities on both sides of the border are concerned about migrants getting stuck in car trunks in higher-than-normal temperatures, as they attempt to cross the border undetected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The choice to wait or to try to cross isn’t always so easy, said José María García Lara, director of the Movimiento Juventud 2000 shelter in Tijuana.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The coordination is good between the United States and Mexico on these agreements to bring order,” he said, “but unfortunately, they forgot the human side, and the humanitarian side of the people who come here to the border with problems of insecurity. And they should be a little more sensitive and understand that these communities need help.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11957583\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/072623_Movimiento_Juventud_Migrants_AH_CM_11.jpg\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11957583\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/072623_Movimiento_Juventud_Migrants_AH_CM_11-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"A man wearing glasses and a purple and white checkered button-down shirt and blue jeans leans with both arms against a desk in an office.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/072623_Movimiento_Juventud_Migrants_AH_CM_11-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/072623_Movimiento_Juventud_Migrants_AH_CM_11-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/072623_Movimiento_Juventud_Migrants_AH_CM_11-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/072623_Movimiento_Juventud_Migrants_AH_CM_11-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/072623_Movimiento_Juventud_Migrants_AH_CM_11-1920x1280.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/072623_Movimiento_Juventud_Migrants_AH_CM_11.jpg 2000w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">José María García Lara, founder and director of Movimiento Juventud 2000, in his office on July 26, 2023. \u003ccite>(Adriana Heldiz / CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The family that got separated from the 9-year-old girl had waited at the shelter for more than a month before deciding they could no longer stay put in Tijuana, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Cruz family at the Tijuana shelter, and dozens of other families from Honduras, El Salvador, Guatemala, Venezuela and Haiti are still waiting in tents at the border. García Lara said with legal rulings constantly changing the rules, families have a hard time understanding what they’re supposed to do.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chelsea Sachau, managing attorney at Florence Immigrant & Refugee Rights Project, agrees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you think that it is hard and you struggle to understand asylum laws … imagine how overwhelmed and heartbroken you would feel if your life depended on understanding it, if your child’s life depended on you understanding a system that’s been designed for you to fail at every step along the way,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cruz says she and her family plan to continue waiting, hoping to cross legally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If we have to keep waiting, well, we’ll just have to keep waiting,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "The Biden administration’s app rule makes it harder for migrants to assert a right to asylum, advocates say. Lawsuits are sparking debate about immigration control, and safety.",
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"description": "The Biden administration’s app rule makes it harder for migrants to assert a right to asylum, advocates say. Lawsuits are sparking debate about immigration control, and safety.",
"title": "Long Wait for Asylum at California Border Leaves Migrants Vulnerable | KQED",
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"nprByline": "\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/author/wendy-fry/\">Wendy Fry\u003c/a>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>María Guadalupe Cruz has been trying every day since January to get on the Biden administration’s electronic waitlist, so she could seek asylum in the United States for her and her family.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 32-year-old mother left Honduras in 2021 with her husband and two children after local gangs tried charging a “war tax” on her home that she couldn’t pay, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Organized criminal gangs fighting for territory near San Pedro Sula, the northern city where Cruz’s family lived, have progressed from extorting protection money from businesses to collecting it from households, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I told them I couldn’t pay, so they gave me 24 hours to abandon the country,” she recently told CalMatters, at the Tijuana shelter where her family lives in a tent. “And they said if we ever came back, they’d kill us all.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11957581\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/072623_Movimiento_Juventud_Migrants_AH_CM_01.jpg\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11957581\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/072623_Movimiento_Juventud_Migrants_AH_CM_01-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"A group of people of various ages standing in line with some holding children near colorful tents in a warehouse.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/072623_Movimiento_Juventud_Migrants_AH_CM_01-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/072623_Movimiento_Juventud_Migrants_AH_CM_01-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/072623_Movimiento_Juventud_Migrants_AH_CM_01-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/072623_Movimiento_Juventud_Migrants_AH_CM_01-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/072623_Movimiento_Juventud_Migrants_AH_CM_01-1920x1280.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/072623_Movimiento_Juventud_Migrants_AH_CM_01.jpg 2000w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Migrants wait in line to receive toiletry items at Moviemiento Juventud 2000 in Tijuana on July 26, 2023. \u003ccite>(Adriana Heldiz/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The family had traveled along the northern border of Mexico, trying to find an access point where they could legally approach the United States to seek asylum.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now it’s up to technology. The Biden administration requires asylum seekers to seek asylum appointments through its CBP One smartphone app.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘The bottom line … is that no policy that endangers lives, tramples on due process and unlawfully denies some people the right to seek asylum can be considered a success.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>But so far, Cruz, like thousands of others, has been unable to get an appointment through the U.S. Customs and Border Protection’s app using her cell phone. Mexican and U.S. authorities are blocking people without appointments from even approaching land ports of entry, contributing to increased risks at the Mexico-California border.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t want to try to throw ourselves across the (border) because I know it’s a crime,” she said. “Even though migration isn’t a crime, I just want to do everything legally. We just want to follow the rules — whatever they are — because if we don’t, and they send us back to Honduras, we’ll be killed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Legal challenges to asylum rules\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>What exactly those rules are seems to become less clear every day, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A federal judge in San Francisco ruled in July that the Biden administration cannot restrict how individuals apply for asylum, even by requiring them to use an app.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The Biden administration has appealed to the 9th Circuit Court of Appeals, asking it to block U.S. District Judge Jon S. Tigar’s decision. The administration indicated it plans to fight the issue all the way to the Supreme Court, if necessary.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The legal challenge could disrupt what had been a downward trend in the number of unauthorized border crossings at U.S. border cities, Biden administration officials warn. That outcome could substantially impact California, where many migrants arrive hoping to find more humane treatment than at other places along the 2,000-mile stretch of border.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Texas last week, two migrants drowned near Eagle Pass, where the state has installed razor wire and floating buoy barriers in the Rio Grande to deter migrants. Although the Texas Department of Public Safety denies either migrant died from getting entangled in the barriers, Mexico President Andrés Manuel López Obrador blasted the Texas governor, calling the buoy system a ‘death trap.’\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No good person would do this,” said López Obrador at a recent news briefing in Mexico City.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>California seen as safer\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>By contrast, California officials tout the state’s more welcoming and humane border. Gov. Gavin Newsom’s office has declined to comment on the federal asylum ruling or on California’s specific plans should the court’s stay be lifted, allowing more asylum seekers entry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11957592\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11957592\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/072623_Movimiento_Juventud_Migrants_AH_CM_06.jpg\" alt=\"A person holds a cellphone with a message that displays a red, white and blue logo from the U.S. Department of Homeland Security.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/072623_Movimiento_Juventud_Migrants_AH_CM_06.jpg 2000w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/072623_Movimiento_Juventud_Migrants_AH_CM_06-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/072623_Movimiento_Juventud_Migrants_AH_CM_06-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/072623_Movimiento_Juventud_Migrants_AH_CM_06-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/072623_Movimiento_Juventud_Migrants_AH_CM_06-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/072623_Movimiento_Juventud_Migrants_AH_CM_06-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Maria Guadalupe Cruz, a Honduran migrant staying at Movimiento Juventud 2000, tries to log in to the CBP One mobile application on July 26, 2023. \u003ccite>(Adriana Heldiz / CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The officials have said California has helped 423,000 people since April 2021, with “temporary services and travel coordination,” and spent $1.3 billion since 2019, helping the federal government provide humanitarian services to new arrivals at the border.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“While the federal government is responsible for immigration policy and processing, California has served as a model of partnership for a safe and welcoming border, undertaking humanitarian efforts in border communities,” wrote Scott Murray, deputy director for public affairs and outreach programs for the California Department of Social Services, in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California has long been home to the largest number of immigrants in the United States. According to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.americanimmigrationcouncil.org/\">American Immigration Council\u003c/a>, they make up more than a quarter of the state’s population and a third of its labor force, and \u003ca href=\"https://map.americanimmigrationcouncil.org/locations/california/?_gl=1*1qio4ha*_ga*MjI2MjM1NjE0LjE2ODk5NjI0MTQ.*_ga_W0MSMD2GPV*MTY5MDkyMTM4Ni40LjEuMTY5MDkyMTQ4Ni4wLjAuMA..\">they contribute $124.3 billion a year in taxes\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Golden State has worked around limits in federal law that bar many immigrants — those with and without legal status — from social programs. That has meant building its own, state-funded programs. But California still struggles to protect its most vulnerable citizens from such issues as \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/series/unpaid-wages-california-workers/\">wage theft\u003c/a> and substandard housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The judge’s order lifting Biden’s asylum rule requiring migrants to use the app was set to take effect this week, though the federal government received a stay while it argues its case to a higher court.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A right to request asylum\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In addition to requiring migrants to use the app, the Biden rule, known as the “Circumvention of Lawful Pathways,” blocks those who attempt to enter the country between designated ports of entry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Federal law says anyone fleeing persecution may request asylum once they get a foot on U.S. soil, no matter how they got there — whether they used an app first or not, the judge said. The Immigration and Naturalization Act passed by Congress in 1965 spells that out further, saying any immigrant who has arrived in the U.S. may apply for asylum “whether or not at a designated port of arrival.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Biden administration argues its rule — put in place when COVID restrictions \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2022/12/california-border-immigrants/\">known as Title 42\u003c/a> ended — encourages legal pathways for immigration. The administration notes there has since been a dramatic drop in unauthorized border crossings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates say the policy amounts to an asylum ban that is harmful and not working.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They say the drop in numbers is artificial because Title 42 led to a significant increase in “repeat” crossings by migrants who were sent back across the border only to attempt crossings multiple times a day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Besides, advocates say, regardless of whether the app policy is working or not, it’s illegal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The bottom line … is that no policy that endangers lives, tramples on due process and unlawfully denies some people the right to seek asylum can be considered a success,” said Eleanor Acer, director of refugee protection at Human Rights First, a New York-based international human rights organization.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Desperate and in danger\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Christina Asencio, also a director at Human Rights First, said increasingly unsafe and inhumane conditions in Mexico are making people desperate while waiting for an app appointment. Many are attempting irregular crossings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Asencio said in the two months since Biden’s rule took effect, her team of researchers has spoken to a Venezuelan family who was kidnaped and tortured in Reynosa by members of an organized criminal group, a Honduran woman who was raped while sleeping in her tent in the encampment in Matamoros and a Central American man who was kidnapped and tortured.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said she also met asylum seekers who “would tie cable wires around themselves and their children for fear that while they were sleeping, their children would be abducted from them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The federal judge agreed that families may not be safe waiting in Mexico. “The record suggests that migrants waiting in Mexico are at serious risk of violence,” wrote Tigar.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>David Pérez Tejada Padilla, regional Baja California delegate for Mexico’s National Institute of Migration, issued a warning in July to migrants in Baja California to not to be fooled by smugglers who may later abandon them in extreme heat, pointing to several recent life-threatening incidents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The best, fastest and safest thing to do is to process your asylum application to the United States through the CBP One application, through which they authorize 12,000 entries per month from Baja California,” said Pérez Tejada.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Risks of crossing\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Pérez Tejeda said approximately 10,000 migrants arrive each month in Baja California, south of San Diego and Imperial counties. They come from 46 different countries, although the majority come from Mexico and Latin America.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said U.S. border authorities process through the app about 370 asylum seekers a day in Tijuana and 70 in Mexicali, totaling approximately 3,080 people processed weekly, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We want more people to get across safely and orderly, instead of doing it by irregular ways through the desert, rivers and mountains, risking their lives with high temperatures,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The delegate highlighted a few incidents in July when migrants’ lives were endangered by smugglers encouraging people to cross into the United States without CBP One appointments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In one incident a 9-year-old girl got separated from her family in the Tijuana river canal at night. Her family was trying to cross illegally with about 60 people. Border Patrol agents found her unharmed the next day in Imperial Beach. Authorities said she was being reunited with her family.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another incident involved a 14-hour rescue in La Rumorosa, a mountainous area with steep ravines between Mexicali and Tecate. Five people, including a 4-year-old child, were severely dehydrated by the time they were pulled out of a ravine by Grupos Beta, the rescue arm of Mexico’s federal migration agency, Pérez Tejeda said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He added that Mexican border authorities also found 17 migrants from south Mexico who were apparently tricked into getting into a fake Customs and Border Patrol truck in Mexicali, south of Calexico in Imperial County. The truck was painted with green CBP logos and had a false US government license plate, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Choosing to stay or go\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Pérez Tejeda said authorities on both sides of the border are concerned about migrants getting stuck in car trunks in higher-than-normal temperatures, as they attempt to cross the border undetected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The choice to wait or to try to cross isn’t always so easy, said José María García Lara, director of the Movimiento Juventud 2000 shelter in Tijuana.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The coordination is good between the United States and Mexico on these agreements to bring order,” he said, “but unfortunately, they forgot the human side, and the humanitarian side of the people who come here to the border with problems of insecurity. And they should be a little more sensitive and understand that these communities need help.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11957583\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/072623_Movimiento_Juventud_Migrants_AH_CM_11.jpg\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11957583\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/072623_Movimiento_Juventud_Migrants_AH_CM_11-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"A man wearing glasses and a purple and white checkered button-down shirt and blue jeans leans with both arms against a desk in an office.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/072623_Movimiento_Juventud_Migrants_AH_CM_11-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/072623_Movimiento_Juventud_Migrants_AH_CM_11-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/072623_Movimiento_Juventud_Migrants_AH_CM_11-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/072623_Movimiento_Juventud_Migrants_AH_CM_11-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/072623_Movimiento_Juventud_Migrants_AH_CM_11-1920x1280.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/072623_Movimiento_Juventud_Migrants_AH_CM_11.jpg 2000w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">José María García Lara, founder and director of Movimiento Juventud 2000, in his office on July 26, 2023. \u003ccite>(Adriana Heldiz / CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The family that got separated from the 9-year-old girl had waited at the shelter for more than a month before deciding they could no longer stay put in Tijuana, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Cruz family at the Tijuana shelter, and dozens of other families from Honduras, El Salvador, Guatemala, Venezuela and Haiti are still waiting in tents at the border. García Lara said with legal rulings constantly changing the rules, families have a hard time understanding what they’re supposed to do.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chelsea Sachau, managing attorney at Florence Immigrant & Refugee Rights Project, agrees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you think that it is hard and you struggle to understand asylum laws … imagine how overwhelmed and heartbroken you would feel if your life depended on understanding it, if your child’s life depended on you understanding a system that’s been designed for you to fail at every step along the way,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cruz says she and her family plan to continue waiting, hoping to cross legally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If we have to keep waiting, well, we’ll just have to keep waiting,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "how-california-farmworkers-took-on-a-sonoma-winery-over-abuses-and-won",
"title": "How Workers Took on a Sonoma County Vineyard Company Over Abuses — and Won",
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"headTitle": "How Workers Took on a Sonoma County Vineyard Company Over Abuses — and Won | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11957505/campesinos-denunciaron-a-un-vinedo-por-abusos-laborales-y-ganaron\">Leer en español\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"#correction\">This story contains a correction.\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[dropcap]M[/dropcap]auritson Farms Inc. in Sonoma County will pay $328,077 to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11918317/blacklisted-for-speaking-up-how-california-farmworkers-fighting-abuses-are-vulnerable-to-retaliation\">21 of its former workers\u003c/a> as part of a \u003ca href=\"https://s3.documentcloud.org/documents/23885712/settlement-agreement-june-2023.pdf\">settlement\u003c/a> with the California Agricultural Labor Relations Board (ALRB) — the largest monetary settlement the agency has reached at its Santa Rosa office. ALRB officials, along with dozens of labor advocates and farmworkers, announced the settlement at a press conference Monday evening in Healdsburg.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mauritson Farms Inc., which manages vineyards, is a separate and distinct business from \u003ca href=\"https://www.mauritsonwines.com/About-Us/Our-Team\">Mauritson Wines\u003c/a>. Both businesses are owned by the Mauritson family.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Following an investigation spurred by the farmworkers’ complaints, ALRB officials determined that Mauritson Farms retaliated against an entire crew of former employees because some of them organized at the end of the 2021 growing season to speak out against unsafe working conditions in Mauritson’s vineyards.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We must recognize that this is a victory started by workers to defend not just their rights, but their dignity as well,” said organizer Davin Cárdenas at Monday’s conference. Cárdenas is the director of organizing at North Bay Jobs With Justice (NBJWJ), a labor rights group that supported the former Mauritson employees through the ALRB investigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a case that sets a precedent for other workers in the region,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Miguel Ángel Bravo Silva, one of the six laborers who spoke up about their treatment at Mauritson\"]‘After so much abuse, I think it’s fair that our rights are respected and we are respected for who we are.’[/pullquote]The workers involved were immigrants from Oaxaca, Mexico, and were in the country on an H-2A visa, which lets agricultural workers stay in the U.S. for limited periods of time. KQED first reported last year that despite promises from company leadership, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11918317/blacklisted-for-speaking-up-how-california-farmworkers-fighting-abuses-are-vulnerable-to-retaliation\">none of the workers who spoke out were called back from Oaxaca for the 2022 season\u003c/a>. In its complaint filed against Mauritson this past March, the ALRB \u003ca href=\"https://s3.documentcloud.org/documents/23885711/alrb-complaint-march-2023.pdf\">determined that Mauritson not rehiring these laborers constituted an illegal labor practice\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When I got the news, I thanked God it went this way, because this was not at all easy. We were very afraid to speak up. It was a complicated process but you have to let go of that fear,” said Martín Sandoval Rivera, one of the workers who spoke up against the conditions at Mauritson Farms. He’s currently in Oaxaca, working several jobs to support his wife who is expecting their first child.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sandoval Rivera and his colleagues said they experienced verbal harassment from their supervisor, were denied shade while working in the fields on days hotter than 90 degrees and did not receive their break and lunch periods on a few occasions — all of which violates California labor regulations. Six of the workers, including Sandoval Rivera, sought the support of labor rights group North Bay Jobs With Justice (NBJWJ) to mediate the situation. NBJWJ arranged a meeting with the workers and company higher-ups in October 2021.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At that meeting, vineyard manager Cameron Mauritson promised that conditions would improve and assured the workers that he would hire them again in 2022 — relieving the workers’ biggest worry: being denied future employment for speaking up. Then the company — which workers said had previously handled the recruitment process directly using social media — chose to contract with a third-party recruiter, CIERTO Global, to handle hiring for the 2022 season.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The group from Oaxaca never had a real chance to come back. According to the ALRB complaint, CIERTO Global recruits exclusively from a completely different state in Mexico for grape-growing companies. On top of that, screengrabs from a Facebook group the Oaxacan workers shared with KQED showed that Mauritson management shared incorrect information on how workers should contact CIERTO for future employment. CIERTO representatives confirmed to KQED that Mauritson’s instructions to either submit a form at a specific location on CIERTO’s website or to email a given email address were false.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These instructions do not reflect our practices involving any of the workers we serve,” a CIERTO representative said in an emailed response. “Mauritson’s instructions were not cleared or disseminated by CIERTO.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11918317]When the workers realized what was happening, they alerted NBJWJ. In February 2022, organizers filed a claim with the ALRB on behalf of the six workers who attended the meeting with Mauritson. Six initially spoke up — but in its investigation, the ALRB found that Mauritson retaliated against the entire 21-person team the six workers belonged to.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The $328,077 settlement, which will benefit all 21 laborers, represents what the workers lost by missing the 2022 growing season, according to calculations from the ALRB. A hearing with an administrative law judge had been scheduled for later this summer, but the settlement concludes this process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement emailed to KQED, Mauritson Farms declared that it “strongly believes that [it was] not in any violation of the Agricultural Labor Relations Act (ALRA). This settlement is strictly a business decision that allows us to resolve this issue without the need for further litigation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11956408\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11956408\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS67230_20230724-NBJWJPresser-10-JY-KQED.jpg\" alt='A group of people sit together holding signs reading \"La Unión Hace La Fuerza\" in an outdoor setting.' width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS67230_20230724-NBJWJPresser-10-JY-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS67230_20230724-NBJWJPresser-10-JY-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS67230_20230724-NBJWJPresser-10-JY-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS67230_20230724-NBJWJPresser-10-JY-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS67230_20230724-NBJWJPresser-10-JY-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS67230_20230724-NBJWJPresser-10-JY-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Farmworkers Antonio Flores (left) and his son Mateo, Rosalba Gutierrez (center) and Valentina Sosa (right) sit at the NBJWJ press conference announcing the settlement with Mauritson at Healdsburg Plaza on Monday. \u003ccite>(Juliana Yamada/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“After so much abuse, I think it’s fair that our rights are respected and we are respected for who we are,” said Miguel Ángel Bravo Silva, one of the six laborers who met with Mauritson. During the past year and a half, he’s hustled to work any job he can find in his rural Oaxacan community to support his wife and two children, and at the same time, kept in touch with ALRB officials who were investigating the situation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For months, the ALRB worked to track down the 21 workers who were not rehired. After the 2021 season ended, many returned to remote villages in Oaxaca, where access to the internet and cell phone reception is extremely limited and for some, non-existent. Tracking folks down was one challenge, said ALRB regional director Jessica Arciniega. The other was establishing trust.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“With many of our cases, there’s challenges in maintaining communication with workers,” she said. “They [could be] unfamiliar with our process, they [could be] unfamiliar with us, as a government agency. and what we actually do. So they may not always feel 100% ready or comfortable to share all of this information.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Ana Salgado, former farmworker and member of the NBJWJ board\"]‘So many [H-2A laborers] are afraid of losing the opportunity they have… They may be experiencing many abuses but they do not want to say anything because they are afraid of losing what they consider to be a privilege.’[/pullquote]Workers are not just afraid of experiencing further retaliation from the same employer, but \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11918317/blacklisted-for-speaking-up-how-california-farmworkers-fighting-abuses-are-vulnerable-to-retaliation\">as KQED reported last year, many H-2A employers use a network of recruiters to block workers who speak up from finding a job\u003c/a> in other agricultural industries. In that same story, KQED shared the story of Kevin and Samuel, two former Mauritson employees who were among the six that initially spoke up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kevin and Samuel were actually aliases for Sandoval Rivera and Bravo Silva, respectively.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the time, both men were very afraid of what the repercussions would be if they shared their identities publicly during the ALRB investigation. As weeks turned into months, Sandoval Rivera felt less and less confident that there would be an answer from officials, especially as his family’s economic situation worsened. “Necessity makes you think many things,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nevertheless, he and Bravo Silva are glad they waited for the results of the investigation and the settlement. This won’t just benefit them, Bravo Silva says, “but also the immigrant workers who are now working at that company, so that they are respected more and they don’t feel alone. There are laws that protect agricultural workers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Celebrating a hard-won victory\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>With banners and signs — many of them emblazoned with Emiliano Zapata’s quote “La tierra es de quien la trabaja,” or “The land belongs to those who work it with their hands” — farmworkers and NBJWJ organizers filled up part of Healdsburg’s main plaza for Monday’s press conference.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You represent the farmworkers who are not able to be here today but whose courage has left us this legacy: that by fighting and finding allies, we, as workers, can achieve many things,” said Ana Salgado former farmworker, community organizer and member of the NBJWJ board.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11956412\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11956412\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS67238_20230724-NBJWJPresser-16-JY-KQED.jpg\" alt='A person wearing earrings speaks in front of others holding signs reading \"La Unión Hace la Fuerza\" and \"Farmworkers Deserve Disaster Pay\" in an outdoor setting.' width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS67238_20230724-NBJWJPresser-16-JY-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS67238_20230724-NBJWJPresser-16-JY-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS67238_20230724-NBJWJPresser-16-JY-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS67238_20230724-NBJWJPresser-16-JY-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS67238_20230724-NBJWJPresser-16-JY-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS67238_20230724-NBJWJPresser-16-JY-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">NBJWJ board member and former farmworker Ana Salgado (center) speaks at Monday’s press conference at Healdsburg Plaza. \u003ccite>(Juliana Yamada/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Only a few blocks away from that plaza is the community center where Salgado originally met several of the men then working for Mauritson. She remembers the first conversations she had with the laborers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I looked at one of them and saw the worry in his face,” she said in Spanish, “I reached out to hold his hands and told him, ‘you can open up now, you’re in a safe space.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So many [H-2A laborers] are afraid of losing the opportunity they have because employers tell them that it is a privilege to be brought from Mexico with a visa,” she explained. “They may be experiencing many abuses but they do not want to say anything because they are afraid of losing what they consider to be a privilege.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘Just law on paper’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The H-2A visa program is the successor of the Bracero Program, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/thesalt/2018/07/31/634442195/when-the-u-s-government-tried-to-replace-migrant-farmworkers-with-high-schoolers\">which brought Mexican workers to American farms during the 1940s\u003c/a>. The current H-2A system now brings laborers from all over the world to work in the U.S. and as part of the program, employers must provide housing, transportation and meals — giving businesses an incredible amount of power over the personal lives of their workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And just like the Bracero Program, \u003ca href=\"https://prismreports.org/2023/04/14/h2a-visa-wage-theft-exploitation/\">the H-2A system is rife with wage theft, physical and mental abuse of employees and retaliation from employers for workers who speak up\u003c/a>, according to an 18-month investigation by Prism, Futuro Investigates, and Latino USA published in April.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11956409\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11956409\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS67234_20230724-NBJWJPresser-13-JY-KQED.jpg\" alt='A person with a shaved head speaks in front of others holding signs reading \"Farmworkers Deserve Disaster Pay\" in an outdoor setting.' width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS67234_20230724-NBJWJPresser-13-JY-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS67234_20230724-NBJWJPresser-13-JY-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS67234_20230724-NBJWJPresser-13-JY-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS67234_20230724-NBJWJPresser-13-JY-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS67234_20230724-NBJWJPresser-13-JY-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS67234_20230724-NBJWJPresser-13-JY-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">NBJWJ Director Davin Cárdenas speaks at Monday’s press conference at Healdsburg Plaza. \u003ccite>(Juliana Yamada/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Both the federal government and California have beefed up their labor laws since the 1940s, so why does abuse of H-2A laborers persist?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One reason is that regulatory agencies need more personnel and resources to enforce labor standards, says Josephine Weinberg, attorney with California Rural Legal Assistance (CRLA), a nonprofit law firm that represents farmworkers who have experienced retaliation and workplace abuse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have agencies in place. We have a lot of the rules in place. But the mechanisms to really enforce those rules and monitor are really lacking. So it really is just law on paper,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About 1 in 3 positions remain vacant at the California Labor Commissioner’s Office, one of the agencies tasked with investigating wage theft and retaliation across all industries in the state. Such understaffing leaves current staff overburdened with cases, which means workers who file a complaint often have to wait years for a result. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11955920/california-wage-theft-investigators-staffing-crisis\">Dozens of agency employees implored lawmakers to take action in a letter obtained by KQED earlier this month\u003c/a>, arguing that “we are failing in our mission if we cannot hire and retain the necessary staff.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11955920]Over at the ALRB, regional director Arciniega points out that her agency has five offices spread over several agricultural regions, “but California is a humongous state and there’s a lot of farmworkers throughout the state.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We don’t have offices in all of the agricultural regions,” she said, “so we do our best in this large state to cover wherever workers are.” She adds that the department works closely with community and labor organizations, like NBJWJ, to connect with laborers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But labor advocates insist that more must be done to better enforce labor standards and improve the H-2A program as a whole. Weinberg with the CRLA adds that regulators need to monitor farms more closely, with randomized visits during the growing season. And on the flip side, employers must make it easier for agencies and labor groups to speak to farmworkers in an unrestricted manner.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The way the H-2A program was designed, where businesses have direct control over their employees’ housing, transportation, immigration status and even food, makes it incredibly difficult for laborers to speak freely.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They don’t have access to a place where they feel that they can speak confidentially or anonymously about what’s going on,” Weinberg said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On July 19, Gov. Gavin Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11956315/some-migrant-farmworkers-to-get-free-legal-help-with-immigration\">announced a $4.5 million pilot program to provide free immigration legal services to farmworkers who are involved in state labor investigations\u003c/a>. This would include case review services, legal advice and representation by an attorney to laborers in California who have a pending case with either the ALRB, the Labor Commissioner’s Office or Cal/OSHA.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11956315]The goal of this program, officials say, is to address one of the fears that prevents employees from speaking up — the fear of losing their visa or not being rehired — by connecting them to immigration experts who could help them find ways to stay in this country. And earlier this year, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11940316/fear-of-deportation-keeps-some-workers-from-reporting-labor-abuses-a-new-biden-program-aims-to-change-that\">the Biden administration unveiled a new, streamlined “deferred action” initiative\u003c/a> that allows workers to apply for a work permit and two years of protection from deportation, if they are cooperating with a labor rights investigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But above all, what really helps folks feel safe enough to speak up, Salgado from NBJWJ says, is knowing that there are cases when the system works in favor of workers. “Without a doubt, the outcome from the Mauritson case, reaffirms the faith amongst ourselves, but also the credibility of the work we do when we go out to talk to the workers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca id=\"correction\">\u003c/a>Editor’s note: The original version of this story mischaracterized Mauritson Farms, Inc. as a winery. The story has been updated to clarify the relationship between Mauritson Farms, Inc. and Mauritson Wines.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story includes reporting from KQED’s Farida Jhabvala Romero and Tyche Hendricks.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Mauritson Farms Inc. will pay $328,077 to 21 former workers from Oaxaca after California regulators found the Healdsburg company retaliated against them.",
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"title": "How Workers Took on a Sonoma County Vineyard Company Over Abuses — and Won | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11957505/campesinos-denunciaron-a-un-vinedo-por-abusos-laborales-y-ganaron\">Leer en español\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"#correction\">This story contains a correction.\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class=\"utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__dropcapShortcode__dropcap\">M\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>auritson Farms Inc. in Sonoma County will pay $328,077 to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11918317/blacklisted-for-speaking-up-how-california-farmworkers-fighting-abuses-are-vulnerable-to-retaliation\">21 of its former workers\u003c/a> as part of a \u003ca href=\"https://s3.documentcloud.org/documents/23885712/settlement-agreement-june-2023.pdf\">settlement\u003c/a> with the California Agricultural Labor Relations Board (ALRB) — the largest monetary settlement the agency has reached at its Santa Rosa office. ALRB officials, along with dozens of labor advocates and farmworkers, announced the settlement at a press conference Monday evening in Healdsburg.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mauritson Farms Inc., which manages vineyards, is a separate and distinct business from \u003ca href=\"https://www.mauritsonwines.com/About-Us/Our-Team\">Mauritson Wines\u003c/a>. Both businesses are owned by the Mauritson family.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Following an investigation spurred by the farmworkers’ complaints, ALRB officials determined that Mauritson Farms retaliated against an entire crew of former employees because some of them organized at the end of the 2021 growing season to speak out against unsafe working conditions in Mauritson’s vineyards.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We must recognize that this is a victory started by workers to defend not just their rights, but their dignity as well,” said organizer Davin Cárdenas at Monday’s conference. Cárdenas is the director of organizing at North Bay Jobs With Justice (NBJWJ), a labor rights group that supported the former Mauritson employees through the ALRB investigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a case that sets a precedent for other workers in the region,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The workers involved were immigrants from Oaxaca, Mexico, and were in the country on an H-2A visa, which lets agricultural workers stay in the U.S. for limited periods of time. KQED first reported last year that despite promises from company leadership, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11918317/blacklisted-for-speaking-up-how-california-farmworkers-fighting-abuses-are-vulnerable-to-retaliation\">none of the workers who spoke out were called back from Oaxaca for the 2022 season\u003c/a>. In its complaint filed against Mauritson this past March, the ALRB \u003ca href=\"https://s3.documentcloud.org/documents/23885711/alrb-complaint-march-2023.pdf\">determined that Mauritson not rehiring these laborers constituted an illegal labor practice\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When I got the news, I thanked God it went this way, because this was not at all easy. We were very afraid to speak up. It was a complicated process but you have to let go of that fear,” said Martín Sandoval Rivera, one of the workers who spoke up against the conditions at Mauritson Farms. He’s currently in Oaxaca, working several jobs to support his wife who is expecting their first child.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sandoval Rivera and his colleagues said they experienced verbal harassment from their supervisor, were denied shade while working in the fields on days hotter than 90 degrees and did not receive their break and lunch periods on a few occasions — all of which violates California labor regulations. Six of the workers, including Sandoval Rivera, sought the support of labor rights group North Bay Jobs With Justice (NBJWJ) to mediate the situation. NBJWJ arranged a meeting with the workers and company higher-ups in October 2021.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At that meeting, vineyard manager Cameron Mauritson promised that conditions would improve and assured the workers that he would hire them again in 2022 — relieving the workers’ biggest worry: being denied future employment for speaking up. Then the company — which workers said had previously handled the recruitment process directly using social media — chose to contract with a third-party recruiter, CIERTO Global, to handle hiring for the 2022 season.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The group from Oaxaca never had a real chance to come back. According to the ALRB complaint, CIERTO Global recruits exclusively from a completely different state in Mexico for grape-growing companies. On top of that, screengrabs from a Facebook group the Oaxacan workers shared with KQED showed that Mauritson management shared incorrect information on how workers should contact CIERTO for future employment. CIERTO representatives confirmed to KQED that Mauritson’s instructions to either submit a form at a specific location on CIERTO’s website or to email a given email address were false.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These instructions do not reflect our practices involving any of the workers we serve,” a CIERTO representative said in an emailed response. “Mauritson’s instructions were not cleared or disseminated by CIERTO.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>When the workers realized what was happening, they alerted NBJWJ. In February 2022, organizers filed a claim with the ALRB on behalf of the six workers who attended the meeting with Mauritson. Six initially spoke up — but in its investigation, the ALRB found that Mauritson retaliated against the entire 21-person team the six workers belonged to.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The $328,077 settlement, which will benefit all 21 laborers, represents what the workers lost by missing the 2022 growing season, according to calculations from the ALRB. A hearing with an administrative law judge had been scheduled for later this summer, but the settlement concludes this process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement emailed to KQED, Mauritson Farms declared that it “strongly believes that [it was] not in any violation of the Agricultural Labor Relations Act (ALRA). This settlement is strictly a business decision that allows us to resolve this issue without the need for further litigation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11956408\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11956408\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS67230_20230724-NBJWJPresser-10-JY-KQED.jpg\" alt='A group of people sit together holding signs reading \"La Unión Hace La Fuerza\" in an outdoor setting.' width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS67230_20230724-NBJWJPresser-10-JY-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS67230_20230724-NBJWJPresser-10-JY-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS67230_20230724-NBJWJPresser-10-JY-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS67230_20230724-NBJWJPresser-10-JY-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS67230_20230724-NBJWJPresser-10-JY-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS67230_20230724-NBJWJPresser-10-JY-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Farmworkers Antonio Flores (left) and his son Mateo, Rosalba Gutierrez (center) and Valentina Sosa (right) sit at the NBJWJ press conference announcing the settlement with Mauritson at Healdsburg Plaza on Monday. \u003ccite>(Juliana Yamada/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“After so much abuse, I think it’s fair that our rights are respected and we are respected for who we are,” said Miguel Ángel Bravo Silva, one of the six laborers who met with Mauritson. During the past year and a half, he’s hustled to work any job he can find in his rural Oaxacan community to support his wife and two children, and at the same time, kept in touch with ALRB officials who were investigating the situation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For months, the ALRB worked to track down the 21 workers who were not rehired. After the 2021 season ended, many returned to remote villages in Oaxaca, where access to the internet and cell phone reception is extremely limited and for some, non-existent. Tracking folks down was one challenge, said ALRB regional director Jessica Arciniega. The other was establishing trust.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“With many of our cases, there’s challenges in maintaining communication with workers,” she said. “They [could be] unfamiliar with our process, they [could be] unfamiliar with us, as a government agency. and what we actually do. So they may not always feel 100% ready or comfortable to share all of this information.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Workers are not just afraid of experiencing further retaliation from the same employer, but \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11918317/blacklisted-for-speaking-up-how-california-farmworkers-fighting-abuses-are-vulnerable-to-retaliation\">as KQED reported last year, many H-2A employers use a network of recruiters to block workers who speak up from finding a job\u003c/a> in other agricultural industries. In that same story, KQED shared the story of Kevin and Samuel, two former Mauritson employees who were among the six that initially spoke up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kevin and Samuel were actually aliases for Sandoval Rivera and Bravo Silva, respectively.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the time, both men were very afraid of what the repercussions would be if they shared their identities publicly during the ALRB investigation. As weeks turned into months, Sandoval Rivera felt less and less confident that there would be an answer from officials, especially as his family’s economic situation worsened. “Necessity makes you think many things,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nevertheless, he and Bravo Silva are glad they waited for the results of the investigation and the settlement. This won’t just benefit them, Bravo Silva says, “but also the immigrant workers who are now working at that company, so that they are respected more and they don’t feel alone. There are laws that protect agricultural workers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Celebrating a hard-won victory\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>With banners and signs — many of them emblazoned with Emiliano Zapata’s quote “La tierra es de quien la trabaja,” or “The land belongs to those who work it with their hands” — farmworkers and NBJWJ organizers filled up part of Healdsburg’s main plaza for Monday’s press conference.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You represent the farmworkers who are not able to be here today but whose courage has left us this legacy: that by fighting and finding allies, we, as workers, can achieve many things,” said Ana Salgado former farmworker, community organizer and member of the NBJWJ board.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11956412\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11956412\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS67238_20230724-NBJWJPresser-16-JY-KQED.jpg\" alt='A person wearing earrings speaks in front of others holding signs reading \"La Unión Hace la Fuerza\" and \"Farmworkers Deserve Disaster Pay\" in an outdoor setting.' width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS67238_20230724-NBJWJPresser-16-JY-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS67238_20230724-NBJWJPresser-16-JY-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS67238_20230724-NBJWJPresser-16-JY-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS67238_20230724-NBJWJPresser-16-JY-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS67238_20230724-NBJWJPresser-16-JY-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS67238_20230724-NBJWJPresser-16-JY-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">NBJWJ board member and former farmworker Ana Salgado (center) speaks at Monday’s press conference at Healdsburg Plaza. \u003ccite>(Juliana Yamada/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Only a few blocks away from that plaza is the community center where Salgado originally met several of the men then working for Mauritson. She remembers the first conversations she had with the laborers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I looked at one of them and saw the worry in his face,” she said in Spanish, “I reached out to hold his hands and told him, ‘you can open up now, you’re in a safe space.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So many [H-2A laborers] are afraid of losing the opportunity they have because employers tell them that it is a privilege to be brought from Mexico with a visa,” she explained. “They may be experiencing many abuses but they do not want to say anything because they are afraid of losing what they consider to be a privilege.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘Just law on paper’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The H-2A visa program is the successor of the Bracero Program, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/thesalt/2018/07/31/634442195/when-the-u-s-government-tried-to-replace-migrant-farmworkers-with-high-schoolers\">which brought Mexican workers to American farms during the 1940s\u003c/a>. The current H-2A system now brings laborers from all over the world to work in the U.S. and as part of the program, employers must provide housing, transportation and meals — giving businesses an incredible amount of power over the personal lives of their workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And just like the Bracero Program, \u003ca href=\"https://prismreports.org/2023/04/14/h2a-visa-wage-theft-exploitation/\">the H-2A system is rife with wage theft, physical and mental abuse of employees and retaliation from employers for workers who speak up\u003c/a>, according to an 18-month investigation by Prism, Futuro Investigates, and Latino USA published in April.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11956409\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11956409\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS67234_20230724-NBJWJPresser-13-JY-KQED.jpg\" alt='A person with a shaved head speaks in front of others holding signs reading \"Farmworkers Deserve Disaster Pay\" in an outdoor setting.' width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS67234_20230724-NBJWJPresser-13-JY-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS67234_20230724-NBJWJPresser-13-JY-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS67234_20230724-NBJWJPresser-13-JY-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS67234_20230724-NBJWJPresser-13-JY-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS67234_20230724-NBJWJPresser-13-JY-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS67234_20230724-NBJWJPresser-13-JY-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">NBJWJ Director Davin Cárdenas speaks at Monday’s press conference at Healdsburg Plaza. \u003ccite>(Juliana Yamada/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Both the federal government and California have beefed up their labor laws since the 1940s, so why does abuse of H-2A laborers persist?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One reason is that regulatory agencies need more personnel and resources to enforce labor standards, says Josephine Weinberg, attorney with California Rural Legal Assistance (CRLA), a nonprofit law firm that represents farmworkers who have experienced retaliation and workplace abuse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have agencies in place. We have a lot of the rules in place. But the mechanisms to really enforce those rules and monitor are really lacking. So it really is just law on paper,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About 1 in 3 positions remain vacant at the California Labor Commissioner’s Office, one of the agencies tasked with investigating wage theft and retaliation across all industries in the state. Such understaffing leaves current staff overburdened with cases, which means workers who file a complaint often have to wait years for a result. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11955920/california-wage-theft-investigators-staffing-crisis\">Dozens of agency employees implored lawmakers to take action in a letter obtained by KQED earlier this month\u003c/a>, arguing that “we are failing in our mission if we cannot hire and retain the necessary staff.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Over at the ALRB, regional director Arciniega points out that her agency has five offices spread over several agricultural regions, “but California is a humongous state and there’s a lot of farmworkers throughout the state.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We don’t have offices in all of the agricultural regions,” she said, “so we do our best in this large state to cover wherever workers are.” She adds that the department works closely with community and labor organizations, like NBJWJ, to connect with laborers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But labor advocates insist that more must be done to better enforce labor standards and improve the H-2A program as a whole. Weinberg with the CRLA adds that regulators need to monitor farms more closely, with randomized visits during the growing season. And on the flip side, employers must make it easier for agencies and labor groups to speak to farmworkers in an unrestricted manner.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The way the H-2A program was designed, where businesses have direct control over their employees’ housing, transportation, immigration status and even food, makes it incredibly difficult for laborers to speak freely.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They don’t have access to a place where they feel that they can speak confidentially or anonymously about what’s going on,” Weinberg said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On July 19, Gov. Gavin Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11956315/some-migrant-farmworkers-to-get-free-legal-help-with-immigration\">announced a $4.5 million pilot program to provide free immigration legal services to farmworkers who are involved in state labor investigations\u003c/a>. This would include case review services, legal advice and representation by an attorney to laborers in California who have a pending case with either the ALRB, the Labor Commissioner’s Office or Cal/OSHA.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The goal of this program, officials say, is to address one of the fears that prevents employees from speaking up — the fear of losing their visa or not being rehired — by connecting them to immigration experts who could help them find ways to stay in this country. And earlier this year, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11940316/fear-of-deportation-keeps-some-workers-from-reporting-labor-abuses-a-new-biden-program-aims-to-change-that\">the Biden administration unveiled a new, streamlined “deferred action” initiative\u003c/a> that allows workers to apply for a work permit and two years of protection from deportation, if they are cooperating with a labor rights investigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But above all, what really helps folks feel safe enough to speak up, Salgado from NBJWJ says, is knowing that there are cases when the system works in favor of workers. “Without a doubt, the outcome from the Mauritson case, reaffirms the faith amongst ourselves, but also the credibility of the work we do when we go out to talk to the workers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca id=\"correction\">\u003c/a>Editor’s note: The original version of this story mischaracterized Mauritson Farms, Inc. as a winery. The story has been updated to clarify the relationship between Mauritson Farms, Inc. and Mauritson Wines.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story includes reporting from KQED’s Farida Jhabvala Romero and Tyche Hendricks.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "¿Trabaja al aire libre? Estas son las protecciones que su jefe debe de ofrecer",
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"headTitle": "¿Trabaja al aire libre? Estas son las protecciones que su jefe debe de ofrecer | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11886628/feeling-the-heat-how-workers-can-advocate-for-safer-working-conditions-under-the-sun\">Read in English\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>¿No tiene tiempo para leer toda la guía? Haga clic en los enlaces para visitar esa sección en particular:\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#protecciones\">\u003cstrong>Si trabajo al aire libre en California, ¿cuáles son mis protecciones cuando hace mucho calor?\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#hablar\">\u003cstrong>¿Cómo debo hablar con mi empleador sobre estas protecciones?\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#niega\">\u003cstrong>¿Qué puedo hacer si mi empleador se niega a ofrecer estas protecciones?\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#represalias\">\u003cstrong>¿Qué puedo hacer si mi empleador toma represalias contra mí por hablar sobre mis derechos?\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#opciones\">\u003cstrong>¿Cuáles son mis otras opciones en este caso?\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Cada año, el Área de la Bahía está experimentando olas de calor cada vez más intensas, como lo que ocurrió en septiembre de 2022, cuando varias ciudades registraron temperaturas récord. San José, Santa Rosa y otros lugares superaron los 100 grados Fahrenheit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Aunque algunas personas pueden trabajar en hogares u oficinas que cuentan con aire acondicionado, muchos trabajadores esenciales, como los de la construcción, los trabajadores agrícolas y los repartidores, tienen que permanecer al aire libre, expuestos a las altas temperaturas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cuando hay una ola de calor en California, todas las compañías y patrones están obligados por ley a proporcionar cuatro cosas a sus empleados que trabajan al aire libre: agua fresca, sombra, descansos y un plan de emergencia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Estas son \u003ca href=\"https://www.99calor.org/espanol/\">las normas establecidas por la Administración de Seguridad y Salud Ocupacional de California\u003c/a> (Cal/OSHA, por sus siglas en inglés), las cuales protegen a todos aquellos que trabajan al aire libre, sin importar su situación migratoria o tipo de empleo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sin embargo, varias personas que trabajan al aire libre han compartido con KQED que no es fácil abordar este tema con su empleador. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11919450/trabajar-con-una-visa-h-2a-en-estados-unidos-represalias-derechos\">Algunos temen perder su trabajo si alzan la voz\u003c/a>, mientras que otros no están seguros si pueden recibir estas protecciones debido a su estatus migratorio.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Es una verdadera preocupación”, dijo David Hornung, coordinador del programa de calor y agricultura de Cal/OSHA, “los trabajadores no quieren pedir sus protecciones laborales debido a su preocupación de sufrir represalias”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Si usted está trabajando al aire libre durante una ola de calor y su empleador no le otorga las protecciones necesarias, hay varias cosas que puede hacer, incluso si no se siente cómodo planteando las cosas directamente a su supervisor.\u003cbr>\n[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"protecciones\">\u003c/a>¿Cuáles son las protecciones de Cal/OSHA?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>En julio de 2006, \u003ca href=\"https://oehha.ca.gov/epic/impacts-biological-systems/heat-related-mortality-and-morbidity\">una gran ola de calor en California provocó la muerte de al menos 140 personas en dos semanas\u003c/a>, la mayor tasa de mortalidad registrada en un solo evento de calor. Debido a esta situación, los reguladores estatales decidieron aumentar las protecciones para quienes trabajan al aire libre.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“El empleador debe proveer agua potable que sea fresca y gratuita para que cada trabajador tenga lo suficiente para beber”, dijo Angela Yahaira Breining, abogada del programa de derechos laborales en el Centro Legal de la Raza en Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Según las normas de California, cada trabajador debe recibir un cuarto de galón de agua por hora (eso equivale a un poco menos de un litro de agua). E incluso si los trabajadores traen sus propias botellas de agua, los empleadores deben tener suficiente agua disponible en el lugar de trabajo.[pullquote size='medium' align='right']Cuando hay una ola de calor en California, todas las compañías y patrones están obligados por ley a proporcionar cuatro cosas a sus empleados que trabajan al aire libre: agua fresca, sombra, descansos y un plan de emergencia.[/pullquote]Cuando las temperaturas superan los 80 grados Farenheit (o 26 centigrados), los empleadores también deben proveer un área con suficiente sombra para acomodar a todos los trabajadores en el lugar, como una carpa. Pero Breining agrega que los trabajadores también tienen derecho a pedir un descanso bajo la sombra, sin importar la temperatura, siempre que estos lo consideren necesario.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Y cuando las temperaturas superan los 95 grados Farenheit (o 35 centigrados), “los supervisores deben observar a los empleados con regularidad”, dice Breining.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tener un supervisor en el lugar de trabajo, explica Breining, es necesario para establecer un sistema de comunicación que pueda entrar en acción si un trabajador empieza a sentirse mal. “Si a alguien le duele la cabeza, hay que hacer que esta persona se siente, asegurarse de que haya una forma de comunicarse con los superiores y tener un plan de emergencia”, explica ella.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tener un plan de emergencia es el siguiente requisito para los empleadores, dice Hornung, de Cal/OSHA. Eso incluye “entrenar a todos los empleados para que reconozcan los signos y síntomas de las enfermedades causadas por el calor en ellos mismos o en sus compañeros de trabajo”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11955911\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11955911\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS50584_007_SanFrancisco_HeatWaveImpacts_08062021-qut.jpg\" alt=\"Un obrero está sentado en la parte trasera de una camioneta, pelando frijoles. Hay una carpa encima de la camioneta y su rostro está detrás de la carpa.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS50584_007_SanFrancisco_HeatWaveImpacts_08062021-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS50584_007_SanFrancisco_HeatWaveImpacts_08062021-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS50584_007_SanFrancisco_HeatWaveImpacts_08062021-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS50584_007_SanFrancisco_HeatWaveImpacts_08062021-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS50584_007_SanFrancisco_HeatWaveImpacts_08062021-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Un vendedor sentado en la parte trasera de una camioneta cubierta de lona en el distrito de la Misión de San Francisco pela frijoles el 6 de agosto de 2021. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>¿Quién tiene derecho a estas protecciones?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Algo que Hornung escucha a menudo es que las normas de Cal/OSHA sólo se aplican a ciertas industrias. Pero él aclara: “estas protecciones son para todos aquellos que trabajan al aire libre, no sólo los trabajadores del sector agrícola”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Se aplica a los trabajadores de la construcción, a los jardineros, a los paisajistas, al personal de mantenimiento y a cualquiera que conduzca camiones que no tengan aire acondicionado”, él agrega.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Otro error común, añade Hornung, es que estas normas sólo protegen a los ciudadanos o a las personas con estatus migratorio válido.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“La ley estatal para la seguridad en el trabajo es genial porque protege a todos los trabajadores sin importar su estatus migratorio”, dijo. “Así que si cuenta con documentos o no, sigue protegido por nuestras normas”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pero si usted trabaja de manera informal, las cosas son un poco más complicadas y a menudo dependen de la situación.[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"David Hornung, Cal/OSHA\"]‘La ley estatal para la seguridad en el trabajo es genial porque protege a todos los trabajadores sin importar su estatus migratorio … así que si cuenta con documentos o no, sigue protegido por nuestras normas’.[/pullquote]Hornung explica que Cal/OSHA necesita verificar primero que existe una “relación empleado-empleador”, es decir, que el trabajador ha dado su mano de obra a cambio de un pago. Esto puede incluir a los trabajadores que no tienen un contrato formal de empleo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Si un trabajador recibe un pago de un empleador, entonces eso establece una relación empleado-empleador”, dijo Hornung.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pero las protecciones contra el calor no se aplican a quienes trabajan por su propia cuenta, o sea, quienes son sus propios jefes, como es el caso de los dueños de carritos de fruta que venden sus propios productos.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"hablar\">\u003c/a>Si mi jefe no cumple con las reglas de Cal/OSHA, ¿cómo debo de hablar de esto con él?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Aunque puede ser difícil para algunos trabajadores acercarse a sus supervisores, las leyes laborales de California prohíben a los empleadores tomar represalias contra los trabajadores que alcen la voz sobre las condiciones de trabajo inseguras.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Es ilegal que un empleador tome represalias contra esto, hablar de un derecho laboral al que tienen derecho”, dijo Breining, la abogada de derechos de los trabajadores.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ella recomienda a los trabajadores que documenten por escrito todo lo que ocurre, incluyendo las fechas y lugares en los que sus jefes no han respetado las normas. Y sugiere que los trabajadores también se dirijan a sus empleadores por escrito, en forma de mensaje de texto, un correo electrónico o una carta tradicional.[aside label='Más en español' tag='kqed-en-espanol']“Diga específicamente qué es lo que pide”, dice Breining. “¿Está pidiendo que el empleador ofrezca un entrenamiento, que vea cuál es el plan para prevenir las enfermedades causadas por el calor, o que reciba más descansos en la sombra?”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Documente cada vez que su empleador no siga las normas sobre el calor, ya que eso puede ser útil más adelante si usted decide presentar una queja ante Cal/OSHA, dice Breining.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mientras tanto, Hornung sugiere que los trabajadores que temen represalias inmediatas discutan primero el asunto con sus compañeros para conseguir apoyo adicional. “Así que, en lugar de que usted como individuo se lo pida a su jefe, intente que sus compañeros de trabajo lo hagan en grupo”, dice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sin embargo, el hecho de que las represalias sean ilegales no impide que un empleador tome represalias contra los trabajadores que denuncian una injusticia laboral, dice Cynthia Rice, abogada de derechos laborales.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Nunca decimos que el empleador no puede tomar represalias contra usted, porque por supuesto que el empleador puede tomarlas”, ella dijo a KQED. Si cree que su empleador le ha despedido o le ha recortado las horas porque alzó la voz sobre lo que pasa en su lugar de trabajo, \u003ca href=\"#represalias\">\u003cstrong>puede presentar una denuncia con las oficinas del estado, quienes pueden iniciar una investigación.\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11955910\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11955910\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS50606_031_SanFrancisco_HeatWaveImpacts_08062021-qut.jpg\" alt=\"El carrito de un vendedor ambulante, el cual lleva varios contenedores de plástico que guardan fruta fresca y cortada. El carrito está protegido de los rayos del sol por un parasol.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS50606_031_SanFrancisco_HeatWaveImpacts_08062021-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS50606_031_SanFrancisco_HeatWaveImpacts_08062021-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS50606_031_SanFrancisco_HeatWaveImpacts_08062021-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS50606_031_SanFrancisco_HeatWaveImpacts_08062021-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS50606_031_SanFrancisco_HeatWaveImpacts_08062021-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Un comerciante vende fruta cortada bajo una sombrilla en el distrito de la Misión de San Francisco el 6 de agosto de 2021. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"niega\">\u003c/a>Mi empleador no me ha escuchado. ¿Qué hago ahora?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Si un empleador se rehusa a proporcionar las protecciones requeridas contra el calor, el siguiente paso puede ser presentar una queja ante Cal/OSHA, \u003cstrong>lo cual puede hacer de manera anónima\u003c/strong>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>La agencia tiene varias sucursales en el Área de la Bahía con las que un trabajador puede ponerse en contacto directamente para presentar una denuncia según donde se ubique su lugar de trabajo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Los trabajadores de San Francisco pueden llamar al (415) 557-0100.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Los trabajadores del condado de San Mateo pueden llamar a la oficina de Foster City al (650) 573-3812. Esta oficina también atiende a los trabajadores de algunas localidades de Santa Clara, como Palo Alto, Mountain View y Sunnyvale.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>La mayoría de los trabajadores del condado de Santa Clara pueden llamar a la oficina de Fremont al (510) 794-2521.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Los trabajadores del condado de Alameda pueden llamar a la oficina de Oakland al (510) 622-2916.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Los trabajadores del norte de la Bahía, lo que incluye a los condados de Sonoma, Napa, Solano, Marín y Contra Costa, pueden llamar a la oficina de American Canyon al (707) 649-3700.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>También hay una línea de ayuda estatal para el calor que ofrece asistencia tanto en español, inglés y muchos idiomas más: (833) 579-0927.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Al presentar una denuncia, le harán preguntas sobre su empleador o empresa, como el nombre, la ubicación y el número de trabajadores en el lugar, cuántas horas trabaja al día, y cuál es el problema de seguridad. Aquí es cuando resulta especialmente útil tener un registro escrito de los incidentes o conversaciones anteriores que tuvo con su jefe.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Es opcional dar su nombre, pero Hornung, de Cal/OSHA dice que si usted da su información de contacto, puede ser notificado cuándo Cal/OSHA reciba su informe y si la dependencia decide investigar la situación.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Si Cal/OSHA se hace cargo de su caso, la agencia asignará un inspector a su lugar de trabajo que hablará con los empleadores y los empleados.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Si confirmamos que hubo alguna infracción del código de California”, dice Hornung, “el empresario será multado por esas infracciones”. El empleador también tendrá que resolver cualquier situación que esté poniendo en riesgo a los trabajadores.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11955909\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11955909\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS50579_002_SanFrancisco_HeatWaveImpacts_08062021-qut.jpg\" alt=\"Un obrero está sentado en la parte trasera de una camioneta, tapado del sol por una carpa. Sus manos cuidadosamente pelan frijoles.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS50579_002_SanFrancisco_HeatWaveImpacts_08062021-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS50579_002_SanFrancisco_HeatWaveImpacts_08062021-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS50579_002_SanFrancisco_HeatWaveImpacts_08062021-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS50579_002_SanFrancisco_HeatWaveImpacts_08062021-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS50579_002_SanFrancisco_HeatWaveImpacts_08062021-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Un vendedor se protege del sol mientras pela frijoles en San Francisco el 6 de agosto de 2021. David Hornung, de Cal/OSHA, dice que las protecciones estatales contra el calor se aplican a todas las personas que trabajan al aire libre, no sólo a los trabajadores agrícolas. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003ca id=\"represalias\">\u003c/a>Si su empleador decide tomar represalias contra usted durante este tiempo y le amenaza, le recorta las horas o le despide, eso es motivo para presentar una queja por represalias ante la Oficina del Comisionado Laboral del estado. Puede \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/dlse/rci_osha_complaint.htm\">reportar una represalia por internet\u003c/a> (en la página web de esta agencia, aparece un botón en la parte superior de la pantalla que dice ‘Translate,’ donde puede escoger la opción de ‘Spanish’.) También puede llamar al (714) 558-4913 o escribir un correo electrónico a la dirección: \u003ca href=\"mailto:oshaRetaliation@dir.ca.gov\">oshaRetaliation@dir.ca.gov\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Si (su empleador) toma represalias contra usted, usted tiene un recurso”, dijo Breining. “Pueden ofrecerle de nuevo su empleo, el empleador sería sancionado y si perdió sus ingresos por la represalia, puede recibir este salario”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Si usted es un trabajador agrícola, otra opción es presentar una queja contra su empleador ante el Consejo de Relaciones del Trabajo Agrícola de California (ALRB, por sus siglas en inglés). El ALRB investiga posibles prácticas laborales injustas, incluyendo las represalias de un empleador contra un trabajador que denuncia condiciones de trabajo inseguras.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>El ALRB requiere que al menos dos empleados presenten la denuncia. Usted puede presentar una denuncia \u003ca href=\"https://www.alrb.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/sites/196/2018/05/alrb_form38_en.pdf\">utilizando este formulario (sólo disponible en inglés)\u003c/a> y luego enviarla, ya sea por correo o por fax, a la oficina del ALRB más cercana. En el Área de la Bahía, \u003ca href=\"https://www.alrb.ca.gov/contact-us/\">la oficina regional del ALRB está en Santa Rosa y lo pueden atender en español\u003c/a>:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>606 Healdsburg Avenue\u003cbr>\nSanta Rosa, CA 95401\u003cbr>\nTeléfono: (707) 527-3256\u003cbr>\nFax: (707) 576-2360\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"opciones\">\u003c/a>¿Cuáles son mis otras opciones?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>En el 2021, los trabajadores de un restaurante de comida rápida de Oakland \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11875988/minimal-to-non-existent-safety-inspector-shortage-worsened-in-pandemic-leaving-california-workers-vulnerable\">presentaron una queja de seguridad por COVID-19 en su lugar de trabajo ante Cal/OSHA contra su empleador\u003c/a>, alegando condiciones de trabajo inseguras. Los funcionarios de la agencia respondieron nueve meses después diciendo que no se había encontrado ninguna violación, incluso cuando los empleados que presentaron el informe original afirman que los inspectores nunca se pusieron en contacto con ellos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>La falta de personal \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/calmatters-en-espanol/2020/10/la-respuesta-de-la-agencia-de-seguridad-laboral-de-california-a-las-quejas-de-covid-cartas-no-inspecciones/\">ha dificultado el trabajo de Cal/OSHA durante años\u003c/a>, y estos problemas han aumentado durante la pandemia, limitando la capacidad de la agencia para investigar las denuncias de trabajadores.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sin embargo, la agencia sí ha logrado \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/dosh/COVID19citations.html\">multar este año a cientos de empleadores que no han cumplido con las normas del estado\u003c/a>. Tomará tiempo, pero presentar una denuncia puede producir un resultado.[aside postID=\"news_11941448\" hero=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/FARMWORKETS-SHOVELING-DIRT-YELLOW-RAINGEAR.jpg\"]Pero hay otras medidas que se pueden tomar.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breining, la abogada de los derechos de los trabajadores, señala que hay múltiples oficinas de ayuda legal en el Área de la Bahía que pueden apoyar a los empleados a lo largo del proceso legal, la mayoría de las veces sin costo alguno, incluyendo el Centro Legal de la Raza.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Estamos más que contentos de ayudarles (a los trabajadores) a presentar la queja o ayudarles a hacer una carta de demanda si realmente no quieren pasar por el proceso más formal”, dijo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breining añade que, en muchos casos, los trabajadores acuden a su oficina cuando sus empleadores ya han tomado represalias contra ellos o ya han sufrido enfermedades relacionadas con el calor. Aunque el Centro Legal puede proporcionar asistencia, anima a los trabajadores a buscar ayuda antes de que las cosas vayan mal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Preferimos ayudar cuando esta situación esté sucediendo para que no tengamos que utilizar los procesos legales más difíciles después de los hechos”, dijo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Estas son algunas organizaciones que ofrecen ayuda legal gratuita a los trabajadores del Área de la Bahía:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.centrolegal.org/?lang=es\">Centro Legal de la Raza (Oakland)\u003c/a>: (510) 437-1554\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.lrcl.org/es\">La Raza Centro Legal (San Francisco)\u003c/a>: (415) 575-3500\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.tuwu.org/\">Trabajadores Unidos Workers United\u003c/a>: (415) 621-4155\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://legalaidatwork.org/es/\">Legal Aid at Work\u003c/a>: (415) 864-8208\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://crla.org/es\">California Rural Legal Assistance:\u003c/a> (800) 337-0690\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://streetlevelhealthproject.org/\">Street Level Health Project (Oakland)\u003c/a>: (510) 533-9906\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.advancingjustice-alc.org/\">Asian Americans Advancing Justice/Asian Law Caucus\u003c/a>: (415) 896-1701\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Una versión de esta historia fue publicada originalmente en inglés el 8 de septiembre de 2021. Este artículo incluye información de Farida Jhabvala Romero de KQED.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003chr>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Este artículo fue traducido por la periodista \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/mpena/\">María Peña\u003c/a> y editado por el periodista \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/ccabreralomeli\">Carlos Cabrera-Lomelí\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003cbr>\n[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Durante una ola de calor en California, cada persona que trabaja al aire libre tiene derecho a cuatro cosas: agua fresca, sombra, descansos y un plan de emergencia, sin importar su estatus migratorio.",
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"title": "¿Trabaja al aire libre? Estas son las protecciones que su jefe debe de ofrecer | KQED",
"description": "Durante una ola de calor en California, cada persona que trabaja al aire libre tiene derecho a cuatro cosas: agua fresca, sombra, descansos y un plan de emergencia, sin importar su estatus migratorio.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11886628/feeling-the-heat-how-workers-can-advocate-for-safer-working-conditions-under-the-sun\">Read in English\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>¿No tiene tiempo para leer toda la guía? Haga clic en los enlaces para visitar esa sección en particular:\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#protecciones\">\u003cstrong>Si trabajo al aire libre en California, ¿cuáles son mis protecciones cuando hace mucho calor?\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#hablar\">\u003cstrong>¿Cómo debo hablar con mi empleador sobre estas protecciones?\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#niega\">\u003cstrong>¿Qué puedo hacer si mi empleador se niega a ofrecer estas protecciones?\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#represalias\">\u003cstrong>¿Qué puedo hacer si mi empleador toma represalias contra mí por hablar sobre mis derechos?\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#opciones\">\u003cstrong>¿Cuáles son mis otras opciones en este caso?\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Cada año, el Área de la Bahía está experimentando olas de calor cada vez más intensas, como lo que ocurrió en septiembre de 2022, cuando varias ciudades registraron temperaturas récord. San José, Santa Rosa y otros lugares superaron los 100 grados Fahrenheit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Aunque algunas personas pueden trabajar en hogares u oficinas que cuentan con aire acondicionado, muchos trabajadores esenciales, como los de la construcción, los trabajadores agrícolas y los repartidores, tienen que permanecer al aire libre, expuestos a las altas temperaturas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cuando hay una ola de calor en California, todas las compañías y patrones están obligados por ley a proporcionar cuatro cosas a sus empleados que trabajan al aire libre: agua fresca, sombra, descansos y un plan de emergencia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Estas son \u003ca href=\"https://www.99calor.org/espanol/\">las normas establecidas por la Administración de Seguridad y Salud Ocupacional de California\u003c/a> (Cal/OSHA, por sus siglas en inglés), las cuales protegen a todos aquellos que trabajan al aire libre, sin importar su situación migratoria o tipo de empleo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sin embargo, varias personas que trabajan al aire libre han compartido con KQED que no es fácil abordar este tema con su empleador. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11919450/trabajar-con-una-visa-h-2a-en-estados-unidos-represalias-derechos\">Algunos temen perder su trabajo si alzan la voz\u003c/a>, mientras que otros no están seguros si pueden recibir estas protecciones debido a su estatus migratorio.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Es una verdadera preocupación”, dijo David Hornung, coordinador del programa de calor y agricultura de Cal/OSHA, “los trabajadores no quieren pedir sus protecciones laborales debido a su preocupación de sufrir represalias”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Si usted está trabajando al aire libre durante una ola de calor y su empleador no le otorga las protecciones necesarias, hay varias cosas que puede hacer, incluso si no se siente cómodo planteando las cosas directamente a su supervisor.\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"protecciones\">\u003c/a>¿Cuáles son las protecciones de Cal/OSHA?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>En julio de 2006, \u003ca href=\"https://oehha.ca.gov/epic/impacts-biological-systems/heat-related-mortality-and-morbidity\">una gran ola de calor en California provocó la muerte de al menos 140 personas en dos semanas\u003c/a>, la mayor tasa de mortalidad registrada en un solo evento de calor. Debido a esta situación, los reguladores estatales decidieron aumentar las protecciones para quienes trabajan al aire libre.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“El empleador debe proveer agua potable que sea fresca y gratuita para que cada trabajador tenga lo suficiente para beber”, dijo Angela Yahaira Breining, abogada del programa de derechos laborales en el Centro Legal de la Raza en Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Según las normas de California, cada trabajador debe recibir un cuarto de galón de agua por hora (eso equivale a un poco menos de un litro de agua). E incluso si los trabajadores traen sus propias botellas de agua, los empleadores deben tener suficiente agua disponible en el lugar de trabajo.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "Cuando hay una ola de calor en California, todas las compañías y patrones están obligados por ley a proporcionar cuatro cosas a sus empleados que trabajan al aire libre: agua fresca, sombra, descansos y un plan de emergencia.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Cuando las temperaturas superan los 80 grados Farenheit (o 26 centigrados), los empleadores también deben proveer un área con suficiente sombra para acomodar a todos los trabajadores en el lugar, como una carpa. Pero Breining agrega que los trabajadores también tienen derecho a pedir un descanso bajo la sombra, sin importar la temperatura, siempre que estos lo consideren necesario.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Y cuando las temperaturas superan los 95 grados Farenheit (o 35 centigrados), “los supervisores deben observar a los empleados con regularidad”, dice Breining.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tener un supervisor en el lugar de trabajo, explica Breining, es necesario para establecer un sistema de comunicación que pueda entrar en acción si un trabajador empieza a sentirse mal. “Si a alguien le duele la cabeza, hay que hacer que esta persona se siente, asegurarse de que haya una forma de comunicarse con los superiores y tener un plan de emergencia”, explica ella.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tener un plan de emergencia es el siguiente requisito para los empleadores, dice Hornung, de Cal/OSHA. Eso incluye “entrenar a todos los empleados para que reconozcan los signos y síntomas de las enfermedades causadas por el calor en ellos mismos o en sus compañeros de trabajo”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11955911\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11955911\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS50584_007_SanFrancisco_HeatWaveImpacts_08062021-qut.jpg\" alt=\"Un obrero está sentado en la parte trasera de una camioneta, pelando frijoles. Hay una carpa encima de la camioneta y su rostro está detrás de la carpa.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS50584_007_SanFrancisco_HeatWaveImpacts_08062021-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS50584_007_SanFrancisco_HeatWaveImpacts_08062021-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS50584_007_SanFrancisco_HeatWaveImpacts_08062021-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS50584_007_SanFrancisco_HeatWaveImpacts_08062021-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS50584_007_SanFrancisco_HeatWaveImpacts_08062021-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Un vendedor sentado en la parte trasera de una camioneta cubierta de lona en el distrito de la Misión de San Francisco pela frijoles el 6 de agosto de 2021. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>¿Quién tiene derecho a estas protecciones?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Algo que Hornung escucha a menudo es que las normas de Cal/OSHA sólo se aplican a ciertas industrias. Pero él aclara: “estas protecciones son para todos aquellos que trabajan al aire libre, no sólo los trabajadores del sector agrícola”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Se aplica a los trabajadores de la construcción, a los jardineros, a los paisajistas, al personal de mantenimiento y a cualquiera que conduzca camiones que no tengan aire acondicionado”, él agrega.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Otro error común, añade Hornung, es que estas normas sólo protegen a los ciudadanos o a las personas con estatus migratorio válido.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“La ley estatal para la seguridad en el trabajo es genial porque protege a todos los trabajadores sin importar su estatus migratorio”, dijo. “Así que si cuenta con documentos o no, sigue protegido por nuestras normas”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pero si usted trabaja de manera informal, las cosas son un poco más complicadas y a menudo dependen de la situación.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘La ley estatal para la seguridad en el trabajo es genial porque protege a todos los trabajadores sin importar su estatus migratorio … así que si cuenta con documentos o no, sigue protegido por nuestras normas’.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Hornung explica que Cal/OSHA necesita verificar primero que existe una “relación empleado-empleador”, es decir, que el trabajador ha dado su mano de obra a cambio de un pago. Esto puede incluir a los trabajadores que no tienen un contrato formal de empleo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Si un trabajador recibe un pago de un empleador, entonces eso establece una relación empleado-empleador”, dijo Hornung.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pero las protecciones contra el calor no se aplican a quienes trabajan por su propia cuenta, o sea, quienes son sus propios jefes, como es el caso de los dueños de carritos de fruta que venden sus propios productos.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"hablar\">\u003c/a>Si mi jefe no cumple con las reglas de Cal/OSHA, ¿cómo debo de hablar de esto con él?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Aunque puede ser difícil para algunos trabajadores acercarse a sus supervisores, las leyes laborales de California prohíben a los empleadores tomar represalias contra los trabajadores que alcen la voz sobre las condiciones de trabajo inseguras.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Es ilegal que un empleador tome represalias contra esto, hablar de un derecho laboral al que tienen derecho”, dijo Breining, la abogada de derechos de los trabajadores.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ella recomienda a los trabajadores que documenten por escrito todo lo que ocurre, incluyendo las fechas y lugares en los que sus jefes no han respetado las normas. Y sugiere que los trabajadores también se dirijan a sus empleadores por escrito, en forma de mensaje de texto, un correo electrónico o una carta tradicional.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“Diga específicamente qué es lo que pide”, dice Breining. “¿Está pidiendo que el empleador ofrezca un entrenamiento, que vea cuál es el plan para prevenir las enfermedades causadas por el calor, o que reciba más descansos en la sombra?”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Documente cada vez que su empleador no siga las normas sobre el calor, ya que eso puede ser útil más adelante si usted decide presentar una queja ante Cal/OSHA, dice Breining.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mientras tanto, Hornung sugiere que los trabajadores que temen represalias inmediatas discutan primero el asunto con sus compañeros para conseguir apoyo adicional. “Así que, en lugar de que usted como individuo se lo pida a su jefe, intente que sus compañeros de trabajo lo hagan en grupo”, dice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sin embargo, el hecho de que las represalias sean ilegales no impide que un empleador tome represalias contra los trabajadores que denuncian una injusticia laboral, dice Cynthia Rice, abogada de derechos laborales.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Nunca decimos que el empleador no puede tomar represalias contra usted, porque por supuesto que el empleador puede tomarlas”, ella dijo a KQED. Si cree que su empleador le ha despedido o le ha recortado las horas porque alzó la voz sobre lo que pasa en su lugar de trabajo, \u003ca href=\"#represalias\">\u003cstrong>puede presentar una denuncia con las oficinas del estado, quienes pueden iniciar una investigación.\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11955910\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11955910\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS50606_031_SanFrancisco_HeatWaveImpacts_08062021-qut.jpg\" alt=\"El carrito de un vendedor ambulante, el cual lleva varios contenedores de plástico que guardan fruta fresca y cortada. El carrito está protegido de los rayos del sol por un parasol.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS50606_031_SanFrancisco_HeatWaveImpacts_08062021-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS50606_031_SanFrancisco_HeatWaveImpacts_08062021-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS50606_031_SanFrancisco_HeatWaveImpacts_08062021-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS50606_031_SanFrancisco_HeatWaveImpacts_08062021-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS50606_031_SanFrancisco_HeatWaveImpacts_08062021-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Un comerciante vende fruta cortada bajo una sombrilla en el distrito de la Misión de San Francisco el 6 de agosto de 2021. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"niega\">\u003c/a>Mi empleador no me ha escuchado. ¿Qué hago ahora?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Si un empleador se rehusa a proporcionar las protecciones requeridas contra el calor, el siguiente paso puede ser presentar una queja ante Cal/OSHA, \u003cstrong>lo cual puede hacer de manera anónima\u003c/strong>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>La agencia tiene varias sucursales en el Área de la Bahía con las que un trabajador puede ponerse en contacto directamente para presentar una denuncia según donde se ubique su lugar de trabajo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Los trabajadores de San Francisco pueden llamar al (415) 557-0100.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Los trabajadores del condado de San Mateo pueden llamar a la oficina de Foster City al (650) 573-3812. Esta oficina también atiende a los trabajadores de algunas localidades de Santa Clara, como Palo Alto, Mountain View y Sunnyvale.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>La mayoría de los trabajadores del condado de Santa Clara pueden llamar a la oficina de Fremont al (510) 794-2521.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Los trabajadores del condado de Alameda pueden llamar a la oficina de Oakland al (510) 622-2916.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Los trabajadores del norte de la Bahía, lo que incluye a los condados de Sonoma, Napa, Solano, Marín y Contra Costa, pueden llamar a la oficina de American Canyon al (707) 649-3700.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>También hay una línea de ayuda estatal para el calor que ofrece asistencia tanto en español, inglés y muchos idiomas más: (833) 579-0927.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Al presentar una denuncia, le harán preguntas sobre su empleador o empresa, como el nombre, la ubicación y el número de trabajadores en el lugar, cuántas horas trabaja al día, y cuál es el problema de seguridad. Aquí es cuando resulta especialmente útil tener un registro escrito de los incidentes o conversaciones anteriores que tuvo con su jefe.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Es opcional dar su nombre, pero Hornung, de Cal/OSHA dice que si usted da su información de contacto, puede ser notificado cuándo Cal/OSHA reciba su informe y si la dependencia decide investigar la situación.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Si Cal/OSHA se hace cargo de su caso, la agencia asignará un inspector a su lugar de trabajo que hablará con los empleadores y los empleados.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Si confirmamos que hubo alguna infracción del código de California”, dice Hornung, “el empresario será multado por esas infracciones”. El empleador también tendrá que resolver cualquier situación que esté poniendo en riesgo a los trabajadores.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11955909\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11955909\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS50579_002_SanFrancisco_HeatWaveImpacts_08062021-qut.jpg\" alt=\"Un obrero está sentado en la parte trasera de una camioneta, tapado del sol por una carpa. Sus manos cuidadosamente pelan frijoles.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS50579_002_SanFrancisco_HeatWaveImpacts_08062021-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS50579_002_SanFrancisco_HeatWaveImpacts_08062021-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS50579_002_SanFrancisco_HeatWaveImpacts_08062021-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS50579_002_SanFrancisco_HeatWaveImpacts_08062021-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS50579_002_SanFrancisco_HeatWaveImpacts_08062021-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Un vendedor se protege del sol mientras pela frijoles en San Francisco el 6 de agosto de 2021. David Hornung, de Cal/OSHA, dice que las protecciones estatales contra el calor se aplican a todas las personas que trabajan al aire libre, no sólo a los trabajadores agrícolas. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003ca id=\"represalias\">\u003c/a>Si su empleador decide tomar represalias contra usted durante este tiempo y le amenaza, le recorta las horas o le despide, eso es motivo para presentar una queja por represalias ante la Oficina del Comisionado Laboral del estado. Puede \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/dlse/rci_osha_complaint.htm\">reportar una represalia por internet\u003c/a> (en la página web de esta agencia, aparece un botón en la parte superior de la pantalla que dice ‘Translate,’ donde puede escoger la opción de ‘Spanish’.) También puede llamar al (714) 558-4913 o escribir un correo electrónico a la dirección: \u003ca href=\"mailto:oshaRetaliation@dir.ca.gov\">oshaRetaliation@dir.ca.gov\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Si (su empleador) toma represalias contra usted, usted tiene un recurso”, dijo Breining. “Pueden ofrecerle de nuevo su empleo, el empleador sería sancionado y si perdió sus ingresos por la represalia, puede recibir este salario”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Si usted es un trabajador agrícola, otra opción es presentar una queja contra su empleador ante el Consejo de Relaciones del Trabajo Agrícola de California (ALRB, por sus siglas en inglés). El ALRB investiga posibles prácticas laborales injustas, incluyendo las represalias de un empleador contra un trabajador que denuncia condiciones de trabajo inseguras.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>El ALRB requiere que al menos dos empleados presenten la denuncia. Usted puede presentar una denuncia \u003ca href=\"https://www.alrb.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/sites/196/2018/05/alrb_form38_en.pdf\">utilizando este formulario (sólo disponible en inglés)\u003c/a> y luego enviarla, ya sea por correo o por fax, a la oficina del ALRB más cercana. En el Área de la Bahía, \u003ca href=\"https://www.alrb.ca.gov/contact-us/\">la oficina regional del ALRB está en Santa Rosa y lo pueden atender en español\u003c/a>:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>606 Healdsburg Avenue\u003cbr>\nSanta Rosa, CA 95401\u003cbr>\nTeléfono: (707) 527-3256\u003cbr>\nFax: (707) 576-2360\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"opciones\">\u003c/a>¿Cuáles son mis otras opciones?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>En el 2021, los trabajadores de un restaurante de comida rápida de Oakland \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11875988/minimal-to-non-existent-safety-inspector-shortage-worsened-in-pandemic-leaving-california-workers-vulnerable\">presentaron una queja de seguridad por COVID-19 en su lugar de trabajo ante Cal/OSHA contra su empleador\u003c/a>, alegando condiciones de trabajo inseguras. Los funcionarios de la agencia respondieron nueve meses después diciendo que no se había encontrado ninguna violación, incluso cuando los empleados que presentaron el informe original afirman que los inspectores nunca se pusieron en contacto con ellos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>La falta de personal \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/calmatters-en-espanol/2020/10/la-respuesta-de-la-agencia-de-seguridad-laboral-de-california-a-las-quejas-de-covid-cartas-no-inspecciones/\">ha dificultado el trabajo de Cal/OSHA durante años\u003c/a>, y estos problemas han aumentado durante la pandemia, limitando la capacidad de la agencia para investigar las denuncias de trabajadores.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sin embargo, la agencia sí ha logrado \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/dosh/COVID19citations.html\">multar este año a cientos de empleadores que no han cumplido con las normas del estado\u003c/a>. Tomará tiempo, pero presentar una denuncia puede producir un resultado.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Pero hay otras medidas que se pueden tomar.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breining, la abogada de los derechos de los trabajadores, señala que hay múltiples oficinas de ayuda legal en el Área de la Bahía que pueden apoyar a los empleados a lo largo del proceso legal, la mayoría de las veces sin costo alguno, incluyendo el Centro Legal de la Raza.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Estamos más que contentos de ayudarles (a los trabajadores) a presentar la queja o ayudarles a hacer una carta de demanda si realmente no quieren pasar por el proceso más formal”, dijo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breining añade que, en muchos casos, los trabajadores acuden a su oficina cuando sus empleadores ya han tomado represalias contra ellos o ya han sufrido enfermedades relacionadas con el calor. Aunque el Centro Legal puede proporcionar asistencia, anima a los trabajadores a buscar ayuda antes de que las cosas vayan mal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Preferimos ayudar cuando esta situación esté sucediendo para que no tengamos que utilizar los procesos legales más difíciles después de los hechos”, dijo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Estas son algunas organizaciones que ofrecen ayuda legal gratuita a los trabajadores del Área de la Bahía:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.centrolegal.org/?lang=es\">Centro Legal de la Raza (Oakland)\u003c/a>: (510) 437-1554\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.lrcl.org/es\">La Raza Centro Legal (San Francisco)\u003c/a>: (415) 575-3500\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.tuwu.org/\">Trabajadores Unidos Workers United\u003c/a>: (415) 621-4155\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://legalaidatwork.org/es/\">Legal Aid at Work\u003c/a>: (415) 864-8208\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://crla.org/es\">California Rural Legal Assistance:\u003c/a> (800) 337-0690\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://streetlevelhealthproject.org/\">Street Level Health Project (Oakland)\u003c/a>: (510) 533-9906\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.advancingjustice-alc.org/\">Asian Americans Advancing Justice/Asian Law Caucus\u003c/a>: (415) 896-1701\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Una versión de esta historia fue publicada originalmente en inglés el 8 de septiembre de 2021. Este artículo incluye información de Farida Jhabvala Romero de KQED.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003chr>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Este artículo fue traducido por la periodista \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/mpena/\">María Peña\u003c/a> y editado por el periodista \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/ccabreralomeli\">Carlos Cabrera-Lomelí\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Driving a tractor for his job in the Oxnard lettuce fields doesn’t make Arturo Villanueva rich, but it’s usually been enough to make rent and support his family.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Farm labor is the only thing the 37-year-old father of five says he knows how to do well. When months of rain flooded the fields and made most of his usual work in February and March impossible, he struggled to earn enough to cover rent and allow his family “to live well.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His family cut back on the amount and type of food they purchased. They rarely left the house, to save money on gas. They tried to buy only what they absolutely needed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Months later, Villanueva still isn’t working his usual hours because rainy weather delayed planting some crops by at least two months. California set aside \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdss.ca.gov/inforesources/cdss-programs/immigration-services/immigrant-storm-services\">$95 million\u003c/a> in \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdss.ca.gov/inforesources/cdss-programs/immigration-services/immigrant-storm-services\">state funds\u003c/a> to help people like him \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2023/05/california-flooding-fund/\">who lost work\u003c/a> or experienced hardships due to storms and floods, but Villanueva told CalMatters in June he didn’t know how to access it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So many of us who work in the fields are undocumented,” he said in Spanish. “We who are the most affected receive the least. I would like there to be support for the undocumented workers — and not just those working in the fields.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Villanueva can’t receive unemployment insurance because he’s undocumented — one of about \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/publication/immigrants-in-california/\">2.3 million Californians\u003c/a> whose immigration status bars them from receiving a variety of social safety net benefits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His predicament illustrates the gaps that remain in California’s safety net for undocumented immigrants despite a two-decade-long expansion of social and health services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Arturo Villanueva, Oxnard farmworker\"]‘So many of us who work in the fields are undocumented. We who are the most affected receive the least. I would like there to be support for the undocumented workers.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a major reversal since the 1990s, California has opened up government programs to undocumented residents more than any other state — issuing driver’s licenses, college scholarships, low-income tax credits, direct cash aid during the pandemic and now Medi-Cal health coverage. In 2025 California will be the first state to issue food stamps to undocumented immigrants, allowing those 55 and older to qualify.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But budget realities are putting the brakes on other expansions that advocates want like a $330 million proposal to offer unemployment benefits to undocumented workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lucas Zucker, co-executive director of the \u003ca href=\"https://causenow.org/\">Central Coast nonprofit CAUSE\u003c/a>, which advocates for working class and immigrant workers\u003cstrong>,\u003c/strong> said it can be a difficult hurdle to extend benefits because some Americans view immigrants primarily as a source of labor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Providing someone a social safety net when they’re not able to work is almost counterintuitive to this racist and kind of exploitative way that we’ve been viewing immigrants in this country,” Zucker said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11955364\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1200px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11955364\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/CalMattersFarmworkers02.jpg\" alt=\"A man in a blue T-shirt walks through rows of lettuce crops in a field in Oxnard, California. The sky is gray above and farm equipment is seen in the background.\" width=\"1200\" height=\"800\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/CalMattersFarmworkers02.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/CalMattersFarmworkers02-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/CalMattersFarmworkers02-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/CalMattersFarmworkers02-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Arturo Villanueva, 37, a tractor driver, walks through a lettuce field in Oxnard on July 2, 2023. \u003ccite>(Julie Leopo-Bermudez/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>California has worked around limits in federal law that bar many immigrants — those with and without legal status — from social programs. That has meant building its own, state-funded programs during years of flush budget surpluses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But this year, lawmakers and Gov. Gavin Newsom had to plug a $31.5 billion deficit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom has backed several program expansions including public health coverage for immigrants, which will total $2.6 billion annually. But he has said he wants to avoid cutting services in deficit years, so he \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2022/12/california-budget-deficit-safety-net/\">won’t commit\u003c/a> to further expanding programs unless the state has funds to sustain them long-term.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposal for an unemployment program for workers like Villanueva failed to gain funding in the state budget for the second year in a row. \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240SB227\">A bill\u003c/a> to create the program at a cost of $330 million a year — not counting implementation costs — has passed the Senate and awaits a hearing in the Assembly Appropriations Committee. Newsom vetoed a similar measure last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Governor will weigh the merits of any bill that eventually reaches his desk,” Daniel Lopez, a spokesperson for Newsom, said in an email. “The state will continue to be a leader and uphold the dignity and respect of everyone who calls California home.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Critics argue further expanding services to undocumented immigrants is financially unsustainable for the state.\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assemblymember Bill Essayli, a Riverside Republican, opposes the unemployment proposal, saying the state should instead spend its funds paying off the existing unemployment system’s $20 billion loan from the federal government, to avoid raising payroll taxes on businesses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have to prioritize,” he said. “If you really care about getting people out of poverty, you’d help ease the burden on businesses so they can hire people and pay them living wages.”[aside postID=news_11946661 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/SB_277_SafetyNet-1020x680.jpg']Still, to advocates, some proposals are popular enough with the Democratic supermajority to seem inevitable. Nourish California, a food policy advocacy group, is pushing the state to open its food stamps program to all low-income undocumented immigrants, regardless of age, said Betzabel Estudillo, director of engagement at Nourish California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Legislature has been very supportive and so has the governor,” she said. “The question is about when.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s 1.1 million undocumented workers \u003ca href=\"https://clc.ucmerced.edu/sites/clc.ucmerced.edu/files/page/documents/essential_fairness.pdf\">make up 6%\u003c/a> of its labor force, according to UC Merced’s Community and Labor Center.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2019, undocumented immigrants paid an estimated $3.7 billion in state and local taxes, \u003ca href=\"https://immigrantdataca.org/about\">according to\u003c/a> USC’s California Immigrant Data Portal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And, like the rest of the population, immigrant workers are aging, so they’ll increasingly need retirement support and health care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a report this year UC Merced estimated 165,000 of \u003ca href=\"https://clc.ucmerced.edu/sites/clc.ucmerced.edu/files/page/documents/a_golden_age.pdf\">California’s undocumented workers\u003c/a> were older than 55 in 2019, the highest “since Mexican mass migration began in the 1970s.” Undocumented immigrants also make up \u003ca href=\"https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S1876285921003752#:~:text=Children%20in%20immigrant%20families%20are%20becoming%20a%20larger%20share%20of,of%20all%20children%20in%20poverty.&text=The%20vast%20majority%20of%20children,91%25)%20are%20US%20citizens.\">the largest share\u003c/a> of Californians without health insurance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Leisy Abrego, chair of Chicana/o Studies at UCLA, said California has shown it can do more to help immigrants\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>in the absence of federal immigration policy reform.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s an economic need for immigrant labor, and California, they realize that that need is being met,” Abrego said. “And advocates are wanting to treat those people meeting those needs as human beings who also need health care, who also need educational opportunities.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>California’s road to inclusion\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Before she qualified for full Medi-Cal coverage in 2022, Oliva Huerta had learned to live with little or sporadic medical care for a host of illnesses, including anxiety and pain linked to diabetes, high blood pressure and a cancer battle in the 1990s. Medi-Cal was paying for emergency care only.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At 61, she’s unable to do much besides care for her four grandkids while their parents work in Los Angeles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But when staff at \u003ca href=\"https://locator.lacounty.gov/dcfs/Location/3173568/maternal-and-child-health-access\">Maternal and Child Health Access\u003c/a>, a health nonprofit in Los Angeles, helped Huerta switch her emergency coverage to full coverage, she noticed an immediate difference.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She was able to select a primary care doctor at the clinic where she usually went for specialist care. She could see a doctor for non-emergency care much quicker. Recently she scheduled a mammogram and consulted with a urologist in a virtual appointment.\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It can be hard for undocumented people,” Huerta said in Spanish. “I imagine a lot of other people are benefitting like we are.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Medi-Cal began covering undocumented children in 2018 and adults up to age 26 in 2020. Last May, older undocumented immigrants like Huerta became eligible. She is \u003ca href=\"https://data.chhs.ca.gov/dataset/eligible-older-adult-expansion-individuals-enrolled-in-medi-cal/resource/7271b885-7340-49e2-ba56-5435b698a972\">one of nearly 350,000\u003c/a>\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>who have signed up for full, state-funded coverage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11955365\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1200px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11955365\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/CalMattersFarmworkers03.jpg\" alt=\"A woman with a relaxed expression poses with her hands clasped in front of her beside some large plants.\" width=\"1200\" height=\"800\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/CalMattersFarmworkers03.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/CalMattersFarmworkers03-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/CalMattersFarmworkers03-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/CalMattersFarmworkers03-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Oliva Huerta, outside the Maternal and Child Health Access office in Los Angeles on July 5, 2023. \u003ccite>(Julie A Hotz/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Next January coverage will open to low-income immigrants of all ages; an estimated 700,000 will be eligible. The full-fledged expansion will cost $2.6 billion a year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It marks a significant turnaround from the policy debates of 1994 when California voters passed a measure barring immigrants without legal status from public services such as non-emergency health care, elementary and secondary schools and public colleges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure drew mass protests, but passed with 59% of the vote. A federal judge ultimately blocked it from taking effect on constitutional grounds. But activists saw xenophobic sentiments that galvanized them to rally around immigrants’ rights. Abrego said many Latino advocates and politicians today \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/newsletters/whatmatters/2019/11/looking-back-on-proposition-187-the-initiative-that-transformed-california-politics/\">remain fueled\u003c/a> by opposition to the policies of the 1990s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2001, California became one of the first states to make undocumented students eligible for in-state tuition at public colleges, if they’d graduated from high school in-state. Ten years later, it allowed undocumented students to get state financial aid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2013, California allowed undocumented residents to get driver’s licenses. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2023/01/drivers-licenses-undocumented-immigrants/\">More than 1 million\u003c/a> have received them since 2015.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2020, the state \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2020/09/18/governor-newsom-signs-bill-putting-money-back-into-the-pockets-of-more-california-workers-and-their-families/#:~:text=SACRAMENTO%20%E2%80%93%20Governor%20Gavin%20Newsom%20today,Child%20Tax%20Credit%20(YCTC).\">allowed\u003c/a> undocumented tax filers to receive the state’s earned income tax credit, returning thousands of dollars to low-income families each year. That year Californians \u003ca href=\"https://www.ftb.ca.gov/about-ftb/data-reports-plans/California-Earned-Income-Tax-Credit-and-Young-Child-Tax-credit-Report.pdf\">claimed $120 million more\u003c/a> in tax credits than the year before, according to the Franchise Tax Board.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Policymakers continue to make new proposals for immigrants living without legal status.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A bill \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240AB1536\">introduced this year\u003c/a> would give undocumented residents access to the Cash Assistance Program for Immigrants, a state-funded\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>benefit created for elderly and disabled residents who don’t qualify for Social Security because federal law bars most noncitizens.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240AB4\">Another bill\u003c/a> aims to let undocumented residents who earn too much to qualify for Medi-Cal get subsidized health insurance in the Covered California marketplace\u003cstrong>. \u003c/strong>That move would require federal approval.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Immigrant poverty\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Poverty plunged in California from 16.4% in 2019 to nearly 12% in 2021, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2022/11/child-tax-credit/\">thanks to such pandemic aid programs\u003c/a> as expanded child tax credits and food and cash assistance, \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/publication/poverty-in-california/\">according to\u003c/a> the Public Policy Institute of California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But undocumented immigrants were much harder hit. While 16% of immigrant Californians lived in poverty in 2021, 25% of undocumented immigrants did.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S1876285921003752#:~:text=Children%20in%20immigrant%20families%20are%20becoming%20a%20larger%20share%20of,of%20all%20children%20in%20poverty.&text=The%20vast%20majority%20of%20children,91%25)%20are%20US%20citizens.\">disparities extend\u003c/a> to immigrants’ children — many of whom are U.S.-born. Thirteen percent of children in immigrant families live in poverty in California, which is double the rate for children of parents who are U.S. citizens, according to Patricia Malagon, a Public Policy Institute researcher.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A March analysis by the Public Policy Institute predicts that fully expanding Medi-Cal next year could \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/publication/the-impact-of-health-insurance-on-poverty-in-california/\">lower poverty\u003c/a> among non-citizen Californians by up to 3%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The programs that reduce poverty the most are tax credits and CalFresh — the state’s food stamps program, said Paulette Cha, a Public Policy Institute researcher.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Lucas Zucker, co-executive director, CAUSE\"]‘Providing someone a social safety net when they’re not able to work is almost counterintuitive to this racist and kind of exploitative way that we’ve been viewing immigrants.’[/pullquote]California already uses its own funds to \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2022/06/california-food-assistance/\">pay for food assistance\u003c/a> for about 35,000 legally present immigrants — primarily recent green card holders — who are barred from the traditional food stamps program by federal law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Undocumented immigrants who are 55 and older \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2022/06/california-food-assistance/\">will qualify\u003c/a> in October 2025; administration officials said they \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2023/05/california-budget-deficit-newsom/\">need time\u003c/a> to make computer system upgrades before enrolling new recipients. At its peak, the state estimates 75,000 older immigrants will get food assistance at a cost of $113 million annually.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Unemployment benefits battle\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Advocates want California officials to commit to food stamps for undocumented immigrants of all ages. And they’re disappointed at the lack of action on unemployment benefits. Colorado and New York have started programs to pay jobless benefits to undocumented workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California lawmakers passed a bill last year to start a pilot program that would pay unemployment benefits to workers who are ineligible because of immigration status, but \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/2022/09/AB-2847-VETO.pdf?emrc=87cd0d\">Newsom vetoed\u003c/a> it, citing costs amid signs of a deficit. This spring hundreds of activists and workers marched on the Capitol to demand the benefits, pointing to those who lost work in both the pandemic and this year’s floods.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A bill this year would give undocumented workers who lose work $300 in weekly benefits for up to 20 weeks, the maximum time allowed in the traditional unemployment program. Aside from the cost of benefits, the Economic Development Department estimates it would need at least $271 million to implement the program.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Assemblymember Bill Essayli (R-Bakersfield)\"]‘We have to prioritize. If you really care about getting people out of poverty, you’d help ease the burden on businesses so they can hire people and pay them living wages.’[/pullquote]In May, after Newsom presented a bigger deficit than previously predicted, advocates pared down their proposal to instead seek a working group to study the issue. Still, that failed to make it into the budget.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates with the Safety Net For All Coalition said they hoped lawmakers could still reach a deal to fund the working group during this\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>legislative session.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That leaves relief still unavailable for California farmworkers — over half of whom are undocumented — still recovering from the winter floods, and the pandemic before them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jorge Ruiz, a Santa Maria area farmworker, is one of them. Usually, he works year-round, rotating between labor-intensive crops like lettuce, broccoli, grapes and other vegetables. Beginning in December, months of heavy rain cost him $3,000 to $4,000 in lost wages, he said. Plus his family is still recovering from the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Simply put, the government has tossed us aside,” Ruiz said in Spanish. “Even though we use all of our strength to get those products to the store, the government leaves us behind and doesn’t help us. So we are left without money.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Driving a tractor for his job in the Oxnard lettuce fields doesn’t make Arturo Villanueva rich, but it’s usually been enough to make rent and support his family.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Farm labor is the only thing the 37-year-old father of five says he knows how to do well. When months of rain flooded the fields and made most of his usual work in February and March impossible, he struggled to earn enough to cover rent and allow his family “to live well.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His family cut back on the amount and type of food they purchased. They rarely left the house, to save money on gas. They tried to buy only what they absolutely needed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Months later, Villanueva still isn’t working his usual hours because rainy weather delayed planting some crops by at least two months. California set aside \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdss.ca.gov/inforesources/cdss-programs/immigration-services/immigrant-storm-services\">$95 million\u003c/a> in \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdss.ca.gov/inforesources/cdss-programs/immigration-services/immigrant-storm-services\">state funds\u003c/a> to help people like him \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2023/05/california-flooding-fund/\">who lost work\u003c/a> or experienced hardships due to storms and floods, but Villanueva told CalMatters in June he didn’t know how to access it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So many of us who work in the fields are undocumented,” he said in Spanish. “We who are the most affected receive the least. I would like there to be support for the undocumented workers — and not just those working in the fields.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Villanueva can’t receive unemployment insurance because he’s undocumented — one of about \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/publication/immigrants-in-california/\">2.3 million Californians\u003c/a> whose immigration status bars them from receiving a variety of social safety net benefits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His predicament illustrates the gaps that remain in California’s safety net for undocumented immigrants despite a two-decade-long expansion of social and health services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a major reversal since the 1990s, California has opened up government programs to undocumented residents more than any other state — issuing driver’s licenses, college scholarships, low-income tax credits, direct cash aid during the pandemic and now Medi-Cal health coverage. In 2025 California will be the first state to issue food stamps to undocumented immigrants, allowing those 55 and older to qualify.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But budget realities are putting the brakes on other expansions that advocates want like a $330 million proposal to offer unemployment benefits to undocumented workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lucas Zucker, co-executive director of the \u003ca href=\"https://causenow.org/\">Central Coast nonprofit CAUSE\u003c/a>, which advocates for working class and immigrant workers\u003cstrong>,\u003c/strong> said it can be a difficult hurdle to extend benefits because some Americans view immigrants primarily as a source of labor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Providing someone a social safety net when they’re not able to work is almost counterintuitive to this racist and kind of exploitative way that we’ve been viewing immigrants in this country,” Zucker said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11955364\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1200px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11955364\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/CalMattersFarmworkers02.jpg\" alt=\"A man in a blue T-shirt walks through rows of lettuce crops in a field in Oxnard, California. The sky is gray above and farm equipment is seen in the background.\" width=\"1200\" height=\"800\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/CalMattersFarmworkers02.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/CalMattersFarmworkers02-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/CalMattersFarmworkers02-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/CalMattersFarmworkers02-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Arturo Villanueva, 37, a tractor driver, walks through a lettuce field in Oxnard on July 2, 2023. \u003ccite>(Julie Leopo-Bermudez/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>California has worked around limits in federal law that bar many immigrants — those with and without legal status — from social programs. That has meant building its own, state-funded programs during years of flush budget surpluses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But this year, lawmakers and Gov. Gavin Newsom had to plug a $31.5 billion deficit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom has backed several program expansions including public health coverage for immigrants, which will total $2.6 billion annually. But he has said he wants to avoid cutting services in deficit years, so he \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2022/12/california-budget-deficit-safety-net/\">won’t commit\u003c/a> to further expanding programs unless the state has funds to sustain them long-term.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposal for an unemployment program for workers like Villanueva failed to gain funding in the state budget for the second year in a row. \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240SB227\">A bill\u003c/a> to create the program at a cost of $330 million a year — not counting implementation costs — has passed the Senate and awaits a hearing in the Assembly Appropriations Committee. Newsom vetoed a similar measure last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Governor will weigh the merits of any bill that eventually reaches his desk,” Daniel Lopez, a spokesperson for Newsom, said in an email. “The state will continue to be a leader and uphold the dignity and respect of everyone who calls California home.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Critics argue further expanding services to undocumented immigrants is financially unsustainable for the state.\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assemblymember Bill Essayli, a Riverside Republican, opposes the unemployment proposal, saying the state should instead spend its funds paying off the existing unemployment system’s $20 billion loan from the federal government, to avoid raising payroll taxes on businesses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have to prioritize,” he said. “If you really care about getting people out of poverty, you’d help ease the burden on businesses so they can hire people and pay them living wages.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Still, to advocates, some proposals are popular enough with the Democratic supermajority to seem inevitable. Nourish California, a food policy advocacy group, is pushing the state to open its food stamps program to all low-income undocumented immigrants, regardless of age, said Betzabel Estudillo, director of engagement at Nourish California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Legislature has been very supportive and so has the governor,” she said. “The question is about when.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s 1.1 million undocumented workers \u003ca href=\"https://clc.ucmerced.edu/sites/clc.ucmerced.edu/files/page/documents/essential_fairness.pdf\">make up 6%\u003c/a> of its labor force, according to UC Merced’s Community and Labor Center.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2019, undocumented immigrants paid an estimated $3.7 billion in state and local taxes, \u003ca href=\"https://immigrantdataca.org/about\">according to\u003c/a> USC’s California Immigrant Data Portal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And, like the rest of the population, immigrant workers are aging, so they’ll increasingly need retirement support and health care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a report this year UC Merced estimated 165,000 of \u003ca href=\"https://clc.ucmerced.edu/sites/clc.ucmerced.edu/files/page/documents/a_golden_age.pdf\">California’s undocumented workers\u003c/a> were older than 55 in 2019, the highest “since Mexican mass migration began in the 1970s.” Undocumented immigrants also make up \u003ca href=\"https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S1876285921003752#:~:text=Children%20in%20immigrant%20families%20are%20becoming%20a%20larger%20share%20of,of%20all%20children%20in%20poverty.&text=The%20vast%20majority%20of%20children,91%25)%20are%20US%20citizens.\">the largest share\u003c/a> of Californians without health insurance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Leisy Abrego, chair of Chicana/o Studies at UCLA, said California has shown it can do more to help immigrants\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>in the absence of federal immigration policy reform.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s an economic need for immigrant labor, and California, they realize that that need is being met,” Abrego said. “And advocates are wanting to treat those people meeting those needs as human beings who also need health care, who also need educational opportunities.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>California’s road to inclusion\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Before she qualified for full Medi-Cal coverage in 2022, Oliva Huerta had learned to live with little or sporadic medical care for a host of illnesses, including anxiety and pain linked to diabetes, high blood pressure and a cancer battle in the 1990s. Medi-Cal was paying for emergency care only.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At 61, she’s unable to do much besides care for her four grandkids while their parents work in Los Angeles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But when staff at \u003ca href=\"https://locator.lacounty.gov/dcfs/Location/3173568/maternal-and-child-health-access\">Maternal and Child Health Access\u003c/a>, a health nonprofit in Los Angeles, helped Huerta switch her emergency coverage to full coverage, she noticed an immediate difference.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She was able to select a primary care doctor at the clinic where she usually went for specialist care. She could see a doctor for non-emergency care much quicker. Recently she scheduled a mammogram and consulted with a urologist in a virtual appointment.\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It can be hard for undocumented people,” Huerta said in Spanish. “I imagine a lot of other people are benefitting like we are.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Medi-Cal began covering undocumented children in 2018 and adults up to age 26 in 2020. Last May, older undocumented immigrants like Huerta became eligible. She is \u003ca href=\"https://data.chhs.ca.gov/dataset/eligible-older-adult-expansion-individuals-enrolled-in-medi-cal/resource/7271b885-7340-49e2-ba56-5435b698a972\">one of nearly 350,000\u003c/a>\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>who have signed up for full, state-funded coverage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11955365\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1200px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11955365\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/CalMattersFarmworkers03.jpg\" alt=\"A woman with a relaxed expression poses with her hands clasped in front of her beside some large plants.\" width=\"1200\" height=\"800\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/CalMattersFarmworkers03.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/CalMattersFarmworkers03-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/CalMattersFarmworkers03-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/CalMattersFarmworkers03-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Oliva Huerta, outside the Maternal and Child Health Access office in Los Angeles on July 5, 2023. \u003ccite>(Julie A Hotz/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Next January coverage will open to low-income immigrants of all ages; an estimated 700,000 will be eligible. The full-fledged expansion will cost $2.6 billion a year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It marks a significant turnaround from the policy debates of 1994 when California voters passed a measure barring immigrants without legal status from public services such as non-emergency health care, elementary and secondary schools and public colleges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure drew mass protests, but passed with 59% of the vote. A federal judge ultimately blocked it from taking effect on constitutional grounds. But activists saw xenophobic sentiments that galvanized them to rally around immigrants’ rights. Abrego said many Latino advocates and politicians today \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/newsletters/whatmatters/2019/11/looking-back-on-proposition-187-the-initiative-that-transformed-california-politics/\">remain fueled\u003c/a> by opposition to the policies of the 1990s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2001, California became one of the first states to make undocumented students eligible for in-state tuition at public colleges, if they’d graduated from high school in-state. Ten years later, it allowed undocumented students to get state financial aid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2013, California allowed undocumented residents to get driver’s licenses. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2023/01/drivers-licenses-undocumented-immigrants/\">More than 1 million\u003c/a> have received them since 2015.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2020, the state \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2020/09/18/governor-newsom-signs-bill-putting-money-back-into-the-pockets-of-more-california-workers-and-their-families/#:~:text=SACRAMENTO%20%E2%80%93%20Governor%20Gavin%20Newsom%20today,Child%20Tax%20Credit%20(YCTC).\">allowed\u003c/a> undocumented tax filers to receive the state’s earned income tax credit, returning thousands of dollars to low-income families each year. That year Californians \u003ca href=\"https://www.ftb.ca.gov/about-ftb/data-reports-plans/California-Earned-Income-Tax-Credit-and-Young-Child-Tax-credit-Report.pdf\">claimed $120 million more\u003c/a> in tax credits than the year before, according to the Franchise Tax Board.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Policymakers continue to make new proposals for immigrants living without legal status.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A bill \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240AB1536\">introduced this year\u003c/a> would give undocumented residents access to the Cash Assistance Program for Immigrants, a state-funded\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>benefit created for elderly and disabled residents who don’t qualify for Social Security because federal law bars most noncitizens.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240AB4\">Another bill\u003c/a> aims to let undocumented residents who earn too much to qualify for Medi-Cal get subsidized health insurance in the Covered California marketplace\u003cstrong>. \u003c/strong>That move would require federal approval.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Immigrant poverty\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Poverty plunged in California from 16.4% in 2019 to nearly 12% in 2021, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2022/11/child-tax-credit/\">thanks to such pandemic aid programs\u003c/a> as expanded child tax credits and food and cash assistance, \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/publication/poverty-in-california/\">according to\u003c/a> the Public Policy Institute of California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But undocumented immigrants were much harder hit. While 16% of immigrant Californians lived in poverty in 2021, 25% of undocumented immigrants did.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S1876285921003752#:~:text=Children%20in%20immigrant%20families%20are%20becoming%20a%20larger%20share%20of,of%20all%20children%20in%20poverty.&text=The%20vast%20majority%20of%20children,91%25)%20are%20US%20citizens.\">disparities extend\u003c/a> to immigrants’ children — many of whom are U.S.-born. Thirteen percent of children in immigrant families live in poverty in California, which is double the rate for children of parents who are U.S. citizens, according to Patricia Malagon, a Public Policy Institute researcher.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A March analysis by the Public Policy Institute predicts that fully expanding Medi-Cal next year could \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/publication/the-impact-of-health-insurance-on-poverty-in-california/\">lower poverty\u003c/a> among non-citizen Californians by up to 3%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The programs that reduce poverty the most are tax credits and CalFresh — the state’s food stamps program, said Paulette Cha, a Public Policy Institute researcher.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>California already uses its own funds to \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2022/06/california-food-assistance/\">pay for food assistance\u003c/a> for about 35,000 legally present immigrants — primarily recent green card holders — who are barred from the traditional food stamps program by federal law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Undocumented immigrants who are 55 and older \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2022/06/california-food-assistance/\">will qualify\u003c/a> in October 2025; administration officials said they \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2023/05/california-budget-deficit-newsom/\">need time\u003c/a> to make computer system upgrades before enrolling new recipients. At its peak, the state estimates 75,000 older immigrants will get food assistance at a cost of $113 million annually.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Unemployment benefits battle\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Advocates want California officials to commit to food stamps for undocumented immigrants of all ages. And they’re disappointed at the lack of action on unemployment benefits. Colorado and New York have started programs to pay jobless benefits to undocumented workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California lawmakers passed a bill last year to start a pilot program that would pay unemployment benefits to workers who are ineligible because of immigration status, but \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/2022/09/AB-2847-VETO.pdf?emrc=87cd0d\">Newsom vetoed\u003c/a> it, citing costs amid signs of a deficit. This spring hundreds of activists and workers marched on the Capitol to demand the benefits, pointing to those who lost work in both the pandemic and this year’s floods.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A bill this year would give undocumented workers who lose work $300 in weekly benefits for up to 20 weeks, the maximum time allowed in the traditional unemployment program. Aside from the cost of benefits, the Economic Development Department estimates it would need at least $271 million to implement the program.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>In May, after Newsom presented a bigger deficit than previously predicted, advocates pared down their proposal to instead seek a working group to study the issue. Still, that failed to make it into the budget.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates with the Safety Net For All Coalition said they hoped lawmakers could still reach a deal to fund the working group during this\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>legislative session.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That leaves relief still unavailable for California farmworkers — over half of whom are undocumented — still recovering from the winter floods, and the pandemic before them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jorge Ruiz, a Santa Maria area farmworker, is one of them. Usually, he works year-round, rotating between labor-intensive crops like lettuce, broccoli, grapes and other vegetables. Beginning in December, months of heavy rain cost him $3,000 to $4,000 in lost wages, he said. Plus his family is still recovering from the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Simply put, the government has tossed us aside,” Ruiz said in Spanish. “Even though we use all of our strength to get those products to the store, the government leaves us behind and doesn’t help us. So we are left without money.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"info": "Every week, The California Report Magazine takes you on a road trip for the ears: to visit the places and meet the people who make California unique. The in-depth storytelling podcast from the California Report.",
"airtime": "FRI 4:30pm-5pm, 6:30pm-7pm, 11pm-11:30pm",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/californiareportmagazine",
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"order": 10
},
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},
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"id": "city-arts",
"title": "City Arts & Lectures",
"info": "A one-hour radio program to hear celebrated writers, artists and thinkers address contemporary ideas and values, often discussing the creative process. Please note: tapes or transcripts are not available",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/05/cityartsandlecture-300x300.jpg",
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"airtime": "SUN 1pm-2pm, TUE 10pm, WED 1am",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "City Arts & Lectures"
},
"link": "https://www.cityarts.net",
"subscribe": {
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"rss": "https://www.cityarts.net/feed/"
}
},
"closealltabs": {
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"info": "Close All Tabs breaks down how digital culture shapes our world through thoughtful insights and irreverent humor.",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/closealltabs",
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"order": 1
},
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"title": "Code Switch / Life Kit",
"info": "\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em>, which listeners will hear in the first part of the hour, has fearless and much-needed conversations about race. Hosted by journalists of color, the show tackles the subject of race head-on, exploring how it impacts every part of society — from politics and pop culture to history, sports and more.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em>, which will be in the second part of the hour, guides you through spaces and feelings no one prepares you for — from finances to mental health, from workplace microaggressions to imposter syndrome, from relationships to parenting. The show features experts with real world experience and shares their knowledge. Because everyone needs a little help being human.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/podcasts/510312/codeswitch\">\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/lifekit\">\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />",
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"meta": {
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly93d3cubnByLm9yZy9yc3MvcG9kY2FzdC5waHA_aWQ9NTEwMzEy",
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"id": "commonwealth-club",
"title": "Commonwealth Club of California Podcast",
"info": "The Commonwealth Club of California is the nation's oldest and largest public affairs forum. As a non-partisan forum, The Club brings to the public airwaves diverse viewpoints on important topics. The Club's weekly radio broadcast - the oldest in the U.S., dating back to 1924 - is carried across the nation on public radio stations and is now podcasting. Our website archive features audio of our recent programs, as well as selected speeches from our long and distinguished history. This podcast feed is usually updated twice a week and is always un-edited.",
"airtime": "THU 10pm, FRI 1am",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Commonwealth-Club-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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"meta": {
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"source": "Commonwealth Club of California"
},
"link": "/radio/program/commonwealth-club",
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cDovL3d3dy5jb21tb253ZWFsdGhjbHViLm9yZy9hdWRpby9wb2RjYXN0L3dlZWtseS54bWw",
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},
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"id": "forum",
"title": "Forum",
"tagline": "The conversation starts here",
"info": "KQED’s live call-in program discussing local, state, national and international issues, as well as in-depth interviews.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 9am-11am, 10pm-11pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Forum-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED Forum with Mina Kim and Alexis Madrigal",
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 9
},
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM5NTU3MzgxNjMz",
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"id": "freakonomics-radio",
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"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/freakonomicsRadio.png",
"officialWebsiteLink": "http://freakonomics.com/",
"airtime": "SUN 1am-2am, SAT 3pm-4pm",
"meta": {
"site": "radio",
"source": "WNYC"
},
"link": "/radio/program/freakonomics-radio",
"subscribe": {
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/freakonomics-radio/id354668519",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/podcasts/WNYC-Podcasts/Freakonomics-Radio-p272293/",
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},
"fresh-air": {
"id": "fresh-air",
"title": "Fresh Air",
"info": "Hosted by Terry Gross, \u003cem>Fresh Air from WHYY\u003c/em> is the Peabody Award-winning weekday magazine of contemporary arts and issues. One of public radio's most popular programs, Fresh Air features intimate conversations with today's biggest luminaries.",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/WebObjects/MZStore.woa/wa/viewPodcast?s=143441&mt=2&id=214089682&at=11l79Y&ct=nprdirectory",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/381444908/podcast.xml"
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"info": "A live production of NPR and WBUR Boston, in collaboration with stations across the country, Here & Now reflects the fluid world of news as it's happening in the middle of the day, with timely, in-depth news, interviews and conversation. Hosted by Robin Young, Jeremy Hobson and Tonya Mosley.",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510051/podcast.xml"
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},
"hidden-brain": {
"id": "hidden-brain",
"title": "Hidden Brain",
"info": "Shankar Vedantam uses science and storytelling to reveal the unconscious patterns that drive human behavior, shape our choices and direct our relationships.",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/series/423302056/hidden-brain",
"airtime": "SUN 7pm-8pm",
"meta": {
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"source": "NPR"
},
"link": "/radio/program/hidden-brain",
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},
"how-i-built-this": {
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"title": "How I Built This with Guy Raz",
"info": "Guy Raz dives into the stories behind some of the world's best known companies. How I Built This weaves a narrative journey about innovators, entrepreneurs and idealists—and the movements they built.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/howIBuiltThis.png",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/podcasts/510313/how-i-built-this",
"airtime": "SUN 7:30pm-8pm",
"meta": {
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"source": "npr"
},
"link": "/radio/program/how-i-built-this",
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"npr": "https://rpb3r.app.goo.gl/3zxy",
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/how-i-built-this-with-guy-raz/id1150510297?mt=2",
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"hyphenacion": {
"id": "hyphenacion",
"title": "Hyphenación",
"tagline": "Where conversation and cultura meet",
"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/03/Hyphenacion_FinalAssets_PodcastTile.png",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/hyphenacion",
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"order": 15
},
"link": "/podcasts/hyphenacion",
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"spotify": "https://open.spotify.com/show/2p3Fifq96nw9BPcmFdIq0o?si=39209f7b25774f38",
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},
"jerrybrown": {
"id": "jerrybrown",
"title": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown",
"tagline": "Lessons from a lifetime in politics",
"info": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown brings listeners the wisdom of the former Governor, Mayor, and presidential candidate. Scott Shafer interviewed Brown for more than 40 hours, covering the former governor's life and half-century in the political game – and Brown has some lessons he'd like to share. ",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-Political-Mind-of-Jerry-Brown-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/jerrybrown",
"meta": {
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 18
},
"link": "/podcasts/jerrybrown",
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}
},
"latino-usa": {
"id": "latino-usa",
"title": "Latino USA",
"airtime": "MON 1am-2am, SUN 6pm-7pm",
"info": "Latino USA, the radio journal of news and culture, is the only national, English-language radio program produced from a Latino perspective.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/latinoUsa.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "http://latinousa.org/",
"meta": {
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},
"link": "/radio/program/latino-usa",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/WebObjects/MZStore.woa/wa/viewPodcast?s=143441&mt=2&id=79681317&at=11l79Y&ct=nprdirectory",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510016/podcast.xml"
}
},
"marketplace": {
"id": "marketplace",
"title": "Marketplace",
"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 4pm-4:30pm, MON-WED 6:30pm-7pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Marketplace-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.marketplace.org/",
"meta": {
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"source": "American Public Media"
},
"link": "/radio/program/marketplace",
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"rss": "https://feeds.publicradio.org/public_feeds/marketplace-pm/rss/rss"
}
},
"masters-of-scale": {
"id": "masters-of-scale",
"title": "Masters of Scale",
"info": "Masters of Scale is an original podcast in which LinkedIn co-founder and Greylock Partner Reid Hoffman sets out to describe and prove theories that explain how great entrepreneurs take their companies from zero to a gazillion in ingenious fashion.",
"airtime": "Every other Wednesday June 12 through October 16 at 8pm (repeats Thursdays at 2am)",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "https://mastersofscale.com/",
"meta": {
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"source": "WaitWhat"
},
"link": "/radio/program/masters-of-scale",
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"apple": "http://mastersofscale.app.link/",
"rss": "https://rss.art19.com/masters-of-scale"
}
},
"mindshift": {
"id": "mindshift",
"title": "MindShift",
"tagline": "A podcast about the future of learning and how we raise our kids",
"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Mindshift-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED MindShift: How We Will Learn",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/mindshift/",
"meta": {
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 12
},
"link": "/podcasts/mindshift",
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM1NzY0NjAwNDI5",
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}
},
"morning-edition": {
"id": "morning-edition",
"title": "Morning Edition",
"info": "\u003cem>Morning Edition\u003c/em> takes listeners around the country and the world with multi-faceted stories and commentaries every weekday. Hosts Steve Inskeep, David Greene and Rachel Martin bring you the latest breaking news and features to prepare you for the day.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 3am-9am",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Morning-Edition-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/programs/morning-edition/",
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"link": "/radio/program/morning-edition"
},
"onourwatch": {
"id": "onourwatch",
"title": "On Our Watch",
"tagline": "Deeply-reported investigative journalism",
"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/On-Our-Watch-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "On Our Watch from NPR and KQED",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/onourwatch",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "kqed",
"order": 11
},
"link": "/podcasts/onourwatch",
"subscribe": {
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5ucHIub3JnLzUxMDM2MC9wb2RjYXN0LnhtbD9zYz1nb29nbGVwb2RjYXN0cw",
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}
},
"on-the-media": {
"id": "on-the-media",
"title": "On The Media",
"info": "Our weekly podcast explores how the media 'sausage' is made, casts an incisive eye on fluctuations in the marketplace of ideas, and examines threats to the freedom of information and expression in America and abroad. For one hour a week, the show tries to lift the veil from the process of \"making media,\" especially news media, because it's through that lens that we see the world and the world sees us",
"airtime": "SUN 2pm-3pm, MON 12am-1am",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/onTheMedia.png",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.wnycstudios.org/shows/otm",
"meta": {
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"source": "wnyc"
},
"link": "/radio/program/on-the-media",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/on-the-media/id73330715?mt=2",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/radio/On-the-Media-p69/",
"rss": "http://feeds.wnyc.org/onthemedia"
}
},
"pbs-newshour": {
"id": "pbs-newshour",
"title": "PBS NewsHour",
"info": "Analysis, background reports and updates from the PBS NewsHour putting today's news in context.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 3pm-4pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/PBS-News-Hour-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.pbs.org/newshour/",
"meta": {
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"source": "pbs"
},
"link": "/radio/program/pbs-newshour",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/pbs-newshour-full-show/id394432287?mt=2",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/radio/PBS-NewsHour---Full-Show-p425698/",
"rss": "https://www.pbs.org/newshour/feeds/rss/podcasts/show"
}
},
"perspectives": {
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