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"content": "\u003cp>Early last month, a man was injured after \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/bayarea/article/Hang-glider-in-stable-condition-after-crash-at-17484895.php\">crash-landing a hang glider\u003c/a> at Fort Funston. In August, fire crews were sent out to rescue \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/sf/article/Hiker-lost-in-the-cold-on-Fort-Funston-rescued-17381978.php\">a hiker who got lost\u003c/a> in the area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In light of seemingly frequent calls for service from Fort Funston, KQED requested data from the San Francisco Fire Department on incidents they’ve responded to in the area, finding that over the last five years, SFFD crews have been called to the cliffs 165 times — 97 of which were for rescues. Often, fire crews responding to calls of dogs stuck on the sheer cliffs arrive to find humans in distress after failed rescue attempts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The cliffs at the former missile launch site provide a panoramic view of miles of coastline and the ocean beyond. Horse riders and hang gliders frequent this spot to amble through the wind. Trails snake along the dunes among dusty signs warning “Stay back from the edge,” “Hang glider landing zone” and “Unstable cliff.” The vistas are alluring to both human and dog, who can be liable to give the signs equal consideration — or a lack thereof.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The National Park Service, which runs the system of parks in the area, has a “no-leash” policy at the fort, so pets are free to roam as they please. With the wide-open space and fellow hounds to socialize with, it is not uncommon for dogs to stray from their owners toward the edge.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Even with the risks, the Park Service and the fire department have no intention of setting up a fence or guardrail, according to Lt. John Baxter with SFFD. He says almost all the numerous daily visitors to the park adhere to the warnings and stay on solid ground, and the department’s intent is for people to enjoy the park in its natural state and trust that people preserve their own safety. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Surprisingly, even with dozens of pets running over the dunes, only three of the 97 reported rescues were for dogs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Baxter has been involved in many of these rescues. He explains that people will see their dog land in a precarious situation, call the fire department, and still attempt to conduct a rescue themselves. In the roughly five to six minutes it takes for the rescue team to arrive, the situation can flip entirely.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Ironically, we’ve had so many incidents where the pet is up with our rescue workers watching us rescue the human companion, because the dog was able to make it back up,” Baxter said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is another reason why we say don’t go over the cliff — call us. If we have to get canceled, we don’t care. We’re happy!”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Daly City resident Julio Valdez walks his dog at Fort Funston twice a day, and he says he’s seen the same thing happen countless times. He said, “A lot of times they don’t give the dog enough justice of being a dog and letting them run free.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the various stories shared with KQED by those who had witnessed or participated in these rescues, a trend appeared: A claustrophobic city dog hops out of the car, and the normally house-trained pet has its instincts activated by the distractions of the natural world. Several park visitors said the ravens seem to trick the dogs into chasing them off the edge. Others suggested that the owner’s callback gets drowned out by the wind, or is missed amid the excitement of meeting so many other animals. This may cause a dog owner to panic, thinking their dog has gone rogue, and a chase may ensue. Other times, the human companions might lose sight of their pet, see the shape of their dog slip from view over the crest of a dune, and dive after them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unfortunately, the popularity of the park and the frequency of successful rescues may cause people to forget that the attractive landscape has been the site of deadly disasters. \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">They may not know about the man who crashed his hang glider last month\u003c/span>, or that on Christmas Day 2020 a person was critically injured after \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/bayarea/article/Woman-survives-plunge-over-cliff-at-S-F-s-Fort-15828493.php\">driving her car off the cliff\u003c/a>. They may forget that in 2019 \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfgate.com/bayarea/article/sf-beach-landslide-Kyra-Sunshine-Scarlet-13652962.php#photo-16971366\">a young woman died\u003c/a> when the eroded sand gave way and buried her, a friend and their dog on the beach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Considering how frequently these events happen, one might wonder why leashes are not mandatory, or why people still try to scale down the windswept cliffs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sally Stephens is the chair of SFDOG, a dog owner’s group that pushes for expanded access for pet owners in the city, which includes off-leash policies. She says not having to use a leash is ideal for owners who are seeking to train their dog’s behavior or build trust. It is also good for the comfort of dogs, whose emotional well-being relies on mobility.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stephens says that, ultimately, the responsibility is on dog owners to be conscientious and use their common sense. Her advice for owners is to not let dogs off leash if they do not reliably return to the sound of your voice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Off-leash recreation with your dog doesn’t just mean letting your dog run free. In fact the Park Service calls them voice-control areas. You have to have control of your dog, whether that be with a leash or with your voice,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The unobstructed edges at Fort Funston are beloved but, like all natural wonders, call for awareness and practical knowledge of the environment. If a dog ends up on the slope, Baxter recommends calling the rescue team and emphasizes waiting in place, away from the cliff. Very likely, a dog has a better ability to climb or descend safely than its owner.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, whether a visitor brings a dog or not, eroded sand is a danger to anybody who stands on it. Take care to follow the signs and not leave the trail — otherwise a rescue team and a city fine might come your way.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Early last month, a man was injured after \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/bayarea/article/Hang-glider-in-stable-condition-after-crash-at-17484895.php\">crash-landing a hang glider\u003c/a> at Fort Funston. In August, fire crews were sent out to rescue \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/sf/article/Hiker-lost-in-the-cold-on-Fort-Funston-rescued-17381978.php\">a hiker who got lost\u003c/a> in the area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In light of seemingly frequent calls for service from Fort Funston, KQED requested data from the San Francisco Fire Department on incidents they’ve responded to in the area, finding that over the last five years, SFFD crews have been called to the cliffs 165 times — 97 of which were for rescues. Often, fire crews responding to calls of dogs stuck on the sheer cliffs arrive to find humans in distress after failed rescue attempts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The cliffs at the former missile launch site provide a panoramic view of miles of coastline and the ocean beyond. Horse riders and hang gliders frequent this spot to amble through the wind. Trails snake along the dunes among dusty signs warning “Stay back from the edge,” “Hang glider landing zone” and “Unstable cliff.” The vistas are alluring to both human and dog, who can be liable to give the signs equal consideration — or a lack thereof.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The National Park Service, which runs the system of parks in the area, has a “no-leash” policy at the fort, so pets are free to roam as they please. With the wide-open space and fellow hounds to socialize with, it is not uncommon for dogs to stray from their owners toward the edge.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Even with the risks, the Park Service and the fire department have no intention of setting up a fence or guardrail, according to Lt. John Baxter with SFFD. He says almost all the numerous daily visitors to the park adhere to the warnings and stay on solid ground, and the department’s intent is for people to enjoy the park in its natural state and trust that people preserve their own safety. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Surprisingly, even with dozens of pets running over the dunes, only three of the 97 reported rescues were for dogs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Baxter has been involved in many of these rescues. He explains that people will see their dog land in a precarious situation, call the fire department, and still attempt to conduct a rescue themselves. In the roughly five to six minutes it takes for the rescue team to arrive, the situation can flip entirely.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Ironically, we’ve had so many incidents where the pet is up with our rescue workers watching us rescue the human companion, because the dog was able to make it back up,” Baxter said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is another reason why we say don’t go over the cliff — call us. If we have to get canceled, we don’t care. We’re happy!”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Daly City resident Julio Valdez walks his dog at Fort Funston twice a day, and he says he’s seen the same thing happen countless times. He said, “A lot of times they don’t give the dog enough justice of being a dog and letting them run free.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the various stories shared with KQED by those who had witnessed or participated in these rescues, a trend appeared: A claustrophobic city dog hops out of the car, and the normally house-trained pet has its instincts activated by the distractions of the natural world. Several park visitors said the ravens seem to trick the dogs into chasing them off the edge. Others suggested that the owner’s callback gets drowned out by the wind, or is missed amid the excitement of meeting so many other animals. This may cause a dog owner to panic, thinking their dog has gone rogue, and a chase may ensue. Other times, the human companions might lose sight of their pet, see the shape of their dog slip from view over the crest of a dune, and dive after them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unfortunately, the popularity of the park and the frequency of successful rescues may cause people to forget that the attractive landscape has been the site of deadly disasters. \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">They may not know about the man who crashed his hang glider last month\u003c/span>, or that on Christmas Day 2020 a person was critically injured after \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/bayarea/article/Woman-survives-plunge-over-cliff-at-S-F-s-Fort-15828493.php\">driving her car off the cliff\u003c/a>. They may forget that in 2019 \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfgate.com/bayarea/article/sf-beach-landslide-Kyra-Sunshine-Scarlet-13652962.php#photo-16971366\">a young woman died\u003c/a> when the eroded sand gave way and buried her, a friend and their dog on the beach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Considering how frequently these events happen, one might wonder why leashes are not mandatory, or why people still try to scale down the windswept cliffs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sally Stephens is the chair of SFDOG, a dog owner’s group that pushes for expanded access for pet owners in the city, which includes off-leash policies. She says not having to use a leash is ideal for owners who are seeking to train their dog’s behavior or build trust. It is also good for the comfort of dogs, whose emotional well-being relies on mobility.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stephens says that, ultimately, the responsibility is on dog owners to be conscientious and use their common sense. Her advice for owners is to not let dogs off leash if they do not reliably return to the sound of your voice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Off-leash recreation with your dog doesn’t just mean letting your dog run free. In fact the Park Service calls them voice-control areas. You have to have control of your dog, whether that be with a leash or with your voice,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The unobstructed edges at Fort Funston are beloved but, like all natural wonders, call for awareness and practical knowledge of the environment. If a dog ends up on the slope, Baxter recommends calling the rescue team and emphasizes waiting in place, away from the cliff. Very likely, a dog has a better ability to climb or descend safely than its owner.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, whether a visitor brings a dog or not, eroded sand is a danger to anybody who stands on it. Take care to follow the signs and not leave the trail — otherwise a rescue team and a city fine might come your way.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Newsom Campaigned on Building 3.5 Million Homes. He Hasn't Gotten Even Close",
"title": "Newsom Campaigned on Building 3.5 Million Homes. He Hasn't Gotten Even Close",
"headTitle": "CALmatters | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>It’s difficult for housing advocates to criticize Gov. Gavin Newsom because he’s done more to boost production than any other governor in recent memory — but that’s mostly because the bar is so low.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Measured against the goal he set for himself, Newsom’s record is less impressive. Just 13% of the 3.5 million homes he campaigned on building have been permitted, let alone built. He’s walked back the goal many times, settling on a new target earlier this year: Cities need to have planned a combined 2.5 million homes by 2030. So, a million fewer homes planned for, not built, and over a longer time frame.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom can point to some accomplishments: He signed bills that \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2019/09/big-rent-hikes-illegal-in-california-heres-what-to-know/\">capped big rent hikes statewide\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2021/09/california-housing-crisis-newsom-signs-bills/\">legalized duplexes and fourplexes\u003c/a> on most developable land and unlocked millions of potential \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2022/09/california-housing-podcast-ab-2011/\">apartments on empty strip malls\u003c/a>. He \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2022/10/california-homeless-crisis-latinos/\">sheltered tens of thousands of people experiencing homelessness\u003c/a> amid a pandemic and dedicated more dollars to housing and homelessness than ever before.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But as he finalizes his first term and \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/election-2022/2022/10/gavin-newsom-campaign-president/\">coasts into the second\u003c/a>, Newsom finds himself mired in an even deeper housing and \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2022/10/california-homeless-crisis-latinos/\">homelessness crisis\u003c/a> than the one he inherited.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Running for governor in 2017, then-Lt. Gov. Newsom pledged to spur a never-before-seen tsunami of homebuilding in California to bridge the gap between the growing population and shrinking stock of housing driving the affordability crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As Governor, I will lead the effort to develop the 3.5 million new housing units we need by 2025 because our solutions must be as bold as the problem is big,” Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://medium.com/@GavinNewsom/the-california-dream-starts-at-home-9dbb38c51cae\">wrote on Medium\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The goal was true to character: \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2018/10/gavin-newsom-profile-california-governor-election/\">big, hairy and audacious\u003c/a>. It would have required building an average of 500,000 homes a year in a state that has only surpassed the 300,000 mark \u003ca href=\"https://la.curbed.com/2018/11/8/18073066/california-governor-election-gavin-newsom-housing-plan\">twice in more than 50 years\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom didn’t get even close.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the nearly four years since he took office, California cities are projected to have permitted a total of about 452,000 homes — fewer than Newsom pledged he’d build in one year alone, according to local data collected by the Construction Industry Research Board.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe src=\"https://e.infogram.com/_/Re1mI4JBl1bUtlSDHcnI?src=embed\" title=\"2022 Housing production in California\" width=\"800\" height=\"700\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border:none;\" allowfullscreen=\"allowfullscreen\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When asked about his shortcomings at a \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=JSy2VOGkBF8&t=1s\">recent press conference\u003c/a>, Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2019-10-21/newsom-gavin-affordable-housing-homeless-q-a\">wrote off his original goal\u003c/a> as he has many times before, by paraphrasing Michelangelo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The biggest risk in life, however one defines risk, is not that we aim too high and miss it. It’s that we aim too low and reach it,” Newsom said. “It was always a stretch goal.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Housing advocates acknowledge that policy change is by nature slow and incremental, and like many other proposals, long-term housing goals took a back seat to the COVID-19 pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the reality on the ground — that there aren’t enough houses for everyone and the ones that exist are hideously expensive — continues to exasperate \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/publication/ppic-statewide-survey-californians-and-their-government-may-2022/\">Californians who repeatedly rank housing and homelessness among their top concerns\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State Sen. Brian Dahle, the \u003ca href=\"https://briandahle.com/homelessness/\">Republican candidate for governor\u003c/a>, and other state Republicans have routinely attacked Newsom’s record on housing, including \u003ca href=\"https://republicans.senate.ca.gov/content/legislative-republicans-call-special-session-combat-homeless-crisis-immediately\">calling for a special session\u003c/a> on homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We need government to treat this the way we treat a natural disaster, because that’s how it’s impacting people’s lives,” said Chione Lucina Muñoz Flegal, executive director of \u003ca href=\"https://www.housingca.org/\">Housing California\u003c/a>, a housing advocacy organization. “And that’s not what we see happening.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 id=\"h-a-marshall-plan-for-housing\">A Marshall Plan for housing?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Housing policy advocates described Newsom’s stated goal of 3.5 million new homes in four years the same way he has: aspirational. They say that’s because the state doesn’t build housing in California — private developers do, with the approval of local governments. So what really grabbed advocates’ attention was the “Marshall Plan for affordable housing” Newsom pledged to launch during his \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2019/01/gavin-newsom-california-inauguration-speech-policy-highlights/\">inaugural speech\u003c/a>, recalling the multibillion-dollar program to rebuild Western Europe following World War II.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As much as the number was important, the idea of building a streamlined process of building, that was amazing, because that’s really the challenge of California,” said Dan Dunmoyer, president of the California Building Industry Association. He said that dream remains elusive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California has some of the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/explainers/housing-costs-high-california/\">highest housing costs\u003c/a> in the nation because of how little “marshaling” there is, Dunmoyer said. Land costs are prohibitive, and zoning rules limit much of what can be built. Housing must get approved at the local level, which has ample opportunity for community input. Those communities can then block unpopular projects, such as multifamily or affordable housing. Another culprit: impact fees cities charge to fund infrastructure that can \u003ca href=\"https://ternercenter.berkeley.edu/blog/residential-impact-fees/\">exceed $150,000 a home\u003c/a>, some of the highest in the nation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Louis Mirante, vice president of public policy, Bay Area Council\"]'To stop a project, you only need one red light. But to make a project go, you need at least 100 green lights. A lot of the legislation the governor has been signing has been those green lights.'[/pullquote]The closest Newsom may have gotten to bulldozing those barriers is \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2020/11/newsom-pandemic-beat-homelessness/\">Project Homekey\u003c/a>. After COVID-19 hit, the administration scrambled to turn 94 hotels and motels into more than 6,000 shelter units for people experiencing homelessness, which would later become permanent homes, within record-setting months. The projects \u003ca href=\"https://www.politico.com/news/2021/11/04/main-recoverylab-cities-la-sros-518602\">bypassed local land use rules and a marquee environmental law\u003c/a> often blamed for slowing or killing controversial projects. The state has since expanded the $800 million project with more than $2.75 billion in new funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom signed more than a dozen bills allowing housing types that met certain conditions to skip lengthy approval processes at the local level. Two are expected to have the biggest impact: one that \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2021/08/california-housing-crisis-zoning-bill/\">legalized duplexes and fourplexes\u003c/a> on the two-thirds of developable land in California \u003ca href=\"https://ternercenter.berkeley.edu/wp-content/uploads/2021/07/SB-9-Brief-July-2021-Final.pdf\">previously zoned for single-family homes\u003c/a>, and another that \u003ca href=\"https://urbanfootprint.com/ab2011-analysis/\">allows apartments\u003c/a> on land previously allotted for \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2022/05/california-housing-crisis-unions/\">retail centers, parking lots and offices along arterial roads\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While a zoning change doesn’t build housing, it’s a first step to making it legal. Combined, the two laws could open up previously blocked space for more than 2 million housing units.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The effect of legislation is often hard to prove, because it’s only one factor of many in the development process,” said Louis Mirante, vice president of public policy at the \u003ca href=\"https://www.bayareacouncil.org/\">Bay Area Council\u003c/a>. “To stop a project, you only need one red light. But to make a project go, you need at least 100 green lights. A lot of the legislation the governor has been signing has been those green lights.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But yellow and red lights abound, including rising interest rates and prohibitive material costs. While it took political courage to sign a controversial measure like the one streamlining duplex and fourplex construction, Newsom remained largely quiet on those bills until they reached the finish line, and hasn’t championed a more sweeping production policy proposal on his own.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He can step in and resolve the problems if he really wanted to prioritize the issue,” said Chris Martin, policy director at Housing California. “He has the power to do it, but politically, it’s challenging. He’s going to have to make some uncomfortable decisions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 id=\"h-moving-the-goalposts\">Moving the goalposts\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>While Newsom has repeatedly called the 3.5 million goal taken from a \u003ca href=\"https://www.mckinsey.com/~/media/mckinsey/industries/public%20and%20social%20sector/our%20insights/closing%20californias%20housing%20gap/closing-californias-housing-gap-full-report.pdf\">2016 McKinsey study\u003c/a> a moon shot, he has put his weight behind another number: 2.5 million. That’s how many homes the Legislature has mandated California cities to plan for by 2030, and Newsom’s team is making sure they do.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Before we can reach our stretch goals, before you can reach the moon, you’ve got to get off the launch pad,” said Jason Elliott, Newsom’s senior counselor on housing and homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label='More Housing Coverage' tag='housing']The planning law has been on the books for decades, but it wasn’t until 2017 that the state Legislature gave the process teeth by creating standards and penalties cities must abide by. The \u003cem>plans\u003c/em> for the housing that those standards and penalties apply to weren’t even due for most cities until this year. And the deadlines are different for different regions. It’s a slow process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cities now have to zone for more than double the housing they did in previous years, and it has to be on sites where housing could actually be built. And if they don’t do it, they risk \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2022/03/california-housing-goals/\">losing affordable housing dollars\u003c/a> or even \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/newsletters/whatmatters/2022/10/california-housing-crisis-nimby/\">forgoing housing approval decisions\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But having laws on the books — even if they feature new penalties — doesn’t mean anything unless someone is there to enforce them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To that end, Newsom staffed up a $4.65 million \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2022/04/california-duplex-housing/\">accountability and enforcement unit\u003c/a> within the housing department, with \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2022/05/california-housing-podcast-rob-bonta-housing-enforcement/\">reinforcements at the state’s Justice Department\u003c/a>. Cities seem to be paying heed, but it’s all fun and games until actual homes get built.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For many years in California, the Regional Housing Needs [Allocation] process was an afterthought at best,” Elliott said. “It was not taken seriously because there were largely no consequences for local governments failing to meet their responsibilities. And that’s not ancient history, but through a very concerted effort by this governor and the administration in partnership with the Legislature, RHNA is now very serious. And I think communities are taking it seriously.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, planning isn’t building, and a recurring complaint about the process from cities is that while it requires a lot of affordable housing to be planned for — 1 million of the 2.5 million units must be affordable to the lowest earners — the state doesn’t provide nearly enough tax credits and other subsidies to build it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re funding a quarter of that, at best,” said Paavo Monkkonen, associate professor of urban planning at UCLA’s Luskin School of Public Affairs. “So that’s an interesting conundrum, where their own goal is unattainable. And there’s not really a Manhattan Project to make that happen.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe src=\"https://e.infogram.com/9c485c33-4c31-4f78-ae36-07dc50a75dc3?src=embed\" title=\"Affordable housing production\" width=\"800\" height=\"850\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border:none;\" allowfullscreen=\"allowfullscreen\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With the Legislature, Newsom has dedicated unprecedented dollars to affordable housing, including \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2021/07/19/governor-newsom-signs-historic-housing-and-homelessness-funding-package-as-part-of-100-billion-california-comeback-plan/\">$10.3 billion in 2021\u003c/a>. Funding the current affordable housing need alone, however, would require \u003ca href=\"https://chpc.net/roadmaphome2030/\">nearly $18 billion a year over a decade\u003c/a>, according to a recent estimate from Housing California and California Housing Partnership. And there is no long-term source of funding for housing in California. As budget projections for next year sour, affordable housing advocates worry those funds might dry up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In these years of good budget outlook, the administration has done a really good job,” said Marina Wiant, vice president of government affairs at the \u003ca href=\"https://calhsng.org/\">California Housing Consortium\u003c/a>, a nonpartisan housing advocacy organization. “It’s going to be interesting to see what they do when they have to make tough budget choices.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Gov. Gavin Newsom campaigned on housing production, an issue important to many Californians. But despite some accomplishments, the housing crisis is worse now than when he took office.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>It’s difficult for housing advocates to criticize Gov. Gavin Newsom because he’s done more to boost production than any other governor in recent memory — but that’s mostly because the bar is so low.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Measured against the goal he set for himself, Newsom’s record is less impressive. Just 13% of the 3.5 million homes he campaigned on building have been permitted, let alone built. He’s walked back the goal many times, settling on a new target earlier this year: Cities need to have planned a combined 2.5 million homes by 2030. So, a million fewer homes planned for, not built, and over a longer time frame.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom can point to some accomplishments: He signed bills that \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2019/09/big-rent-hikes-illegal-in-california-heres-what-to-know/\">capped big rent hikes statewide\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2021/09/california-housing-crisis-newsom-signs-bills/\">legalized duplexes and fourplexes\u003c/a> on most developable land and unlocked millions of potential \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2022/09/california-housing-podcast-ab-2011/\">apartments on empty strip malls\u003c/a>. He \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2022/10/california-homeless-crisis-latinos/\">sheltered tens of thousands of people experiencing homelessness\u003c/a> amid a pandemic and dedicated more dollars to housing and homelessness than ever before.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But as he finalizes his first term and \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/election-2022/2022/10/gavin-newsom-campaign-president/\">coasts into the second\u003c/a>, Newsom finds himself mired in an even deeper housing and \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2022/10/california-homeless-crisis-latinos/\">homelessness crisis\u003c/a> than the one he inherited.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Running for governor in 2017, then-Lt. Gov. Newsom pledged to spur a never-before-seen tsunami of homebuilding in California to bridge the gap between the growing population and shrinking stock of housing driving the affordability crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As Governor, I will lead the effort to develop the 3.5 million new housing units we need by 2025 because our solutions must be as bold as the problem is big,” Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://medium.com/@GavinNewsom/the-california-dream-starts-at-home-9dbb38c51cae\">wrote on Medium\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The goal was true to character: \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2018/10/gavin-newsom-profile-california-governor-election/\">big, hairy and audacious\u003c/a>. It would have required building an average of 500,000 homes a year in a state that has only surpassed the 300,000 mark \u003ca href=\"https://la.curbed.com/2018/11/8/18073066/california-governor-election-gavin-newsom-housing-plan\">twice in more than 50 years\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom didn’t get even close.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the nearly four years since he took office, California cities are projected to have permitted a total of about 452,000 homes — fewer than Newsom pledged he’d build in one year alone, according to local data collected by the Construction Industry Research Board.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe src=\"https://e.infogram.com/_/Re1mI4JBl1bUtlSDHcnI?src=embed\" title=\"2022 Housing production in California\" width=\"800\" height=\"700\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border:none;\" allowfullscreen=\"allowfullscreen\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When asked about his shortcomings at a \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=JSy2VOGkBF8&t=1s\">recent press conference\u003c/a>, Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2019-10-21/newsom-gavin-affordable-housing-homeless-q-a\">wrote off his original goal\u003c/a> as he has many times before, by paraphrasing Michelangelo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The biggest risk in life, however one defines risk, is not that we aim too high and miss it. It’s that we aim too low and reach it,” Newsom said. “It was always a stretch goal.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Housing advocates acknowledge that policy change is by nature slow and incremental, and like many other proposals, long-term housing goals took a back seat to the COVID-19 pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the reality on the ground — that there aren’t enough houses for everyone and the ones that exist are hideously expensive — continues to exasperate \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/publication/ppic-statewide-survey-californians-and-their-government-may-2022/\">Californians who repeatedly rank housing and homelessness among their top concerns\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State Sen. Brian Dahle, the \u003ca href=\"https://briandahle.com/homelessness/\">Republican candidate for governor\u003c/a>, and other state Republicans have routinely attacked Newsom’s record on housing, including \u003ca href=\"https://republicans.senate.ca.gov/content/legislative-republicans-call-special-session-combat-homeless-crisis-immediately\">calling for a special session\u003c/a> on homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We need government to treat this the way we treat a natural disaster, because that’s how it’s impacting people’s lives,” said Chione Lucina Muñoz Flegal, executive director of \u003ca href=\"https://www.housingca.org/\">Housing California\u003c/a>, a housing advocacy organization. “And that’s not what we see happening.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 id=\"h-a-marshall-plan-for-housing\">A Marshall Plan for housing?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Housing policy advocates described Newsom’s stated goal of 3.5 million new homes in four years the same way he has: aspirational. They say that’s because the state doesn’t build housing in California — private developers do, with the approval of local governments. So what really grabbed advocates’ attention was the “Marshall Plan for affordable housing” Newsom pledged to launch during his \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2019/01/gavin-newsom-california-inauguration-speech-policy-highlights/\">inaugural speech\u003c/a>, recalling the multibillion-dollar program to rebuild Western Europe following World War II.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As much as the number was important, the idea of building a streamlined process of building, that was amazing, because that’s really the challenge of California,” said Dan Dunmoyer, president of the California Building Industry Association. He said that dream remains elusive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California has some of the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/explainers/housing-costs-high-california/\">highest housing costs\u003c/a> in the nation because of how little “marshaling” there is, Dunmoyer said. Land costs are prohibitive, and zoning rules limit much of what can be built. Housing must get approved at the local level, which has ample opportunity for community input. Those communities can then block unpopular projects, such as multifamily or affordable housing. Another culprit: impact fees cities charge to fund infrastructure that can \u003ca href=\"https://ternercenter.berkeley.edu/blog/residential-impact-fees/\">exceed $150,000 a home\u003c/a>, some of the highest in the nation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The closest Newsom may have gotten to bulldozing those barriers is \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2020/11/newsom-pandemic-beat-homelessness/\">Project Homekey\u003c/a>. After COVID-19 hit, the administration scrambled to turn 94 hotels and motels into more than 6,000 shelter units for people experiencing homelessness, which would later become permanent homes, within record-setting months. The projects \u003ca href=\"https://www.politico.com/news/2021/11/04/main-recoverylab-cities-la-sros-518602\">bypassed local land use rules and a marquee environmental law\u003c/a> often blamed for slowing or killing controversial projects. The state has since expanded the $800 million project with more than $2.75 billion in new funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom signed more than a dozen bills allowing housing types that met certain conditions to skip lengthy approval processes at the local level. Two are expected to have the biggest impact: one that \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2021/08/california-housing-crisis-zoning-bill/\">legalized duplexes and fourplexes\u003c/a> on the two-thirds of developable land in California \u003ca href=\"https://ternercenter.berkeley.edu/wp-content/uploads/2021/07/SB-9-Brief-July-2021-Final.pdf\">previously zoned for single-family homes\u003c/a>, and another that \u003ca href=\"https://urbanfootprint.com/ab2011-analysis/\">allows apartments\u003c/a> on land previously allotted for \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2022/05/california-housing-crisis-unions/\">retail centers, parking lots and offices along arterial roads\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While a zoning change doesn’t build housing, it’s a first step to making it legal. Combined, the two laws could open up previously blocked space for more than 2 million housing units.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The effect of legislation is often hard to prove, because it’s only one factor of many in the development process,” said Louis Mirante, vice president of public policy at the \u003ca href=\"https://www.bayareacouncil.org/\">Bay Area Council\u003c/a>. “To stop a project, you only need one red light. But to make a project go, you need at least 100 green lights. A lot of the legislation the governor has been signing has been those green lights.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But yellow and red lights abound, including rising interest rates and prohibitive material costs. While it took political courage to sign a controversial measure like the one streamlining duplex and fourplex construction, Newsom remained largely quiet on those bills until they reached the finish line, and hasn’t championed a more sweeping production policy proposal on his own.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He can step in and resolve the problems if he really wanted to prioritize the issue,” said Chris Martin, policy director at Housing California. “He has the power to do it, but politically, it’s challenging. He’s going to have to make some uncomfortable decisions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 id=\"h-moving-the-goalposts\">Moving the goalposts\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>While Newsom has repeatedly called the 3.5 million goal taken from a \u003ca href=\"https://www.mckinsey.com/~/media/mckinsey/industries/public%20and%20social%20sector/our%20insights/closing%20californias%20housing%20gap/closing-californias-housing-gap-full-report.pdf\">2016 McKinsey study\u003c/a> a moon shot, he has put his weight behind another number: 2.5 million. That’s how many homes the Legislature has mandated California cities to plan for by 2030, and Newsom’s team is making sure they do.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Before we can reach our stretch goals, before you can reach the moon, you’ve got to get off the launch pad,” said Jason Elliott, Newsom’s senior counselor on housing and homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The planning law has been on the books for decades, but it wasn’t until 2017 that the state Legislature gave the process teeth by creating standards and penalties cities must abide by. The \u003cem>plans\u003c/em> for the housing that those standards and penalties apply to weren’t even due for most cities until this year. And the deadlines are different for different regions. It’s a slow process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cities now have to zone for more than double the housing they did in previous years, and it has to be on sites where housing could actually be built. And if they don’t do it, they risk \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2022/03/california-housing-goals/\">losing affordable housing dollars\u003c/a> or even \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/newsletters/whatmatters/2022/10/california-housing-crisis-nimby/\">forgoing housing approval decisions\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But having laws on the books — even if they feature new penalties — doesn’t mean anything unless someone is there to enforce them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To that end, Newsom staffed up a $4.65 million \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2022/04/california-duplex-housing/\">accountability and enforcement unit\u003c/a> within the housing department, with \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2022/05/california-housing-podcast-rob-bonta-housing-enforcement/\">reinforcements at the state’s Justice Department\u003c/a>. Cities seem to be paying heed, but it’s all fun and games until actual homes get built.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For many years in California, the Regional Housing Needs [Allocation] process was an afterthought at best,” Elliott said. “It was not taken seriously because there were largely no consequences for local governments failing to meet their responsibilities. And that’s not ancient history, but through a very concerted effort by this governor and the administration in partnership with the Legislature, RHNA is now very serious. And I think communities are taking it seriously.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, planning isn’t building, and a recurring complaint about the process from cities is that while it requires a lot of affordable housing to be planned for — 1 million of the 2.5 million units must be affordable to the lowest earners — the state doesn’t provide nearly enough tax credits and other subsidies to build it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re funding a quarter of that, at best,” said Paavo Monkkonen, associate professor of urban planning at UCLA’s Luskin School of Public Affairs. “So that’s an interesting conundrum, where their own goal is unattainable. And there’s not really a Manhattan Project to make that happen.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe src=\"https://e.infogram.com/9c485c33-4c31-4f78-ae36-07dc50a75dc3?src=embed\" title=\"Affordable housing production\" width=\"800\" height=\"850\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border:none;\" allowfullscreen=\"allowfullscreen\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With the Legislature, Newsom has dedicated unprecedented dollars to affordable housing, including \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2021/07/19/governor-newsom-signs-historic-housing-and-homelessness-funding-package-as-part-of-100-billion-california-comeback-plan/\">$10.3 billion in 2021\u003c/a>. Funding the current affordable housing need alone, however, would require \u003ca href=\"https://chpc.net/roadmaphome2030/\">nearly $18 billion a year over a decade\u003c/a>, according to a recent estimate from Housing California and California Housing Partnership. And there is no long-term source of funding for housing in California. As budget projections for next year sour, affordable housing advocates worry those funds might dry up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In these years of good budget outlook, the administration has done a really good job,” said Marina Wiant, vice president of government affairs at the \u003ca href=\"https://calhsng.org/\">California Housing Consortium\u003c/a>, a nonpartisan housing advocacy organization. “It’s going to be interesting to see what they do when they have to make tough budget choices.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Few things agitate drivers — and make politicians sweat — like rising prices at the pump.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Gov. Gavin Newsom\"]‘Big oil is ripping people off at the pump, and they’re making more in profits off of Californians than in any other state – that’s why we need a price gouging penalty to hold them accountable and get these profits into your pockets.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.energy.ca.gov/data-reports/energy-insights/what-drives-californias-gasoline-prices\">Gas prices in California are consistently higher than in the rest of the country\u003c/a>, thanks to state taxes, a cleaner fuel blend, an isolated gas-refining market and more. But in September, California prices jumped even higher and that gap grew wider.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom pointed the finger at the gas industry when he talked to reporters in early October, saying companies were “fleecing” drivers and \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2022/10/newsom-gas-rebate-special-session/\">called for a new “windfall profit” tax\u003c/a> on oil companies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Big oil is ripping people off at the pump, and they’re making more in profits off of Californians than in any other state – that’s why we need a price gouging penalty to hold them accountable and get these profits into your pockets,” said Newsom in a press release on Thursday after a third quarter earnings report showed \u003ca href=\"https://protect-us.mimecast.com/s/3S27Cn5zDjC67680s9pEqp?domain=mclist.us7.list-manage.com\">a dramatic profit increase for PBF Energy and Shell\u003c/a>. PBF Energy’s profit jumped from $59.1 million at this time last year to $1.06 billion — an increase of nearly 1,700%. Shell also increased profits from $4.1 billion last year to $9.45 billion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Valero, an international oil company that owns refineries in California, saw its \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2022/10/25/valero-profits-more-than-500-higher-than-a-year-ago-amid-gas-price-hikes/\">profits from July to September increase 500%\u003c/a> over the same period last year. And \u003ca href=\"https://www.consumerwatchdog.org/energy/cas-big-5-oil-refiner-profits-top-26-billion-1-gallon-watchdog-make-case-profits-disclosure\">profits on West Coast gas operations increased dramatically\u003c/a> in April through June, compared to the same time last year, at companies that own some of the state’s largest refineries, an analysis by Consumer Watchdog found.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With Newsom planning to convene a special legislative session in early December to focus on the new tax, CalMatters spoke to experts about how the idea has worked in the U.S. and abroad.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 id=\"h-windfall-profit-tax-s-checkered-past\">Windfall profit tax’s checkered past\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>This isn’t something states have done often.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>No state has done a windfall profit tax before, said David Brunori, visiting professor of public policy at George Mason University and an expert on state-level tax policy. The one debatable exception: In 2006, \u003ca href=\"https://www.alaskajournal.com/business-and-finance/2014-07-10/evolution-alaskas-oil-taxes\">Alaska began taxing net revenues on oil production\u003c/a>, with a tax rate that increased as the price of a barrel of oil increased. After some tweaks in 2007, the tax \u003ca href=\"https://www.seattletimes.com/seattle-news/windfall-tax-lets-alaska-rake-in-billions-from-big-oil/\">brought in billions of dollars for the state\u003c/a>, some of which was used to issue $1,200 payments to residents to help with high gas prices, according to The Seattle Times.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the tax was imposed, however, \u003ca href=\"https://www.alaskajournal.com/business-and-finance/2014-07-10/evolution-alaskas-oil-taxes\">drilling decreased\u003c/a> and the amount oil companies invested in developing new oil dropped, according to the Alaska Journal of Commerce. But, Brunori said, it wasn’t really a windfall profit tax because it wasn’t a direct tax on profits. It’s also not clear whether Newsom’s proposal will look anything like Alaska’s tax.[aside postID=\"news_11929137,news_11929646,news_11928011\" label=\"Related Posts\"]A windfall tax isn’t likely to raise or lower gas prices, says Severin Borenstein, energy economist at UC Berkeley, but it would be “very difficult to actually implement.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Policymakers have to decide exactly how much profit constitutes a windfall. “Above what level do we say, ‘That’s too much profit and we’re going to tax it away?’” he said. The United States temporarily embraced excess profit taxes during World War I, World War II and the Korean War, with \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/made-by-history/2022/10/24/windfall-profit-taxes/\">mixed results\u003c/a>. When the U.S. government massively ramped up spending during WWI, some companies saw their profit margins balloon. So, the government began taxing all industries’ profits above a certain return on investment, which wound up bringing in about \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/made-by-history/2022/10/24/windfall-profit-taxes/\">40% of the tax revenue raised for the war\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But, because the taxes were complicated, well-paid attorneys at large companies could use “creative gamesmanship” to reduce their employers’ tax bill, while small companies without a phalanx of lawyers shouldered more of the burden, said Joe Thorndike, director of the Tax History Project at Tax Analysts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These taxes, more than most, really are dependent on a moral argument, a moral justification, to exist, and when that starts to get picked apart by these fairness failures, it really makes it a problem,” said Thorndike.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/Lrr5u/2/\" width=\"800\" height=\"500\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The idea was revived in 1980, as the federal government prepared to relax price controls on oil produced in the U.S. That year, Congress passed what it dubbed a windfall profit tax, aimed at oil industry profits. The thinking, said Thorndike, was that companies would profit massively as crude oil rose to the market price, and the process would be expensive and painful for consumers. The tax, however, was not a tax on profits, but rather a system of excise taxes on oil, according to \u003ca href=\"https://liheapch.acf.hhs.gov/pubs/oilwindfall.pdf\">a Congressional Research Service report (PDF)\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It wasn’t a resounding success. During the eight years it was in effect, it brought in $80 billion — far lower than the $393 billion it was projected to generate, according to congressional researchers. Because the tax only applied to oil produced in the U.S., it likely decreased domestic production while increasing the country’s reliance on foreign oil, congressional researchers found. It was also difficult for the Internal Revenue Service to administer, and difficult for the oil industry to comply with. So, in 1988 it was repealed.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 id=\"h-europe-embraces-the-windfall-tax\">Europe embraces the windfall tax\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>As energy prices have spiked in Europe and the United Kingdom, leaders there have also turned to windfall taxes.\u003ca href=\"https://taxfoundation.org/windfall-tax-europe/\"> Greece, Hungary, Italy, Romania, Spain and the U.K. all have implemented their own\u003c/a>, and six other countries have shown intentions to impose similar taxes, according to a September analysis by The Tax Foundation. In late September, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.cnn.com/2022/09/30/economy/europe-energy-crisis-windfall-tax\">European Union agreed to a windfall tax\u003c/a> on oil and gas profits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Different countries have taken different approaches. Hungary, for example, is taxing a wide range of sectors, from petroleum producers to renewable energy companies to pharmaceutical companies, while the U.K. is taxing oil and gas companies within the country. \u003ca href=\"https://www.reuters.com/business/energy/italy-faces-shortfall-over-9-bln-energy-windfall-tax-document-2022-08-02/\">Italy has seen much less revenue than expected\u003c/a>, seemingly caused by Italian energy companies not complying with the tax.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Because these taxes in Europe are so recent — and because they are temporary — it’s hard to tell what impact they will have, said Sean Bray, EU tax policy analyst at The Tax Foundation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here in California, Borenstein, the energy economist at Berkeley, hopes the Legislature will use the special session to discuss what he sees as the Golden State’s “fundamental problem” when it comes to gas: figuring out how to maintain adequate supplies while the state is using its cleaner blend and trying to phase out fossil fuel usage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We ignore this issue entirely, until there’s a big price spike,” said Borenstein. “And then everybody runs around yelling about how outrageous this is, instead of actually having a serious policy discussion of what’s the right way to deal with this.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 id=\"h-so-how-would-this-work\">So how would this work?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Details are spare at this point. But the basic idea is that companies that extract, produce and refine oil would pay a higher tax rate on their earnings above a set amount each year, a spokesperson for the governor said. The money raised by the tax would be sent via refunds to “California taxpayers impacted by high gas prices,” said a spokesperson for the governor in an email.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The logic behind windfall profit taxes is to tax a company at a higher rate when they’re making giant profits — a “windfall” — for some reason not of their own making.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Often there’s a moral dimension to the thinking as well, said Kirk Stark, tax law professor at UCLA. Theoretically, taxing extra-high profits at an extra-high rate should make companies less likely to capitalize on circumstances like war and natural disasters and jack up prices — like a shopkeeper who raises the price of bottled water from $2 to $40 following a hurricane. “There’s almost a kind of moral judgment that, in some situations, market prices can be immoral,” said Stark.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Getting the incentives right is tricky, said Borenstein, as is preventing companies from evading the tax. If, for example, the state taxes profits at California refineries, those refineries — owned by companies including Chevron and Valero — could start buying oil from another division of their parent companies at \u003cem>higher\u003c/em> prices.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By doing that, they could reduce their profit. And if they’re no longer making large profits, their tax bill would go down.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The devil is in the details,” said Borenstein.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.energy.ca.gov/data-reports/energy-insights/what-drives-californias-gasoline-prices\">Gas prices in California are consistently higher than in the rest of the country\u003c/a>, thanks to state taxes, a cleaner fuel blend, an isolated gas-refining market and more. But in September, California prices jumped even higher and that gap grew wider.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom pointed the finger at the gas industry when he talked to reporters in early October, saying companies were “fleecing” drivers and \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2022/10/newsom-gas-rebate-special-session/\">called for a new “windfall profit” tax\u003c/a> on oil companies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Big oil is ripping people off at the pump, and they’re making more in profits off of Californians than in any other state – that’s why we need a price gouging penalty to hold them accountable and get these profits into your pockets,” said Newsom in a press release on Thursday after a third quarter earnings report showed \u003ca href=\"https://protect-us.mimecast.com/s/3S27Cn5zDjC67680s9pEqp?domain=mclist.us7.list-manage.com\">a dramatic profit increase for PBF Energy and Shell\u003c/a>. PBF Energy’s profit jumped from $59.1 million at this time last year to $1.06 billion — an increase of nearly 1,700%. Shell also increased profits from $4.1 billion last year to $9.45 billion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Valero, an international oil company that owns refineries in California, saw its \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2022/10/25/valero-profits-more-than-500-higher-than-a-year-ago-amid-gas-price-hikes/\">profits from July to September increase 500%\u003c/a> over the same period last year. And \u003ca href=\"https://www.consumerwatchdog.org/energy/cas-big-5-oil-refiner-profits-top-26-billion-1-gallon-watchdog-make-case-profits-disclosure\">profits on West Coast gas operations increased dramatically\u003c/a> in April through June, compared to the same time last year, at companies that own some of the state’s largest refineries, an analysis by Consumer Watchdog found.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With Newsom planning to convene a special legislative session in early December to focus on the new tax, CalMatters spoke to experts about how the idea has worked in the U.S. and abroad.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 id=\"h-windfall-profit-tax-s-checkered-past\">Windfall profit tax’s checkered past\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>This isn’t something states have done often.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>No state has done a windfall profit tax before, said David Brunori, visiting professor of public policy at George Mason University and an expert on state-level tax policy. The one debatable exception: In 2006, \u003ca href=\"https://www.alaskajournal.com/business-and-finance/2014-07-10/evolution-alaskas-oil-taxes\">Alaska began taxing net revenues on oil production\u003c/a>, with a tax rate that increased as the price of a barrel of oil increased. After some tweaks in 2007, the tax \u003ca href=\"https://www.seattletimes.com/seattle-news/windfall-tax-lets-alaska-rake-in-billions-from-big-oil/\">brought in billions of dollars for the state\u003c/a>, some of which was used to issue $1,200 payments to residents to help with high gas prices, according to The Seattle Times.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the tax was imposed, however, \u003ca href=\"https://www.alaskajournal.com/business-and-finance/2014-07-10/evolution-alaskas-oil-taxes\">drilling decreased\u003c/a> and the amount oil companies invested in developing new oil dropped, according to the Alaska Journal of Commerce. But, Brunori said, it wasn’t really a windfall profit tax because it wasn’t a direct tax on profits. It’s also not clear whether Newsom’s proposal will look anything like Alaska’s tax.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>A windfall tax isn’t likely to raise or lower gas prices, says Severin Borenstein, energy economist at UC Berkeley, but it would be “very difficult to actually implement.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Policymakers have to decide exactly how much profit constitutes a windfall. “Above what level do we say, ‘That’s too much profit and we’re going to tax it away?’” he said. The United States temporarily embraced excess profit taxes during World War I, World War II and the Korean War, with \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/made-by-history/2022/10/24/windfall-profit-taxes/\">mixed results\u003c/a>. When the U.S. government massively ramped up spending during WWI, some companies saw their profit margins balloon. So, the government began taxing all industries’ profits above a certain return on investment, which wound up bringing in about \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/made-by-history/2022/10/24/windfall-profit-taxes/\">40% of the tax revenue raised for the war\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But, because the taxes were complicated, well-paid attorneys at large companies could use “creative gamesmanship” to reduce their employers’ tax bill, while small companies without a phalanx of lawyers shouldered more of the burden, said Joe Thorndike, director of the Tax History Project at Tax Analysts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These taxes, more than most, really are dependent on a moral argument, a moral justification, to exist, and when that starts to get picked apart by these fairness failures, it really makes it a problem,” said Thorndike.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/Lrr5u/2/\" width=\"800\" height=\"500\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The idea was revived in 1980, as the federal government prepared to relax price controls on oil produced in the U.S. That year, Congress passed what it dubbed a windfall profit tax, aimed at oil industry profits. The thinking, said Thorndike, was that companies would profit massively as crude oil rose to the market price, and the process would be expensive and painful for consumers. The tax, however, was not a tax on profits, but rather a system of excise taxes on oil, according to \u003ca href=\"https://liheapch.acf.hhs.gov/pubs/oilwindfall.pdf\">a Congressional Research Service report (PDF)\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It wasn’t a resounding success. During the eight years it was in effect, it brought in $80 billion — far lower than the $393 billion it was projected to generate, according to congressional researchers. Because the tax only applied to oil produced in the U.S., it likely decreased domestic production while increasing the country’s reliance on foreign oil, congressional researchers found. It was also difficult for the Internal Revenue Service to administer, and difficult for the oil industry to comply with. So, in 1988 it was repealed.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 id=\"h-europe-embraces-the-windfall-tax\">Europe embraces the windfall tax\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>As energy prices have spiked in Europe and the United Kingdom, leaders there have also turned to windfall taxes.\u003ca href=\"https://taxfoundation.org/windfall-tax-europe/\"> Greece, Hungary, Italy, Romania, Spain and the U.K. all have implemented their own\u003c/a>, and six other countries have shown intentions to impose similar taxes, according to a September analysis by The Tax Foundation. In late September, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.cnn.com/2022/09/30/economy/europe-energy-crisis-windfall-tax\">European Union agreed to a windfall tax\u003c/a> on oil and gas profits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Different countries have taken different approaches. Hungary, for example, is taxing a wide range of sectors, from petroleum producers to renewable energy companies to pharmaceutical companies, while the U.K. is taxing oil and gas companies within the country. \u003ca href=\"https://www.reuters.com/business/energy/italy-faces-shortfall-over-9-bln-energy-windfall-tax-document-2022-08-02/\">Italy has seen much less revenue than expected\u003c/a>, seemingly caused by Italian energy companies not complying with the tax.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Because these taxes in Europe are so recent — and because they are temporary — it’s hard to tell what impact they will have, said Sean Bray, EU tax policy analyst at The Tax Foundation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here in California, Borenstein, the energy economist at Berkeley, hopes the Legislature will use the special session to discuss what he sees as the Golden State’s “fundamental problem” when it comes to gas: figuring out how to maintain adequate supplies while the state is using its cleaner blend and trying to phase out fossil fuel usage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We ignore this issue entirely, until there’s a big price spike,” said Borenstein. “And then everybody runs around yelling about how outrageous this is, instead of actually having a serious policy discussion of what’s the right way to deal with this.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 id=\"h-so-how-would-this-work\">So how would this work?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Details are spare at this point. But the basic idea is that companies that extract, produce and refine oil would pay a higher tax rate on their earnings above a set amount each year, a spokesperson for the governor said. The money raised by the tax would be sent via refunds to “California taxpayers impacted by high gas prices,” said a spokesperson for the governor in an email.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The logic behind windfall profit taxes is to tax a company at a higher rate when they’re making giant profits — a “windfall” — for some reason not of their own making.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Often there’s a moral dimension to the thinking as well, said Kirk Stark, tax law professor at UCLA. Theoretically, taxing extra-high profits at an extra-high rate should make companies less likely to capitalize on circumstances like war and natural disasters and jack up prices — like a shopkeeper who raises the price of bottled water from $2 to $40 following a hurricane. “There’s almost a kind of moral judgment that, in some situations, market prices can be immoral,” said Stark.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Getting the incentives right is tricky, said Borenstein, as is preventing companies from evading the tax. If, for example, the state taxes profits at California refineries, those refineries — owned by companies including Chevron and Valero — could start buying oil from another division of their parent companies at \u003cem>higher\u003c/em> prices.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By doing that, they could reduce their profit. And if they’re no longer making large profits, their tax bill would go down.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The devil is in the details,” said Borenstein.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Support among likely voters for Proposition 30, a clean air initiative that would tax the wealthiest Californians to pay for electric car rebates, has fallen well below the 50% it needs to pass, according to a new survey from the Public Policy Institute of California, or PPIC.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last July, a similar survey found that nearly two-thirds of likely voters favored the measure, and it still maintained a strong majority as recently as September. But support has slid markedly since then, with the latest survey showing just 41% of likely voters still in favor of it — a change largely attributed to Gov. Gavin Newsom's well-funded efforts to derail the measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are a lot of things that people liked about [Proposition 30], but they're just hearing too many things that come from people that they trust that raise questions about whether this is the kind of climate change bill that they should support,” said Mark Baldassare, PPIC's president and CEO.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom’s staunch opposition to Proposition 30 — promoted in a recent blitz of mailings and TV ads — has him siding with conservative anti-tax and business groups and billionaires who have collectively spent more than $10 million to defeat it. Some of the biggest funders of the No campaign include Netflix CEO Reed Hastings, Silicon Valley venture capitalist Michael Moritz and Oakland A’s owner John Fisher.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom has argued Proposition 30 would disrupt the state’s finances and is unnecessary in California, which has \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2022/01/26/governor-newsom-outlines-historic-10-billion-zero-emission-vehicle-package-to-lead-the-worlds-transition-to-clean-energy-combat-climate-change/\">already committed billions\u003c/a> from its record budget surplus to funding electric vehicle initiatives. He has called the measure a corporate tax grab on the part of Lyft, the largest donor to the Yes campaign.[aside label=\"related coverage\" tag=\"proposition-30\"]But environmental groups who devised Proposition 30 say it's a vital investment in the fight against climate change and bad air quality. If passed, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11929046/some-key-questions-about-prop-30-answered\">the measure\u003c/a> would increase state income taxes — by 1.75% — on Californians who make more than $2 million a year, raising up to an estimated $5 billion annually. The state would be required to spend 80% of that revenue on electric-vehicle rebates and on the installation of charging stations in public places and residences. The remaining funds would go toward wildfire mitigation efforts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Coalition for Clean Air, a key backer of the measure, was quick to refute the latest PPIC polling results, insisting in a statement that “independent polls, as well as private polling, have shown dramatically different results than this survey.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The group noted that the California Democratic Party and the American Lung Association, along with a spate of environmental groups and labor unions, including those representing firefighters, still support the measure and “are working tirelessly in this election for the benefits of clean air, climate action and reducing wildfires that will result from the initiative.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom’s sway with voters, in spite of the pessimism most Californians have about the economy and the state’s future, is also evident in the governor’s race. With voters already casting ballots, Newsom leads his opponent, state Sen. Brian Dahle, a Lassen County Republican, by a nearly 20-point margin, the PPIC poll found.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What's really remarkable about the findings of this October survey are that despite the fact that majorities of Californians think that the state is headed in the wrong direction, and an overwhelming majority feel that the nation is headed in the wrong direction, that Newsom leads by a substantial margin,” Baldassare said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"This is a reflection of the fact that we are very polarized in terms of the electorate in this blue state, with 90% of Democrats saying that, that they're sticking with the Democrat and 90% of Republicans saying that, that they're going to go with the Republican,\" said Baldassare.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The poll also found that abortion is the most important issue to voters, especially Democrats and independents. And among the 10 most competitive House districts in California, it found that likely voters favor the Democratic candidate over the Republican by a whopping 22% advantage — in spite of the oft-reported headwinds facing Democrats over major issues like inflation, gas prices and crime.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>\"\u003c/b>With a majority of likely voters saying that they approve of President Biden, this is a very different political climate in California than we're seeing nationally,\" Baldassare noted. \"And as a result, in those competitive districts, the Democrats are ahead of the Republicans by a sizable margin.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He added that the high level of importance voters are placing on abortion is also giving Democrats a lift they might not otherwise have in this midterm election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Consistent with the findings of other recent polls, the PPIC survey showed Propositions 26 and 27 — to legalize sports betting in California — both heading for defeat, with likely voters opposing the measures by 57% and 67% respectively.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As it turns out … relatively few people are interested in sports gambling in the state,” Baldassare said, noting the high threshold that the well-funded backers of both measures will have to clear to secure passage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "The measure, which would tax the wealthiest Californians to pay for electric car rebates, maintained strong majority support as recently as last month, but a new survey indicates just 41% of likely voters now back it.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Support among likely voters for Proposition 30, a clean air initiative that would tax the wealthiest Californians to pay for electric car rebates, has fallen well below the 50% it needs to pass, according to a new survey from the Public Policy Institute of California, or PPIC.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last July, a similar survey found that nearly two-thirds of likely voters favored the measure, and it still maintained a strong majority as recently as September. But support has slid markedly since then, with the latest survey showing just 41% of likely voters still in favor of it — a change largely attributed to Gov. Gavin Newsom's well-funded efforts to derail the measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are a lot of things that people liked about [Proposition 30], but they're just hearing too many things that come from people that they trust that raise questions about whether this is the kind of climate change bill that they should support,” said Mark Baldassare, PPIC's president and CEO.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom’s staunch opposition to Proposition 30 — promoted in a recent blitz of mailings and TV ads — has him siding with conservative anti-tax and business groups and billionaires who have collectively spent more than $10 million to defeat it. Some of the biggest funders of the No campaign include Netflix CEO Reed Hastings, Silicon Valley venture capitalist Michael Moritz and Oakland A’s owner John Fisher.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom has argued Proposition 30 would disrupt the state’s finances and is unnecessary in California, which has \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2022/01/26/governor-newsom-outlines-historic-10-billion-zero-emission-vehicle-package-to-lead-the-worlds-transition-to-clean-energy-combat-climate-change/\">already committed billions\u003c/a> from its record budget surplus to funding electric vehicle initiatives. He has called the measure a corporate tax grab on the part of Lyft, the largest donor to the Yes campaign.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>But environmental groups who devised Proposition 30 say it's a vital investment in the fight against climate change and bad air quality. If passed, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11929046/some-key-questions-about-prop-30-answered\">the measure\u003c/a> would increase state income taxes — by 1.75% — on Californians who make more than $2 million a year, raising up to an estimated $5 billion annually. The state would be required to spend 80% of that revenue on electric-vehicle rebates and on the installation of charging stations in public places and residences. The remaining funds would go toward wildfire mitigation efforts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Coalition for Clean Air, a key backer of the measure, was quick to refute the latest PPIC polling results, insisting in a statement that “independent polls, as well as private polling, have shown dramatically different results than this survey.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The group noted that the California Democratic Party and the American Lung Association, along with a spate of environmental groups and labor unions, including those representing firefighters, still support the measure and “are working tirelessly in this election for the benefits of clean air, climate action and reducing wildfires that will result from the initiative.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom’s sway with voters, in spite of the pessimism most Californians have about the economy and the state’s future, is also evident in the governor’s race. With voters already casting ballots, Newsom leads his opponent, state Sen. Brian Dahle, a Lassen County Republican, by a nearly 20-point margin, the PPIC poll found.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What's really remarkable about the findings of this October survey are that despite the fact that majorities of Californians think that the state is headed in the wrong direction, and an overwhelming majority feel that the nation is headed in the wrong direction, that Newsom leads by a substantial margin,” Baldassare said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"This is a reflection of the fact that we are very polarized in terms of the electorate in this blue state, with 90% of Democrats saying that, that they're sticking with the Democrat and 90% of Republicans saying that, that they're going to go with the Republican,\" said Baldassare.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The poll also found that abortion is the most important issue to voters, especially Democrats and independents. And among the 10 most competitive House districts in California, it found that likely voters favor the Democratic candidate over the Republican by a whopping 22% advantage — in spite of the oft-reported headwinds facing Democrats over major issues like inflation, gas prices and crime.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>\"\u003c/b>With a majority of likely voters saying that they approve of President Biden, this is a very different political climate in California than we're seeing nationally,\" Baldassare noted. \"And as a result, in those competitive districts, the Democrats are ahead of the Republicans by a sizable margin.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He added that the high level of importance voters are placing on abortion is also giving Democrats a lift they might not otherwise have in this midterm election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Consistent with the findings of other recent polls, the PPIC survey showed Propositions 26 and 27 — to legalize sports betting in California — both heading for defeat, with likely voters opposing the measures by 57% and 67% respectively.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As it turns out … relatively few people are interested in sports gambling in the state,” Baldassare said, noting the high threshold that the well-funded backers of both measures will have to clear to secure passage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>California’s Education Department today released student test scores showing a statewide decline that nearly wiped out the academic progress made since the state overhauled how it funds education in 2014.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The gist of the scores, the most extensive measure so far of the COVID-19 pandemic’s impact on student achievement: The percentage of California students meeting state math standards plummeted 7 percentage points to 33%, and the percentage meeting English language standards dropped 4 percentage points, to 47%.[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_11929574,mindshift_59856,news_11897034\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some scores for students of color and those from lower-income households dropped less dramatically than their counterparts, an indication that the state’s funding formula, which sends more money to high-needs districts, worked to soften the blow of two years of disrupted learning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The results of the state’s Smarter Balanced test left education officials and experts neither surprised nor hopeless.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s useful data, and it gets everybody talking,” said Li Cai, education professor at UCLA. “Everybody comes up with creative ideas, and they say let’s do it. That’s pretty fundamentally an American ideal.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://flo.uri.sh/visualisation/11564390/embed?auto=1#amp=1\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As if to prove that pandemic learning loss is not just a California problem, officials released the state data to the public on the same day that results of a different test, nicknamed the Nation’s Report Card, revealed an \u003ca href=\"https://www.nationsreportcard.gov/highlights/mathematics/2022/\">unprecedented score dive\u003c/a> among a sampling of students nationwide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2022/10/23/california-outperforms-most-states-in-minimizing-learning-loss-in-national-student-assessment-with-record-investments-to-improve-education/?utm_source=CalMatters+Newsletters&utm_campaign=d2f03a16d6-WHATMATTERS&utm_medium=email&utm_term=0_faa7be558d-d2f03a16d6-150179953&mc_cid=d2f03a16d6&mc_eid=aa09c6a201\">swiftly issued a press release\u003c/a> headlined “California outperforms most states in minimizing learning loss … .” Various state officials credited the state’s investments in summer school and other recovery efforts for minimizing the blow to pupils. Yet the national test, in contradiction to the state test, indicated that the achievement gap among students of color widened in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nor will the national comparison data settle a fiery political debate about which school pandemic strategy worked best: Students in California, almost the last to return to in-person learning as the state strove to safeguard public health, fared about as well as students in states such as Florida and Texas, who returned to their classrooms much sooner.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“California focused on keeping kids safe during the pandemic,” Newsom said in a statement, “while making record investments to mitigate learning loss and transforming our education system.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The test upon which the Nation’s Report Card is based is older and was given to only about 4,000 California students, while the state’s Smarter Balanced tests are administered every spring to virtually all Californians in grades three through eight and grade 11. The states set those tests, prompting some criticism that they encourage “teaching to the test.” The goal of those Smarter Balanced tests: to measure how well students have mastered the state’s Common Core standards.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The initial reluctance of state officials to promptly share the Smarter Balanced test data — and the way they timed and managed today’s release — raised questions about whether elected state schools Superintendent Tony Thurmond and others were trying to \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/2022/10/student-test-scores-california-pandemic/\">minimize the impact of bad news\u003c/a> landing before voters cast November ballots.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>No sooner were the state results made public than Republicans pounced.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Democrat policies get an F,” Senate GOP leader Scott Wilk of Lancaster declared in a statement. “It is no wonder these scores were kept under lock and key. They are a clear referendum on the failed policies advocated by the governor, legislative leaders, and the state superintendent of public instruction for years — not just during the pandemic. After shuttering schools for the better part of two years, student failure is on steroids.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11930022\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS14608_iStock_000037513244_Large-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11930022\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS14608_iStock_000037513244_Large-qut-800x532.jpg\" alt=\"a broken pencil on a scantron\" width=\"800\" height=\"532\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS14608_iStock_000037513244_Large-qut-800x532.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS14608_iStock_000037513244_Large-qut-1020x678.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS14608_iStock_000037513244_Large-qut-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS14608_iStock_000037513244_Large-qut-1536x1021.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS14608_iStock_000037513244_Large-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">According to recent test scores, the percentage of California students meeting state math standards plummeted 7 percentage points to 33%, and the percentage meeting English language standards dropped 4 percentage points, to 47%. \u003ccite>(Michael Quirk/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In spring of 2020, the first year of the pandemic, the state canceled its testing. In 2021, only 1 in 4 eligible students took the tests because not all students were back on campuses. In 2022, nearly all eligible students participated, making these results a key data point for understanding widespread pandemic-triggered learning loss in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Education experts say they are optimistic because school funding is at an all-time high, giving educators unprecedented resources to address learning loss. But some are calling for school officials to produce a clearer road map to recovery.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I do think civic leaders owe it to the voters to explain how we’re going to get out of this hole,” said Bruce Fuller, an education professor at UC Berkeley. “Politicians kept schools closed beyond what occurred in other states.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There had been concern that the pandemic would completely undercut California’s efforts to close a persistent achievement gap among certain groups of students. The results show that all students and economically disadvantaged students dropped the same 4 percentage points in English language arts, although that leaves economically disadvantaged students lagging their peers, with just 35% meeting standards. The rates for English learners and students with disabilities both dropped less than a single percentage point, from 12.8% to 12.5% and 16% to 15% respectively.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Bruce Fuller, education professor, UC Berkeley\"]‘Civic leaders owe it to the voters to explain how we’re going to get out of this hole.’[/pullquote]For math, rates for economically disadvantaged students actually dropped slightly less than the average drop for all students, falling 6 percentage points but still resulting in an abysmal 21% meeting standards. English learners went from 13% to 10%. Students with disabilities went from 13% to 11%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The achievement gap for Black students closed slightly, from a 33 percentage-point difference from their white peers in 2019 to 31 percentage points in 2022. Native American, Asian and Latino students also saw drops that were largely proportional to that of their white peers. Latino students saw their achievement gap grow in math scores by one percentage point.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When separated by grade level, third-grade students saw the largest drops in both subjects. In 2019, 48.5% of third graders met English language arts standards. Compare that to 42.2% in 2022, a 6.4 percentage-point decline. For math, the rate for third graders meeting standards dropped by 6.7 percentage points.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Megan Bacigalupi is the executive director of CA Parent Power, a parent advocacy group that rallied parents to fight for school reopenings earlier in the pandemic. She said these scores aren’t just the reckoning for prolonged school closures but a wake-up call for parents. California’s test scores were always abysmal, and they couldn’t afford to sink any lower, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re not a state that’s performing well, so for kids to backslide … We were never in a good place,” Bacigalupi said. “What I hope is eye-opening to parents is that, guess what, prior to all this, our kids weren’t doing that well.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Check out how your school compares:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://calmatters-2022-test-results.netlify.app/\" width=\"800\" height=\"950\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite the alarm caused by these signs of pandemic-era learning loss, experts in California want the state to remain on the path it was on before the public health crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Julien Lafortune is a research fellow at the Public Policy Institute of California who specializes in K-12 education finance. He said there was some evidence that the state’s formula for funding public schools was working to close achievement gaps before the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Local Control Funding Formula gives additional money to school districts and charter schools for their English learners, foster children and students from lower-income households. Districts with high percentages of students who fall into at least one of these student groups get an additional pot of money called a “concentration grant.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lafortune said there was some “strong evidence” showing districts receiving concentration grants were performing better on standardized tests prior to the pandemic. That said, helping those same districts with additional funding might be a faster route to recovery for those districts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Maybe that’s how we want to do it, by targeting the concentration grants,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Richard Barrera, school board member, San Diego Unified School District\"]‘Our students and educators have just gone through the two most difficult years of their entire experience. What was supposed to be the return-to-normal year in ’21-’22 was anything but a normal year.’[/pullquote]But Lafortune said there’s no evidence that the state needs to overhaul its formula. It might just take time to get student test scores back to where they were before the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t know if there’s something that needs to be changed imminently,” he said. “The formula does a good job of allocating more funding for high-needs students.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state’s funding model also gives districts more control over how they spend their money. Lance Christensen, who’s running against incumbent State Superintendent Tony Thurmond, said the state needs to play an even smaller role.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The state has done enough to destroy our kids’ education,” he said. “I think the state needs fewer education programs and more getting out of the way.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Richard Barrera, a school board member at San Diego Unified, said the Smarter Balanced results were “really not surprising.” But on top of that, the data isn’t very useful for educators, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While many experts might jump to compare data from 2019 and 2022, Barrera said 2022 doesn’t provide the best baseline because school was still being shaped by the spread of COVID-19. Student and employee absences soared due to high case numbers. He said teachers struggled with disruptive behavior from students readjusting to in-person learning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Barrera said the current school year will be a more useful point of comparison to pre-pandemic student achievement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our students and educators have just gone through the two most difficult years of their entire experience,” Barrera said. “What was supposed to be the return-to-normal year in ’21-’22 was anything but a normal year.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Barrera added that Smarter Balanced scores are just one data point that arrives too late to be useful for classroom teachers. He said mid-year assessments are better at helping teachers keep track of their students’ progress.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Barrera also said educators and education officials have always known what resources are needed to best support students. With the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/2022/06/covid-relief-spending-california-schools/\">billions of dollars in federal grants\u003c/a> going to districts to help them recover from the pandemic, he said educators can finally fund the programs they’ve always needed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Pre-pandemic, the money wasn’t there to support those state strategies,” he said. “If we know what the best practices are, we’ve got to make sure we’re providing the resources.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But this surge of funding won’t last forever. And the recent increases to state education funding might not be enough to make up for the disappearance of the federal money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bacigalupi, the parent advocate, said there’s been little explanation to parents when it comes to how districts are spending this money. She said the lack of transparency has been an alarming trend throughout the pandemic, from the rationale behind prolonged school closures, to even the release of these test scores.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a pattern that parents are very aware of when it comes to public education,” Bacigalupi said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>California’s Education Department today released student test scores showing a statewide decline that nearly wiped out the academic progress made since the state overhauled how it funds education in 2014.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The gist of the scores, the most extensive measure so far of the COVID-19 pandemic’s impact on student achievement: The percentage of California students meeting state math standards plummeted 7 percentage points to 33%, and the percentage meeting English language standards dropped 4 percentage points, to 47%.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some scores for students of color and those from lower-income households dropped less dramatically than their counterparts, an indication that the state’s funding formula, which sends more money to high-needs districts, worked to soften the blow of two years of disrupted learning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The results of the state’s Smarter Balanced test left education officials and experts neither surprised nor hopeless.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s useful data, and it gets everybody talking,” said Li Cai, education professor at UCLA. “Everybody comes up with creative ideas, and they say let’s do it. That’s pretty fundamentally an American ideal.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://flo.uri.sh/visualisation/11564390/embed?auto=1#amp=1\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As if to prove that pandemic learning loss is not just a California problem, officials released the state data to the public on the same day that results of a different test, nicknamed the Nation’s Report Card, revealed an \u003ca href=\"https://www.nationsreportcard.gov/highlights/mathematics/2022/\">unprecedented score dive\u003c/a> among a sampling of students nationwide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2022/10/23/california-outperforms-most-states-in-minimizing-learning-loss-in-national-student-assessment-with-record-investments-to-improve-education/?utm_source=CalMatters+Newsletters&utm_campaign=d2f03a16d6-WHATMATTERS&utm_medium=email&utm_term=0_faa7be558d-d2f03a16d6-150179953&mc_cid=d2f03a16d6&mc_eid=aa09c6a201\">swiftly issued a press release\u003c/a> headlined “California outperforms most states in minimizing learning loss … .” Various state officials credited the state’s investments in summer school and other recovery efforts for minimizing the blow to pupils. Yet the national test, in contradiction to the state test, indicated that the achievement gap among students of color widened in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nor will the national comparison data settle a fiery political debate about which school pandemic strategy worked best: Students in California, almost the last to return to in-person learning as the state strove to safeguard public health, fared about as well as students in states such as Florida and Texas, who returned to their classrooms much sooner.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“California focused on keeping kids safe during the pandemic,” Newsom said in a statement, “while making record investments to mitigate learning loss and transforming our education system.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The test upon which the Nation’s Report Card is based is older and was given to only about 4,000 California students, while the state’s Smarter Balanced tests are administered every spring to virtually all Californians in grades three through eight and grade 11. The states set those tests, prompting some criticism that they encourage “teaching to the test.” The goal of those Smarter Balanced tests: to measure how well students have mastered the state’s Common Core standards.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The initial reluctance of state officials to promptly share the Smarter Balanced test data — and the way they timed and managed today’s release — raised questions about whether elected state schools Superintendent Tony Thurmond and others were trying to \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/2022/10/student-test-scores-california-pandemic/\">minimize the impact of bad news\u003c/a> landing before voters cast November ballots.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>No sooner were the state results made public than Republicans pounced.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Democrat policies get an F,” Senate GOP leader Scott Wilk of Lancaster declared in a statement. “It is no wonder these scores were kept under lock and key. They are a clear referendum on the failed policies advocated by the governor, legislative leaders, and the state superintendent of public instruction for years — not just during the pandemic. After shuttering schools for the better part of two years, student failure is on steroids.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11930022\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS14608_iStock_000037513244_Large-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11930022\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS14608_iStock_000037513244_Large-qut-800x532.jpg\" alt=\"a broken pencil on a scantron\" width=\"800\" height=\"532\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS14608_iStock_000037513244_Large-qut-800x532.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS14608_iStock_000037513244_Large-qut-1020x678.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS14608_iStock_000037513244_Large-qut-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS14608_iStock_000037513244_Large-qut-1536x1021.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS14608_iStock_000037513244_Large-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">According to recent test scores, the percentage of California students meeting state math standards plummeted 7 percentage points to 33%, and the percentage meeting English language standards dropped 4 percentage points, to 47%. \u003ccite>(Michael Quirk/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In spring of 2020, the first year of the pandemic, the state canceled its testing. In 2021, only 1 in 4 eligible students took the tests because not all students were back on campuses. In 2022, nearly all eligible students participated, making these results a key data point for understanding widespread pandemic-triggered learning loss in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Education experts say they are optimistic because school funding is at an all-time high, giving educators unprecedented resources to address learning loss. But some are calling for school officials to produce a clearer road map to recovery.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I do think civic leaders owe it to the voters to explain how we’re going to get out of this hole,” said Bruce Fuller, an education professor at UC Berkeley. “Politicians kept schools closed beyond what occurred in other states.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There had been concern that the pandemic would completely undercut California’s efforts to close a persistent achievement gap among certain groups of students. The results show that all students and economically disadvantaged students dropped the same 4 percentage points in English language arts, although that leaves economically disadvantaged students lagging their peers, with just 35% meeting standards. The rates for English learners and students with disabilities both dropped less than a single percentage point, from 12.8% to 12.5% and 16% to 15% respectively.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>For math, rates for economically disadvantaged students actually dropped slightly less than the average drop for all students, falling 6 percentage points but still resulting in an abysmal 21% meeting standards. English learners went from 13% to 10%. Students with disabilities went from 13% to 11%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The achievement gap for Black students closed slightly, from a 33 percentage-point difference from their white peers in 2019 to 31 percentage points in 2022. Native American, Asian and Latino students also saw drops that were largely proportional to that of their white peers. Latino students saw their achievement gap grow in math scores by one percentage point.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When separated by grade level, third-grade students saw the largest drops in both subjects. In 2019, 48.5% of third graders met English language arts standards. Compare that to 42.2% in 2022, a 6.4 percentage-point decline. For math, the rate for third graders meeting standards dropped by 6.7 percentage points.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Megan Bacigalupi is the executive director of CA Parent Power, a parent advocacy group that rallied parents to fight for school reopenings earlier in the pandemic. She said these scores aren’t just the reckoning for prolonged school closures but a wake-up call for parents. California’s test scores were always abysmal, and they couldn’t afford to sink any lower, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re not a state that’s performing well, so for kids to backslide … We were never in a good place,” Bacigalupi said. “What I hope is eye-opening to parents is that, guess what, prior to all this, our kids weren’t doing that well.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Check out how your school compares:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://calmatters-2022-test-results.netlify.app/\" width=\"800\" height=\"950\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite the alarm caused by these signs of pandemic-era learning loss, experts in California want the state to remain on the path it was on before the public health crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Julien Lafortune is a research fellow at the Public Policy Institute of California who specializes in K-12 education finance. He said there was some evidence that the state’s formula for funding public schools was working to close achievement gaps before the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Local Control Funding Formula gives additional money to school districts and charter schools for their English learners, foster children and students from lower-income households. Districts with high percentages of students who fall into at least one of these student groups get an additional pot of money called a “concentration grant.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lafortune said there was some “strong evidence” showing districts receiving concentration grants were performing better on standardized tests prior to the pandemic. That said, helping those same districts with additional funding might be a faster route to recovery for those districts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Maybe that’s how we want to do it, by targeting the concentration grants,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘Our students and educators have just gone through the two most difficult years of their entire experience. What was supposed to be the return-to-normal year in ’21-’22 was anything but a normal year.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>But Lafortune said there’s no evidence that the state needs to overhaul its formula. It might just take time to get student test scores back to where they were before the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t know if there’s something that needs to be changed imminently,” he said. “The formula does a good job of allocating more funding for high-needs students.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state’s funding model also gives districts more control over how they spend their money. Lance Christensen, who’s running against incumbent State Superintendent Tony Thurmond, said the state needs to play an even smaller role.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The state has done enough to destroy our kids’ education,” he said. “I think the state needs fewer education programs and more getting out of the way.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Richard Barrera, a school board member at San Diego Unified, said the Smarter Balanced results were “really not surprising.” But on top of that, the data isn’t very useful for educators, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While many experts might jump to compare data from 2019 and 2022, Barrera said 2022 doesn’t provide the best baseline because school was still being shaped by the spread of COVID-19. Student and employee absences soared due to high case numbers. He said teachers struggled with disruptive behavior from students readjusting to in-person learning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Barrera said the current school year will be a more useful point of comparison to pre-pandemic student achievement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our students and educators have just gone through the two most difficult years of their entire experience,” Barrera said. “What was supposed to be the return-to-normal year in ’21-’22 was anything but a normal year.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Barrera added that Smarter Balanced scores are just one data point that arrives too late to be useful for classroom teachers. He said mid-year assessments are better at helping teachers keep track of their students’ progress.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Barrera also said educators and education officials have always known what resources are needed to best support students. With the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/2022/06/covid-relief-spending-california-schools/\">billions of dollars in federal grants\u003c/a> going to districts to help them recover from the pandemic, he said educators can finally fund the programs they’ve always needed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Pre-pandemic, the money wasn’t there to support those state strategies,” he said. “If we know what the best practices are, we’ve got to make sure we’re providing the resources.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But this surge of funding won’t last forever. And the recent increases to state education funding might not be enough to make up for the disappearance of the federal money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bacigalupi, the parent advocate, said there’s been little explanation to parents when it comes to how districts are spending this money. She said the lack of transparency has been an alarming trend throughout the pandemic, from the rationale behind prolonged school closures, to even the release of these test scores.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a pattern that parents are very aware of when it comes to public education,” Bacigalupi said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "newsom-dahle-spar-over-abortion-gas-tax-and-crime-in-california-governor-debate",
"title": "Newsom, Dahle Spar Over Abortion, Gas Tax and Crime in California Governor Debate",
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"headTitle": "Newsom, Dahle Spar Over Abortion, Gas Tax and Crime in California Governor Debate | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=mx_n3PPEKcw\">Watch the debate here.\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gubernatorial candidates Gov. Gavin Newsom and Sen. Brian Dahle (R-Bieber) sparred over homelessness, abortion access, soaring gas prices and addressing climate change at the first and likely only debate between the two candidates this election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On stage Sunday at KQED headquarters in San Francisco, Newsom and Dahle answered questions from KQED’s Senior Editor for Politics and Government Scott Shafer and Politics Correspondent Marisa Lagos. While Newsom and Dahle at times dug deep into policy disagreements, they also often retreated to more widely held positions by both political parties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#prop1\">Jump to: Proposition 1: Reproductive rights\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#gas\">Jump to: Soaring gas prices\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#homeless\">Jump to: Homelessness\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#crime\">Jump to: Crime\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#common\">Jump to: Cutting remarks, finding common ground\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He does not support reproductive freedom, does not support reproductive choice, regardless of rape, regardless of incest,” Newsom said of his opponent, Dahle, taking aim at a topic \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2022-08-24/abortion-california-voters-2022-california-election-poll\">top of mind for Californians\u003c/a> at the opening of the debate. “I work[ed] with legislative leaders to get Proposition 1 on the ballot. It’s foundational to the core values to the state of California and is something that I enthusiastically support.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dahle retorted with a jab at rumors Newsom is mulling a run for president.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I want to start out by thanking the governor for taking time out of his going forward on his dream of being president of the United States and actually coming to California and having a debate,” Dahle said. “I don’t know if he’s been out on the street or if you’ve been on the street talking to people who can’t afford to live in California. People are fleeing California because they can’t afford to live here. He’s driving up the cost of everything in California.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The pair traded barbs on California’s cost of living and Newsom’s record in helping Californians conserve water. Dahle also said Newsom could do more to ease high gas prices for people statewide. Newsom attacked Dahle’s opposition to funding to expand preschool and his stance against abortion access.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11929902\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/020_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11929902\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/020_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-800x535.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"535\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/020_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-800x535.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/020_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-1020x682.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/020_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/020_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-1536x1026.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/020_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">From left, Gov. Gavin Newsom and Republican state Sen. Brian Dahle participate in a gubernatorial debate at KQED with Senior Editor for Politics and Government Scott Shafer and Politics Correspondent Marisa Lagos in San Francisco on Oct. 23, 2022. \u003ccite>(KQED/Beth LaBerge)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Three hundred companies have left California under his watch — in the last three years. These are worldwide companies. Tesla, Oracle, HP, have left California under his watch,” Dahle said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Newsom responded, “Let me unpack, just on the issue of the economy. California has no peers. The state of California grew at 7.8% GDP last year — outperformed the United States, which was at 5.7%.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Preelection polls — along with voters’ solid rejection of a Newsom recall last year — suggest the outcome is a foregone conclusion. According to \u003ca href=\"https://escholarship.org/uc/item/0456d0gt\">a Berkeley Institute of Governmental Studies survey\u003c/a> released earlier this month, 53% of voters support Newsom while 32% support Dahle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dahle’s biggest problem, however, might be simple name recognition. The same poll showed that about 52% of likely voters were “unfamiliar” with him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom’s huge advantage in polls and fundraising have allowed him to nearly ignore his opponent, using his campaign cash to air commercials on other ballot topics, supporting Proposition 1 on abortion rights and opposing Proposition 30, which would raise taxes on the wealthy to fund climate goals and fight wildfires.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom also raised eyebrows with strategic ad buys in Texas and Florida — highlighting his political differences with two Republican governors who are thought to be weighing a run for president in 2024.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom tried to put that matter to rest on Sunday. On stage, Lagos asked Newsom, “I want to ask very clearly, you’re asking voters for four more years. Do you commit to serving all four?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom answered, “Yes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The pair then moved on to California-specific issues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca id=\"prop1\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Proposition 1: Reproductive rights\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In its June decision on Dobbs v. Jackson, the U.S. Supreme Court overturned Roe v. Wade, letting states decide whether to allow abortions. Following those weakened protections, California lawmakers approved placing Proposition 1 on the ballot, which would amend the state constitution to leave no doubt that abortion is a legal right in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11929900\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/014_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11929900\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/014_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-800x535.jpg\" alt=\"A man wearing a business suit rests his hand on a desk.\" width=\"800\" height=\"535\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/014_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-800x535.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/014_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-1020x682.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/014_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/014_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-1536x1026.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/014_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gov. Gavin Newsom participates in a gubernatorial debate at KQED in San Francisco on Oct. 23, 2022. \u003ccite>(Aryk Copley/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>At the debate, Newsom highlighted Dahle’s opposition to the measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>“\u003c/b>We’re not embarrassed and we don’t apologize for having the back of women and girls all across this country that are fleeing persecution. And fleeing the kind of, well, extreme policies you are promoting,” Newsom said, referencing Dahle. “What my opponent believes is some\u003cem> \u003c/em>10-year-old that’s raped by her father should be forced to bear her brother or sister. His position is extreme. And that is something I hope the people of the state of California consider\u003ci>.”\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dahle shot back that Proposition 1 didn’t allow a statewide debate on how abortion access should be navigated in California, if at all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You know, he talks about extreme. Extreme is not ever having a conversation,” Dahle said. “It’s just all or nothing. That’s what’s going to happen under this Prop. 1.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dahle calls himself “pro-life” and voted against putting Proposition 1 before voters to make abortion a constitutional right in California, which Newsom has championed. Throughout his campaign, however, Dahle has not exactly been vocal about his position on abortion — perhaps an acknowledgment of California’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/blog/where-do-californians-stand-on-abortion/\">overwhelming approval of abortion rights\u003c/a>. When asked about \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/politics/article/california-candidates-opposing-abortion-17263279.php\">his position on abortion rights\u003c/a> by The San Francisco Chronicle earlier this year, Dahle deferred to his voting record instead of answering directly.[aside postID=\"news_11926844,news_11925876,news_11916134\" label=\"Related Post\"]Although he opposes abortion rights, Dahle \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/abortion-2022-midterm-elections-california-presidential-24979cc4ce5404bcbcb536b13cced595\">voted for a 2021 bill that would have made contraceptives — including the morning-after pill — much cheaper\u003c/a>.\u003cbr>\n\u003ca id=\"gas\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Soaring gas prices\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Gas prices soared across the nation this summer because of high inflation, Russia’s invasion of Ukraine and ongoing disruptions in the global supply chain.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But while gas prices have recovered somewhat nationwide, they have continued to spike in California, hitting an average of $6.39 per gallon earlier this month — $2.58 higher than the national average, according to AAA.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On stage at KQED, Shafer asked Dahle, “How do you propose the state bring down the gas price in a meaningful way for consumers?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11929901\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/024_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11929901\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/024_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-800x535.jpg\" alt=\"A man wearing a business suit makes a gesture with his hand.\" width=\"800\" height=\"535\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/024_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-800x535.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/024_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-1020x682.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/024_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/024_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-1536x1026.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/024_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Republican state Sen. Brian Dahle participates in a gubernatorial debate at KQED in San Francisco on Oct. 23, 2022. \u003ccite>(Aryk Copley/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Dahle said California needs to grant permits to 1,200 oil wells sitting on the desk of the governor right now.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He prefers not to get those permits out,” Dahle said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dahle said a gas tax holiday is “the fastest way you can actually help drive down inflation.” His experience with his own trucking business has made the gas pain all too personal, he said, seeing him pay $4,000 monthly for diesel fuel.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That drives up the cost of a gallon of milk, a dozen eggs for every hardworking Californian,” Dahle said. “So if you lower that gas tax across the board, it lowers [the cost of] your food, not only the gas you put in your tank.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California has the second-highest gas tax in the country and other environmental rules that increase the cost of fuel in the nation’s most populous state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Shafer pressed Dahle, “How do you guarantee that if the tax goes away, that it’s actually going to go to consumers and not just the oil companies?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Well, we make sure that they do it,” Dahle said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=mx_n3PPEKcw\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Watch the debate in the YouTube video above. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom said other states have moved forward with gas tax reductions — some of which include Maryland, New York and Georgia — and “we haven’t seen the commensurate reduction” in gas prices because “there is no guarantee.” He added that leading economists have said it’s “nothing more than a gimmick.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These companies are ripping you off and ripping us off. That’s why I want to move forward with a price-gouging penalty to address this abuse,” Newsom said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"Component-root-0-2-63 p Component-p-0-2-54\">The state Legislature briefly considered a proposal earlier this year that would have imposed a “windfall profits tax” on oil companies’ gross receipts when the price of a gallon of gasoline was “abnormally high compared to the price of a barrel of oil.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"Component-root-0-2-63 p Component-p-0-2-54\">That proposal would have required state regulators to determine the tax rate, making sure it recovered any oil company profit margins that exceeded $0.30 per gallon. The money from the tax would then have been returned to taxpayers via rebates. It’s unclear how closely Newsom’s final proposal will resemble this earlier effort.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca id=\"homeless\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Homelessness\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Dahle frequently says California spends too much money on homelessness with little to show for it. He has said that, if elected to office, he would declare homelessness a “public health crisis” and “stop the state’s misguided attempt to throw money” at the problem.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On stage, Dahle said he would declare a state of emergency over fentanyl in California. Lagos asked what a state of emergency would do.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It would focus on the fact that fentanyl is an issue in California. People on the streets are addicted, to get them off of drugs. That’s the first thing you do to get them on the projection out is get them off of drugs. You fund the counties with the mental health programs that they need and the clinicians, and then drive down the cost of housing in California are the three things that would need to happen for to take care of homelessness,” Dahle said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom, however, said Dahle’s proposal had no meat to it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Somehow, a ‘state of emergency’ [will be enacted], and we’re going to magically solve fentanyl. That’s what my opponent just said, somehow, [fentanyl] magically will disappear on the basis of a state of emergency,” Newsom said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom has also taken aim at homeless spending in his career. During his time as San Francisco mayor, he said there was nothing “liberal or compassionate” about letting people sleep on the streets, and championed a program called Care Not Cash to end cash subsidies to unhoused people in favor of services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He’s taking that proposal to a statewide scale, saying California will hold local governments accountable. Lagos asked Newsom to respond to Californians who are concerned about the growing number of people living on the state’s streets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’re right. This is an outrage,” Newsom said. “We’re not going to hand out money any longer if local governments can’t produce results.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom signed a budget this year that would spend $10 billion on affordable housing and \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2021/07/19/governor-newsom-signs-historic-housing-and-homelessness-funding-package-as-part-of-100-billion-california-comeback-plan/\">more than $12 billion — over two years — on the homelessness crisis\u003c/a>. That includes funding toward 42,000 housing units under Homekey, a program to convert motels, hotels and other buildings into housing to address homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last month, Newsom signed his controversial new program, CARE Court, into law. The Community Assistance, Recovery and Empowerment Act would compel some people with schizophrenia and other psychotic disorders to either accept treatment plans or, if they refuse, be placed under conservatorship.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Of course, my opponent opposed the funding for CARE Court,” Newsom said. “When I got here, there was no homeless strategy, no plan, no resources of any merit. Today, there’s $15.3 billion and there’s a real strategy, real plan, and there’s accountability for the first time.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The number of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11927968/california-unhoused-population-grew-by-more-than-22000-since-start-of-pandemic\">Californians without homes grew by at least 22,500 over the last three years\u003c/a>, according to a CalMatters analysis of the federal government’s last point-in-time count. California enacted a number of safeguards against homelessness during the pandemic, from rental assistance to a moratorium on evictions. The rate of homelessness among Californians grew 15% over the last year, on par with steady growth in homelessness from 2015 to today.\u003cbr>\n\u003ca id=\"crime\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Crime\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In television interviews and on social media, Dahle has echoed Republican criticism of Democrats for being what they call “soft on crime.” Dahle has advocated increasing\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2022/04/brian-dahle-california-governor/\"> funding to local law enforcement\u003c/a>, according to CalMatters, and weakening Proposition 47, which reduced punishments for some property and drug crimes. Conservatives have long pointed to Proposition 47 as a turning point that lowered consequences and led to rising crime, though \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/publication/the-impact-of-proposition-47-on-crime-and-recidivism/#:~:text=Did%20Proposition%2047%20increase%20crime,in%20crime%20reporting%20after%202014.\">research has not backed up that claim\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This issue remains a vexing issue, but Proposition 47 is not the culprit. It’s not the reason why we have seen an increase in crime in the state and or in this country,” Newsom said Sunday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/publication/crime-trends-in-california/\">Crime statewide is lower now than it has been since at least 1992\u003c/a>, according to crime data analyzed by the Public Policy Institute of California. Violent crime and property crime rates did marginally increase between 2020 and 2021, but remain historically low, and even somewhat lower than in 2019.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The narratives don’t fit the facts,” Newsom said, saying California is “average” for felony rates in the United States.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California is a uniquely large state, however, and different regions experience crime rates differently: The San Joaquin Valley saw large upticks in violent crime, while the highest rate of property crime in California last year was in the San Francisco Bay Area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Viral videos of smash-and-grab-style burglaries and brazen attacks against Asian and Asian American people have led to fear and outrage in some California cities, including San Francisco. Dahle referenced those disparities in the crimes Californians are seeing rise as a way for Newsom to obscure ugly truths.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Murders went up 40% in the last two years in California,” Dahle said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/publication/crime-trends-in-california/\">Homicides are up in California since 2019\u003c/a>, according to the Public Policy Institute of California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We believe in commonsense criminal justice reform. The reality is, (Dahle) also opposed our crime reduction plan, a $758 million investment,” Newsom said, which included 1,000 new California Highway Patrol officers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And eight of the top 10 states with the highest murder rates are Republican-led, Newsom claimed. Republicans \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/2022/10/19/murder-rates-red-states-myth/\">have pushed back on that frequent Democratic talking point\u003c/a>, saying the crime rate is high in Democratic-led urban areas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is an issue that has no political jurisdiction,” Newsom said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Seeking to protect Californians from gun violence, Newsom signed a bevy of bills this legislative session to \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2022/07/21/governor-newsom-signs-new-measures-to-protect-californians-from-gun-violence/\">toughen gun-safety laws\u003c/a>. Among them are new laws to conduct inspections of gun dealers, reducing the number of guns a person can manufacture, restricting ghost-gun and prohibiting the sale of firearms on state property.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dahle \u003ca href=\"https://justfacts.votesmart.org/candidate/key-votes/82387/brian-dahle/37/guns\">voted against a slew of firearm-related bills\u003c/a> in the state Senate this session, including AB 1594, a controversial proposal by Newsom to allow people harmed by gun violence to file civil lawsuits against gun manufacturers. Still, Dahle did vote in favor of some gun-reform measures, including \u003ca href=\"https://www.kpbs.org/news/local/2022/07/22/bill-law-decade-ban-gun-ownership-child-elder-abuse\">a bill that would ban anyone convicted of child or elder abuse from possessing firearms for a decade\u003c/a>.\u003cbr>\n\u003ca id=\"common\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Cutting remarks, finding common ground\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Throughout the debate, Dahle and Newsom took potshots at the other’s policies, frequently relying on party talking points.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re in a constant state of crisis under your leadership. Your leadership has not solved one problem. We have fires that you haven’t solved. We have water storage you haven’t solved. We have electricity you haven’t solved. All those things you talk about, but what are the results? Zero,” Dahle said, of Newsom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb data-stringify-type=\"bold\">“\u003c/b>With respect, you’re not pro-life. You’re pro-government-mandated birth. If you were pro-life, you would support our efforts to provide support for child care and preschool and prenatal programs. You’ve consistently opposed those programs,” Newsom said, of Dahle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11929904\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/029_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11929904\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/029_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-800x535.jpg\" alt=\"Two men wearing business suits shake hands on stage.\" width=\"800\" height=\"535\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/029_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-800x535.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/029_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-1020x682.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/029_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/029_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-1536x1026.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/029_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Republican state Sen. Brian Dahle and Gov. Gavin Newsom shake hands after participating in a gubernatorial debate at KQED in San Francisco on Oct. 23, 2022. \u003ccite>(Aryk Copley/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But near the end of the debate, Shafer and Lagos asked each candidate to talk about a time in life when they learned they were wrong, and how they remedied that mistake, a question that set them down the road toward common ground.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom spoke about iterating in his life, and about overcoming a significant learning disability and taking speech therapy as a kid. As a result, he said, “I don’t like bullies, I don’t like cruelty, I don’t like people that humiliate other people.” And as a younger person, he said, he did “not learn quickly enough that all of us are unique.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dahle said he learned a lot about environmentalism earlier on in his political career in a way that “helped me expand on my ability to be able to be very sensitive to the environment.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The pair even found agreement on one issue: reparations. Dahle supported the study to explore paying back Black Californians for injustices of the past and present.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>“\u003c/b>I think it’s a step in the right [direction] for those people, to those people who were wronged,” Dahle said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lagos voiced her surprise, saying, “We found one thing you two agree on.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>The Associated Press contributed to this report.\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Homelessness, soaring gas prices and addressing climate change were among the topics gubernatorial candidates Gov. Gavin Newsom and Sen. Brian Dahle (R-Bieber) sparred over at the debate between the two candidates before this year's gubernatorial election.",
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"title": "Newsom, Dahle Spar Over Abortion, Gas Tax and Crime in California Governor Debate | KQED",
"description": "Homelessness, soaring gas prices and addressing climate change were among the topics gubernatorial candidates Gov. Gavin Newsom and Sen. Brian Dahle (R-Bieber) sparred over at the debate between the two candidates before this year's gubernatorial election.",
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"headline": "Newsom, Dahle Spar Over Abortion, Gas Tax and Crime in California Governor Debate",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=mx_n3PPEKcw\">Watch the debate here.\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gubernatorial candidates Gov. Gavin Newsom and Sen. Brian Dahle (R-Bieber) sparred over homelessness, abortion access, soaring gas prices and addressing climate change at the first and likely only debate between the two candidates this election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On stage Sunday at KQED headquarters in San Francisco, Newsom and Dahle answered questions from KQED’s Senior Editor for Politics and Government Scott Shafer and Politics Correspondent Marisa Lagos. While Newsom and Dahle at times dug deep into policy disagreements, they also often retreated to more widely held positions by both political parties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#prop1\">Jump to: Proposition 1: Reproductive rights\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#gas\">Jump to: Soaring gas prices\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#homeless\">Jump to: Homelessness\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#crime\">Jump to: Crime\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#common\">Jump to: Cutting remarks, finding common ground\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He does not support reproductive freedom, does not support reproductive choice, regardless of rape, regardless of incest,” Newsom said of his opponent, Dahle, taking aim at a topic \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2022-08-24/abortion-california-voters-2022-california-election-poll\">top of mind for Californians\u003c/a> at the opening of the debate. “I work[ed] with legislative leaders to get Proposition 1 on the ballot. It’s foundational to the core values to the state of California and is something that I enthusiastically support.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dahle retorted with a jab at rumors Newsom is mulling a run for president.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I want to start out by thanking the governor for taking time out of his going forward on his dream of being president of the United States and actually coming to California and having a debate,” Dahle said. “I don’t know if he’s been out on the street or if you’ve been on the street talking to people who can’t afford to live in California. People are fleeing California because they can’t afford to live here. He’s driving up the cost of everything in California.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The pair traded barbs on California’s cost of living and Newsom’s record in helping Californians conserve water. Dahle also said Newsom could do more to ease high gas prices for people statewide. Newsom attacked Dahle’s opposition to funding to expand preschool and his stance against abortion access.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11929902\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/020_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11929902\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/020_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-800x535.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"535\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/020_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-800x535.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/020_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-1020x682.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/020_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/020_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-1536x1026.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/020_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">From left, Gov. Gavin Newsom and Republican state Sen. Brian Dahle participate in a gubernatorial debate at KQED with Senior Editor for Politics and Government Scott Shafer and Politics Correspondent Marisa Lagos in San Francisco on Oct. 23, 2022. \u003ccite>(KQED/Beth LaBerge)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Three hundred companies have left California under his watch — in the last three years. These are worldwide companies. Tesla, Oracle, HP, have left California under his watch,” Dahle said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Newsom responded, “Let me unpack, just on the issue of the economy. California has no peers. The state of California grew at 7.8% GDP last year — outperformed the United States, which was at 5.7%.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Preelection polls — along with voters’ solid rejection of a Newsom recall last year — suggest the outcome is a foregone conclusion. According to \u003ca href=\"https://escholarship.org/uc/item/0456d0gt\">a Berkeley Institute of Governmental Studies survey\u003c/a> released earlier this month, 53% of voters support Newsom while 32% support Dahle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dahle’s biggest problem, however, might be simple name recognition. The same poll showed that about 52% of likely voters were “unfamiliar” with him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom’s huge advantage in polls and fundraising have allowed him to nearly ignore his opponent, using his campaign cash to air commercials on other ballot topics, supporting Proposition 1 on abortion rights and opposing Proposition 30, which would raise taxes on the wealthy to fund climate goals and fight wildfires.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom also raised eyebrows with strategic ad buys in Texas and Florida — highlighting his political differences with two Republican governors who are thought to be weighing a run for president in 2024.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom tried to put that matter to rest on Sunday. On stage, Lagos asked Newsom, “I want to ask very clearly, you’re asking voters for four more years. Do you commit to serving all four?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom answered, “Yes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The pair then moved on to California-specific issues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca id=\"prop1\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Proposition 1: Reproductive rights\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In its June decision on Dobbs v. Jackson, the U.S. Supreme Court overturned Roe v. Wade, letting states decide whether to allow abortions. Following those weakened protections, California lawmakers approved placing Proposition 1 on the ballot, which would amend the state constitution to leave no doubt that abortion is a legal right in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11929900\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/014_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11929900\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/014_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-800x535.jpg\" alt=\"A man wearing a business suit rests his hand on a desk.\" width=\"800\" height=\"535\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/014_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-800x535.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/014_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-1020x682.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/014_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/014_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-1536x1026.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/014_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gov. Gavin Newsom participates in a gubernatorial debate at KQED in San Francisco on Oct. 23, 2022. \u003ccite>(Aryk Copley/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>At the debate, Newsom highlighted Dahle’s opposition to the measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>“\u003c/b>We’re not embarrassed and we don’t apologize for having the back of women and girls all across this country that are fleeing persecution. And fleeing the kind of, well, extreme policies you are promoting,” Newsom said, referencing Dahle. “What my opponent believes is some\u003cem> \u003c/em>10-year-old that’s raped by her father should be forced to bear her brother or sister. His position is extreme. And that is something I hope the people of the state of California consider\u003ci>.”\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dahle shot back that Proposition 1 didn’t allow a statewide debate on how abortion access should be navigated in California, if at all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You know, he talks about extreme. Extreme is not ever having a conversation,” Dahle said. “It’s just all or nothing. That’s what’s going to happen under this Prop. 1.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dahle calls himself “pro-life” and voted against putting Proposition 1 before voters to make abortion a constitutional right in California, which Newsom has championed. Throughout his campaign, however, Dahle has not exactly been vocal about his position on abortion — perhaps an acknowledgment of California’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/blog/where-do-californians-stand-on-abortion/\">overwhelming approval of abortion rights\u003c/a>. When asked about \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/politics/article/california-candidates-opposing-abortion-17263279.php\">his position on abortion rights\u003c/a> by The San Francisco Chronicle earlier this year, Dahle deferred to his voting record instead of answering directly.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Although he opposes abortion rights, Dahle \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/abortion-2022-midterm-elections-california-presidential-24979cc4ce5404bcbcb536b13cced595\">voted for a 2021 bill that would have made contraceptives — including the morning-after pill — much cheaper\u003c/a>.\u003cbr>\n\u003ca id=\"gas\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Soaring gas prices\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Gas prices soared across the nation this summer because of high inflation, Russia’s invasion of Ukraine and ongoing disruptions in the global supply chain.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But while gas prices have recovered somewhat nationwide, they have continued to spike in California, hitting an average of $6.39 per gallon earlier this month — $2.58 higher than the national average, according to AAA.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On stage at KQED, Shafer asked Dahle, “How do you propose the state bring down the gas price in a meaningful way for consumers?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11929901\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/024_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11929901\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/024_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-800x535.jpg\" alt=\"A man wearing a business suit makes a gesture with his hand.\" width=\"800\" height=\"535\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/024_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-800x535.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/024_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-1020x682.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/024_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/024_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-1536x1026.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/024_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Republican state Sen. Brian Dahle participates in a gubernatorial debate at KQED in San Francisco on Oct. 23, 2022. \u003ccite>(Aryk Copley/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Dahle said California needs to grant permits to 1,200 oil wells sitting on the desk of the governor right now.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He prefers not to get those permits out,” Dahle said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dahle said a gas tax holiday is “the fastest way you can actually help drive down inflation.” His experience with his own trucking business has made the gas pain all too personal, he said, seeing him pay $4,000 monthly for diesel fuel.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That drives up the cost of a gallon of milk, a dozen eggs for every hardworking Californian,” Dahle said. “So if you lower that gas tax across the board, it lowers [the cost of] your food, not only the gas you put in your tank.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California has the second-highest gas tax in the country and other environmental rules that increase the cost of fuel in the nation’s most populous state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Shafer pressed Dahle, “How do you guarantee that if the tax goes away, that it’s actually going to go to consumers and not just the oil companies?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Well, we make sure that they do it,” Dahle said.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/mx_n3PPEKcw'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/mx_n3PPEKcw'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Watch the debate in the YouTube video above. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom said other states have moved forward with gas tax reductions — some of which include Maryland, New York and Georgia — and “we haven’t seen the commensurate reduction” in gas prices because “there is no guarantee.” He added that leading economists have said it’s “nothing more than a gimmick.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These companies are ripping you off and ripping us off. That’s why I want to move forward with a price-gouging penalty to address this abuse,” Newsom said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"Component-root-0-2-63 p Component-p-0-2-54\">The state Legislature briefly considered a proposal earlier this year that would have imposed a “windfall profits tax” on oil companies’ gross receipts when the price of a gallon of gasoline was “abnormally high compared to the price of a barrel of oil.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"Component-root-0-2-63 p Component-p-0-2-54\">That proposal would have required state regulators to determine the tax rate, making sure it recovered any oil company profit margins that exceeded $0.30 per gallon. The money from the tax would then have been returned to taxpayers via rebates. It’s unclear how closely Newsom’s final proposal will resemble this earlier effort.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca id=\"homeless\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Homelessness\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Dahle frequently says California spends too much money on homelessness with little to show for it. He has said that, if elected to office, he would declare homelessness a “public health crisis” and “stop the state’s misguided attempt to throw money” at the problem.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On stage, Dahle said he would declare a state of emergency over fentanyl in California. Lagos asked what a state of emergency would do.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It would focus on the fact that fentanyl is an issue in California. People on the streets are addicted, to get them off of drugs. That’s the first thing you do to get them on the projection out is get them off of drugs. You fund the counties with the mental health programs that they need and the clinicians, and then drive down the cost of housing in California are the three things that would need to happen for to take care of homelessness,” Dahle said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom, however, said Dahle’s proposal had no meat to it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Somehow, a ‘state of emergency’ [will be enacted], and we’re going to magically solve fentanyl. That’s what my opponent just said, somehow, [fentanyl] magically will disappear on the basis of a state of emergency,” Newsom said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom has also taken aim at homeless spending in his career. During his time as San Francisco mayor, he said there was nothing “liberal or compassionate” about letting people sleep on the streets, and championed a program called Care Not Cash to end cash subsidies to unhoused people in favor of services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He’s taking that proposal to a statewide scale, saying California will hold local governments accountable. Lagos asked Newsom to respond to Californians who are concerned about the growing number of people living on the state’s streets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’re right. This is an outrage,” Newsom said. “We’re not going to hand out money any longer if local governments can’t produce results.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom signed a budget this year that would spend $10 billion on affordable housing and \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2021/07/19/governor-newsom-signs-historic-housing-and-homelessness-funding-package-as-part-of-100-billion-california-comeback-plan/\">more than $12 billion — over two years — on the homelessness crisis\u003c/a>. That includes funding toward 42,000 housing units under Homekey, a program to convert motels, hotels and other buildings into housing to address homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last month, Newsom signed his controversial new program, CARE Court, into law. The Community Assistance, Recovery and Empowerment Act would compel some people with schizophrenia and other psychotic disorders to either accept treatment plans or, if they refuse, be placed under conservatorship.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Of course, my opponent opposed the funding for CARE Court,” Newsom said. “When I got here, there was no homeless strategy, no plan, no resources of any merit. Today, there’s $15.3 billion and there’s a real strategy, real plan, and there’s accountability for the first time.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The number of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11927968/california-unhoused-population-grew-by-more-than-22000-since-start-of-pandemic\">Californians without homes grew by at least 22,500 over the last three years\u003c/a>, according to a CalMatters analysis of the federal government’s last point-in-time count. California enacted a number of safeguards against homelessness during the pandemic, from rental assistance to a moratorium on evictions. The rate of homelessness among Californians grew 15% over the last year, on par with steady growth in homelessness from 2015 to today.\u003cbr>\n\u003ca id=\"crime\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Crime\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In television interviews and on social media, Dahle has echoed Republican criticism of Democrats for being what they call “soft on crime.” Dahle has advocated increasing\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2022/04/brian-dahle-california-governor/\"> funding to local law enforcement\u003c/a>, according to CalMatters, and weakening Proposition 47, which reduced punishments for some property and drug crimes. Conservatives have long pointed to Proposition 47 as a turning point that lowered consequences and led to rising crime, though \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/publication/the-impact-of-proposition-47-on-crime-and-recidivism/#:~:text=Did%20Proposition%2047%20increase%20crime,in%20crime%20reporting%20after%202014.\">research has not backed up that claim\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This issue remains a vexing issue, but Proposition 47 is not the culprit. It’s not the reason why we have seen an increase in crime in the state and or in this country,” Newsom said Sunday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/publication/crime-trends-in-california/\">Crime statewide is lower now than it has been since at least 1992\u003c/a>, according to crime data analyzed by the Public Policy Institute of California. Violent crime and property crime rates did marginally increase between 2020 and 2021, but remain historically low, and even somewhat lower than in 2019.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The narratives don’t fit the facts,” Newsom said, saying California is “average” for felony rates in the United States.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California is a uniquely large state, however, and different regions experience crime rates differently: The San Joaquin Valley saw large upticks in violent crime, while the highest rate of property crime in California last year was in the San Francisco Bay Area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Viral videos of smash-and-grab-style burglaries and brazen attacks against Asian and Asian American people have led to fear and outrage in some California cities, including San Francisco. Dahle referenced those disparities in the crimes Californians are seeing rise as a way for Newsom to obscure ugly truths.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Murders went up 40% in the last two years in California,” Dahle said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/publication/crime-trends-in-california/\">Homicides are up in California since 2019\u003c/a>, according to the Public Policy Institute of California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We believe in commonsense criminal justice reform. The reality is, (Dahle) also opposed our crime reduction plan, a $758 million investment,” Newsom said, which included 1,000 new California Highway Patrol officers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And eight of the top 10 states with the highest murder rates are Republican-led, Newsom claimed. Republicans \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/2022/10/19/murder-rates-red-states-myth/\">have pushed back on that frequent Democratic talking point\u003c/a>, saying the crime rate is high in Democratic-led urban areas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is an issue that has no political jurisdiction,” Newsom said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Seeking to protect Californians from gun violence, Newsom signed a bevy of bills this legislative session to \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2022/07/21/governor-newsom-signs-new-measures-to-protect-californians-from-gun-violence/\">toughen gun-safety laws\u003c/a>. Among them are new laws to conduct inspections of gun dealers, reducing the number of guns a person can manufacture, restricting ghost-gun and prohibiting the sale of firearms on state property.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dahle \u003ca href=\"https://justfacts.votesmart.org/candidate/key-votes/82387/brian-dahle/37/guns\">voted against a slew of firearm-related bills\u003c/a> in the state Senate this session, including AB 1594, a controversial proposal by Newsom to allow people harmed by gun violence to file civil lawsuits against gun manufacturers. Still, Dahle did vote in favor of some gun-reform measures, including \u003ca href=\"https://www.kpbs.org/news/local/2022/07/22/bill-law-decade-ban-gun-ownership-child-elder-abuse\">a bill that would ban anyone convicted of child or elder abuse from possessing firearms for a decade\u003c/a>.\u003cbr>\n\u003ca id=\"common\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Cutting remarks, finding common ground\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Throughout the debate, Dahle and Newsom took potshots at the other’s policies, frequently relying on party talking points.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re in a constant state of crisis under your leadership. Your leadership has not solved one problem. We have fires that you haven’t solved. We have water storage you haven’t solved. We have electricity you haven’t solved. All those things you talk about, but what are the results? Zero,” Dahle said, of Newsom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb data-stringify-type=\"bold\">“\u003c/b>With respect, you’re not pro-life. You’re pro-government-mandated birth. If you were pro-life, you would support our efforts to provide support for child care and preschool and prenatal programs. You’ve consistently opposed those programs,” Newsom said, of Dahle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11929904\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/029_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11929904\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/029_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-800x535.jpg\" alt=\"Two men wearing business suits shake hands on stage.\" width=\"800\" height=\"535\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/029_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-800x535.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/029_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-1020x682.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/029_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/029_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-1536x1026.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/029_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Republican state Sen. Brian Dahle and Gov. Gavin Newsom shake hands after participating in a gubernatorial debate at KQED in San Francisco on Oct. 23, 2022. \u003ccite>(Aryk Copley/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But near the end of the debate, Shafer and Lagos asked each candidate to talk about a time in life when they learned they were wrong, and how they remedied that mistake, a question that set them down the road toward common ground.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom spoke about iterating in his life, and about overcoming a significant learning disability and taking speech therapy as a kid. As a result, he said, “I don’t like bullies, I don’t like cruelty, I don’t like people that humiliate other people.” And as a younger person, he said, he did “not learn quickly enough that all of us are unique.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dahle said he learned a lot about environmentalism earlier on in his political career in a way that “helped me expand on my ability to be able to be very sensitive to the environment.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The pair even found agreement on one issue: reparations. Dahle supported the study to explore paying back Black Californians for injustices of the past and present.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>“\u003c/b>I think it’s a step in the right [direction] for those people, to those people who were wronged,” Dahle said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lagos voiced her surprise, saying, “We found one thing you two agree on.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>The Associated Press contributed to this report.\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>The original version of this post was published on October 3, 2022.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Watch live on \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=mx_n3PPEKcw\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Youtube\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Watch live on \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/event/2726\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Facebook\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Listen live via \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">KQED 88.5\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Watch on KQED Public Television 9 at 6 p.m.\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom and state Sen. Brian Dahle, R-Bieber, will face off at KQED on Oct. 23, 2022, at 1 p.m.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The forum is the only confirmed meeting between the \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/governor\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">two candidates in this year’s gubernatorial election\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">. Newsom finished nearly 40 points ahead of Dahle in the June primary, and has led public polling throughout the summer. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Dahle has traveled the state blasting Newsom for high gas prices and rising homelessness. But\u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11925876/brian-dahle-on-running-for-governor-and-his-unique-marriage-proposal\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> the Republican senator has at times struggled\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> to reconcile his anti-abortion-rights position with the overwhelming support for reproductive rights among California’s electorate. \u003c/span>[aside postID=\"news_11925757,news_11925876,news_11916134\" label=\"Related Posts\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Saying that “survey after survey shows Californians think the state is going in the wrong direction,” Dahle said “Californians deserve better, and I appreciate KQED for giving voters the opportunity to hear from both candidates for governor, so they know there is an alternative to turn this state around.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Newsom has eschewed a traditional reelection campaign and instead focused his messaging on the national stage by denouncing the rollback of reproductive and civil rights in Republican-led states. Newsom has run ads needling GOP governors in Florida and Texas, purchased billboards in seven states advertising the abortion services available in California, and last week traveled to Texas to \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/elections-texas-california-campaigns-gun-politics-a1e55ff228a38c6bc915c4eb12830b6b\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">urge the Democratic Party to take a more pugilistic approach\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> to social issues. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Newsom \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11925757/newsom-agrees-to-debate-dahle-in-gubernatorial-forum-at-kqed\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">accepted KQED’s invitation for an October debate\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> earlier this month. In 2018, the \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11697413/gavin-newsom-john-cox-spar-on-housing-criminal-justice-in-wide-ranging-debate\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">lone face-off between Newsom and Republican John Cox\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> took place on KQED’s Forum program. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The Oct. 23 debate will be moderated by KQED’s Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos, who will question the candidates in conversational format without strict time limits on answers. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“This election, like every election, is a critical moment for the state, and Californians deserve to hear straight from the gubernatorial candidates themselves their visions for the future,” said Ethan Toven-Lindsey, KQED’s vice president of news. “KQED is honored and excited that Sen. Dahle and Gov. Newsom have agreed to talk with our journalists in this important conversation.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The debate will air live at 1 p.m. on KQED Public Radio 88.5, with a live video stream for digital audiences. A recorded television broadcast will air at 6 p.m. on KQED 9. Both the radio and television broadcasts will be made available to any station interested in simulcasting the debate. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>The original version of this post was published on October 3, 2022.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Watch live on \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=mx_n3PPEKcw\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Youtube\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Watch live on \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/event/2726\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Facebook\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Listen live via \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">KQED 88.5\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Watch on KQED Public Television 9 at 6 p.m.\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom and state Sen. Brian Dahle, R-Bieber, will face off at KQED on Oct. 23, 2022, at 1 p.m.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The forum is the only confirmed meeting between the \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/governor\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">two candidates in this year’s gubernatorial election\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">. Newsom finished nearly 40 points ahead of Dahle in the June primary, and has led public polling throughout the summer. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Dahle has traveled the state blasting Newsom for high gas prices and rising homelessness. But\u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11925876/brian-dahle-on-running-for-governor-and-his-unique-marriage-proposal\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> the Republican senator has at times struggled\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> to reconcile his anti-abortion-rights position with the overwhelming support for reproductive rights among California’s electorate. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Saying that “survey after survey shows Californians think the state is going in the wrong direction,” Dahle said “Californians deserve better, and I appreciate KQED for giving voters the opportunity to hear from both candidates for governor, so they know there is an alternative to turn this state around.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Newsom has eschewed a traditional reelection campaign and instead focused his messaging on the national stage by denouncing the rollback of reproductive and civil rights in Republican-led states. Newsom has run ads needling GOP governors in Florida and Texas, purchased billboards in seven states advertising the abortion services available in California, and last week traveled to Texas to \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/elections-texas-california-campaigns-gun-politics-a1e55ff228a38c6bc915c4eb12830b6b\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">urge the Democratic Party to take a more pugilistic approach\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> to social issues. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Newsom \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11925757/newsom-agrees-to-debate-dahle-in-gubernatorial-forum-at-kqed\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">accepted KQED’s invitation for an October debate\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> earlier this month. In 2018, the \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11697413/gavin-newsom-john-cox-spar-on-housing-criminal-justice-in-wide-ranging-debate\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">lone face-off between Newsom and Republican John Cox\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> took place on KQED’s Forum program. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The Oct. 23 debate will be moderated by KQED’s Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos, who will question the candidates in conversational format without strict time limits on answers. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“This election, like every election, is a critical moment for the state, and Californians deserve to hear straight from the gubernatorial candidates themselves their visions for the future,” said Ethan Toven-Lindsey, KQED’s vice president of news. “KQED is honored and excited that Sen. Dahle and Gov. Newsom have agreed to talk with our journalists in this important conversation.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The debate will air live at 1 p.m. on KQED Public Radio 88.5, with a live video stream for digital audiences. A recorded television broadcast will air at 6 p.m. on KQED 9. Both the radio and television broadcasts will be made available to any station interested in simulcasting the debate. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>California’s COVID-19 emergency will officially end in February as Gov. Gavin Newsom said the state has enough resources and plans to manage the pandemic without the need for a formal declaration that gives the governor the power to suspend or change laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His office made the announcement Monday, touting the state’s relatively low transmission and hospitalization rates, and saying the delay until next year will give the state’s health care system any flexibility it still needs for a possible winter surge in cases and hospitalizations, and give everyone enough time to prepare for the phaseout.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Throughout the pandemic, we’ve been guided by the science and data – moving quickly and strategically to save lives. The State of Emergency was an effective and necessary tool that we utilized to protect our state, and we wouldn’t have gotten to this point without it,” Newsom said in a statement. “With the operational preparedness that we’ve built up and the measures that we’ll continue to employ moving forward, California is ready to phase out this tool.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_11890715,news_11876747\"]Newsom declared a state of emergency for the coronavirus on March 4, 2020, shortly after an older adult was the first confirmed death from the disease in California — the first of nearly 95,000 deaths in the state to date.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since then, Newsom has used his authority under the emergency declaration to issue 596 orders. Some were small, like delaying deadlines for filing taxes or renewing driver’s licenses. But others were life-changing, including issuing a statewide stay-at-home order.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“While the threat of this virus is still real, our preparedness and collective work have helped turn this once crisis emergency into a manageable situation,” California Health and Human Services Secretary Mark Ghaly said in the statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the state of emergency is officially over at the end of February, Newsom’s pandemic-related executive orders will no longer be in effect. But this will largely be a symbolic marker for most residents, as the majority of those orders either have already expired or been lifted. As of October, just 27 of Newsom’s orders remain in place, according to the governor’s office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The formal end of the emergency will also not affect public health orders, which are issued and enforced by state and local public health officers. That includes a statewide mandate that schoolchildren be vaccinated against the coronavirus — a requirement that has been delayed until next summer at the earliest.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How ripple effects could affect Bay Area renters and landlords\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Still, Newsom’s decision could result in very tangible effects for some Bay Area renters and landlords.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While California’s statewide eviction moratorium expired at the beginning of September, renter protections remain in place in some cities and counties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In \u003ca href=\"https://sf.gov/information/covid-19-emergency-tenant-protections#:~:text=AB%2D2179%20permanently%20prohibits%20evictions,rent%20that%20is%20still%20unpaid\">San Francisco\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.acgov.org/cda/hcd/documents/EvictionMoratoriumOrdinanceSummaryFAQ8.11.20.pdf\">Alameda County\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://cao-94612.s3.amazonaws.com/documents/FAQ-Sheet_Emergency-Moratorium_EN_6.9.22_Final_2022-08-16-215127_pkib.pdf#:~:text=California's%20Eviction%20Moratorium%20expired%20on,Council%20lifts%20the%20local%20emergency\">Oakland\u003c/a>, those protections are tied to local states of emergency. If local leaders follow the governor’s cue and lift those orders, renters in those cities and counties will once again be subject to eviction for nonpayment of rent related to COVID financial hardships.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this month, the \u003ca href=\"https://abc7.com/los-angeles-city-council-covid-eviction-moratorium-la-rent-controlled-apartments-landlord-rights/12294767/\">Los Angeles City Council voted to lift its eviction moratorium starting on February 1\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, Oakland and Alameda County’s eviction moratoriums are facing a court challenge from property owners. A federal judge is expected to determine in the coming weeks whether the lawsuit will move forward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom says he will ask the state Legislature to put two of his other orders into law, making them permanent. One would continue to allow nurses to order and dispense certain COVID-19 medications, and another would allow laboratory workers to continue processing COVID-19 tests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The emergency orders issued by Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/health-california-coronavirus-pandemic-7c43d6bbe95927266342fa1ca94662e6\">survived a legal challenge\u003c/a> from key state Republican leaders. The California Supreme Court last year left in place a lower court’s ruling that the governor acted within his authority.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story includes reporting by Adam Beam of The Associated Press and KQED’s Erika Kelly.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>California’s COVID-19 emergency will officially end in February as Gov. Gavin Newsom said the state has enough resources and plans to manage the pandemic without the need for a formal declaration that gives the governor the power to suspend or change laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His office made the announcement Monday, touting the state’s relatively low transmission and hospitalization rates, and saying the delay until next year will give the state’s health care system any flexibility it still needs for a possible winter surge in cases and hospitalizations, and give everyone enough time to prepare for the phaseout.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Throughout the pandemic, we’ve been guided by the science and data – moving quickly and strategically to save lives. The State of Emergency was an effective and necessary tool that we utilized to protect our state, and we wouldn’t have gotten to this point without it,” Newsom said in a statement. “With the operational preparedness that we’ve built up and the measures that we’ll continue to employ moving forward, California is ready to phase out this tool.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Newsom declared a state of emergency for the coronavirus on March 4, 2020, shortly after an older adult was the first confirmed death from the disease in California — the first of nearly 95,000 deaths in the state to date.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since then, Newsom has used his authority under the emergency declaration to issue 596 orders. Some were small, like delaying deadlines for filing taxes or renewing driver’s licenses. But others were life-changing, including issuing a statewide stay-at-home order.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“While the threat of this virus is still real, our preparedness and collective work have helped turn this once crisis emergency into a manageable situation,” California Health and Human Services Secretary Mark Ghaly said in the statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the state of emergency is officially over at the end of February, Newsom’s pandemic-related executive orders will no longer be in effect. But this will largely be a symbolic marker for most residents, as the majority of those orders either have already expired or been lifted. As of October, just 27 of Newsom’s orders remain in place, according to the governor’s office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The formal end of the emergency will also not affect public health orders, which are issued and enforced by state and local public health officers. That includes a statewide mandate that schoolchildren be vaccinated against the coronavirus — a requirement that has been delayed until next summer at the earliest.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How ripple effects could affect Bay Area renters and landlords\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Still, Newsom’s decision could result in very tangible effects for some Bay Area renters and landlords.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While California’s statewide eviction moratorium expired at the beginning of September, renter protections remain in place in some cities and counties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In \u003ca href=\"https://sf.gov/information/covid-19-emergency-tenant-protections#:~:text=AB%2D2179%20permanently%20prohibits%20evictions,rent%20that%20is%20still%20unpaid\">San Francisco\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.acgov.org/cda/hcd/documents/EvictionMoratoriumOrdinanceSummaryFAQ8.11.20.pdf\">Alameda County\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://cao-94612.s3.amazonaws.com/documents/FAQ-Sheet_Emergency-Moratorium_EN_6.9.22_Final_2022-08-16-215127_pkib.pdf#:~:text=California's%20Eviction%20Moratorium%20expired%20on,Council%20lifts%20the%20local%20emergency\">Oakland\u003c/a>, those protections are tied to local states of emergency. If local leaders follow the governor’s cue and lift those orders, renters in those cities and counties will once again be subject to eviction for nonpayment of rent related to COVID financial hardships.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this month, the \u003ca href=\"https://abc7.com/los-angeles-city-council-covid-eviction-moratorium-la-rent-controlled-apartments-landlord-rights/12294767/\">Los Angeles City Council voted to lift its eviction moratorium starting on February 1\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, Oakland and Alameda County’s eviction moratoriums are facing a court challenge from property owners. A federal judge is expected to determine in the coming weeks whether the lawsuit will move forward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom says he will ask the state Legislature to put two of his other orders into law, making them permanent. One would continue to allow nurses to order and dispense certain COVID-19 medications, and another would allow laboratory workers to continue processing COVID-19 tests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The emergency orders issued by Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/health-california-coronavirus-pandemic-7c43d6bbe95927266342fa1ca94662e6\">survived a legal challenge\u003c/a> from key state Republican leaders. The California Supreme Court last year left in place a lower court’s ruling that the governor acted within his authority.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story includes reporting by Adam Beam of The Associated Press and KQED’s Erika Kelly.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Californians are just weeks away from voting on Proposition 30 in November. The plan to raise the income tax on Californians who make more than $2 million by 1.75% each year to pay for electric-vehicle incentives and wildfire prevention has split Democrats from Gov. Gavin Newsom, their standard-bearer in Sacramento.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State analysts estimate that the new tax on the state’s wealthiest would raise between $3.5 billion and $5 billion annually, growing over time until it expires in 2043.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposition requires that the state spend 80% of that revenue on EV rebates, to help people, businesses and government pay for electric trucks, cars and buses, and to pay for the installation of charging stations in public and in homes and apartment buildings. The remainder would be spent on hiring and training firefighters, and other wildfire mitigation measures.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Why is the EV-loving Newsom opposing this measure?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Newsom has vocally and publicly opposed the proposition, “warning” Californians not to be “fooled” by the campaign in support. He called it a “Trojan horse” and a “cynical scheme.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His opposition surprised a lot of his fellow Democrats. Investing in electric vehicles is a top priority of his administration. He ordered the state to phase out the sale of new gasoline-powered cars by 2035 and said he wants to “\u003ca href=\"https://wamu.org/story/20/09/24/california-governor-on-his-order-to-ban-sale-of-new-gasoline-vehicles-by-2035/\">accelerate investment, accelerate innovation, research, development, accelerate manufacturing\u003c/a>” in that industry.[aside postID=news_11926998 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS32599_ElectricCars_AW_03-qut-1020x680.jpg']So why is he opposing? He has said that the plan is unnecessary, pointing to the fact that the state invested billions of dollars this year on clean car rebates, electric vehicle chargers and other transportation projects.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In opposing Proposition 30, Newsom villainized Lyft, saying the ride-hailing company “devised” the measure to “funnel state income tax to benefit their company.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lyft certainly has skin in this game — and has dumped, at this writing, more than\u003ca href=\"https://cal-access.sos.ca.gov/Campaign/Committees/Detail.aspx?id=1443818&session=2021&view=received\"> $45 million into the Yes on 30 campaign\u003c/a>. Last year, California required that nearly all trips on ride-hailing platforms be in electric vehicles by the end of this decade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 30 doesn’t mention the company’s name, nor would it funnel money directly to it. But it would make electric vehicles cheaper for its drivers (and all Californians) and pay to install public charging stations that these cars would use.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Did Lyft devise the measure to direct state tax money its way?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Newsom has claimed that Proposition 30 was “devised by a single corporation” (read: Lyft).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the measure was actually designed by a coalition of environmental and other advocacy groups, including the Natural Resources Defense Council, SPUR and other groups. (Environmental attorneys told The Sacramento Bee that \u003ca href=\"https://www.sacbee.com/news/politics-government/article266237371.html\">Lyft was involved in drafting the measure\u003c/a>.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are receipts here. Back in 2020, Denny Zane, former mayor of Santa Monica and head of Move LA, a transit advocacy group based around Los Angeles, hosted a series of events about air pollution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At one event, he asked state climate leaders, including Mary Nichols, Newsom’s former top air regulator, this question: \u003ca href=\"https://www.movela.org/climate_change_the_zoom_series\">If you had $30 billion to spend fighting climate change, what would you do?\u003c/a> Many responded by saying they would invest in electric vehicles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Zane has a long history of pushing Californians to raise taxes to pay for clean transportation. He persuaded Los Angeles voters to pass a sales tax hike to pay for public transit with \u003ca href=\"https://www.metro.net/about/measure-r/\">Measure R\u003c/a> in 2008 and again with \u003ca href=\"https://www.metro.net/about/measure-m/\">Measure M\u003c/a> in 2016.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We went to the ballot and it worked,” Zane told KQED in an interview. “LA now has about $120 billion over the next 40 years coming to invest in transportation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He thought Newsom would be a partner on a statewide version.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We finally had somebody who was going to help back the signature drive,” he said. “Suddenly, it’s like a scheme. That’s just wrong. It’s just a mistake.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lyft President John Zimmer has also pushed back on Newsom’s assertion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is about the health of our neighbors and communities,” he said. “That’s why we agreed to get involved when environmental leaders approached us with their plan to reduce California emissions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How would it affect the state’s finances?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Newsom’s opposition has him siding with conservatives and anti-tax groups like the California Chamber of Commerce and the Howard Jarvis Taxpayers Association.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They point out that the state already has the highest income tax rate in the country. But they also argue that it could disrupt the state’s notoriously complicated finances, in a couple of ways.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Remember, the measure would raise the income tax only on the state’s wealthiest, many of whom rely on the stock market and other investments for their income. Their taxes can fluctuate widely, and one strong recession could crater the program; that’s one reason the LA Times editorial board issued an \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/opinion/story/2022-09-20/endorsement-no-on-proposition-30\">endorsement for No on Prop. 30\u003c/a>. “It doesn’t make sense to pin another priority on such a volatile funding stream,” they wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Also, California’s constitution limits how much the state can spend, and it has reached that limit in recent years. Here, the measure could have another unintended consequence, as it requires California to spend more money, up to $3 billion each year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003cbr>\nCalifornia’s Legislative Analyst’s Office found that the proposition could “require the state to reduce an equal amount of spending from other programs to ‘make room’ for the new required spending on ZEV [zero-emission vehicle] programs and wildfire activities.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Would the measure help the state reduce its greenhouse gas emissions?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The Yes on 30 campaign has trotted out prominent Democrats like Oakland Mayor Libby Schaaf, who supports the measure, at a series of campaign events around the state. They note that California’s top source of greenhouse gas emissions is transportation and argue that climate change and air pollution are killing Californians.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Prop. 30 is an innovative measure that all Californians must support, as if their lives depend on it,” Schaaf said at a campaign kickoff event.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the main impact of the measure, if it were to pass, would not be to increase the number of electric vehicles on the road — although, \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/environment/newsletter/2022-10-13/how-proposition-30-could-help-california-tackle-climate-change-boiling-point\">as Sammy Roth wrote in The LA Times, the measure “could definitely speed things up.”\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In August, the state’s powerful Air Resources Board passed California’s new EV mandate, which bans the sale of gasoline-powered cars and trucks in the state after 2035.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state’s new mandate requires a significant increase in the number of electric cars sold in California, no matter what happens with Proposition 30 in November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the measure passes, it would shift who pays for the vehicles, moving some cost onto higher-income taxpayers and away from consumers or carmakers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was made possible as part of The California Newsroom, a collaboration of California’s public radio stations, NPR and CalMatters.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "The plan to raise the income tax on Californians who make more than $2 million by 1.75% each year to pay for electric-vehicle incentives and wildfire prevention has split Democrats and Gov. Gavin Newsom.",
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"title": "Some Key Questions About Prop. 30 Answered | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Californians are just weeks away from voting on Proposition 30 in November. The plan to raise the income tax on Californians who make more than $2 million by 1.75% each year to pay for electric-vehicle incentives and wildfire prevention has split Democrats from Gov. Gavin Newsom, their standard-bearer in Sacramento.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State analysts estimate that the new tax on the state’s wealthiest would raise between $3.5 billion and $5 billion annually, growing over time until it expires in 2043.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposition requires that the state spend 80% of that revenue on EV rebates, to help people, businesses and government pay for electric trucks, cars and buses, and to pay for the installation of charging stations in public and in homes and apartment buildings. The remainder would be spent on hiring and training firefighters, and other wildfire mitigation measures.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Why is the EV-loving Newsom opposing this measure?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Newsom has vocally and publicly opposed the proposition, “warning” Californians not to be “fooled” by the campaign in support. He called it a “Trojan horse” and a “cynical scheme.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His opposition surprised a lot of his fellow Democrats. Investing in electric vehicles is a top priority of his administration. He ordered the state to phase out the sale of new gasoline-powered cars by 2035 and said he wants to “\u003ca href=\"https://wamu.org/story/20/09/24/california-governor-on-his-order-to-ban-sale-of-new-gasoline-vehicles-by-2035/\">accelerate investment, accelerate innovation, research, development, accelerate manufacturing\u003c/a>” in that industry.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>So why is he opposing? He has said that the plan is unnecessary, pointing to the fact that the state invested billions of dollars this year on clean car rebates, electric vehicle chargers and other transportation projects.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In opposing Proposition 30, Newsom villainized Lyft, saying the ride-hailing company “devised” the measure to “funnel state income tax to benefit their company.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lyft certainly has skin in this game — and has dumped, at this writing, more than\u003ca href=\"https://cal-access.sos.ca.gov/Campaign/Committees/Detail.aspx?id=1443818&session=2021&view=received\"> $45 million into the Yes on 30 campaign\u003c/a>. Last year, California required that nearly all trips on ride-hailing platforms be in electric vehicles by the end of this decade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 30 doesn’t mention the company’s name, nor would it funnel money directly to it. But it would make electric vehicles cheaper for its drivers (and all Californians) and pay to install public charging stations that these cars would use.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Did Lyft devise the measure to direct state tax money its way?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Newsom has claimed that Proposition 30 was “devised by a single corporation” (read: Lyft).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the measure was actually designed by a coalition of environmental and other advocacy groups, including the Natural Resources Defense Council, SPUR and other groups. (Environmental attorneys told The Sacramento Bee that \u003ca href=\"https://www.sacbee.com/news/politics-government/article266237371.html\">Lyft was involved in drafting the measure\u003c/a>.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are receipts here. Back in 2020, Denny Zane, former mayor of Santa Monica and head of Move LA, a transit advocacy group based around Los Angeles, hosted a series of events about air pollution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At one event, he asked state climate leaders, including Mary Nichols, Newsom’s former top air regulator, this question: \u003ca href=\"https://www.movela.org/climate_change_the_zoom_series\">If you had $30 billion to spend fighting climate change, what would you do?\u003c/a> Many responded by saying they would invest in electric vehicles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Zane has a long history of pushing Californians to raise taxes to pay for clean transportation. He persuaded Los Angeles voters to pass a sales tax hike to pay for public transit with \u003ca href=\"https://www.metro.net/about/measure-r/\">Measure R\u003c/a> in 2008 and again with \u003ca href=\"https://www.metro.net/about/measure-m/\">Measure M\u003c/a> in 2016.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We went to the ballot and it worked,” Zane told KQED in an interview. “LA now has about $120 billion over the next 40 years coming to invest in transportation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He thought Newsom would be a partner on a statewide version.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We finally had somebody who was going to help back the signature drive,” he said. “Suddenly, it’s like a scheme. That’s just wrong. It’s just a mistake.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lyft President John Zimmer has also pushed back on Newsom’s assertion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is about the health of our neighbors and communities,” he said. “That’s why we agreed to get involved when environmental leaders approached us with their plan to reduce California emissions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How would it affect the state’s finances?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Newsom’s opposition has him siding with conservatives and anti-tax groups like the California Chamber of Commerce and the Howard Jarvis Taxpayers Association.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They point out that the state already has the highest income tax rate in the country. But they also argue that it could disrupt the state’s notoriously complicated finances, in a couple of ways.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Remember, the measure would raise the income tax only on the state’s wealthiest, many of whom rely on the stock market and other investments for their income. Their taxes can fluctuate widely, and one strong recession could crater the program; that’s one reason the LA Times editorial board issued an \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/opinion/story/2022-09-20/endorsement-no-on-proposition-30\">endorsement for No on Prop. 30\u003c/a>. “It doesn’t make sense to pin another priority on such a volatile funding stream,” they wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Also, California’s constitution limits how much the state can spend, and it has reached that limit in recent years. Here, the measure could have another unintended consequence, as it requires California to spend more money, up to $3 billion each year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cbr>\nCalifornia’s Legislative Analyst’s Office found that the proposition could “require the state to reduce an equal amount of spending from other programs to ‘make room’ for the new required spending on ZEV [zero-emission vehicle] programs and wildfire activities.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Would the measure help the state reduce its greenhouse gas emissions?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The Yes on 30 campaign has trotted out prominent Democrats like Oakland Mayor Libby Schaaf, who supports the measure, at a series of campaign events around the state. They note that California’s top source of greenhouse gas emissions is transportation and argue that climate change and air pollution are killing Californians.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Prop. 30 is an innovative measure that all Californians must support, as if their lives depend on it,” Schaaf said at a campaign kickoff event.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the main impact of the measure, if it were to pass, would not be to increase the number of electric vehicles on the road — although, \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/environment/newsletter/2022-10-13/how-proposition-30-could-help-california-tackle-climate-change-boiling-point\">as Sammy Roth wrote in The LA Times, the measure “could definitely speed things up.”\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In August, the state’s powerful Air Resources Board passed California’s new EV mandate, which bans the sale of gasoline-powered cars and trucks in the state after 2035.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state’s new mandate requires a significant increase in the number of electric cars sold in California, no matter what happens with Proposition 30 in November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the measure passes, it would shift who pays for the vehicles, moving some cost onto higher-income taxpayers and away from consumers or carmakers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was made possible as part of The California Newsroom, a collaboration of California’s public radio stations, NPR and CalMatters.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "california-families-brace-for-higher-child-care-fees-amid-looming-cut-in-subsidies",
"title": "California Families Brace for Higher Child Care Fees Amid Looming Cut in Subsidies",
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"headTitle": "California Families Brace for Higher Child Care Fees Amid Looming Cut in Subsidies | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>During the pandemic, California’s lower-income families that are required to pay a fee to receive subsidized child care got a waiver from paying. That waiver is set to expire next year, worrying parents who have struggled to afford it in the past.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB92\">vetoed a bill\u003c/a> last month that would have made the waiver permanent. Parents say the waiver, which will end in June 2023, allowed them to pay other expenses or get caught up on delinquent bills. Now they will have to stop paying down debt, saving for emergencies and enrolling their children in extra activities like dance lessons to pay the fees instead.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In South Los Angeles, Marisol Rosales has already started to save money for the coming bill. Before their fees were waived last year, the family paid $400 a month for child care for their four children. After paying for rent, necessities and child care there was no money left, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They are expecting people that make a little bit of money to pay more money on top of expenses and cost of living and everything else,” Rosales said. “The whole point of why we have the subsidy is because our income is within the limits. So it doesn’t make sense to ask someone to pay another bill that could go toward something else.”[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Chris Hoene, executive director, California Budget and Policy Center\"]‘If you are an individual with lower income and you are trying to access subsidized child care, the fees are a barrier. And if you can afford the fees, then the next barrier is finding a provider.’[/pullquote]California helps lower-income families afford child care through several programs. For most families, the programs are free, but \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdss.ca.gov/inforesources/calworks-child-care/program-eligibility\">others must pay a share of their subsidized child care costs\u003c/a> — what the state refers to as a “family fee.” Families pay the fee directly to their child care provider or to the contractor who manages their subsidized child care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Currently, to qualify for state-subsidized child care, a family must earn 85% or less of the state median household income. Those who earn less than 40% of that amount pay nothing for child care. Families earning between 40% and 85% of the state median income pay \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/wp-content/uploads/2022/06/CDSS_Famfeeschedule_SubChildCare_FY2022-23.pdf\">child care fees on a sliding scale\u003c/a> that could be as much as 10% of their household income.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For example, a family earning $50,000 a year would pay $175 a month in family fees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The pandemic put a spotlight on the child care challenges facing families with the lowest incomes, who got hit hardest by COVID-19. Many worked service jobs that were frozen or eliminated, or worked essential jobs they were required to do in person. Their circumstances drove state officials to waive the fees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Department of Social Services, which oversees the state’s subsidized child care program, declined a request for an interview and only responded to questions via email. Spokesperson Scott Murray wrote that more than 26,000 families in various child care assistance programs “may have benefited from family fee waivers in the 2021-22 fiscal year.” He said the agency estimates about $88 million in fees will be waived in this fiscal year, which runs through June 2023.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11928091\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1568px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11928091\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/09222022_MarisolRosales_CM_PU_15-CM-copy.jpg\" alt=\"A Latina woman helps her two small kids out of the car, one of the kids is kissing her on the cheek as the other gets out.\" width=\"1568\" height=\"1045\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/09222022_MarisolRosales_CM_PU_15-CM-copy.jpg 1568w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/09222022_MarisolRosales_CM_PU_15-CM-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/09222022_MarisolRosales_CM_PU_15-CM-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/09222022_MarisolRosales_CM_PU_15-CM-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/09222022_MarisolRosales_CM_PU_15-CM-copy-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1568px) 100vw, 1568px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Marisol Rosales and her children go out for dinner in Los Angeles on Sept. 22, 2022. \u003ccite>(Pablo Unzueta/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The family fees were first established in 1998, Murray wrote, and are based on a federal requirement for programs funded by the Child Care and Development Fund, a federal grant program that funds child care nationwide. The \u003ca href=\"https://childcareta.acf.hhs.gov/sites/default/files/public/family_co-payment_brief_0.pdf#:~:text=While%20the%20definition%20did%20not%20change%2C%20the%20Administration,access%20section%20of%20the%20CCDF%20Final%203%20Rule.\">law allows states to set their own fees\u003c/a> and determine the sliding scale for families, but it also outlines how fees “must be affordable and not be a barrier to families receiving assistance.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A legislative analysis of \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billAnalysisClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB92\">the bill that would have permanently waived the fees\u003c/a> found that eliminating the fees for some families and decreasing the fees for others would cost $136 million a year. A 2021 study by the \u003ca href=\"https://calbudgetcenter.org/resources/california-families-pay-high-price-for-subsidized-child-care/\">California Budget and Policy Center\u003c/a> found that the state collects about $68 million annually in child care fees from families with low and moderate incomes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In July of 2020 the state started \u003ca href=\"https://www.cde.ca.gov/sp/cd/ci/mb2019a.asp\">waiving the fees\u003c/a> for some families and eventually agreed to offer waivers to all families for the rest of that fiscal year as part of \u003ca href=\"https://www.calhr.ca.gov/Documents/2021.04.20%20COVID%20Relief%20Agreement.pdf\">its agreement with the Child Care Providers United union\u003c/a>. In 2021, the state and the union again agreed that waivers would continue through June of 2022. This summer the state budgeted $136 million to \u003ca href=\"https://cdss.ca.gov/Portals/9/Additional-Resources/Fiscal-and-Financial-Information/Local-Assistance-Estimates/2022/2022-May-Revision-CCD-Tab.pdf\">extend the waivers\u003c/a> for all families one more year, through June 2023.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The benefits of the waiver have been felt by families across the state, said Mary Ignatius, a statewide organizer at Parent Voices, a grassroots organization focused on child care accessibility and affordability.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“With the rising costs of just about everything and inflation, and the fact that the child tax credit expired at the federal level, these dollars came at a time of critical importance,” Ignatius said. “Families have been reducing debt, eliminating predatory credit cards, raising credit scores, going back to school full-time … paying down utility bills that were in delinquency, just paying rent and putting their kids in extracurricular activities.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill, by San Bernardino Assemblymember Eloise Gómez Reyes, would have \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB92\">ended fees\u003c/a> for all families that earn below 75% of the state median income and created a sliding scale for those who earn between 75% and 85%. The fees would amount to no more than 1% of a family’s income.[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Mary Ignatius, statewide organizer, Parent Voices\"]‘Scraping together money for these fees instead of spending it on food, on housing, on activities for their children, for bills, for paying down debt — that’s financial pressure. What the state is experiencing pales in comparison.’[/pullquote]Newsom said the bill’s cost was prohibitive, writing in \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/2022/09/AB-92-VETO-message.pdf?emrc=fee16d\">his veto message for this bill\u003c/a> and several others that state revenue is expected to decrease.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates were critical, saying Newsom does not understand the struggle of families that need child care to work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom started his tenure as governor with promises to help families with child care costs and access. Since then, his administration has budgeted for more subsidized child care slots and has led an expansion of transitional kindergarten. Despite this, advocates say the state is still not doing enough for child care providers and struggling families with young children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There has been some progress made on child care, but the significant reform and expansion that the governor actually promised and signaled in his first budget address hasn’t been there,” said Chris Hoene, executive director of the California Budget and Policy Center.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said the biggest issues that have gone unattended are the lack of child care workers and the low pay rate for those workers. Without these workers, parents struggle to find care, even if they are approved for a subsidy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you are an individual with lower income and you are trying to access subsidized child care, the fees are a barrier,” Hoene said. “And if you can afford the fees, then the next barrier is finding a provider.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill Newsom vetoed was popular in the Legislature, where it passed with no dissenting votes, and had strong support from parent and child care advocates. \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billAnalysisClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB92\">No opposition was filed against the bill\u003c/a>, according to the Assembly analysis. That’s why Reyes and advocates plan to use the next eight months to try again through the budget process or another bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Rosales, the child care fee waiver has given her and her husband a chance to catch up financially. With that $400 a month savings, she got caught up on utility bills and paid off a student loan. Most exciting for her: paying for football for her sons and folklorico dance lessons for her daughters and herself.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Learning the traditional Mexican dance was a childhood dream her family could never afford. But this month Rosales dropped the class for herself to start saving money for child care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m already stressing out about the $400 payment that is coming back next year and already trying to cut back on expenses,” she said. “It’s very upsetting. After football season I’m not going to enroll my boys in anything else.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ignatius, of Parent Voices, said eliminating the fees is critical for the survival of families already living paycheck to paycheck.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Real cost pressures are what families are facing every single day,” she said. “Scraping together money for these fees instead of spending it on food, on housing, on activities for their children, for bills, for paying down debt — that’s financial pressure. What the state is experiencing pales in comparison.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11928090\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11928090\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/20220926_CalMatters_Micaela_Mota_ML_0119-CM-copy.jpg\" alt=\"A Latina woman in her 30s looks at the camera while standing in front of a white house.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/20220926_CalMatters_Micaela_Mota_ML_0119-CM-copy.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/20220926_CalMatters_Micaela_Mota_ML_0119-CM-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/20220926_CalMatters_Micaela_Mota_ML_0119-CM-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/20220926_CalMatters_Micaela_Mota_ML_0119-CM-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/20220926_CalMatters_Micaela_Mota_ML_0119-CM-copy-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/20220926_CalMatters_Micaela_Mota_ML_0119-CM-copy-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Micaela Mota received a $277 subsidized child care fee waiver from the state. With the waiver set to expire next year, she doesn’t know how she’ll make ends meet. \u003ccite>(Marissa Leshnov/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Richmond mom Micaela Mota has used her $277 in monthly fee savings to pay student loans and PG&E bills and to enroll her son in baseball and swim lessons.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Before that it was, ‘Do I pay PG&E or do I pay for child care?’ and if I don’t pay for child care, how am I able to work?” she said. “It’s this or that in order to move forward to succeed in life.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A school psychologist, she said the fee waiver helped her finish her intern year and her graduate degree. She was also able to stop driving for Uber on Friday and Saturday nights and spent that time with her son instead.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The governor could have been more graceful in what he could provide for us,” Mota said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Families who received a waiver of fees for subsidized child care are feeling anxious after Gov. Newsom vetoed a bill last month that would have permanently extended the waiver beyond June 2023.",
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"title": "California Families Brace for Higher Child Care Fees Amid Looming Cut in Subsidies | KQED",
"description": "Families who received a waiver of fees for subsidized child care are feeling anxious after Gov. Newsom vetoed a bill last month that would have permanently extended the waiver beyond June 2023.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>During the pandemic, California’s lower-income families that are required to pay a fee to receive subsidized child care got a waiver from paying. That waiver is set to expire next year, worrying parents who have struggled to afford it in the past.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB92\">vetoed a bill\u003c/a> last month that would have made the waiver permanent. Parents say the waiver, which will end in June 2023, allowed them to pay other expenses or get caught up on delinquent bills. Now they will have to stop paying down debt, saving for emergencies and enrolling their children in extra activities like dance lessons to pay the fees instead.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In South Los Angeles, Marisol Rosales has already started to save money for the coming bill. Before their fees were waived last year, the family paid $400 a month for child care for their four children. After paying for rent, necessities and child care there was no money left, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They are expecting people that make a little bit of money to pay more money on top of expenses and cost of living and everything else,” Rosales said. “The whole point of why we have the subsidy is because our income is within the limits. So it doesn’t make sense to ask someone to pay another bill that could go toward something else.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘If you are an individual with lower income and you are trying to access subsidized child care, the fees are a barrier. And if you can afford the fees, then the next barrier is finding a provider.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>California helps lower-income families afford child care through several programs. For most families, the programs are free, but \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdss.ca.gov/inforesources/calworks-child-care/program-eligibility\">others must pay a share of their subsidized child care costs\u003c/a> — what the state refers to as a “family fee.” Families pay the fee directly to their child care provider or to the contractor who manages their subsidized child care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Currently, to qualify for state-subsidized child care, a family must earn 85% or less of the state median household income. Those who earn less than 40% of that amount pay nothing for child care. Families earning between 40% and 85% of the state median income pay \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/wp-content/uploads/2022/06/CDSS_Famfeeschedule_SubChildCare_FY2022-23.pdf\">child care fees on a sliding scale\u003c/a> that could be as much as 10% of their household income.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For example, a family earning $50,000 a year would pay $175 a month in family fees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The pandemic put a spotlight on the child care challenges facing families with the lowest incomes, who got hit hardest by COVID-19. Many worked service jobs that were frozen or eliminated, or worked essential jobs they were required to do in person. Their circumstances drove state officials to waive the fees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Department of Social Services, which oversees the state’s subsidized child care program, declined a request for an interview and only responded to questions via email. Spokesperson Scott Murray wrote that more than 26,000 families in various child care assistance programs “may have benefited from family fee waivers in the 2021-22 fiscal year.” He said the agency estimates about $88 million in fees will be waived in this fiscal year, which runs through June 2023.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11928091\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1568px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11928091\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/09222022_MarisolRosales_CM_PU_15-CM-copy.jpg\" alt=\"A Latina woman helps her two small kids out of the car, one of the kids is kissing her on the cheek as the other gets out.\" width=\"1568\" height=\"1045\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/09222022_MarisolRosales_CM_PU_15-CM-copy.jpg 1568w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/09222022_MarisolRosales_CM_PU_15-CM-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/09222022_MarisolRosales_CM_PU_15-CM-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/09222022_MarisolRosales_CM_PU_15-CM-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/09222022_MarisolRosales_CM_PU_15-CM-copy-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1568px) 100vw, 1568px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Marisol Rosales and her children go out for dinner in Los Angeles on Sept. 22, 2022. \u003ccite>(Pablo Unzueta/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The family fees were first established in 1998, Murray wrote, and are based on a federal requirement for programs funded by the Child Care and Development Fund, a federal grant program that funds child care nationwide. The \u003ca href=\"https://childcareta.acf.hhs.gov/sites/default/files/public/family_co-payment_brief_0.pdf#:~:text=While%20the%20definition%20did%20not%20change%2C%20the%20Administration,access%20section%20of%20the%20CCDF%20Final%203%20Rule.\">law allows states to set their own fees\u003c/a> and determine the sliding scale for families, but it also outlines how fees “must be affordable and not be a barrier to families receiving assistance.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A legislative analysis of \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billAnalysisClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB92\">the bill that would have permanently waived the fees\u003c/a> found that eliminating the fees for some families and decreasing the fees for others would cost $136 million a year. A 2021 study by the \u003ca href=\"https://calbudgetcenter.org/resources/california-families-pay-high-price-for-subsidized-child-care/\">California Budget and Policy Center\u003c/a> found that the state collects about $68 million annually in child care fees from families with low and moderate incomes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In July of 2020 the state started \u003ca href=\"https://www.cde.ca.gov/sp/cd/ci/mb2019a.asp\">waiving the fees\u003c/a> for some families and eventually agreed to offer waivers to all families for the rest of that fiscal year as part of \u003ca href=\"https://www.calhr.ca.gov/Documents/2021.04.20%20COVID%20Relief%20Agreement.pdf\">its agreement with the Child Care Providers United union\u003c/a>. In 2021, the state and the union again agreed that waivers would continue through June of 2022. This summer the state budgeted $136 million to \u003ca href=\"https://cdss.ca.gov/Portals/9/Additional-Resources/Fiscal-and-Financial-Information/Local-Assistance-Estimates/2022/2022-May-Revision-CCD-Tab.pdf\">extend the waivers\u003c/a> for all families one more year, through June 2023.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The benefits of the waiver have been felt by families across the state, said Mary Ignatius, a statewide organizer at Parent Voices, a grassroots organization focused on child care accessibility and affordability.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“With the rising costs of just about everything and inflation, and the fact that the child tax credit expired at the federal level, these dollars came at a time of critical importance,” Ignatius said. “Families have been reducing debt, eliminating predatory credit cards, raising credit scores, going back to school full-time … paying down utility bills that were in delinquency, just paying rent and putting their kids in extracurricular activities.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill, by San Bernardino Assemblymember Eloise Gómez Reyes, would have \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB92\">ended fees\u003c/a> for all families that earn below 75% of the state median income and created a sliding scale for those who earn between 75% and 85%. The fees would amount to no more than 1% of a family’s income.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘Scraping together money for these fees instead of spending it on food, on housing, on activities for their children, for bills, for paying down debt — that’s financial pressure. What the state is experiencing pales in comparison.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Newsom said the bill’s cost was prohibitive, writing in \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/2022/09/AB-92-VETO-message.pdf?emrc=fee16d\">his veto message for this bill\u003c/a> and several others that state revenue is expected to decrease.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates were critical, saying Newsom does not understand the struggle of families that need child care to work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom started his tenure as governor with promises to help families with child care costs and access. Since then, his administration has budgeted for more subsidized child care slots and has led an expansion of transitional kindergarten. Despite this, advocates say the state is still not doing enough for child care providers and struggling families with young children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There has been some progress made on child care, but the significant reform and expansion that the governor actually promised and signaled in his first budget address hasn’t been there,” said Chris Hoene, executive director of the California Budget and Policy Center.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said the biggest issues that have gone unattended are the lack of child care workers and the low pay rate for those workers. Without these workers, parents struggle to find care, even if they are approved for a subsidy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you are an individual with lower income and you are trying to access subsidized child care, the fees are a barrier,” Hoene said. “And if you can afford the fees, then the next barrier is finding a provider.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill Newsom vetoed was popular in the Legislature, where it passed with no dissenting votes, and had strong support from parent and child care advocates. \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billAnalysisClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB92\">No opposition was filed against the bill\u003c/a>, according to the Assembly analysis. That’s why Reyes and advocates plan to use the next eight months to try again through the budget process or another bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Rosales, the child care fee waiver has given her and her husband a chance to catch up financially. With that $400 a month savings, she got caught up on utility bills and paid off a student loan. Most exciting for her: paying for football for her sons and folklorico dance lessons for her daughters and herself.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Learning the traditional Mexican dance was a childhood dream her family could never afford. But this month Rosales dropped the class for herself to start saving money for child care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m already stressing out about the $400 payment that is coming back next year and already trying to cut back on expenses,” she said. “It’s very upsetting. After football season I’m not going to enroll my boys in anything else.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ignatius, of Parent Voices, said eliminating the fees is critical for the survival of families already living paycheck to paycheck.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Real cost pressures are what families are facing every single day,” she said. “Scraping together money for these fees instead of spending it on food, on housing, on activities for their children, for bills, for paying down debt — that’s financial pressure. What the state is experiencing pales in comparison.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11928090\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11928090\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/20220926_CalMatters_Micaela_Mota_ML_0119-CM-copy.jpg\" alt=\"A Latina woman in her 30s looks at the camera while standing in front of a white house.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/20220926_CalMatters_Micaela_Mota_ML_0119-CM-copy.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/20220926_CalMatters_Micaela_Mota_ML_0119-CM-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/20220926_CalMatters_Micaela_Mota_ML_0119-CM-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/20220926_CalMatters_Micaela_Mota_ML_0119-CM-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/20220926_CalMatters_Micaela_Mota_ML_0119-CM-copy-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/20220926_CalMatters_Micaela_Mota_ML_0119-CM-copy-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Micaela Mota received a $277 subsidized child care fee waiver from the state. With the waiver set to expire next year, she doesn’t know how she’ll make ends meet. \u003ccite>(Marissa Leshnov/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Richmond mom Micaela Mota has used her $277 in monthly fee savings to pay student loans and PG&E bills and to enroll her son in baseball and swim lessons.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Before that it was, ‘Do I pay PG&E or do I pay for child care?’ and if I don’t pay for child care, how am I able to work?” she said. “It’s this or that in order to move forward to succeed in life.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A school psychologist, she said the fee waiver helped her finish her intern year and her graduate degree. She was also able to stop driving for Uber on Friday and Saturday nights and spent that time with her son instead.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The governor could have been more graceful in what he could provide for us,” Mota said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Despite the record $340 million spent on two gambling-related state ballot measures this campaign season,\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11926864/props-26-and-27-what-should-sports-betting-look-like\"> both Propositions 26 and 27\u003c/a> are tanking in the polls just six weeks from the end of the election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s according to a \u003ca href=\"https://igs.berkeley.edu/research/berkeley-igs-poll\">Berkeley Institute of Governmental Studies survey\u003c/a> released Tuesday, which reached out to 8,725 registered voters in English and Spanish between September 22 and 27.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/proposition-26-sports-betting-tribal-casinos\">Proposition 26\u003c/a> is backed by 27 tribes and tribal organizations and would legalize sports betting at tribal casinos, as well as allow roulette and dice games there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/proposition-27-sports-betting-online\">Proposition 27\u003c/a>, which is backed by gambling websites like FanDuel and DraftKings, would legalize online betting in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters of Proposition 26 have raised $112 million to trumpet it online and on TV, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-voter-guide-2022/propositions/prop-27-sports-betting-online/\">while supporters of Proposition 27 have poured in $228 million\u003c/a>. In fact, so much has been spent on Prop. 27 that it’s\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11926864/props-26-and-27-what-should-sports-betting-look-like\"> the most expensive ballot measure in state history\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But even with supporters putting all their chips in on two gambling ballot measures, voters are betting “no” in overwhelming numbers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prop. 26 is trailing, with 31% of likely voters saying they’ll vote yes, to 42% saying no. Prop. 27 is behind 27% to 53%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In both cases, more than one-fifth of the electorate remains undecided.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These results suggest that the sports wagering initiatives are foundering in the face of the opposition advertising campaigns,” said Berkeley IGS co-director Eric Schickler, in a statement. “The lack of support among key demographic groups makes passage of each an uphill climb, at best.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The poor outlook for Prop. 27 is a continuing trend: Another poll conducted just a few weeks before from the Public Policy Institute of California found similarly damning numbers for it — so much so, that its proponents pulled advertising from television, \u003ca href=\"https://abc7news.com/prop-27-california-sports-betting-proposition-tv-ads-yes-on/12248218/\">citing a need to refocus on “direct communication with voters.”\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At least two weeks later, the Berkeley IGS polling numbers are nearly identical to the PPIC numbers from a few weeks before — though the newer poll does note that voters who have seen TV ads for both measures overwhelmingly say they’ll vote no, versus a more divided position from voters who haven’t seen the ads.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Opposition to the two measures is also consistent across the political spectrum: Republicans, Democrats and independents alike don’t favor either gambling proposition. Women oppose Prop. 26 two-to-one, while men are more divided, and younger voters tend to support it far more than older voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new Berkeley IGS poll also found tough news for Proposition 30, the Lyft-backed effort to raise taxes on California millionaires to fund a “Clean Cars and Clean Air Trust Fund”; it would pay for electric vehicle rebates, statewide car-charging infrastructure, wildfire mitigation and firefighter training.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s lagging behind a full majority, with just 49% of respondents saying they’d vote for Prop. 30, and 37% against it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters of the measure \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-voter-guide-2022/propositions/prop-30-income-tax-electric-cars/\">have raised more than $46 million to pass it\u003c/a>, while the opposition has raised more than $13 million, according to the latest state records. But the timing of the survey is notable — pollsters spoke to voters about a week after \u003ca href=\"https://www.kcrw.com/news/shows/press-play-with-madeleine-brand/climate-russia-taxes-abigail-disney-acfc/prop-30\">Gov. Gavin Newsom came out against Prop. 30 in a television ad\u003c/a>, calling it a “cynical scheme to grab a huge taxpayer subsidy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prop. 30 targets those making more than $2 million annually, and it has the backing of the California Democratic party, as well as major Democrats across the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As for Newsom himself as a candidate? Well, in addition to the referendum to uphold a ban on the sale of flavored tobacco (which is polling at 57% “yes”), he’s one of the few statewide winners in the Berkeley IGS poll.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom is enjoying a sizable lead in his gubernatorial race against state Sen. Brian Dahle, his Republican opponent, with 53% of voters supporting Newsom versus 32% for Dahle. That’s virtually unchanged from a similar poll conducted by Berkeley IGS in August, showing Dahle gaining virtually no ground — not a surprise in a state with an overwhelming Democratic majority.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Perhaps an even more pernicious problem for Dahle, besides a Democratic majority state, is simple name recognition. About 52% of likely voters were “unfamiliar” with him, according to the poll.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KQED can help you get more familiar with both candidates for governor at their first — and so far \u003cem>only \u003c/em>— confirmed meeting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11926844/gubernatorial-candidates-newsom-and-dahle-agree-to-debate-at-kqed\">The gubernatorial debate\u003c/a> will be broadcast live on October 23 at 1 p.m. on KQED Public Radio 88.5 FM, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11926844/gubernatorial-candidates-newsom-and-dahle-agree-to-debate-at-kqed\">as well as streamed on KQED social channels and kqed.org\u003c/a>. \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">It will be televised on KQED Public Television 9 at 6 p.m. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "Propositions to legalize sports betting at tribal casinos and to legalize online betting in California both are facing overwhelming opposition from voters.",
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"title": "New Polls Show Gambling Measures Props. 26 and 27 'Foundering' With Voters | KQED",
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"headline": "New Polls Show Gambling Measures Props. 26 and 27 'Foundering' With Voters",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Despite the record $340 million spent on two gambling-related state ballot measures this campaign season,\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11926864/props-26-and-27-what-should-sports-betting-look-like\"> both Propositions 26 and 27\u003c/a> are tanking in the polls just six weeks from the end of the election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s according to a \u003ca href=\"https://igs.berkeley.edu/research/berkeley-igs-poll\">Berkeley Institute of Governmental Studies survey\u003c/a> released Tuesday, which reached out to 8,725 registered voters in English and Spanish between September 22 and 27.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/proposition-26-sports-betting-tribal-casinos\">Proposition 26\u003c/a> is backed by 27 tribes and tribal organizations and would legalize sports betting at tribal casinos, as well as allow roulette and dice games there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/proposition-27-sports-betting-online\">Proposition 27\u003c/a>, which is backed by gambling websites like FanDuel and DraftKings, would legalize online betting in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters of Proposition 26 have raised $112 million to trumpet it online and on TV, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-voter-guide-2022/propositions/prop-27-sports-betting-online/\">while supporters of Proposition 27 have poured in $228 million\u003c/a>. In fact, so much has been spent on Prop. 27 that it’s\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11926864/props-26-and-27-what-should-sports-betting-look-like\"> the most expensive ballot measure in state history\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But even with supporters putting all their chips in on two gambling ballot measures, voters are betting “no” in overwhelming numbers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prop. 26 is trailing, with 31% of likely voters saying they’ll vote yes, to 42% saying no. Prop. 27 is behind 27% to 53%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In both cases, more than one-fifth of the electorate remains undecided.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These results suggest that the sports wagering initiatives are foundering in the face of the opposition advertising campaigns,” said Berkeley IGS co-director Eric Schickler, in a statement. “The lack of support among key demographic groups makes passage of each an uphill climb, at best.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The poor outlook for Prop. 27 is a continuing trend: Another poll conducted just a few weeks before from the Public Policy Institute of California found similarly damning numbers for it — so much so, that its proponents pulled advertising from television, \u003ca href=\"https://abc7news.com/prop-27-california-sports-betting-proposition-tv-ads-yes-on/12248218/\">citing a need to refocus on “direct communication with voters.”\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At least two weeks later, the Berkeley IGS polling numbers are nearly identical to the PPIC numbers from a few weeks before — though the newer poll does note that voters who have seen TV ads for both measures overwhelmingly say they’ll vote no, versus a more divided position from voters who haven’t seen the ads.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Opposition to the two measures is also consistent across the political spectrum: Republicans, Democrats and independents alike don’t favor either gambling proposition. Women oppose Prop. 26 two-to-one, while men are more divided, and younger voters tend to support it far more than older voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new Berkeley IGS poll also found tough news for Proposition 30, the Lyft-backed effort to raise taxes on California millionaires to fund a “Clean Cars and Clean Air Trust Fund”; it would pay for electric vehicle rebates, statewide car-charging infrastructure, wildfire mitigation and firefighter training.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s lagging behind a full majority, with just 49% of respondents saying they’d vote for Prop. 30, and 37% against it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters of the measure \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-voter-guide-2022/propositions/prop-30-income-tax-electric-cars/\">have raised more than $46 million to pass it\u003c/a>, while the opposition has raised more than $13 million, according to the latest state records. But the timing of the survey is notable — pollsters spoke to voters about a week after \u003ca href=\"https://www.kcrw.com/news/shows/press-play-with-madeleine-brand/climate-russia-taxes-abigail-disney-acfc/prop-30\">Gov. Gavin Newsom came out against Prop. 30 in a television ad\u003c/a>, calling it a “cynical scheme to grab a huge taxpayer subsidy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prop. 30 targets those making more than $2 million annually, and it has the backing of the California Democratic party, as well as major Democrats across the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As for Newsom himself as a candidate? Well, in addition to the referendum to uphold a ban on the sale of flavored tobacco (which is polling at 57% “yes”), he’s one of the few statewide winners in the Berkeley IGS poll.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom is enjoying a sizable lead in his gubernatorial race against state Sen. Brian Dahle, his Republican opponent, with 53% of voters supporting Newsom versus 32% for Dahle. That’s virtually unchanged from a similar poll conducted by Berkeley IGS in August, showing Dahle gaining virtually no ground — not a surprise in a state with an overwhelming Democratic majority.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Perhaps an even more pernicious problem for Dahle, besides a Democratic majority state, is simple name recognition. About 52% of likely voters were “unfamiliar” with him, according to the poll.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KQED can help you get more familiar with both candidates for governor at their first — and so far \u003cem>only \u003c/em>— confirmed meeting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11926844/gubernatorial-candidates-newsom-and-dahle-agree-to-debate-at-kqed\">The gubernatorial debate\u003c/a> will be broadcast live on October 23 at 1 p.m. on KQED Public Radio 88.5 FM, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11926844/gubernatorial-candidates-newsom-and-dahle-agree-to-debate-at-kqed\">as well as streamed on KQED social channels and kqed.org\u003c/a>. \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">It will be televised on KQED Public Television 9 at 6 p.m. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "which-ca-and-bay-area-candidates-are-outraising-their-opponents-and-which-are-trailing-behind",
"title": "Which CA and Bay Area Candidates Are Outraising Their Opponents, and Which Are Trailing Behind?",
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"headTitle": "Which CA and Bay Area Candidates Are Outraising Their Opponents, and Which Are Trailing Behind? | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>The end of September marks a major milestone in campaigns across California, as legal deadlines require candidates’ campaigns to reveal how much money they’ve raised over the past few months, tallying that alongside expenses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Below is a roundup of some key races both large and small — from Gov. Gavin Newsom defending his job against his Republican challenger, to Board of Supervisors races in the city of San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While we’re focusing on campaign finance in the coverage below, we’ve also got extensive reporting of candidates’ positions on top issues in our \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide\">KQED Election 2022 California Voter Guide.\u003c/a> Be sure to read it if you want to know what each candidate intends to do in office.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Governor\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The governor’s race might top the ballot in November but the latest fundraising totals show why the contest between \u003ca href=\"https://cal-access.sos.ca.gov/Campaign/Committees/Detail.aspx?id=1414018&session=2021\">Gov. Gavin Newsom\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://cal-access.sos.ca.gov/Campaign/Committees/Detail.aspx?id=1444621&session=2021\">State Senator Brian Dahle\u003c/a> isn’t attracting much attention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You’d expect a Democratic governor to outraise a Republican counterpart, but the numbers show how the state and national Republican parties are ignoring this race.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom reports raising $2.1 million in the third quarter of 2022, bringing his total for the year to nearly $9 million. He has a whopping $23.2 million cash on hand.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By comparison, Dahle reports raising $590,579 in the last three months for a total of just over $2 million for the year. He has just $408,741 to spend between now and the November election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In other words, Newsom has almost 57 times more cash than Dahle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These financial reports do not include independent expenditures made for or against these candidates.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>State Controller\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In the race to succeed termed-out State Controller Betty Yee, it’s the Republican candidate who has the huge cash advantage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://cal-access.sos.ca.gov/Campaign/Committees/Detail.aspx?id=1439261&session=2021&psort=AMOUNT&view=general\">Lanhee Chen\u003c/a>, a Stanford scholar and GOP political advisor who worked on the presidential campaigns of Mitt Romney and George W. Bush, reports raising $4.15 million overall, including $1.14 million in the third quarter. He has just over $3 million cash on hand.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By comparison, \u003ca href=\"https://cal-access.sos.ca.gov/Campaign/Committees/Detail.aspx?id=1437983&session=2021\">Democrat Malia Cohen\u003c/a> has raised $1.2 million in all of 2022, including $559,943 in the third quarter, with a relatively small $529,468 cash on hand.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chen will need every penny of that cash and more to overcome the structural deficit his party faces among registered voters in California. As of May, the breakdown is roughly 47% registered Democratic, 24% Republican and 23% no party preference voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These financial reports do not include independent expenditures made for or against these candidates.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Bay Area Mayor Races\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Filings also show spending ramping up in the region’s two high-profile mayor races, in San Jose and Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11915899/cindy-chavez-and-matt-mahan-headed-to-runoff-in-san-jose-mayoral-race\">The two contenders for the top job in San Jose\u003c/a>, City Council member Matt Mahan and Santa Clara County Supervisor Cindy Chavez, both enter the final stretch of the campaign with ample war chests. Mahan reported raising $672,914 over the summer, while Chavez brought in close to $557,679. With just over a week until voting begins, Chavez is sitting on over $458,282 while Mahan reported nearly $444,552 on hand.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During the primary, voters saw a deluge of spending from outside groups: Labor unions spent heavily in support of Chavez while current Mayor Sam Liccardo recruited business and developer dollars into his super PAC supporting Mahan. The outside spending cooled off over the summer, but filings this week show that could change. On Tuesday, the San Francisco 49ers dropped a whopping $420,000 into their committee backing Chavez.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Oakland, filings show City Council members Loren Taylor and Sheng Thao emerging as the leading fundraisers in the 10-candidate field. So far this year, Taylor has raised $266,141 and spent $168,143, ending the filing period with $276,602 on hand. Thao has raised $242,700, spent $209,841 and reported $161,693 on hand.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So far, Thao has been the beneficiary of outside spending by a group called “Working Families for a Better Oakland,” which is bankrolled by some of the region’s leading labor unions. The committee reported spending $190,271 to support Thao’s run.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>San Francisco District Attorney Race\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11918804/breed-taps-boudin-critic-brooke-jenkins-as-new-san-francisco-da\">District Attorney Brooke Jenkins\u003c/a> has outraised her opponents in the election for San Francisco district attorney, the newest numbers show — though, with a caveat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jenkins, the tough-on-crime district attorney appointed by Mayor London Breed to replace progressive DA Chesa Boudin after he was recalled, raised $126,000 through the end of September. Her challenger from the left, former police commissioner John Hamasaki, raised $87,000, and another former police commissioner, and former fire commissioner, Joe Alioto Veronese, raised $56,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While that may make it seem like Alioto Veronese is trailing behind in fundraising, this is where things get a little muddy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a tweet, Friday, Alioto Veronese claimed he raised more money than Jenkins and Hamasaki.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Early results of our campaign fundraiser are in and they’re good. We’ve outraised incumbent DA @BrookeUnionCity two-to-one and public defender @HamasakiLaw three-to-one. The momentum is strong in this one!” he wrote, \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/joeavero/status/1575938538121592841\">on Twitter\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/joeavero/status/1575824490390376450\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s only half-true.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you count the money he’s been raising since the start of the year — well before his opponents declared their intention to run in the race — then yes, he did outraise them financially. Veronese started his 2023 campaign committee in January this year. Jenkins started her campaign committee mid-July, and Hamasaki started in mid-August.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But recent contributions are arguably the best indicator of momentum. Measured in that way, Jenkins is handily leading the pack, with Hamasaki close behind, and Alioto Veronese in the dust.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Similar to Alioto Veronese, on Twitter, \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/HamasakiLaw/status/1575932326063722497\">Hamasaki touted\u003c/a> raising more than Jenkins in the period in which he raised money, since he filed to run later than Jenkins — not counting the total money she raised the month before. Maggie Muir, a campaign consultant for Jenkins, said Alioto Veronese and Hamasaki’s campaigns played fast and loose with the numbers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Hamasaki doesn’t seem to understand simple math. Joe Alioto Veronese is potentially illegally double dipping, counting the same donors twice. These two need to go back to school,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Speaking to KQED, Alioto Veronese countered that much of the funding from his older campaign accounts, though not all of it, can be transferred to the new one.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last note: Some independent groups have raised their own money to support candidates. Most notably, the Alice B. Toklas LGBTQ Democratic Club has a cash balance of $41,492 to spend on candidates. They solely endorsed Jenkins for district attorney — expect to see her on their mailers advertising candidates to vote for. They’ve already spent roughly $5,000 on a billboard for her.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>San Francisco Board of Supervisors District 6 and District 4\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In the race to represent San Francisco’s District 6, including downtown, South of Market, Mission Bay, and Treasure Island neighborhoods, among others, candidate Honey Mahogany is leading, though not overwhelmingly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mahogany, a former aide to former supervisor and current Assembly member Matt Haney, has raised $389,000 so far. That sees Mahogany outraising the recently appointed District 6 Supervisor Matt Dorsey, who counts $348,000 in the bank. Roughly half of each of their contributions are through public financing provided by the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Accounting for how much they’ve spent already promoting their campaigns, Mahogany has a fairly sizable chunk of cash left in the bank relative to her opponent, with $233,000 compared to Dorsey’s $177,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And in the election to represent the Sunset, Parkside, and other west side neighborhoods of San Francisco’s District 4, challenger Joel Engardio has raised $376,000 compared to incumbent Supervisor Gordon Mar, who has raised $308,000. More than half of those funds for each candidate came from public financing provided by the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As far as fundraising from voters — an often-times helpful indicator on voter support — Engardio raised $120,000 this year through September, and Mar raised $92,000. Engardio is hoping to generate momentum based on his support for the recall in the district, which records show voted overwhelmingly to remove Boudin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lastly, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11924844/judge-bars-former-sf-supervisor-candidate-leanna-louie-from-appearing-on-november-ballot\">though she was stricken from the ballot by a judge\u003c/a> in early September for not living in the district she intended to represent in the required time period, former candidate Leanne Louie had previously raised $41,000, records show.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Alameda County District Attorney\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Terry Wiley and Pamela Price are competing for the seat previously held by Nancy O’Malley, who was Alameda County’s district attorney for 13 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Candidates \u003ca href=\"https://oaklandside.org/2022/06/07/alameda-county-district-attorney-primary-election-results-2022/\">Pamela Price and Terry Wiley\u003c/a> both raised nearly half of their total fundraising this year in the last three months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Terry Wiley is clearly out-fundraising Pamela Price, having raised just over $581,612 since the year began, more than $200,000 more than what Price raised in that same time period, roughly $314,580.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Moving into the final month before the election, Wiley has $173,560 on hand. Price has less to work with, counting $86,357 in hand and $92,875 in outstanding debt.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "From Gov. Gavin Newsom's gubernatorial race to San Francisco District Attorney Brooke Jenkins' move to win elected office, a look at the campaign finance totals in California and local races as of Oct. 1. ",
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"title": "Which CA and Bay Area Candidates Are Outraising Their Opponents, and Which Are Trailing Behind? | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The end of September marks a major milestone in campaigns across California, as legal deadlines require candidates’ campaigns to reveal how much money they’ve raised over the past few months, tallying that alongside expenses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Below is a roundup of some key races both large and small — from Gov. Gavin Newsom defending his job against his Republican challenger, to Board of Supervisors races in the city of San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While we’re focusing on campaign finance in the coverage below, we’ve also got extensive reporting of candidates’ positions on top issues in our \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide\">KQED Election 2022 California Voter Guide.\u003c/a> Be sure to read it if you want to know what each candidate intends to do in office.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Governor\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The governor’s race might top the ballot in November but the latest fundraising totals show why the contest between \u003ca href=\"https://cal-access.sos.ca.gov/Campaign/Committees/Detail.aspx?id=1414018&session=2021\">Gov. Gavin Newsom\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://cal-access.sos.ca.gov/Campaign/Committees/Detail.aspx?id=1444621&session=2021\">State Senator Brian Dahle\u003c/a> isn’t attracting much attention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You’d expect a Democratic governor to outraise a Republican counterpart, but the numbers show how the state and national Republican parties are ignoring this race.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom reports raising $2.1 million in the third quarter of 2022, bringing his total for the year to nearly $9 million. He has a whopping $23.2 million cash on hand.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By comparison, Dahle reports raising $590,579 in the last three months for a total of just over $2 million for the year. He has just $408,741 to spend between now and the November election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In other words, Newsom has almost 57 times more cash than Dahle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These financial reports do not include independent expenditures made for or against these candidates.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>State Controller\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In the race to succeed termed-out State Controller Betty Yee, it’s the Republican candidate who has the huge cash advantage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://cal-access.sos.ca.gov/Campaign/Committees/Detail.aspx?id=1439261&session=2021&psort=AMOUNT&view=general\">Lanhee Chen\u003c/a>, a Stanford scholar and GOP political advisor who worked on the presidential campaigns of Mitt Romney and George W. Bush, reports raising $4.15 million overall, including $1.14 million in the third quarter. He has just over $3 million cash on hand.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By comparison, \u003ca href=\"https://cal-access.sos.ca.gov/Campaign/Committees/Detail.aspx?id=1437983&session=2021\">Democrat Malia Cohen\u003c/a> has raised $1.2 million in all of 2022, including $559,943 in the third quarter, with a relatively small $529,468 cash on hand.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chen will need every penny of that cash and more to overcome the structural deficit his party faces among registered voters in California. As of May, the breakdown is roughly 47% registered Democratic, 24% Republican and 23% no party preference voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These financial reports do not include independent expenditures made for or against these candidates.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Bay Area Mayor Races\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Filings also show spending ramping up in the region’s two high-profile mayor races, in San Jose and Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11915899/cindy-chavez-and-matt-mahan-headed-to-runoff-in-san-jose-mayoral-race\">The two contenders for the top job in San Jose\u003c/a>, City Council member Matt Mahan and Santa Clara County Supervisor Cindy Chavez, both enter the final stretch of the campaign with ample war chests. Mahan reported raising $672,914 over the summer, while Chavez brought in close to $557,679. With just over a week until voting begins, Chavez is sitting on over $458,282 while Mahan reported nearly $444,552 on hand.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During the primary, voters saw a deluge of spending from outside groups: Labor unions spent heavily in support of Chavez while current Mayor Sam Liccardo recruited business and developer dollars into his super PAC supporting Mahan. The outside spending cooled off over the summer, but filings this week show that could change. On Tuesday, the San Francisco 49ers dropped a whopping $420,000 into their committee backing Chavez.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Oakland, filings show City Council members Loren Taylor and Sheng Thao emerging as the leading fundraisers in the 10-candidate field. So far this year, Taylor has raised $266,141 and spent $168,143, ending the filing period with $276,602 on hand. Thao has raised $242,700, spent $209,841 and reported $161,693 on hand.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So far, Thao has been the beneficiary of outside spending by a group called “Working Families for a Better Oakland,” which is bankrolled by some of the region’s leading labor unions. The committee reported spending $190,271 to support Thao’s run.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>San Francisco District Attorney Race\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11918804/breed-taps-boudin-critic-brooke-jenkins-as-new-san-francisco-da\">District Attorney Brooke Jenkins\u003c/a> has outraised her opponents in the election for San Francisco district attorney, the newest numbers show — though, with a caveat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jenkins, the tough-on-crime district attorney appointed by Mayor London Breed to replace progressive DA Chesa Boudin after he was recalled, raised $126,000 through the end of September. Her challenger from the left, former police commissioner John Hamasaki, raised $87,000, and another former police commissioner, and former fire commissioner, Joe Alioto Veronese, raised $56,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While that may make it seem like Alioto Veronese is trailing behind in fundraising, this is where things get a little muddy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a tweet, Friday, Alioto Veronese claimed he raised more money than Jenkins and Hamasaki.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Early results of our campaign fundraiser are in and they’re good. We’ve outraised incumbent DA @BrookeUnionCity two-to-one and public defender @HamasakiLaw three-to-one. The momentum is strong in this one!” he wrote, \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/joeavero/status/1575938538121592841\">on Twitter\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>That’s only half-true.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you count the money he’s been raising since the start of the year — well before his opponents declared their intention to run in the race — then yes, he did outraise them financially. Veronese started his 2023 campaign committee in January this year. Jenkins started her campaign committee mid-July, and Hamasaki started in mid-August.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But recent contributions are arguably the best indicator of momentum. Measured in that way, Jenkins is handily leading the pack, with Hamasaki close behind, and Alioto Veronese in the dust.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Similar to Alioto Veronese, on Twitter, \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/HamasakiLaw/status/1575932326063722497\">Hamasaki touted\u003c/a> raising more than Jenkins in the period in which he raised money, since he filed to run later than Jenkins — not counting the total money she raised the month before. Maggie Muir, a campaign consultant for Jenkins, said Alioto Veronese and Hamasaki’s campaigns played fast and loose with the numbers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Hamasaki doesn’t seem to understand simple math. Joe Alioto Veronese is potentially illegally double dipping, counting the same donors twice. These two need to go back to school,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Speaking to KQED, Alioto Veronese countered that much of the funding from his older campaign accounts, though not all of it, can be transferred to the new one.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last note: Some independent groups have raised their own money to support candidates. Most notably, the Alice B. Toklas LGBTQ Democratic Club has a cash balance of $41,492 to spend on candidates. They solely endorsed Jenkins for district attorney — expect to see her on their mailers advertising candidates to vote for. They’ve already spent roughly $5,000 on a billboard for her.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>San Francisco Board of Supervisors District 6 and District 4\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In the race to represent San Francisco’s District 6, including downtown, South of Market, Mission Bay, and Treasure Island neighborhoods, among others, candidate Honey Mahogany is leading, though not overwhelmingly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mahogany, a former aide to former supervisor and current Assembly member Matt Haney, has raised $389,000 so far. That sees Mahogany outraising the recently appointed District 6 Supervisor Matt Dorsey, who counts $348,000 in the bank. Roughly half of each of their contributions are through public financing provided by the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Accounting for how much they’ve spent already promoting their campaigns, Mahogany has a fairly sizable chunk of cash left in the bank relative to her opponent, with $233,000 compared to Dorsey’s $177,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And in the election to represent the Sunset, Parkside, and other west side neighborhoods of San Francisco’s District 4, challenger Joel Engardio has raised $376,000 compared to incumbent Supervisor Gordon Mar, who has raised $308,000. More than half of those funds for each candidate came from public financing provided by the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As far as fundraising from voters — an often-times helpful indicator on voter support — Engardio raised $120,000 this year through September, and Mar raised $92,000. Engardio is hoping to generate momentum based on his support for the recall in the district, which records show voted overwhelmingly to remove Boudin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lastly, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11924844/judge-bars-former-sf-supervisor-candidate-leanna-louie-from-appearing-on-november-ballot\">though she was stricken from the ballot by a judge\u003c/a> in early September for not living in the district she intended to represent in the required time period, former candidate Leanne Louie had previously raised $41,000, records show.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Alameda County District Attorney\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Terry Wiley and Pamela Price are competing for the seat previously held by Nancy O’Malley, who was Alameda County’s district attorney for 13 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Candidates \u003ca href=\"https://oaklandside.org/2022/06/07/alameda-county-district-attorney-primary-election-results-2022/\">Pamela Price and Terry Wiley\u003c/a> both raised nearly half of their total fundraising this year in the last three months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Terry Wiley is clearly out-fundraising Pamela Price, having raised just over $581,612 since the year began, more than $200,000 more than what Price raised in that same time period, roughly $314,580.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Moving into the final month before the election, Wiley has $173,560 on hand. Price has less to work with, counting $86,357 in hand and $92,875 in outstanding debt.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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},
"closealltabs": {
"id": "closealltabs",
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"order": 1
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"title": "Code Switch / Life Kit",
"info": "\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em>, which listeners will hear in the first part of the hour, has fearless and much-needed conversations about race. Hosted by journalists of color, the show tackles the subject of race head-on, exploring how it impacts every part of society — from politics and pop culture to history, sports and more.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em>, which will be in the second part of the hour, guides you through spaces and feelings no one prepares you for — from finances to mental health, from workplace microaggressions to imposter syndrome, from relationships to parenting. The show features experts with real world experience and shares their knowledge. Because everyone needs a little help being human.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/podcasts/510312/codeswitch\">\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/lifekit\">\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />",
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"id": "commonwealth-club",
"title": "Commonwealth Club of California Podcast",
"info": "The Commonwealth Club of California is the nation's oldest and largest public affairs forum. As a non-partisan forum, The Club brings to the public airwaves diverse viewpoints on important topics. The Club's weekly radio broadcast - the oldest in the U.S., dating back to 1924 - is carried across the nation on public radio stations and is now podcasting. Our website archive features audio of our recent programs, as well as selected speeches from our long and distinguished history. This podcast feed is usually updated twice a week and is always un-edited.",
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"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Commonwealth-Club-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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"source": "Commonwealth Club of California"
},
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cDovL3d3dy5jb21tb253ZWFsdGhjbHViLm9yZy9hdWRpby9wb2RjYXN0L3dlZWtseS54bWw",
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"id": "forum",
"title": "Forum",
"tagline": "The conversation starts here",
"info": "KQED’s live call-in program discussing local, state, national and international issues, as well as in-depth interviews.",
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"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Forum-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED Forum with Mina Kim and Alexis Madrigal",
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"order": 9
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"id": "freakonomics-radio",
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"meta": {
"site": "radio",
"source": "WNYC"
},
"link": "/radio/program/freakonomics-radio",
"subscribe": {
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/freakonomics-radio/id354668519",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/podcasts/WNYC-Podcasts/Freakonomics-Radio-p272293/",
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},
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"id": "fresh-air",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/WebObjects/MZStore.woa/wa/viewPodcast?s=143441&mt=2&id=214089682&at=11l79Y&ct=nprdirectory",
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"info": "A live production of NPR and WBUR Boston, in collaboration with stations across the country, Here & Now reflects the fluid world of news as it's happening in the middle of the day, with timely, in-depth news, interviews and conversation. Hosted by Robin Young, Jeremy Hobson and Tonya Mosley.",
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"hidden-brain": {
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"info": "Shankar Vedantam uses science and storytelling to reveal the unconscious patterns that drive human behavior, shape our choices and direct our relationships.",
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"airtime": "SUN 7pm-8pm",
"meta": {
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"source": "NPR"
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"how-i-built-this": {
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"info": "Guy Raz dives into the stories behind some of the world's best known companies. How I Built This weaves a narrative journey about innovators, entrepreneurs and idealists—and the movements they built.",
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"airtime": "SUN 7:30pm-8pm",
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"link": "/radio/program/how-i-built-this",
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"hyphenacion": {
"id": "hyphenacion",
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"tagline": "Where conversation and cultura meet",
"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/03/Hyphenacion_FinalAssets_PodcastTile.png",
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"order": 15
},
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"jerrybrown": {
"id": "jerrybrown",
"title": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown",
"tagline": "Lessons from a lifetime in politics",
"info": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown brings listeners the wisdom of the former Governor, Mayor, and presidential candidate. Scott Shafer interviewed Brown for more than 40 hours, covering the former governor's life and half-century in the political game – and Brown has some lessons he'd like to share. ",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-Political-Mind-of-Jerry-Brown-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/jerrybrown",
"meta": {
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"order": 18
},
"link": "/podcasts/jerrybrown",
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},
"latino-usa": {
"id": "latino-usa",
"title": "Latino USA",
"airtime": "MON 1am-2am, SUN 6pm-7pm",
"info": "Latino USA, the radio journal of news and culture, is the only national, English-language radio program produced from a Latino perspective.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/latinoUsa.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "http://latinousa.org/",
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"link": "/radio/program/latino-usa",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/WebObjects/MZStore.woa/wa/viewPodcast?s=143441&mt=2&id=79681317&at=11l79Y&ct=nprdirectory",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510016/podcast.xml"
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},
"marketplace": {
"id": "marketplace",
"title": "Marketplace",
"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 4pm-4:30pm, MON-WED 6:30pm-7pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Marketplace-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.marketplace.org/",
"meta": {
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"source": "American Public Media"
},
"link": "/radio/program/marketplace",
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},
"masters-of-scale": {
"id": "masters-of-scale",
"title": "Masters of Scale",
"info": "Masters of Scale is an original podcast in which LinkedIn co-founder and Greylock Partner Reid Hoffman sets out to describe and prove theories that explain how great entrepreneurs take their companies from zero to a gazillion in ingenious fashion.",
"airtime": "Every other Wednesday June 12 through October 16 at 8pm (repeats Thursdays at 2am)",
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"meta": {
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"source": "WaitWhat"
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"rss": "https://rss.art19.com/masters-of-scale"
}
},
"mindshift": {
"id": "mindshift",
"title": "MindShift",
"tagline": "A podcast about the future of learning and how we raise our kids",
"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Mindshift-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED MindShift: How We Will Learn",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/mindshift/",
"meta": {
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 12
},
"link": "/podcasts/mindshift",
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM1NzY0NjAwNDI5",
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}
},
"morning-edition": {
"id": "morning-edition",
"title": "Morning Edition",
"info": "\u003cem>Morning Edition\u003c/em> takes listeners around the country and the world with multi-faceted stories and commentaries every weekday. Hosts Steve Inskeep, David Greene and Rachel Martin bring you the latest breaking news and features to prepare you for the day.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 3am-9am",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Morning-Edition-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/programs/morning-edition/",
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"link": "/radio/program/morning-edition"
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"onourwatch": {
"id": "onourwatch",
"title": "On Our Watch",
"tagline": "Deeply-reported investigative journalism",
"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/On-Our-Watch-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/onourwatch",
"meta": {
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 11
},
"link": "/podcasts/onourwatch",
"subscribe": {
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5ucHIub3JnLzUxMDM2MC9wb2RjYXN0LnhtbD9zYz1nb29nbGVwb2RjYXN0cw",
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},
"on-the-media": {
"id": "on-the-media",
"title": "On The Media",
"info": "Our weekly podcast explores how the media 'sausage' is made, casts an incisive eye on fluctuations in the marketplace of ideas, and examines threats to the freedom of information and expression in America and abroad. For one hour a week, the show tries to lift the veil from the process of \"making media,\" especially news media, because it's through that lens that we see the world and the world sees us",
"airtime": "SUN 2pm-3pm, MON 12am-1am",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/onTheMedia.png",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.wnycstudios.org/shows/otm",
"meta": {
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"source": "wnyc"
},
"link": "/radio/program/on-the-media",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/on-the-media/id73330715?mt=2",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/radio/On-the-Media-p69/",
"rss": "http://feeds.wnyc.org/onthemedia"
}
},
"pbs-newshour": {
"id": "pbs-newshour",
"title": "PBS NewsHour",
"info": "Analysis, background reports and updates from the PBS NewsHour putting today's news in context.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 3pm-4pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/PBS-News-Hour-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.pbs.org/newshour/",
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},
"link": "/radio/program/pbs-newshour",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/pbs-newshour-full-show/id394432287?mt=2",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/radio/PBS-NewsHour---Full-Show-p425698/",
"rss": "https://www.pbs.org/newshour/feeds/rss/podcasts/show"
}
},
"perspectives": {
"id": "perspectives",
"title": "Perspectives",
"tagline": "KQED's series of daily listener commentaries since 1991",
"info": "KQED's series of daily listener commentaries since 1991.",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/01/Perspectives_Tile_Final.jpg",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/perspectives/",
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 14
},
"link": "/perspectives",
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"npr": "https://www.npr.org/podcasts/432309616/perspectives",
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},
"planet-money": {
"id": "planet-money",
"title": "Planet Money",
"info": "The economy explained. Imagine you could call up a friend and say, Meet me at the bar and tell me what's going on with the economy. Now imagine that's actually a fun evening.",
"airtime": "SUN 3pm-4pm",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/planetmoney.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/sections/money/",
"meta": {
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"source": "npr"
},
"link": "/radio/program/planet-money",
"subscribe": {
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