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With well more than half of expected ballots counted in the three counties by 9:30 a.m. Wednesday, \u003ca href=\"https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/1OzZ5GkhTE5dmNBaJV-2uivc65neiGO9mGeKQBzWHcg8/edit?usp=sharing\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\" target=\"_blank\">the measure was passing\u003c/a> with a 70.4% “yes” vote. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"news_11831788,news_11829125,news_11812847\" label=\"Caltrain's Measure RR\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure was getting 74% support in San Francisco, traditionally supportive of regional transportation measures, and 72.1% in San Mateo County, which made the initial local investment that bought the rail system from Southern Pacific in 1991 and which has run the agency ever since. The vote was closer — 67.4% “yes” — in Santa Clara County, where officials had expressed particularly vehement reservations about allowing San Mateo County to continue its role as Caltrain’s operator.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s just phenomenal to have this level of support from the voters and the taxpayers,” said Dave Pine, a member of the San Mateo County Board of Supervisors and chair of the Peninsula Corridor Joint Powers Board that oversees Caltrain.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rail agency officials and supporters had said the tax, which will raise an estimated $100 million a year for the next 30 years, would allow the system to weather the drastic decline in fare revenue that followed the onset of the coronavirus pandemic. The revenue is also intended to help pay for acquiring new electric trains and running more frequent service as part of a plan that would nearly quadruple daily ridership by the year 2040.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Historically, Caltrain has depended on fares to cover about 70% of its day-to-day operating costs — a \u003ca href=\"https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Farebox_recovery_ratio#:~:text=The%20farebox%20recovery%20ratio%20(also,by%20its%20total%20operating%20expenses.\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\" target=\"_blank\">farebox-recovery level\u003c/a> that industry officials say is the highest among all major U.S. transit systems.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But once COVID-19 restrictions took effect, weekday ridership all but vanished, initially falling from about 65,000 a day to about 1,500, a 98% plunge. And despite the agency continuing to run 70 trains a day, average weekday ridership is still only about 3,500 — a 95% decrease.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pine said the first order of business, now that the tax appears to have passed, is to get through the pandemic. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our greatest strength is also our Achilles’ heel in that 70% of our revenue is from riders, and we don’t have riders,” Pine said. “So we have our lifeline to make it through COVID, and then we’ll look forward to a future of expanded service, more frequent and faster trains and more ridership on the corridor.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A poll conducted for Caltrain and \u003ca href=\"https://www.caltrain.com/Assets/_MarketDevelopment/pdf/Survey+of+Likely+November+2020+Voters+Regarding+a+Potential+Sales+Tax+for+Caltrain.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">released in June\u003c/a> showed the tax falling just short of the required two-thirds majority, with 63% approval.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That level rose to 70% when survey respondents heard arguments for the measure — essentially that the tax would help Caltrain expand and improve as well as ease congestion on the region’s freeways. But a negative message — one emphasizing the uncertainties about transit ridership after the pandemic and questioning whether the tax is needed for a commuter rail system that serves a mostly affluent clientele — led support for the measure to drop below 60%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Measure RR was supported by scores of elected officials in the three counties, from Sen. Dianne Feinstein to local town council members. Major business, environmental and transportation advocacy groups as well as some of the Bay Area’s wealthiest companies also endorsed the tax — and contributed to the “Save Caltrain” campaign’s $2.7 million war chest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most notable among individual supporters: Pine, the Caltrain board chair, who loaned the campaign $500,000 to help it keep ads on TV when other donations were slow to arrive. He said the campaign has repaid the loan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Silicon Valley Taxpayers Association led the unfunded opposition, which argued that a system running at just 5% capacity doesn’t need a tax boost and that the agency should be cutting its budget to get through the pandemic. Opponents also objected to an added sales tax as a funding mechanism, pointing out it’s a regressive levy that falls more heavily on lower-income taxpayers than on the affluent. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Caltrain needs to just hunker down, sit back and wait and figure out what to do — cut back as much they can to keep going, but not go and start taking money from people who are losing their jobs and having to cut their own expenses,” said Eric Garris, who signed the “No on RR” argument on the San Francisco ballot. “… I’m betting on at least one-third of the people being smart enough to realize that these are just people asking them for more money because they’re worried about their jobs and they can take it from us.” \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agency has survived the pandemic downturn so far largely thanks to operating subsidies it gets from the three Caltrain counties, but mostly because of a federal CARES Act bailout that distributed $1.3 billion to Bay Area transit systems. Public transportation districts from across the country, including BART and Muni, have lobbied unsuccessfully for months to persuade Congress and the Trump administration to pass a second round of aid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The uncertainty of future finances has prompted Caltrain staff to study different service scenarios, ranging from a total system shutdown to targeted reductions that would reduce weekday runs and expand the weekend schedule in a move \u003ca href=\"https://www.caltrain.com/about/MediaRelations/news/Caltrain_Considers_Changes_Aimed_at_Improving_Service_for_Essential_Workers_and_Transit_Dependent_Riders.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">the agency says\u003c/a> would better serve lower-income riders and essential workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Measure RR’s path to the ballot began with Senate Bill 797, a 2017 bill by state Sen. Jerry Hill, D-San Mateo, that would allow the Caltrain board to place the one-eighth-cent tax on the ballot if the boards of supervisors \u003cem>and\u003c/em> transit agency boards in Santa Clara, San Mateo and San Francisco all approved the measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That requirement for six separate votes nearly derailed the measure when elected officials in both Santa Clara County and San Francisco insisted on a commitment to take away San Mateo County’s role as Caltrain manager. A special Caltrain board committee has begun work on the governance proposals, which under an August resolution are supposed to be decided on by the end of next year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Results early Wednesday showed one-eighth-cent sales tax measure winning with a \"yes\" vote of more than 70%. Supporters argued the measure would allow the commuter railroad to survive the coronavirus crisis and move ahead with future system improvements.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 9:45 a.m. Wednesday, Nov. 4\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Caltrain officials and supporters are breathing a sigh of relief after voters in the three counties served by the rail line appeared to have passed a new one-eighth-cent sales tax that the agency says will help it survive a major drop in ridership due to the coronavirus pandemic, and pave the way for an ambitious program of improvements and expansion in decades to come.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Measure RR, which gives the three-decade-old transit agency its first dedicated source of funding, needed a two-thirds “yes” vote among all ballots cast in the three Caltrain counties — San Francisco, San Mateo and Santa Clara — to pass. With well more than half of expected ballots counted in the three counties by 9:30 a.m. Wednesday, \u003ca href=\"https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/1OzZ5GkhTE5dmNBaJV-2uivc65neiGO9mGeKQBzWHcg8/edit?usp=sharing\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\" target=\"_blank\">the measure was passing\u003c/a> with a 70.4% “yes” vote. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure was getting 74% support in San Francisco, traditionally supportive of regional transportation measures, and 72.1% in San Mateo County, which made the initial local investment that bought the rail system from Southern Pacific in 1991 and which has run the agency ever since. The vote was closer — 67.4% “yes” — in Santa Clara County, where officials had expressed particularly vehement reservations about allowing San Mateo County to continue its role as Caltrain’s operator.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s just phenomenal to have this level of support from the voters and the taxpayers,” said Dave Pine, a member of the San Mateo County Board of Supervisors and chair of the Peninsula Corridor Joint Powers Board that oversees Caltrain.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rail agency officials and supporters had said the tax, which will raise an estimated $100 million a year for the next 30 years, would allow the system to weather the drastic decline in fare revenue that followed the onset of the coronavirus pandemic. The revenue is also intended to help pay for acquiring new electric trains and running more frequent service as part of a plan that would nearly quadruple daily ridership by the year 2040.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Historically, Caltrain has depended on fares to cover about 70% of its day-to-day operating costs — a \u003ca href=\"https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Farebox_recovery_ratio#:~:text=The%20farebox%20recovery%20ratio%20(also,by%20its%20total%20operating%20expenses.\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\" target=\"_blank\">farebox-recovery level\u003c/a> that industry officials say is the highest among all major U.S. transit systems.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But once COVID-19 restrictions took effect, weekday ridership all but vanished, initially falling from about 65,000 a day to about 1,500, a 98% plunge. And despite the agency continuing to run 70 trains a day, average weekday ridership is still only about 3,500 — a 95% decrease.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pine said the first order of business, now that the tax appears to have passed, is to get through the pandemic. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our greatest strength is also our Achilles’ heel in that 70% of our revenue is from riders, and we don’t have riders,” Pine said. “So we have our lifeline to make it through COVID, and then we’ll look forward to a future of expanded service, more frequent and faster trains and more ridership on the corridor.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A poll conducted for Caltrain and \u003ca href=\"https://www.caltrain.com/Assets/_MarketDevelopment/pdf/Survey+of+Likely+November+2020+Voters+Regarding+a+Potential+Sales+Tax+for+Caltrain.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">released in June\u003c/a> showed the tax falling just short of the required two-thirds majority, with 63% approval.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That level rose to 70% when survey respondents heard arguments for the measure — essentially that the tax would help Caltrain expand and improve as well as ease congestion on the region’s freeways. But a negative message — one emphasizing the uncertainties about transit ridership after the pandemic and questioning whether the tax is needed for a commuter rail system that serves a mostly affluent clientele — led support for the measure to drop below 60%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Measure RR was supported by scores of elected officials in the three counties, from Sen. Dianne Feinstein to local town council members. Major business, environmental and transportation advocacy groups as well as some of the Bay Area’s wealthiest companies also endorsed the tax — and contributed to the “Save Caltrain” campaign’s $2.7 million war chest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most notable among individual supporters: Pine, the Caltrain board chair, who loaned the campaign $500,000 to help it keep ads on TV when other donations were slow to arrive. He said the campaign has repaid the loan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Silicon Valley Taxpayers Association led the unfunded opposition, which argued that a system running at just 5% capacity doesn’t need a tax boost and that the agency should be cutting its budget to get through the pandemic. Opponents also objected to an added sales tax as a funding mechanism, pointing out it’s a regressive levy that falls more heavily on lower-income taxpayers than on the affluent. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Caltrain needs to just hunker down, sit back and wait and figure out what to do — cut back as much they can to keep going, but not go and start taking money from people who are losing their jobs and having to cut their own expenses,” said Eric Garris, who signed the “No on RR” argument on the San Francisco ballot. “… I’m betting on at least one-third of the people being smart enough to realize that these are just people asking them for more money because they’re worried about their jobs and they can take it from us.” \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agency has survived the pandemic downturn so far largely thanks to operating subsidies it gets from the three Caltrain counties, but mostly because of a federal CARES Act bailout that distributed $1.3 billion to Bay Area transit systems. Public transportation districts from across the country, including BART and Muni, have lobbied unsuccessfully for months to persuade Congress and the Trump administration to pass a second round of aid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The uncertainty of future finances has prompted Caltrain staff to study different service scenarios, ranging from a total system shutdown to targeted reductions that would reduce weekday runs and expand the weekend schedule in a move \u003ca href=\"https://www.caltrain.com/about/MediaRelations/news/Caltrain_Considers_Changes_Aimed_at_Improving_Service_for_Essential_Workers_and_Transit_Dependent_Riders.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">the agency says\u003c/a> would better serve lower-income riders and essential workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Measure RR’s path to the ballot began with Senate Bill 797, a 2017 bill by state Sen. Jerry Hill, D-San Mateo, that would allow the Caltrain board to place the one-eighth-cent tax on the ballot if the boards of supervisors \u003cem>and\u003c/em> transit agency boards in Santa Clara, San Mateo and San Francisco all approved the measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That requirement for six separate votes nearly derailed the measure when elected officials in both Santa Clara County and San Francisco insisted on a commitment to take away San Mateo County’s role as Caltrain manager. A special Caltrain board committee has begun work on the governance proposals, which under an August resolution are supposed to be decided on by the end of next year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>With gig companies turning Proposition 22 into the \u003ca href=\"http://bit.ly/fioreprop22\">most expensive ballot measure in California history\u003c/a>, polling shows its passage is anything but certain.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The well-funded proposition essentially carves out a new category of gig worker that would not include the usual employee protections mandated in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Uber has been \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11842964/gig-companies-are-making-their-workers-promote-prop-22\">particularly aggressive\u003c/a> in enlisting its workers to advocate for the measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Watching multibillion-dollar companies pouring millions into a ballot measure so they can reap the rewards of an app that connects drivers and riders ... sure makes the days of taxi cabs seem simpler.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ci data-stringify-type=\"italic\">This story was updated Wednesday, Nov. 4 at 12:40pm\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb data-stringify-type=\"bold\">UPDATE: Proposition 22 was approved by California voters Tuesday, Nov. 3. \u003c/b>\u003cb data-stringify-type=\"bold\">\u003ca class=\"c-link\" href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11844725/proposition-22-passes-locking-in-sub-employee-status-for-gig-workers\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\" data-stringify-link=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11844725/proposition-22-passes-locking-in-sub-employee-status-for-gig-workers\" data-sk=\"tooltip_parent\">Read the full details here\u003c/a>\u003c/b>\u003cb data-stringify-type=\"bold\">.\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci data-stringify-type=\"italic\">Original story:\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The decision California voters face on Proposition 22 boils down to this: should a handful of companies be allowed to create a new gig contractor category for their workers that doesn’t include employee protections and benefits, like unemployment insurance and workers compensation? Or should companies like Uber, Lyft and DoorDash have to follow state labor law and classify their drivers as employees, which could mean directing more revenue to workers, higher prices for consumers and increased requirements for more casual drivers?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s the choice on the ballot. But there’s so much more going on with this unprecedented and far-reaching proposition — a proposition that recent polling indicates will come down to Californians who are still undecided. As of Oct. 26, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11843691/poll-measure-pushed-by-uber-lyft-falling-just-short-of-passage-many-voters-still-undecided\">polling of likely voters\u003c/a> shows 46% in favor, 42% opposed and 12% undecided. Here’s everything you’d need to know about the proposition and its backstory before you vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Skip to:\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#backstory\">The Backstory\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>: How companies like Lyft, Uber and DoorDash have avoided employee classification for eight years despite pressure from workers, labor groups and every branch of state government\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#written\">What’s Actually in Prop. 22?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>: An explanation of the limited worker benefits and why the “7/8ths provision” would make it nearly impossible to change this law in the future\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#money\">Unprecedented Money\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>: Gig companies are spending record amounts of cash to market Prop. 22 — and it’s being framed as a social justice issue\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#surveys\">Those Driver Surveys, and What’s Wrong With Them\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>: What do drivers want? Surveys used to market Prop. 22 are often flawed and don’t tell the full story\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#directtovoter\">Unprecedented Direct-to-Voter Connection\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>: Millions of apps in millions of pockets, workers asked to deliver political ads and pop ups galore — win or lose, a new election playbook is being written\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#ramifications\">The Ramifications\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>: If Prop. 22 passes, what will it mean for gig work, labor protections, election campaigning and local governance?\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003ch1>\u003ca id=\"backstory\">\u003c/a>The Backstory\u003c/h1>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11843145\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11843145\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Lyft-moustache.jpg\" alt=\"Lyft car with mustache\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1250\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Lyft-moustache.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Lyft-moustache-800x521.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Lyft-moustache-1020x664.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Lyft-moustache-160x104.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Lyft-moustache-1536x1000.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A Lyft driver with one of the early fuzzy pink mustaches drives in downtown San Francisco in January, 2014. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>It all began in 2012 with a fuzzy pink mustache and a fist bump. It was Lyft, not Uber, that first started paying drivers to use their own cars to do taxi work. Both companies cast themselves not as taxi companies, but platforms to connect riders to drivers, and tech journalists helped propel this image. \u003ca href=\"https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=3668606\">Here’s the even deeper backstory on how that all went down\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Using the platform argument, the gig companies classified their workers as contractors, which shielded them from liability and allowed them to avoid paying for protections like overtime and unemployment insurance. Regulators and the government at the state and federal levels did not stop Uber and Lyft, and soon, companies like Instacart, DoorDash and Postmates began following suit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But this contractor model was legally suspect from the start. In California, the determination of whether a worker was a contractor or an employee was made by the Borello test, which is a \u003ca href=\"https://caselaw.findlaw.com/ca-supreme-court/1774638.html\">complex set of 11 factors established by a 1989 California Supreme Court case\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Election 2020\" link1=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide,KQED's California Voter Guide\" hero=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45342_001_KQED_SanFrancisco_Election2020_MailinBallot_10122020-qut-1020x680.jpg\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was arguable that under those parameters, gig workers were not independent entrepreneurs running their own businesses on a platform provided by “tech” companies, but instead, employees of a transportation company in the case of Uber and Lyft, a service company in the case of TaskRabbit and a delivery company in the case of Postmates or DoorDash.\u003ca href=\"https://www.reuters.com/article/us-uber-tech-drivers-lawsuit/uber-drivers-granted-class-action-status-in-lawsuit-over-employment-idUSKCN0R14O920150901\"> Lawyers began trying to make the case\u003c/a> with big lawsuits against gig companies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Workers were and still are fighting almost all the battles over employee protections and benefits behind closed doors. That’s because gig companies make workers sign arbitration clauses, which prevent them from taking any grievance to court. That has helped preempt and neutralize class-action lawsuits. Law professor Charlotte Garden \u003ca href=\"https://digitalcommons.law.seattleu.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1794&context=faculty\">wrote a whole academic paper\u003c/a> on how the gig economy relies on mandatory arbitration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2014, as Uber and Lyft began to slash wages in a price war, workers increased their protest, but they could make no headway toward employment status. Gig companies leaned on customer support for political support, and consumers loved these cheap rides, which were kept low by the contractor model and venture capital. It took six years for any notable action from California’s government. And it came first from the judicial branch.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a ruling on a case known as \u003ca href=\"https://scocal.stanford.edu/opinion/dynamex-operations-west-inc-v-superior-court-34584\">Dynamex in 2018\u003c/a>, California’s Supreme Court simplified the Borello test, boiling it down to just three factors, called the ABCs. A worker could now only be classified as a contractor if they:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>A) Were free from the control and direction of the hirer\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>B) Performed work outside the hirer’s normal course of business\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>C) Had their own independently established trade, occupation or business\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>The ruling made it much more difficult for gig companies to deny workers employee benefits and protections. But still, gig companies kept classifying workers as contractors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the state Supreme Court, the Legislature took up the fight. Lawmakers passed \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB5\">Assembly Bill 5\u003c/a>, which went into effect on Jan. 1, 2020. AB 5 codified the Dynamex ruling and was designed with gig companies in mind.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, the new law also affected a number of other industries that have come to rely on contractors. The bill was amended after a backlash, and a number of professions got exemptions, like fine artists, foresters and translators — but not gig workers. Still, gig companies kept classifying workers as contractors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11833598 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/09/09182019_uber-lyft-qut-1020x640.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then in May, several months into the coronavirus pandemic, with tens of thousands of Uber and Lyft drivers seeking unemployment funds that didn’t exist because the companies had never paid into the state unemployment fund, the executive branch got involved. California Attorney General Xavier Becerra, along with a handful of city attorneys, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11816321/california-city-attorneys-sue-uber-and-lyft-over-worker-misclassification\">sued Uber and Lyft for misclassifying workers\u003c/a>. On Oct. 22 Uber and Lyft \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/business/story/2020-10-22/uber-and-lyft-must-comply-with-labor-law-ab-5-appeals-court-orders\">lost an appeal\u003c/a>, and will have to start classifying workers as employees in 30 days — unless Proposition 22 passes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After AB 5 passed, the gig companies started their ballot initiative campaign, hoping that voters would enshrine their gig contractor model into law. Now, with all three branches of California’s government pressuring them to classify workers as employees, they are pouring money into Proposition 22. It’s become \u003ca href=\"https://ballotpedia.org/What_were_the_most_expensive_ballot_measures_in_California\">the most well-funded ballot initiative in California history\u003c/a>. And it’s designed to be a conclusive victory for gig companies.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch1>\u003ca id=\"written\">\u003c/a>What’s Actually in Prop. 22?\u003c/h1>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11843210\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11843210\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45263_001_KQED_ElectionStockPhotos_TikaHall_10062020-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45263_001_KQED_ElectionStockPhotos_TikaHall_10062020-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45263_001_KQED_ElectionStockPhotos_TikaHall_10062020-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45263_001_KQED_ElectionStockPhotos_TikaHall_10062020-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45263_001_KQED_ElectionStockPhotos_TikaHall_10062020-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45263_001_KQED_ElectionStockPhotos_TikaHall_10062020-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A San Francisco resident fills out their mail-in ballot on Oct. 6, 2020. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Proposition 22 is written as an exemption from AB 5 for any company that provides transportation or delivery services through an app. It would enshrine in law a kind of third employment category: the contract gig worker. This has been a goal of gig companies for years. They have pursued it at the federal level, and have already \u003ca href=\"https://www.nelp.org/publication/rights-at-risk-gig-companies-campaign-to-upend-employment-as-we-know-it/\">had success in getting legislation on the books in a number of states\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the measure has several other provisions built around the central premise of exempting gig companies from AB 5.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Limited Employee Benefits\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Prop. 22 would guarantee gig workers some limited benefits and protections. As contractors, they currently have none. But the benefits are not as straightforward as they appear at first read.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The most murky benefit is the guaranteed wage floor. Prop. 22 would ensure 120% of minimum wage and 30 cents per mile for drivers, adjusted for inflation. But there’s a pretty big catch. The guarantee is only for “engaged” driving time, defined as the time between “accepting a service request and completing the request.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Much of gig work is spent waiting for a job in the app. \u003ca href=\"https://laborcenter.berkeley.edu/the-uber-lyft-ballot-initiative-guarantees-only-5-64-an-hour-2/\">UC Berkeley’s Labor Center did a study\u003c/a> where they tried to take time between rides into account, along with wear and tear on the vehicle. Adding those factors in the mix, the study found the wage guarantee drops to just $5.64 an hour, a drastic pay cut from the $13 minimum wage they would be guaranteed as employees in California. Uber and Lyft disputed the findings in the study, and \u003ca href=\"https://ucreconomicforecast.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/08/Prop22_Driver_Earnings_Analysis_August2020.pdf\">they commissioned another study\u003c/a> that put the earnings at between $25 and $27 an hour. That prompted \u003ca href=\"https://laborcenter.berkeley.edu/the-effects-of-proposition-22-on-driver-earnings-response-to-a-lyft-funded-report-by-dr-christopher-thornberg/#_edn5\">a rebuttal from UC Berkeley.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Aside from the wage floor, Prop. 22 includes a number of benefits that are substitutes for protections guaranteed by traditional employment. In each case, these protections are weaker than what workers would get as employees, and some are contingent on driving a certain number of hours.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead of health care, drivers who put in over 25 hours per week of engaged driving time would get health care subsidies. Instead of workers compensation, companies would offer occupational accident insurance for medical expenses, lost income and disability. Companies would also offer accidental death insurance. It is not clear if these insurance plans would be given to workers automatically, or if they would only be guaranteed the opportunity to purchase them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11843841\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11843841\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS41942_005_KQED_Oakland_RideHail_03102020_-qut.jpg\" alt=\"ride-hail driver in Oakland\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS41942_005_KQED_Oakland_RideHail_03102020_-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS41942_005_KQED_Oakland_RideHail_03102020_-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS41942_005_KQED_Oakland_RideHail_03102020_-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS41942_005_KQED_Oakland_RideHail_03102020_-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS41942_005_KQED_Oakland_RideHail_03102020_-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A ride-hail driver in Oakland In March, 2020. Prop. 22 would guarantee gig workers some limited benefits and protections. As contractors, they currently have none. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Prop. 22 also includes provisions to address long-term accountability issues in the gig industry, like discrimination, sexual misconduct, a lack of background checks and drivers working more than 12 hours a day. Gig companies would be required to create anti-discrimination and sexual harassment policies, develop training programs for drivers and require criminal background checks — all things that the companies have been criticized for lacking in the past.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many of the issues these final provisions would address are things that are exacerbated by the contractor status of workers. If these workers were actually employees, gig companies would be far more liable for things like car accidents, sexual misconduct and criminal activity.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Prop. 22 Would Be Nearly Impossible to Change\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>If Proposition 22 passes, it would prevent local governments from passing laws that require companies to provide additional benefits and protections for gig workers not included in Prop. 22. It would also be the hardest statute for the Legislature to alter, aside from a handful of propositions that bar any amendment whatsoever. That’s because of the 7/8ths provision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A single sentence on page 18 of the initiative requires a 7/8ths vote of both the state Assembly and Senate in order to amend Prop. 22 in any way. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/post-it/2020/10/california-amendment-threshold-proposition-22/\">This particular requirement is unprecedented\u003c/a>. Some propositions have required 2/3rds or 3/5s — but never 7/8ths.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If it passes, Prop. 22 would be harder to amend than the state’s Wildlife Protection Act, the Clean Air and Transportation Improvement Act or the Cruelty to Farm Animals Act. Amending it would take eight more votes than are needed to override a governor’s veto or revise the state Constitution, according to data provided to KQED by Alex Vassar, communications manager at the California State Library.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11840343,news_11841547,news_11841059 label='Election 2020 Resources']In California, a proposition can only be undone by another ballot initiative. So why is the threshold for amendment so high on Prop. 22? Part of the reason is that a section of the proposition’s stated purpose is contradictory to the wishes of gig companies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 22 states that it would “require rideshare and delivery network companies to offer new protections and benefits for app-based rideshare and delivery drivers.” That might sound good to voters who want more protections for workers, but it could cause problems for gig companies. The Legislature could, for example, alter Prop. 22 once it becomes statute or pass new laws to increase benefits for workers beyond what gig companies want. The 7/8ths provision presents a very high barrier to that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prop. 22 would also stop local governments from requiring gig companies to increase benefits and protections to gig workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Proposition 22 lops off the top by cutting off the state Legislature’s ability to amend the law, and it lops off the bottom [by] preventing local governments from ever modifying its requirements,” said Rey Fuentes, a fellow at The Partnership for Working Families, an advocacy group for workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cities in California are often where laws that grant the most rigorous worker benefits and protections start: things like the Healthy SF program, or San Francisco’s mandatory sick leave. Cities have also been the most proactive in requiring gig companies to provide additional benefits to workers. San Francisco and San Jose, for instance, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/bayarea/article/Two-Bay-Area-cities-poised-to-approve-paid-sick-15185145.php\">extended COVID-19 emergency benefits to gig workers\u003c/a>. \u003ca href=\"https://www.capitolhillseattle.com/2020/06/seattle-extends-sick-leave-to-gig-workers-including-food-delivery-workers-more-heroes-of-the-covid-19-crisis/\">Seattle passed a similar ordinance\u003c/a>. Prop. 22 has a clause that would preempt future measures like these.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yes on Prop. 22 Spokesperson Geoff Vetter said the issue is consistency for workers who cross city and county lines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Given the cross-jurisdictional nature of the service,” Vetter said, “it would be impossible to allow all 58 counties and 480+ cities to establish separate requirements. Prop. 22 establishes uniform statewide standards for app-based driver scheduling, benefits.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch1>\u003ca id=\"money\">\u003c/a>Unprecedented Money\u003c/h1>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11843334\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11843334\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/UberLyftWindshield.jpg\" alt=\"A driver who drives for both Uber and Lyft\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/UberLyftWindshield.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/UberLyftWindshield-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/UberLyftWindshield-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/UberLyftWindshield-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/UberLyftWindshield-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Uber and Lyft have spent nearly $100 million combined in support of Prop. 22. \u003ccite>(ROBYN BECK/AFP via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Proposition 22 is on track to become the most well-funded ballot initiative in California history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It has already drawn about $200 million, most of it on the pro side. As of 10 days before the election, the anti-side had around $19 million, coming mainly from labor organizations. The pro-side has over $199 million coming from gig companies. As of the beginning of October, Uber had contributed over $50 million; Lyft, $48 million; DoorDash, $47 million; InstaCart, $28 million; and Postmates, $11 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That money is not just being spent on TV and digital advertising. The Yes on Prop. 22 campaign has also contributed to political parties, including $2 million to the California Republican Party. It has spent millions hiring consultants, lobbyists and PR firms like MB Public Affairs, which is known for working with tobacco companies. These firms have launched personal and \u003ca href=\"https://www.cnet.com/features/uber-lyfts-fight-over-gig-worker-status-as-campaign-against-labor-activists-mounts/\">intrusive attacks on academics like Veena Dubal\u003c/a>, a UC Hastings law professor who has been critical of gig companies and Proposition 22.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Yes on Prop. 22 campaign has also sent money to newsrooms in return for digital advertising. By the middle of September, it had sent almost $48,000 to the Sacramento Bee, $13,500 to the San Diego Union Tribune and a little over $36,000 to the San Francisco Chronicle. Both the Tribune and the Chronicle endorsed the measure, but in their endorsements made no mention of the ad revenue they had received.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Marketing Prop. 22 as a Social Justice Measure\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Many workers in the gig economy in California are people of color – a fact reflected in the advertising campaign for Prop. 22, which presents the initiative as a boon for social justice. In the past, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11643681/lyft-gains-on-uber-by-appealing-to-progressive-political-ideals\">Lyft had leaned heavily on social justice messaging\u003c/a> to appeal to liberals and distinguish itself from Uber, especially after Trump was elected. Now, this tactic has become a major thrust of the entire Yes on Prop. 22 campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Rep Barbara Lee\"]‘You have very clearly crossed the line when you try to claim the equity mantle for a campaign that has always been about allowing multi-billion-dollar app companies to write their own law so they can keep exploiting drivers.’[/pullquote]PR firms working for the campaign \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfgate.com/politics/article/Fake-progressive-mailers-urge-yes-on-Uber-Lyft-15635173.php\">have created a number of political mailers\u003c/a> that urge people to vote yes on Prop. 22 and are designed to look like voter guides coming from progressive sources. In small letters at the bottom of these mailers it says the guides are prepared by organizations like “Feel the Bern, Progressive Voter Guide,” “Council of Concerned Women Voters Guide” and “Our Voice, Latino Voter Guide,” which are all fake progressive organizations. They don’t actually exist. After these mailers were reported, Bernie Sanders \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/BernieSanders/status/1315650084567121920?s=20\">came out publicly against\u003c/a> Proposition 22.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many of the ads in the Yes on Prop. 22 campaign feature people of color, like Aisha A. from Los Angeles, who say they need this flexible job to survive. Uber ran an ad campaign this summer with billboards in many major cities that said “If you tolerate racism, delete Uber.” Lyft \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=yImMyOkeaKQ\">created a television ad\u003c/a> using a recording of Maya Angelou reading her poem, “On the Pulse of Morning.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=yImMyOkeaKQ\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Lyft ad begins with a voiceover of Angelou saying “Lift up your eyes upon / This day breaking for you.” You see Black and brown people getting ready for work. And then it transitions to the inside of a Lyft. There’s a montage of drivers, all people of color, picking up passengers. “Each new hour holds new chances / For a new beginning.” Angelou says “Do not be wedded forever / To fear, yoked eternally / To brutishness.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Getting the California NAACP to endorse Proposition 22 was a big win for gig companies. The organization has authored voter guides telling people to vote yes, and Alice Huffman, head of the California NAACP, has been writing editorials in support of the proposition. Huffman also happens to run a consulting firm called AC Public Affairs. That firm has so far received $85,000 from the Yes on Prop. 22 Campaign. Huffman has a history of receiving contributions from corporations to support their ballot initiatives. The Yes on Prop. 22 money \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2020/09/california-naacp-president-helps-corporate-ballot-measure-campaigns/\">is part of $1.2 million her firm has already received this year\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many Black and Latino leaders in California have come out against Proposition 22; Rep. Barbara Lee from Oakland, Stockton Mayor Michael Tubbs and members of both the Latino and Black California Legislative Caucus were part of a group that \u003ca href=\"https://thehill.com/policy/technology/520671-democrats-accuse-tech-companies-of-deceitful-tactics-in-campaign-against\">publicly denounced\u003c/a> Proposition 22 in mid-October.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Addressing the gig companies on the call, Lee said, “You have very clearly crossed the line when you try to claim the equity mantle for a campaign that has always been about allowing multi-billion-dollar app companies to write their own law so they can keep exploiting the drivers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In response, Vetter said “Prop. 22 not only protects the jobs of drivers of color and their freedom to work independently, it would provide drivers an earnings guarantee, access to benefits like health care and provide drivers and passengers alike with new safety protections.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch1>\u003ca id=\"surveys\">\u003c/a>Those Driver Surveys, and What’s Wrong With Them\u003c/h1>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11843323\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11843323\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/YesOn22Driver.jpg\" alt=\"Uber driver Sergei Fyodorov holds a flyer supporting a yes vote on Proposition 22 in Oakland.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1290\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/YesOn22Driver.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/YesOn22Driver-800x538.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/YesOn22Driver-1020x685.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/YesOn22Driver-160x108.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/YesOn22Driver-1536x1032.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Uber driver Sergei Fyodorov, in Oakland, holds a flyer suggesting his riders ask him about why he supports Proposition 22. \u003ccite>(Josh Edelson/AFP via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Many ads from the Yes on Prop. 22 campaign say four out of five drivers prefer being independent contractors. This data comes from a survey done on the blog of \u003ca href=\"https://therideshareguy.com/\">Harry the Rideshare Guy\u003c/a>. It’s one of a slew of surveys the gig companies have been using to advocate for Prop. 22. These surveys are often methodologically flawed, and they never tell the whole story of what drivers want.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the Harry the Rideshare Guy survey has been a central piece of advertising for Proposition 22 and used in legal arguments, it is a non-scientific, informal poll done on a blog. There was no guarantee that respondents were drivers, let alone that there was a representative sample in terms of demographics, hours driven or political leanings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Harry Campbell, CEO of The Rideshare Guy blog, said he believes the site’s survey reflects what he has been hearing from drivers. Yes on Prop. 22 campaign spokesperson Geoff Vetter agreed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Rideshare Guy polled app-based drivers in California and did it without offering payment to the respondents,” Vetter said. “All this makes for a much fuller, more accurate data set and one that correctly demonstrates how drivers feel about Prop. 22 and independent contractor v. employee status.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But The Rideshare Guy survey is indicative of a number of the broader issues that the No on Prop. 22 campaign and scholars studying the gig economy have with how drivers are being surveyed. Juliet Schor, a professor of sociology at Boston College who has spent years studying the gig economy, said these surveys don’t capture the full picture. There is often bias in the sample, flawed and misleading questions and information presented that influences responses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11843775\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 411px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\" wp-image-11843775\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/edelson-survey-800x466.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"411\" height=\"239\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/edelson-survey-800x466.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/edelson-survey-1020x595.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/edelson-survey-160x93.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/edelson-survey.png 1501w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 411px) 100vw, 411px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Drivers got this prompt before being asked if they supported Proposition 22. \u003ccite>(Edelson Survey Screenshot)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>This \u003ca href=\"https://d3n8a8pro7vhmx.cloudfront.net/themes/5ef0e34fc294806719977470/attachments/original/1592866174/cadriversurvey.pdf?1592866174\">survey from Edelman\u003c/a> is a good example. In a question about Prop. 22, the survey included a snippet from a TechCrunch article that cast the proposition in positive light. Given that prompt, 72 percent of respondents said they supported the measure. On August 19, Lyft issued a survey that had a common flaw in the questioning, equating contractor status to freedom. The survey asked if “the freedom of being an independent contractor outweighs the benefits of being an employee.” Conflating freedom with being an independent contractor is misleading. Employees can have autonomy and freedom, and likewise contractors can be constrained and coerced.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Finally, there is the sample issue. The surveys give equal weight to those who drive only a few hours a week with those who drive much more. And the surveys only poll active workers, which could have a distorting effect on the results. There have been tens or even hundreds of thousands of people in California who have done some work for these gig companies and then stopped. These workers represent a large percentage of the labor that has been done for these companies, yet their opinions are being left out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a big methodological weakness of the surveys,” Schor said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Schor and her research team have interviewed hundreds of gig workers over the years, ethnographic data that can capture what a survey doesn’t. She says there is actually a lot of consistency in what drivers want. They want to be autonomous and have flexibility, but they also want to earn enough that they can pay their bills, buy insurance, and have money set aside if something goes wrong. Schor said she thinks a lot of gig workers in California are answering surveys with what they wish they could have: independent status and enough money to truly be their own bosses. \u003ca href=\"https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=3488009\">Veena Dubal wrote an entire academic paper unpacking all of this\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Driver Noemi Torres agreed with Schor’s conclusions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We want to be independent contractors, but Uber doesn’t treat us like independent contractors,” said Torres, who has been driving for seven years outside of North Hollywood. “Initially, we would get paid enough to support ourselves in terms of getting our own health insurance, but since they keep lowering the rates, you don’t have the flexibility.” She opposes Proposition 22.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Drivers who support Proposition 22 often don’t sound that different when it comes to what they want. They just believe the ballot proposition can get it for them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I decided to vote yes on Prop. 22, because it would allow me and my fellow drivers to retain the flexibility we need while ensuring we get the benefits and protections we deserve,” said Dave Thomasson, a driver from West Covina.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch1>\u003ca id=\"directtovoter\">\u003c/a>Unprecedented Direct-to-Voter Connection\u003c/h1>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11843415\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11843415\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/LyftAppProp22Ad.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1317\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/LyftAppProp22Ad.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/LyftAppProp22Ad-800x549.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/LyftAppProp22Ad-1020x700.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/LyftAppProp22Ad-160x110.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/LyftAppProp22Ad-1536x1054.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A Lyft app displays a message asking users to vote yes on Proposition 22. \u003ccite>(JOSH EDELSON/AFP via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Last month, Hector Castellanos started seeing the pop-ups while driving for Uber. Under a dialog box emblazoned with “Prop. 22 is progress,” Castellanos had to click either “Yes on Prop. 22” or “OK” to proceed with his ride. At the same time, his riders were getting pop ups that said their drivers support Prop. 22 and that they should talk with them about it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Castellanos drives full-time, and throughout the day kept seeing the pop up again and again. Castellanos opposes Proposition 22 and he didn’t want to have to click yes or OK, but he had no option. “Drivers have to click ‘yes’ even if they don’t want it,” he said. “They have to click yes or OK.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11842964 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Uber-Driver-1020x701.jpg']Uber spokesperson Davis White said Castellanos’s experience is not the norm, and that drivers should only see the pop up once when signing off the app, and that the pop up has been changed so drivers can just close it without selecting an answer. \u003ca href=\"https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20398520-uber-prop-22-complaint\">Castellanos and another driver are now suing\u003c/a> Uber for allegedly infringing on their right to be free of political coercion at work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Uber’s popups are an example of the unprecedented advantage gig companies have in this ballot campaign: their own apps.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With their apps already used by millions of California workers and consumers, proponents of no other ballot proposition have ever had direct-to-voter connection at this scale — and gig companies are using the opportunity. They’re sending emails, push notifications to phones and using pop-ups to continually send the pro-Prop. 22 message directly to their customers and workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"David McCuan, Sonoma State University\"]‘It is the holy grail of political communication.’[/pullquote]Lyft and Uber have been particularly aggressive in using apps to market Prop. 22 to customers. In the Uber app, riders will see a little blue text bubble coming out of the car image that says “Yes on 22.” Uber is sending push notifications that pop up on phones saying things like “Vote early on Prop. 22. Support drivers and help keep Uber in your city.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11842964/gig-companies-are-making-their-workers-promote-prop-22\">gig companies are also pressuring their workers\u003c/a> to spread pro-Prop. 22 messages to consumers. In October, Instacart asked workers through the app to put pro-Prop. 22 stickers in customers’ orders at a Bay Area store. The sticker said “Yes 22, Save App-Based Jobs and Services.” DoorDash is providing free delivery bags to restaurants that have Prop. 22 ads on their sides. Then workers have to use these bags to bring food to customers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After backlash online, Instacart is no longer asking workers to add stickers to orders. But DoorDash is continuing to send pro-Prop. 22 delivery bags to restaurants. The company says restaurants have requested over 4 million bags.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This widespread use of apps to spread messages is unprecedented in a proposition campaign, and it could prove to be a powerful tactic that other corporations want to emulate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is the holy grail of political communication,” said David McCuan, professor of political science at Sonoma State University who has been studying ballot propositions for decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the gig companies are successful in getting Prop. 22 passed, McCuan said it could change the way ballot initiatives are fought in California. Companies with apps and money to leverage them may see ballot initiatives as a worthwhile way to get their policies enacted if this campaign shows that apps can be used to sway voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch1>\u003ca id=\"ramifications\">\u003c/a>The Ramifications\u003c/h1>\n\u003cp>If Proposition 22 fails, gig companies would have to reclassify workers as employees. That could mean redirecting more revenue to pay for basic employee protections, increasing fares and increased requirements to work on these apps, especially for more casual, part-time drivers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gig companies could be responsible for years of back pay, lost benefits, taxes and unpaid unemployment insurance, which could be an especially big deal for Uber and Lyft. \u003ca href=\"https://laborcenter.berkeley.edu/press-release-what-would-uber-and-lyft-owe-to-the-state-unemployment-insurance-fund/#:~:text=BERKELEY%2C%20CA%20%E2%80%94%20A%20new%20report,Fund%20between%202014%20and%202019.\">A report from UC Berkeley’s Labor Center\u003c/a> estimates they could owe as much as $413 million for the period between 2014 to 2019.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Uber has said prices \u003ca href=\"https://www.businessinsider.com/uber-fares-double-small-cities-if-voters-reject-prop-22-2020-10\">could double in small cities\u003c/a>. The Yes on Prop. 22 campaign has suggested that 80% to 90% of drivers could lose work. Given the lack of data from gig companies, it is hard to know how much each would have to change their prices or operations. Also Uber and Lyft are still not profitable, so some change is bound to happen to their services regardless of what happens with Proposition 22.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gig companies have also said they could leave California temporarily. In the past, Uber and Lyft have left places like Austin in order to urge lawmakers to overturn regulations they didn’t like. The companies have always come back, and they’ve never pulled out of a market as big as California. \u003ca href=\"https://medium.com/tusk-venture-partners/initial-thoughts-on-what-the-2020-election-means-for-you-b7d8200b1bf6\">Bradley Tusk is a former political advisor to Uber, and he assumes\u003c/a> gig companies would use their billions of dollars to continue appealing to the Legislature and to voters to find a way to maintain their gig contractor model if Prop. 22 fails.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If Proposition 22 passes, California would have a third category of worker — the gig contractor — enshrined in law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gig companies like Uber, Lyft, DoorDash, Postmates and Instacart would get a carve out from state labor law and would be allowed to classify workers as gig contractors, thereby denying them basic employee benefits. The door would be open for other companies to develop apps to take advantage of this new gig worker category.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure would become the \u003ca href=\"#written\">hardest statute to amend\u003c/a> in California history, and local governments would have no power to enact laws that provide gig workers with additional benefits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It would \u003ca href=\"#directtovoter\">establish a playbook\u003c/a> for other companies that want to use an app to market a ballot initiative.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A handful of companies will have proven that they can use a ballot initiative to maintain a business practice that has been deemed illegal either directly or indirectly by all three branches of California’s government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There would certainly be lawsuits over things like the 7/8ths provision, but barring a new ballot proposition or a major legal victory, gig workers would have to continue working without basic employee protections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "The state's most expensive ballot measure ever would lock-in a new category of worker in California - and it would be nearly impossible to change.",
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"title": "Prop. 22 Explained: Why Gig Companies Are Spending Huge Money on an Unprecedented Measure | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ci data-stringify-type=\"italic\">This story was updated Wednesday, Nov. 4 at 12:40pm\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb data-stringify-type=\"bold\">UPDATE: Proposition 22 was approved by California voters Tuesday, Nov. 3. \u003c/b>\u003cb data-stringify-type=\"bold\">\u003ca class=\"c-link\" href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11844725/proposition-22-passes-locking-in-sub-employee-status-for-gig-workers\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\" data-stringify-link=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11844725/proposition-22-passes-locking-in-sub-employee-status-for-gig-workers\" data-sk=\"tooltip_parent\">Read the full details here\u003c/a>\u003c/b>\u003cb data-stringify-type=\"bold\">.\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci data-stringify-type=\"italic\">Original story:\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The decision California voters face on Proposition 22 boils down to this: should a handful of companies be allowed to create a new gig contractor category for their workers that doesn’t include employee protections and benefits, like unemployment insurance and workers compensation? Or should companies like Uber, Lyft and DoorDash have to follow state labor law and classify their drivers as employees, which could mean directing more revenue to workers, higher prices for consumers and increased requirements for more casual drivers?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s the choice on the ballot. But there’s so much more going on with this unprecedented and far-reaching proposition — a proposition that recent polling indicates will come down to Californians who are still undecided. As of Oct. 26, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11843691/poll-measure-pushed-by-uber-lyft-falling-just-short-of-passage-many-voters-still-undecided\">polling of likely voters\u003c/a> shows 46% in favor, 42% opposed and 12% undecided. Here’s everything you’d need to know about the proposition and its backstory before you vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Skip to:\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#backstory\">The Backstory\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>: How companies like Lyft, Uber and DoorDash have avoided employee classification for eight years despite pressure from workers, labor groups and every branch of state government\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#written\">What’s Actually in Prop. 22?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>: An explanation of the limited worker benefits and why the “7/8ths provision” would make it nearly impossible to change this law in the future\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#money\">Unprecedented Money\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>: Gig companies are spending record amounts of cash to market Prop. 22 — and it’s being framed as a social justice issue\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#surveys\">Those Driver Surveys, and What’s Wrong With Them\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>: What do drivers want? Surveys used to market Prop. 22 are often flawed and don’t tell the full story\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#directtovoter\">Unprecedented Direct-to-Voter Connection\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>: Millions of apps in millions of pockets, workers asked to deliver political ads and pop ups galore — win or lose, a new election playbook is being written\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#ramifications\">The Ramifications\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>: If Prop. 22 passes, what will it mean for gig work, labor protections, election campaigning and local governance?\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003ch1>\u003ca id=\"backstory\">\u003c/a>The Backstory\u003c/h1>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11843145\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11843145\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Lyft-moustache.jpg\" alt=\"Lyft car with mustache\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1250\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Lyft-moustache.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Lyft-moustache-800x521.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Lyft-moustache-1020x664.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Lyft-moustache-160x104.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Lyft-moustache-1536x1000.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A Lyft driver with one of the early fuzzy pink mustaches drives in downtown San Francisco in January, 2014. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>It all began in 2012 with a fuzzy pink mustache and a fist bump. It was Lyft, not Uber, that first started paying drivers to use their own cars to do taxi work. Both companies cast themselves not as taxi companies, but platforms to connect riders to drivers, and tech journalists helped propel this image. \u003ca href=\"https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=3668606\">Here’s the even deeper backstory on how that all went down\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Using the platform argument, the gig companies classified their workers as contractors, which shielded them from liability and allowed them to avoid paying for protections like overtime and unemployment insurance. Regulators and the government at the state and federal levels did not stop Uber and Lyft, and soon, companies like Instacart, DoorDash and Postmates began following suit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But this contractor model was legally suspect from the start. In California, the determination of whether a worker was a contractor or an employee was made by the Borello test, which is a \u003ca href=\"https://caselaw.findlaw.com/ca-supreme-court/1774638.html\">complex set of 11 factors established by a 1989 California Supreme Court case\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was arguable that under those parameters, gig workers were not independent entrepreneurs running their own businesses on a platform provided by “tech” companies, but instead, employees of a transportation company in the case of Uber and Lyft, a service company in the case of TaskRabbit and a delivery company in the case of Postmates or DoorDash.\u003ca href=\"https://www.reuters.com/article/us-uber-tech-drivers-lawsuit/uber-drivers-granted-class-action-status-in-lawsuit-over-employment-idUSKCN0R14O920150901\"> Lawyers began trying to make the case\u003c/a> with big lawsuits against gig companies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Workers were and still are fighting almost all the battles over employee protections and benefits behind closed doors. That’s because gig companies make workers sign arbitration clauses, which prevent them from taking any grievance to court. That has helped preempt and neutralize class-action lawsuits. Law professor Charlotte Garden \u003ca href=\"https://digitalcommons.law.seattleu.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1794&context=faculty\">wrote a whole academic paper\u003c/a> on how the gig economy relies on mandatory arbitration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2014, as Uber and Lyft began to slash wages in a price war, workers increased their protest, but they could make no headway toward employment status. Gig companies leaned on customer support for political support, and consumers loved these cheap rides, which were kept low by the contractor model and venture capital. It took six years for any notable action from California’s government. And it came first from the judicial branch.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a ruling on a case known as \u003ca href=\"https://scocal.stanford.edu/opinion/dynamex-operations-west-inc-v-superior-court-34584\">Dynamex in 2018\u003c/a>, California’s Supreme Court simplified the Borello test, boiling it down to just three factors, called the ABCs. A worker could now only be classified as a contractor if they:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>A) Were free from the control and direction of the hirer\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>B) Performed work outside the hirer’s normal course of business\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>C) Had their own independently established trade, occupation or business\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>The ruling made it much more difficult for gig companies to deny workers employee benefits and protections. But still, gig companies kept classifying workers as contractors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the state Supreme Court, the Legislature took up the fight. Lawmakers passed \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB5\">Assembly Bill 5\u003c/a>, which went into effect on Jan. 1, 2020. AB 5 codified the Dynamex ruling and was designed with gig companies in mind.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, the new law also affected a number of other industries that have come to rely on contractors. The bill was amended after a backlash, and a number of professions got exemptions, like fine artists, foresters and translators — but not gig workers. Still, gig companies kept classifying workers as contractors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then in May, several months into the coronavirus pandemic, with tens of thousands of Uber and Lyft drivers seeking unemployment funds that didn’t exist because the companies had never paid into the state unemployment fund, the executive branch got involved. California Attorney General Xavier Becerra, along with a handful of city attorneys, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11816321/california-city-attorneys-sue-uber-and-lyft-over-worker-misclassification\">sued Uber and Lyft for misclassifying workers\u003c/a>. On Oct. 22 Uber and Lyft \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/business/story/2020-10-22/uber-and-lyft-must-comply-with-labor-law-ab-5-appeals-court-orders\">lost an appeal\u003c/a>, and will have to start classifying workers as employees in 30 days — unless Proposition 22 passes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After AB 5 passed, the gig companies started their ballot initiative campaign, hoping that voters would enshrine their gig contractor model into law. Now, with all three branches of California’s government pressuring them to classify workers as employees, they are pouring money into Proposition 22. It’s become \u003ca href=\"https://ballotpedia.org/What_were_the_most_expensive_ballot_measures_in_California\">the most well-funded ballot initiative in California history\u003c/a>. And it’s designed to be a conclusive victory for gig companies.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch1>\u003ca id=\"written\">\u003c/a>What’s Actually in Prop. 22?\u003c/h1>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11843210\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11843210\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45263_001_KQED_ElectionStockPhotos_TikaHall_10062020-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45263_001_KQED_ElectionStockPhotos_TikaHall_10062020-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45263_001_KQED_ElectionStockPhotos_TikaHall_10062020-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45263_001_KQED_ElectionStockPhotos_TikaHall_10062020-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45263_001_KQED_ElectionStockPhotos_TikaHall_10062020-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45263_001_KQED_ElectionStockPhotos_TikaHall_10062020-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A San Francisco resident fills out their mail-in ballot on Oct. 6, 2020. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Proposition 22 is written as an exemption from AB 5 for any company that provides transportation or delivery services through an app. It would enshrine in law a kind of third employment category: the contract gig worker. This has been a goal of gig companies for years. They have pursued it at the federal level, and have already \u003ca href=\"https://www.nelp.org/publication/rights-at-risk-gig-companies-campaign-to-upend-employment-as-we-know-it/\">had success in getting legislation on the books in a number of states\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the measure has several other provisions built around the central premise of exempting gig companies from AB 5.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Limited Employee Benefits\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Prop. 22 would guarantee gig workers some limited benefits and protections. As contractors, they currently have none. But the benefits are not as straightforward as they appear at first read.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The most murky benefit is the guaranteed wage floor. Prop. 22 would ensure 120% of minimum wage and 30 cents per mile for drivers, adjusted for inflation. But there’s a pretty big catch. The guarantee is only for “engaged” driving time, defined as the time between “accepting a service request and completing the request.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Much of gig work is spent waiting for a job in the app. \u003ca href=\"https://laborcenter.berkeley.edu/the-uber-lyft-ballot-initiative-guarantees-only-5-64-an-hour-2/\">UC Berkeley’s Labor Center did a study\u003c/a> where they tried to take time between rides into account, along with wear and tear on the vehicle. Adding those factors in the mix, the study found the wage guarantee drops to just $5.64 an hour, a drastic pay cut from the $13 minimum wage they would be guaranteed as employees in California. Uber and Lyft disputed the findings in the study, and \u003ca href=\"https://ucreconomicforecast.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/08/Prop22_Driver_Earnings_Analysis_August2020.pdf\">they commissioned another study\u003c/a> that put the earnings at between $25 and $27 an hour. That prompted \u003ca href=\"https://laborcenter.berkeley.edu/the-effects-of-proposition-22-on-driver-earnings-response-to-a-lyft-funded-report-by-dr-christopher-thornberg/#_edn5\">a rebuttal from UC Berkeley.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Aside from the wage floor, Prop. 22 includes a number of benefits that are substitutes for protections guaranteed by traditional employment. In each case, these protections are weaker than what workers would get as employees, and some are contingent on driving a certain number of hours.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead of health care, drivers who put in over 25 hours per week of engaged driving time would get health care subsidies. Instead of workers compensation, companies would offer occupational accident insurance for medical expenses, lost income and disability. Companies would also offer accidental death insurance. It is not clear if these insurance plans would be given to workers automatically, or if they would only be guaranteed the opportunity to purchase them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11843841\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11843841\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS41942_005_KQED_Oakland_RideHail_03102020_-qut.jpg\" alt=\"ride-hail driver in Oakland\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS41942_005_KQED_Oakland_RideHail_03102020_-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS41942_005_KQED_Oakland_RideHail_03102020_-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS41942_005_KQED_Oakland_RideHail_03102020_-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS41942_005_KQED_Oakland_RideHail_03102020_-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS41942_005_KQED_Oakland_RideHail_03102020_-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A ride-hail driver in Oakland In March, 2020. Prop. 22 would guarantee gig workers some limited benefits and protections. As contractors, they currently have none. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Prop. 22 also includes provisions to address long-term accountability issues in the gig industry, like discrimination, sexual misconduct, a lack of background checks and drivers working more than 12 hours a day. Gig companies would be required to create anti-discrimination and sexual harassment policies, develop training programs for drivers and require criminal background checks — all things that the companies have been criticized for lacking in the past.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many of the issues these final provisions would address are things that are exacerbated by the contractor status of workers. If these workers were actually employees, gig companies would be far more liable for things like car accidents, sexual misconduct and criminal activity.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Prop. 22 Would Be Nearly Impossible to Change\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>If Proposition 22 passes, it would prevent local governments from passing laws that require companies to provide additional benefits and protections for gig workers not included in Prop. 22. It would also be the hardest statute for the Legislature to alter, aside from a handful of propositions that bar any amendment whatsoever. That’s because of the 7/8ths provision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A single sentence on page 18 of the initiative requires a 7/8ths vote of both the state Assembly and Senate in order to amend Prop. 22 in any way. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/post-it/2020/10/california-amendment-threshold-proposition-22/\">This particular requirement is unprecedented\u003c/a>. Some propositions have required 2/3rds or 3/5s — but never 7/8ths.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If it passes, Prop. 22 would be harder to amend than the state’s Wildlife Protection Act, the Clean Air and Transportation Improvement Act or the Cruelty to Farm Animals Act. Amending it would take eight more votes than are needed to override a governor’s veto or revise the state Constitution, according to data provided to KQED by Alex Vassar, communications manager at the California State Library.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>In California, a proposition can only be undone by another ballot initiative. So why is the threshold for amendment so high on Prop. 22? Part of the reason is that a section of the proposition’s stated purpose is contradictory to the wishes of gig companies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 22 states that it would “require rideshare and delivery network companies to offer new protections and benefits for app-based rideshare and delivery drivers.” That might sound good to voters who want more protections for workers, but it could cause problems for gig companies. The Legislature could, for example, alter Prop. 22 once it becomes statute or pass new laws to increase benefits for workers beyond what gig companies want. The 7/8ths provision presents a very high barrier to that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prop. 22 would also stop local governments from requiring gig companies to increase benefits and protections to gig workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Proposition 22 lops off the top by cutting off the state Legislature’s ability to amend the law, and it lops off the bottom [by] preventing local governments from ever modifying its requirements,” said Rey Fuentes, a fellow at The Partnership for Working Families, an advocacy group for workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cities in California are often where laws that grant the most rigorous worker benefits and protections start: things like the Healthy SF program, or San Francisco’s mandatory sick leave. Cities have also been the most proactive in requiring gig companies to provide additional benefits to workers. San Francisco and San Jose, for instance, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/bayarea/article/Two-Bay-Area-cities-poised-to-approve-paid-sick-15185145.php\">extended COVID-19 emergency benefits to gig workers\u003c/a>. \u003ca href=\"https://www.capitolhillseattle.com/2020/06/seattle-extends-sick-leave-to-gig-workers-including-food-delivery-workers-more-heroes-of-the-covid-19-crisis/\">Seattle passed a similar ordinance\u003c/a>. Prop. 22 has a clause that would preempt future measures like these.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yes on Prop. 22 Spokesperson Geoff Vetter said the issue is consistency for workers who cross city and county lines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Given the cross-jurisdictional nature of the service,” Vetter said, “it would be impossible to allow all 58 counties and 480+ cities to establish separate requirements. Prop. 22 establishes uniform statewide standards for app-based driver scheduling, benefits.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch1>\u003ca id=\"money\">\u003c/a>Unprecedented Money\u003c/h1>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11843334\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11843334\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/UberLyftWindshield.jpg\" alt=\"A driver who drives for both Uber and Lyft\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/UberLyftWindshield.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/UberLyftWindshield-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/UberLyftWindshield-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/UberLyftWindshield-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/UberLyftWindshield-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Uber and Lyft have spent nearly $100 million combined in support of Prop. 22. \u003ccite>(ROBYN BECK/AFP via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Proposition 22 is on track to become the most well-funded ballot initiative in California history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It has already drawn about $200 million, most of it on the pro side. As of 10 days before the election, the anti-side had around $19 million, coming mainly from labor organizations. The pro-side has over $199 million coming from gig companies. As of the beginning of October, Uber had contributed over $50 million; Lyft, $48 million; DoorDash, $47 million; InstaCart, $28 million; and Postmates, $11 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That money is not just being spent on TV and digital advertising. The Yes on Prop. 22 campaign has also contributed to political parties, including $2 million to the California Republican Party. It has spent millions hiring consultants, lobbyists and PR firms like MB Public Affairs, which is known for working with tobacco companies. These firms have launched personal and \u003ca href=\"https://www.cnet.com/features/uber-lyfts-fight-over-gig-worker-status-as-campaign-against-labor-activists-mounts/\">intrusive attacks on academics like Veena Dubal\u003c/a>, a UC Hastings law professor who has been critical of gig companies and Proposition 22.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Yes on Prop. 22 campaign has also sent money to newsrooms in return for digital advertising. By the middle of September, it had sent almost $48,000 to the Sacramento Bee, $13,500 to the San Diego Union Tribune and a little over $36,000 to the San Francisco Chronicle. Both the Tribune and the Chronicle endorsed the measure, but in their endorsements made no mention of the ad revenue they had received.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Marketing Prop. 22 as a Social Justice Measure\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Many workers in the gig economy in California are people of color – a fact reflected in the advertising campaign for Prop. 22, which presents the initiative as a boon for social justice. In the past, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11643681/lyft-gains-on-uber-by-appealing-to-progressive-political-ideals\">Lyft had leaned heavily on social justice messaging\u003c/a> to appeal to liberals and distinguish itself from Uber, especially after Trump was elected. Now, this tactic has become a major thrust of the entire Yes on Prop. 22 campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘You have very clearly crossed the line when you try to claim the equity mantle for a campaign that has always been about allowing multi-billion-dollar app companies to write their own law so they can keep exploiting drivers.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>PR firms working for the campaign \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfgate.com/politics/article/Fake-progressive-mailers-urge-yes-on-Uber-Lyft-15635173.php\">have created a number of political mailers\u003c/a> that urge people to vote yes on Prop. 22 and are designed to look like voter guides coming from progressive sources. In small letters at the bottom of these mailers it says the guides are prepared by organizations like “Feel the Bern, Progressive Voter Guide,” “Council of Concerned Women Voters Guide” and “Our Voice, Latino Voter Guide,” which are all fake progressive organizations. They don’t actually exist. After these mailers were reported, Bernie Sanders \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/BernieSanders/status/1315650084567121920?s=20\">came out publicly against\u003c/a> Proposition 22.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many of the ads in the Yes on Prop. 22 campaign feature people of color, like Aisha A. from Los Angeles, who say they need this flexible job to survive. Uber ran an ad campaign this summer with billboards in many major cities that said “If you tolerate racism, delete Uber.” Lyft \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=yImMyOkeaKQ\">created a television ad\u003c/a> using a recording of Maya Angelou reading her poem, “On the Pulse of Morning.”\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/yImMyOkeaKQ'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/yImMyOkeaKQ'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>The Lyft ad begins with a voiceover of Angelou saying “Lift up your eyes upon / This day breaking for you.” You see Black and brown people getting ready for work. And then it transitions to the inside of a Lyft. There’s a montage of drivers, all people of color, picking up passengers. “Each new hour holds new chances / For a new beginning.” Angelou says “Do not be wedded forever / To fear, yoked eternally / To brutishness.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Getting the California NAACP to endorse Proposition 22 was a big win for gig companies. The organization has authored voter guides telling people to vote yes, and Alice Huffman, head of the California NAACP, has been writing editorials in support of the proposition. Huffman also happens to run a consulting firm called AC Public Affairs. That firm has so far received $85,000 from the Yes on Prop. 22 Campaign. Huffman has a history of receiving contributions from corporations to support their ballot initiatives. The Yes on Prop. 22 money \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2020/09/california-naacp-president-helps-corporate-ballot-measure-campaigns/\">is part of $1.2 million her firm has already received this year\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many Black and Latino leaders in California have come out against Proposition 22; Rep. Barbara Lee from Oakland, Stockton Mayor Michael Tubbs and members of both the Latino and Black California Legislative Caucus were part of a group that \u003ca href=\"https://thehill.com/policy/technology/520671-democrats-accuse-tech-companies-of-deceitful-tactics-in-campaign-against\">publicly denounced\u003c/a> Proposition 22 in mid-October.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Addressing the gig companies on the call, Lee said, “You have very clearly crossed the line when you try to claim the equity mantle for a campaign that has always been about allowing multi-billion-dollar app companies to write their own law so they can keep exploiting the drivers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In response, Vetter said “Prop. 22 not only protects the jobs of drivers of color and their freedom to work independently, it would provide drivers an earnings guarantee, access to benefits like health care and provide drivers and passengers alike with new safety protections.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch1>\u003ca id=\"surveys\">\u003c/a>Those Driver Surveys, and What’s Wrong With Them\u003c/h1>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11843323\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11843323\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/YesOn22Driver.jpg\" alt=\"Uber driver Sergei Fyodorov holds a flyer supporting a yes vote on Proposition 22 in Oakland.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1290\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/YesOn22Driver.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/YesOn22Driver-800x538.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/YesOn22Driver-1020x685.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/YesOn22Driver-160x108.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/YesOn22Driver-1536x1032.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Uber driver Sergei Fyodorov, in Oakland, holds a flyer suggesting his riders ask him about why he supports Proposition 22. \u003ccite>(Josh Edelson/AFP via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Many ads from the Yes on Prop. 22 campaign say four out of five drivers prefer being independent contractors. This data comes from a survey done on the blog of \u003ca href=\"https://therideshareguy.com/\">Harry the Rideshare Guy\u003c/a>. It’s one of a slew of surveys the gig companies have been using to advocate for Prop. 22. These surveys are often methodologically flawed, and they never tell the whole story of what drivers want.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the Harry the Rideshare Guy survey has been a central piece of advertising for Proposition 22 and used in legal arguments, it is a non-scientific, informal poll done on a blog. There was no guarantee that respondents were drivers, let alone that there was a representative sample in terms of demographics, hours driven or political leanings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Harry Campbell, CEO of The Rideshare Guy blog, said he believes the site’s survey reflects what he has been hearing from drivers. Yes on Prop. 22 campaign spokesperson Geoff Vetter agreed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Rideshare Guy polled app-based drivers in California and did it without offering payment to the respondents,” Vetter said. “All this makes for a much fuller, more accurate data set and one that correctly demonstrates how drivers feel about Prop. 22 and independent contractor v. employee status.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But The Rideshare Guy survey is indicative of a number of the broader issues that the No on Prop. 22 campaign and scholars studying the gig economy have with how drivers are being surveyed. Juliet Schor, a professor of sociology at Boston College who has spent years studying the gig economy, said these surveys don’t capture the full picture. There is often bias in the sample, flawed and misleading questions and information presented that influences responses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11843775\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 411px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\" wp-image-11843775\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/edelson-survey-800x466.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"411\" height=\"239\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/edelson-survey-800x466.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/edelson-survey-1020x595.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/edelson-survey-160x93.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/edelson-survey.png 1501w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 411px) 100vw, 411px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Drivers got this prompt before being asked if they supported Proposition 22. \u003ccite>(Edelson Survey Screenshot)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>This \u003ca href=\"https://d3n8a8pro7vhmx.cloudfront.net/themes/5ef0e34fc294806719977470/attachments/original/1592866174/cadriversurvey.pdf?1592866174\">survey from Edelman\u003c/a> is a good example. In a question about Prop. 22, the survey included a snippet from a TechCrunch article that cast the proposition in positive light. Given that prompt, 72 percent of respondents said they supported the measure. On August 19, Lyft issued a survey that had a common flaw in the questioning, equating contractor status to freedom. The survey asked if “the freedom of being an independent contractor outweighs the benefits of being an employee.” Conflating freedom with being an independent contractor is misleading. Employees can have autonomy and freedom, and likewise contractors can be constrained and coerced.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Finally, there is the sample issue. The surveys give equal weight to those who drive only a few hours a week with those who drive much more. And the surveys only poll active workers, which could have a distorting effect on the results. There have been tens or even hundreds of thousands of people in California who have done some work for these gig companies and then stopped. These workers represent a large percentage of the labor that has been done for these companies, yet their opinions are being left out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a big methodological weakness of the surveys,” Schor said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Schor and her research team have interviewed hundreds of gig workers over the years, ethnographic data that can capture what a survey doesn’t. She says there is actually a lot of consistency in what drivers want. They want to be autonomous and have flexibility, but they also want to earn enough that they can pay their bills, buy insurance, and have money set aside if something goes wrong. Schor said she thinks a lot of gig workers in California are answering surveys with what they wish they could have: independent status and enough money to truly be their own bosses. \u003ca href=\"https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=3488009\">Veena Dubal wrote an entire academic paper unpacking all of this\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Driver Noemi Torres agreed with Schor’s conclusions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We want to be independent contractors, but Uber doesn’t treat us like independent contractors,” said Torres, who has been driving for seven years outside of North Hollywood. “Initially, we would get paid enough to support ourselves in terms of getting our own health insurance, but since they keep lowering the rates, you don’t have the flexibility.” She opposes Proposition 22.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Drivers who support Proposition 22 often don’t sound that different when it comes to what they want. They just believe the ballot proposition can get it for them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I decided to vote yes on Prop. 22, because it would allow me and my fellow drivers to retain the flexibility we need while ensuring we get the benefits and protections we deserve,” said Dave Thomasson, a driver from West Covina.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch1>\u003ca id=\"directtovoter\">\u003c/a>Unprecedented Direct-to-Voter Connection\u003c/h1>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11843415\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11843415\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/LyftAppProp22Ad.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1317\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/LyftAppProp22Ad.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/LyftAppProp22Ad-800x549.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/LyftAppProp22Ad-1020x700.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/LyftAppProp22Ad-160x110.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/LyftAppProp22Ad-1536x1054.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A Lyft app displays a message asking users to vote yes on Proposition 22. \u003ccite>(JOSH EDELSON/AFP via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Last month, Hector Castellanos started seeing the pop-ups while driving for Uber. Under a dialog box emblazoned with “Prop. 22 is progress,” Castellanos had to click either “Yes on Prop. 22” or “OK” to proceed with his ride. At the same time, his riders were getting pop ups that said their drivers support Prop. 22 and that they should talk with them about it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Castellanos drives full-time, and throughout the day kept seeing the pop up again and again. Castellanos opposes Proposition 22 and he didn’t want to have to click yes or OK, but he had no option. “Drivers have to click ‘yes’ even if they don’t want it,” he said. “They have to click yes or OK.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Uber spokesperson Davis White said Castellanos’s experience is not the norm, and that drivers should only see the pop up once when signing off the app, and that the pop up has been changed so drivers can just close it without selecting an answer. \u003ca href=\"https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20398520-uber-prop-22-complaint\">Castellanos and another driver are now suing\u003c/a> Uber for allegedly infringing on their right to be free of political coercion at work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Uber’s popups are an example of the unprecedented advantage gig companies have in this ballot campaign: their own apps.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With their apps already used by millions of California workers and consumers, proponents of no other ballot proposition have ever had direct-to-voter connection at this scale — and gig companies are using the opportunity. They’re sending emails, push notifications to phones and using pop-ups to continually send the pro-Prop. 22 message directly to their customers and workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Lyft and Uber have been particularly aggressive in using apps to market Prop. 22 to customers. In the Uber app, riders will see a little blue text bubble coming out of the car image that says “Yes on 22.” Uber is sending push notifications that pop up on phones saying things like “Vote early on Prop. 22. Support drivers and help keep Uber in your city.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11842964/gig-companies-are-making-their-workers-promote-prop-22\">gig companies are also pressuring their workers\u003c/a> to spread pro-Prop. 22 messages to consumers. In October, Instacart asked workers through the app to put pro-Prop. 22 stickers in customers’ orders at a Bay Area store. The sticker said “Yes 22, Save App-Based Jobs and Services.” DoorDash is providing free delivery bags to restaurants that have Prop. 22 ads on their sides. Then workers have to use these bags to bring food to customers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After backlash online, Instacart is no longer asking workers to add stickers to orders. But DoorDash is continuing to send pro-Prop. 22 delivery bags to restaurants. The company says restaurants have requested over 4 million bags.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This widespread use of apps to spread messages is unprecedented in a proposition campaign, and it could prove to be a powerful tactic that other corporations want to emulate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is the holy grail of political communication,” said David McCuan, professor of political science at Sonoma State University who has been studying ballot propositions for decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the gig companies are successful in getting Prop. 22 passed, McCuan said it could change the way ballot initiatives are fought in California. Companies with apps and money to leverage them may see ballot initiatives as a worthwhile way to get their policies enacted if this campaign shows that apps can be used to sway voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch1>\u003ca id=\"ramifications\">\u003c/a>The Ramifications\u003c/h1>\n\u003cp>If Proposition 22 fails, gig companies would have to reclassify workers as employees. That could mean redirecting more revenue to pay for basic employee protections, increasing fares and increased requirements to work on these apps, especially for more casual, part-time drivers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gig companies could be responsible for years of back pay, lost benefits, taxes and unpaid unemployment insurance, which could be an especially big deal for Uber and Lyft. \u003ca href=\"https://laborcenter.berkeley.edu/press-release-what-would-uber-and-lyft-owe-to-the-state-unemployment-insurance-fund/#:~:text=BERKELEY%2C%20CA%20%E2%80%94%20A%20new%20report,Fund%20between%202014%20and%202019.\">A report from UC Berkeley’s Labor Center\u003c/a> estimates they could owe as much as $413 million for the period between 2014 to 2019.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Uber has said prices \u003ca href=\"https://www.businessinsider.com/uber-fares-double-small-cities-if-voters-reject-prop-22-2020-10\">could double in small cities\u003c/a>. The Yes on Prop. 22 campaign has suggested that 80% to 90% of drivers could lose work. Given the lack of data from gig companies, it is hard to know how much each would have to change their prices or operations. Also Uber and Lyft are still not profitable, so some change is bound to happen to their services regardless of what happens with Proposition 22.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gig companies have also said they could leave California temporarily. In the past, Uber and Lyft have left places like Austin in order to urge lawmakers to overturn regulations they didn’t like. The companies have always come back, and they’ve never pulled out of a market as big as California. \u003ca href=\"https://medium.com/tusk-venture-partners/initial-thoughts-on-what-the-2020-election-means-for-you-b7d8200b1bf6\">Bradley Tusk is a former political advisor to Uber, and he assumes\u003c/a> gig companies would use their billions of dollars to continue appealing to the Legislature and to voters to find a way to maintain their gig contractor model if Prop. 22 fails.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If Proposition 22 passes, California would have a third category of worker — the gig contractor — enshrined in law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gig companies like Uber, Lyft, DoorDash, Postmates and Instacart would get a carve out from state labor law and would be allowed to classify workers as gig contractors, thereby denying them basic employee benefits. The door would be open for other companies to develop apps to take advantage of this new gig worker category.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure would become the \u003ca href=\"#written\">hardest statute to amend\u003c/a> in California history, and local governments would have no power to enact laws that provide gig workers with additional benefits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It would \u003ca href=\"#directtovoter\">establish a playbook\u003c/a> for other companies that want to use an app to market a ballot initiative.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A handful of companies will have proven that they can use a ballot initiative to maintain a business practice that has been deemed illegal either directly or indirectly by all three branches of California’s government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There would certainly be lawsuits over things like the 7/8ths provision, but barring a new ballot proposition or a major legal victory, gig workers would have to continue working without basic employee protections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>This story includes a clarification. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California lawmakers need to create a package of legislation that limits multiple kinds of oil drilling, not just hydraulic fracturing, if they want to respond effectively to the world’s climate crisis, says the chairman of a key committee that regulates the industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Fracking is a good place to start, and obviously it’s going to make headlines,” said state Sen. Henry Stern, D-Los Angeles, who chairs the Natural Resources and Water Committee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But, he added, “It won’t solve the entire problem of oil drilling in people’s backyards. We’ve actually got to leave more of this stuff in the ground.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"State Sen. Henry Stern\"]‘[Fracking] won’t solve the entire problem of oil drilling in people’s backyards. We’ve actually got to leave more of this stuff in the ground.’[/pullquote]Last month, as climate change-driven wildfires were on their way to burning more than 4 million acres around the state, Gov. Gavin Newsom signed an \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/science/1969807/california-to-halt-sales-of-new-gas-cars-by-2035\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">executive order\u003c/a> to end sales of gasoline-powered passenger cars and trucks in California by 2035. Newsom then also called on state lawmakers to develop legislation that would eliminate new fracking licenses by 2024.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The moves could forever change California, home to one of the nation’s largest oil producing, refining and consuming markets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The day after Newsom’s executive order, several lawmakers announced \u003ca href=\"https://www.sierraclub.org/sites/www.sierraclub.org/files/sce/sierra-club-california/PDFs/9.24.20%20Fracking%20Ban%20Announcement.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">plans to introduce a ban on fracking\u003c/a> when the next legislative session starts in December. The announcement, which garnered support from several environmental groups, included no specific details. Any such bill would need to go through Stern’s committee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a great gesture,” said Stern, who’s running for re-election and supports a ban on fracking, but was not one of the lawmakers behind the announcement. “It’s going to have a tough row to hoe in the Legislature.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Legislative Challenges\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The challenges of approving new oil drilling regulations in California, which Stern calls a “petro-state,” were recently underscored in the committee he chairs. The natural resources panel rejected legislation that would have called for setbacks — or buffer zones — between future oil drilling sites and homes, playgrounds and schools. The opposition came not just from the oil industry and Republicans on the committee, but from members of Stern’s own party.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have a lot of Democrats with concerns about any restrictions on oil production,” said Stern, who voted for the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several of the committee members who opposed the legislation have received significant contributions from the oil industry, a finding first reported by the left-leaning \u003ca href=\"https://www.jacobinmag.com/2020/09/california-democrats-oil-gas-fracking-ab345\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Jacobin\u003c/a> magazine. The bill’s death prompted outrage among environmentalists and community groups.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Fracking in California\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Fracking is an oil well stimulation method that works to get fuel out of the ground by using water and chemicals to crack open geological formations. The injections allow petroleum and water under the ground to flow more freely.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The fossil fuel industry says the practice helps provide the country with a consistent source of domestic energy. Environmentalists say the chemicals used in the method lead to water and air pollution, as well as the potential contamination of drinking water. Several years ago, it came to light that state regulators in California mistakenly \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/science/1914130/how-much-drinking-water-has-california-lost-to-oil-industry-waste-no-one-knows\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">allowed oil companies\u003c/a> to dispose of the fracking wastewater in aquifers tapped for drinking water that were supposed to be safeguarded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"related coverage\" tag=\"oil-drilling\"]Fracking has become a hot-button issue in the presidential election, especially in Pennsylvania, a key swing state where it creates a lot of jobs. Democratic nominee Joe Biden says he does not oppose fracking, an assertion that President Trump ardently disputes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The technique, along with other oil and gas drilling, mostly takes place on private land, but is regulated by state officials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, fracking makes up a small portion of production in oil fields, many of which are in Kern County. Hydraulic fracturing led to the production of 2.3 million barrels of oil in the state in 2019, or 1.5% of California’s oil production, according to the California Geologic Energy Management Division (CalGEM).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Traditional oil and gas drilling made up 77% of the state’s oil production in 2019, with cyclic steam work accounting for 21%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last July, California put in place a nine-month moratorium on new permits for fracking. During that time, the Department of Conservation asked Lawrence Livermore National Laboratory to conduct an independent review of its pending well-stimulation permits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/TedrickG/status/1317472223297294337?s=20\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since the moratorium ended in April, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11810791/after-9-month-pause-california-issuing-fracking-permits-again\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">CalGEM\u003c/a> has handed out a series of new fracking permits. In fact, the agency approved a set of applications for the technique last Friday.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Pushing for a Compromise\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Figuring out how to cut down on oil drilling is a discussion that state legislators, oil industry executives and labor leaders all need to be involved in, according to Stern, who helped create California’s current regulations on fracking.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We need people pushing the envelope,” Stern said. “I think what the governor’s laid out is prompting a much bigger conversation that’s going to require some kind of grand bargain. If we’re actually going to figure out what a managed decline looks like or what a real just transition is, we’ve got to bring labor in and have a big conversation about how to move past petroleum production.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stern expects several different oil regulating bills to emerge in the state Legislature when it is scheduled to reconvene in December, and says the state needs to have a serious discussion about what the future of the oil industry should look like.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Maybe it doesn’t look like the oil industry of the past and maybe folks like Chevron start to rethink their business model entirely,” he said. “To me, that’s the big victory: If we can actually change the business model of our oil majors here, not just notch a political win, but fundamentally change the dynamics globally.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To create a Green New Deal in California, the state needs to bring different interest groups together and stop pitting oil worker unions against the people who live near drilling sites, Stern added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It starts with workers and frontline communities,” he said. “It’s going to take coalition building and muscle. Now the real work begins.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Oct. 22: This story was adjusted to include a refined definition of hydraulic fracturing. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>This story includes a clarification. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California lawmakers need to create a package of legislation that limits multiple kinds of oil drilling, not just hydraulic fracturing, if they want to respond effectively to the world’s climate crisis, says the chairman of a key committee that regulates the industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Fracking is a good place to start, and obviously it’s going to make headlines,” said state Sen. Henry Stern, D-Los Angeles, who chairs the Natural Resources and Water Committee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But, he added, “It won’t solve the entire problem of oil drilling in people’s backyards. We’ve actually got to leave more of this stuff in the ground.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Last month, as climate change-driven wildfires were on their way to burning more than 4 million acres around the state, Gov. Gavin Newsom signed an \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/science/1969807/california-to-halt-sales-of-new-gas-cars-by-2035\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">executive order\u003c/a> to end sales of gasoline-powered passenger cars and trucks in California by 2035. Newsom then also called on state lawmakers to develop legislation that would eliminate new fracking licenses by 2024.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The moves could forever change California, home to one of the nation’s largest oil producing, refining and consuming markets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The day after Newsom’s executive order, several lawmakers announced \u003ca href=\"https://www.sierraclub.org/sites/www.sierraclub.org/files/sce/sierra-club-california/PDFs/9.24.20%20Fracking%20Ban%20Announcement.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">plans to introduce a ban on fracking\u003c/a> when the next legislative session starts in December. The announcement, which garnered support from several environmental groups, included no specific details. Any such bill would need to go through Stern’s committee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a great gesture,” said Stern, who’s running for re-election and supports a ban on fracking, but was not one of the lawmakers behind the announcement. “It’s going to have a tough row to hoe in the Legislature.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Legislative Challenges\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The challenges of approving new oil drilling regulations in California, which Stern calls a “petro-state,” were recently underscored in the committee he chairs. The natural resources panel rejected legislation that would have called for setbacks — or buffer zones — between future oil drilling sites and homes, playgrounds and schools. The opposition came not just from the oil industry and Republicans on the committee, but from members of Stern’s own party.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have a lot of Democrats with concerns about any restrictions on oil production,” said Stern, who voted for the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several of the committee members who opposed the legislation have received significant contributions from the oil industry, a finding first reported by the left-leaning \u003ca href=\"https://www.jacobinmag.com/2020/09/california-democrats-oil-gas-fracking-ab345\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Jacobin\u003c/a> magazine. The bill’s death prompted outrage among environmentalists and community groups.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Fracking in California\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Fracking is an oil well stimulation method that works to get fuel out of the ground by using water and chemicals to crack open geological formations. The injections allow petroleum and water under the ground to flow more freely.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The fossil fuel industry says the practice helps provide the country with a consistent source of domestic energy. Environmentalists say the chemicals used in the method lead to water and air pollution, as well as the potential contamination of drinking water. Several years ago, it came to light that state regulators in California mistakenly \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/science/1914130/how-much-drinking-water-has-california-lost-to-oil-industry-waste-no-one-knows\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">allowed oil companies\u003c/a> to dispose of the fracking wastewater in aquifers tapped for drinking water that were supposed to be safeguarded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Fracking has become a hot-button issue in the presidential election, especially in Pennsylvania, a key swing state where it creates a lot of jobs. Democratic nominee Joe Biden says he does not oppose fracking, an assertion that President Trump ardently disputes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The technique, along with other oil and gas drilling, mostly takes place on private land, but is regulated by state officials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, fracking makes up a small portion of production in oil fields, many of which are in Kern County. Hydraulic fracturing led to the production of 2.3 million barrels of oil in the state in 2019, or 1.5% of California’s oil production, according to the California Geologic Energy Management Division (CalGEM).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Traditional oil and gas drilling made up 77% of the state’s oil production in 2019, with cyclic steam work accounting for 21%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last July, California put in place a nine-month moratorium on new permits for fracking. During that time, the Department of Conservation asked Lawrence Livermore National Laboratory to conduct an independent review of its pending well-stimulation permits.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>Since the moratorium ended in April, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11810791/after-9-month-pause-california-issuing-fracking-permits-again\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">CalGEM\u003c/a> has handed out a series of new fracking permits. In fact, the agency approved a set of applications for the technique last Friday.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Pushing for a Compromise\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Figuring out how to cut down on oil drilling is a discussion that state legislators, oil industry executives and labor leaders all need to be involved in, according to Stern, who helped create California’s current regulations on fracking.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We need people pushing the envelope,” Stern said. “I think what the governor’s laid out is prompting a much bigger conversation that’s going to require some kind of grand bargain. If we’re actually going to figure out what a managed decline looks like or what a real just transition is, we’ve got to bring labor in and have a big conversation about how to move past petroleum production.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stern expects several different oil regulating bills to emerge in the state Legislature when it is scheduled to reconvene in December, and says the state needs to have a serious discussion about what the future of the oil industry should look like.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Maybe it doesn’t look like the oil industry of the past and maybe folks like Chevron start to rethink their business model entirely,” he said. “To me, that’s the big victory: If we can actually change the business model of our oil majors here, not just notch a political win, but fundamentally change the dynamics globally.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To create a Green New Deal in California, the state needs to bring different interest groups together and stop pitting oil worker unions against the people who live near drilling sites, Stern added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It starts with workers and frontline communities,” he said. “It’s going to take coalition building and muscle. Now the real work begins.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Oct. 22: This story was adjusted to include a refined definition of hydraulic fracturing. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Uber used pop-up messages in the app to enlist driver support of Proposition 22, the most expensive ballot measure in California history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But it's not just Uber.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other gig companies like Lyft, DoorDash and InstaCart \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11842964/gig-companies-are-making-their-workers-promote-prop-22\">are getting their workers to advocate for Prop. 22\u003c/a>, which would exempt those companies from state labor law and allow workers to continue as contractors rather than employees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In most cases, supporting this proposition runs counter to the interests of workers, yet these multibillion-dollar corporations are finding ways to do it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cp>Even after California fully reopens, demand for gasoline is expected to be \u003ca href=\"http://bit.ly/fioregasdemand\">much less than before\u003c/a> the coronavirus pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During the pre-COVID-19 boom times of 2019, demand for gasoline fell due to a variety of factors including the proliferation of vehicles with higher fuel efficiency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the midst of widespread shelter-in-place orders, California fuel consumption hit the lowest daily average since 1968 in April.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sure, we still have fracking and old-fashioned dirty oil being pumped out of the ground in California – but Gov. Gavin Newsom's order to eventually \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/science/1969807/california-to-halt-sales-of-new-gas-cars-by-2035\">cease sales of new gasoline-powered cars and trucks\u003c/a> along with refineries shutting down or retooling to renewable diesel production gives me hope.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco’s corruption scandal grows by the month — enveloping four department heads, a well-known restaurateur and even a revered Chinatown community philanthropist. But how do they all connect? What did each of them do? KQED’s “Pipeline of Corruption” tool is here to help you keep it all in order.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe src=\"https://flo.uri.sh/visualisation/5304625/embed\" title=\"Interactive or visual content\" frameborder=\"0\" scrolling=\"no\" style=\"width:100%;height:800px;\" sandbox=\"allow-same-origin allow-forms allow-scripts allow-downloads allow-popups allow-popups-to-escape-sandbox allow-top-navigation-by-user-activation\" width=\"100%\" height=\"500\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>TK OUTRO TEXT\u003c/p>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cp>If you’ve driven across the Golden Gate Bridge in the last couple of months, you may have heard a startlingly loud humming noise coming from the bridge itself. Bay Curious listener Ryan heard it one day while driving his motorcycle across the bridge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Once COVID started it was just fun to go on 20-minute rides,” Ryan said. “It was a pretty easy way to get out of the house and not talk to people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[baycuriouspodcastinfo]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ryan normally avoids crossing the bridge on windy days, but had no choice one day after missing his exit. That’s when he heard it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It made this really really loud noise, it sounded like, I don’t know, like a howl or a whistle or something like that,” he said. “It kinda sounded like when you blow into a beer bottle.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ryan is not the only person wondering what’s going on with the bridge. Residents report hearing it across the bay, at Lands End, and from other points miles away.\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote class=\"twitter-tweet\">\n\u003cp dir=\"ltr\" lang=\"en\">As much as I would‘ve loved this eerie sound to be aliens coming for us, apparently it’s the installation of new wind resistance railing that has turned the Golden Gate Bridge into a huge instrument that can be heard all around the Bay! Hypnotizing! \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/hashtag/goldengatebridge?src=hash&ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw\">#goldengatebridge\u003c/a> \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/hashtag/SanFrancisco?src=hash&ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw\">#SanFrancisco\u003c/a> \u003ca href=\"https://t.co/DhWEnttp2X\">pic.twitter.com/DhWEnttp2X\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>— Shirin (@Shirin_Jnk) \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/Shirin_Jnk/status/1269143410268467200?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw\">June 6, 2020\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>KQED’s senior editor for Arts, Gabe Meline, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/arts/13881451/the-golden-gate-bridge-sounds-like-a-david-lynch-movie-now\">looked into the strange phenomenon\u003c/a> back in June. The sound is coming from new sidewalk railing slats installed as part of a wind retrofit meant to make the bridge safer and more resilient.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Bay Curious’ sound engineer, Rob Speight, wanted to know a lot more. He dug into the issue further, wondering why bridge engineers decided to change the slats in the first place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When bridge engineers were designing the original railings, they wanted to provide pedestrians a sense of safety while allowing drivers to take in views of San Francisco to the east and the Pacific Ocean to the west, while on the roadway,” says Paolo Cosulich-Schwartz, spokesperson for the Golden Gate Bridge, Highway and Transportation District.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The slats used to be fairly big, like two-by-fours, but in the recent retrofit the engineers made them thinner. They noticed that when the wind hit the slats just right, it made a sound. But they were unprepared for how distinctive — and loud — the howling would be. They also may have underestimated how much people would hate it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11837053\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 640px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-large wp-image-11837053\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/Screen-Shot-2020-09-08-at-2.47.05-PM-1020x421.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"640\" height=\"264\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/Screen-Shot-2020-09-08-at-2.47.05-PM-1020x421.png 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/Screen-Shot-2020-09-08-at-2.47.05-PM-800x330.png 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/Screen-Shot-2020-09-08-at-2.47.05-PM-160x66.png 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/Screen-Shot-2020-09-08-at-2.47.05-PM.png 1448w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 640px) 100vw, 640px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Screenshot of a Reddit discussion about the Golden Gate Bridge’s new howl. The \u003ca href=\"https://www.reddit.com/r/engineering/comments/gxvg7i/golden_gate_bridge_side_path_redesign/\">whole thread\u003c/a> is interesting. \u003ccite>(\u003ca href=\"https://www.reddit.com/r/engineering/comments/gxvg7i/golden_gate_bridge_side_path_redesign/\">Reddit\u003c/a>)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“In order to create the effect, we do need to see winds with a little bit of northwest or southwest [direction to them],” says Cosulich-Schwartz. “We’re only hearing it when there’s a bit of an angle to it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wind speeds have to be fairly high, too, although engineers are still looking into the specifics. So, the bridge definitely isn’t making this sound all the time, one reason why it can be so eerie when it does.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One other cool thing about the howl is its frequency — 440Hz. As any musician will know, A440 is the tuning standard for the musical note A above C. In general, all western instruments use this frequency as the basis of a standard tuning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote class=\"twitter-tweet\">\n\u003cp dir=\"ltr\" lang=\"en\">Golden Gate Bridge be like \u003ca href=\"https://t.co/VQD0f9jcHg\">pic.twitter.com/VQD0f9jcHg\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>— Gina Linetti (@GinaLin88822273) \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/GinaLin88822273/status/1269136844689559552?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw\">June 6, 2020\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>“It’s a happy coincidence that the bridge making a new noise is a musical feature,” Cosulich-Schwartz says. “[It’s] certainly not something we designed for, which is why we’re doing testing. And we’ll be evaluating mitigation measures to dampen or eliminate the noise based on feedback we’ve heard from the community.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That means you have a short window to hear the bridge singing it’s mysterious song across the bay before the district implements a fix. Keep an eye on the forecast for north-westerly or south-westerly winds and then go listen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[baycuriousquestion]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>If you’ve driven across the Golden Gate Bridge in the last couple of months, you may have heard a startlingly loud humming noise coming from the bridge itself. Bay Curious listener Ryan heard it one day while driving his motorcycle across the bridge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Once COVID started it was just fun to go on 20-minute rides,” Ryan said. “It was a pretty easy way to get out of the house and not talk to people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003caside class=\"alignleft utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__bayCuriousPodcastShortcode__bayCurious\">\u003cimg src=https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/02/bayCuriousLogo.png alt=\"Bay Curious Podcast\" loading=\"lazy\" />\n \u003ca href=\"/news/series/baycurious\">Bay Curious\u003c/a> is a podcast that answers your questions about the Bay Area.\n Subscribe on \u003ca href=\"https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/bay-curious/id1172473406\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Apple Podcasts\u003c/a>,\n \u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/podcasts/500557090/bay-curious\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">NPR One\u003c/a> or your favorite podcast platform.\u003c/aside>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ryan normally avoids crossing the bridge on windy days, but had no choice one day after missing his exit. That’s when he heard it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It made this really really loud noise, it sounded like, I don’t know, like a howl or a whistle or something like that,” he said. “It kinda sounded like when you blow into a beer bottle.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ryan is not the only person wondering what’s going on with the bridge. Residents report hearing it across the bay, at Lands End, and from other points miles away.\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote class=\"twitter-tweet\">\n\u003cp dir=\"ltr\" lang=\"en\">As much as I would‘ve loved this eerie sound to be aliens coming for us, apparently it’s the installation of new wind resistance railing that has turned the Golden Gate Bridge into a huge instrument that can be heard all around the Bay! Hypnotizing! \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/hashtag/goldengatebridge?src=hash&ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw\">#goldengatebridge\u003c/a> \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/hashtag/SanFrancisco?src=hash&ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw\">#SanFrancisco\u003c/a> \u003ca href=\"https://t.co/DhWEnttp2X\">pic.twitter.com/DhWEnttp2X\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>— Shirin (@Shirin_Jnk) \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/Shirin_Jnk/status/1269143410268467200?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw\">June 6, 2020\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>KQED’s senior editor for Arts, Gabe Meline, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/arts/13881451/the-golden-gate-bridge-sounds-like-a-david-lynch-movie-now\">looked into the strange phenomenon\u003c/a> back in June. The sound is coming from new sidewalk railing slats installed as part of a wind retrofit meant to make the bridge safer and more resilient.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Bay Curious’ sound engineer, Rob Speight, wanted to know a lot more. He dug into the issue further, wondering why bridge engineers decided to change the slats in the first place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When bridge engineers were designing the original railings, they wanted to provide pedestrians a sense of safety while allowing drivers to take in views of San Francisco to the east and the Pacific Ocean to the west, while on the roadway,” says Paolo Cosulich-Schwartz, spokesperson for the Golden Gate Bridge, Highway and Transportation District.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The slats used to be fairly big, like two-by-fours, but in the recent retrofit the engineers made them thinner. They noticed that when the wind hit the slats just right, it made a sound. But they were unprepared for how distinctive — and loud — the howling would be. They also may have underestimated how much people would hate it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11837053\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 640px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-large wp-image-11837053\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/Screen-Shot-2020-09-08-at-2.47.05-PM-1020x421.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"640\" height=\"264\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/Screen-Shot-2020-09-08-at-2.47.05-PM-1020x421.png 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/Screen-Shot-2020-09-08-at-2.47.05-PM-800x330.png 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/Screen-Shot-2020-09-08-at-2.47.05-PM-160x66.png 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/Screen-Shot-2020-09-08-at-2.47.05-PM.png 1448w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 640px) 100vw, 640px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Screenshot of a Reddit discussion about the Golden Gate Bridge’s new howl. The \u003ca href=\"https://www.reddit.com/r/engineering/comments/gxvg7i/golden_gate_bridge_side_path_redesign/\">whole thread\u003c/a> is interesting. \u003ccite>(\u003ca href=\"https://www.reddit.com/r/engineering/comments/gxvg7i/golden_gate_bridge_side_path_redesign/\">Reddit\u003c/a>)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“In order to create the effect, we do need to see winds with a little bit of northwest or southwest [direction to them],” says Cosulich-Schwartz. “We’re only hearing it when there’s a bit of an angle to it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wind speeds have to be fairly high, too, although engineers are still looking into the specifics. So, the bridge definitely isn’t making this sound all the time, one reason why it can be so eerie when it does.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One other cool thing about the howl is its frequency — 440Hz. As any musician will know, A440 is the tuning standard for the musical note A above C. In general, all western instruments use this frequency as the basis of a standard tuning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote class=\"twitter-tweet\">\n\u003cp dir=\"ltr\" lang=\"en\">Golden Gate Bridge be like \u003ca href=\"https://t.co/VQD0f9jcHg\">pic.twitter.com/VQD0f9jcHg\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>— Gina Linetti (@GinaLin88822273) \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/GinaLin88822273/status/1269136844689559552?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw\">June 6, 2020\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>“It’s a happy coincidence that the bridge making a new noise is a musical feature,” Cosulich-Schwartz says. “[It’s] certainly not something we designed for, which is why we’re doing testing. And we’ll be evaluating mitigation measures to dampen or eliminate the noise based on feedback we’ve heard from the community.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That means you have a short window to hear the bridge singing it’s mysterious song across the bay before the district implements a fix. Keep an eye on the forecast for north-westerly or south-westerly winds and then go listen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "travel-restrictions-during-covid-19-in-california",
"title": "Travel Restrictions During COVID-19: Can I Take a Trip in California?",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was updated November 13 at 10 a.m. An \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11829403/summer-travel-during-covid-19-in-california-can-i-do-it-safely\">earlier version\u003c/a> of this story was published on July 22.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Go straight to:\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#official\">Official travel restrictions in California\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#fly\">Is it safe to fly?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#road\">Road trips during COVID-19\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#hotel\">Staying in hotels and Airbnbs\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>If you’re wondering about the official advice for travel in California, eight months into shelter-in-place, it’s still “limit your travel.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And yet people \u003cem>are\u003c/em> traveling. Hotels are being reserved. Airbnbs are being booked. Airports are busy. As the holiday season fast approaches, people are wondering if — and how — they might visit family for traditional gatherings, while also reducing the risk of spreading COVID-19.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So we looked at guidance from the state of California and the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC), as well as these Bay Area medical experts:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Dr. Yvonne Maldonado\u003c/strong>, senior associate dean, faculty development and diversity, professor of pediatrics (infectious diseases) and of health research and policy at Stanford University\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Dr. Peter Chin-Hong\u003c/strong>, professor of medicine, associate dean for regional campuses at UCSF\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003ch3>\u003ca id=\"official\">\u003c/a>What Are the Official Rules on Traveling?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>It depends on who you ask.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On November 13, Gov. Gavin Newsom joined the governors of Oregon and Washington in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/coronavirusliveupdates/news/11847404/newsom-urges-against-out-of-state-travel-advises-quarantine-for-those-who-do\">issuing a travel advisory\u003c/a> urging people entering their states or returning from travel outside their states to self-quarantine to slow the spread of the coronavirus. \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdph.ca.gov/Programs/CID/DCDC/Pages/COVID-19/Travel-Advisory.aspx\">The advisories\u003c/a> urge against non-essential out-of-state travel, ask people to self-quarantine for 14 days after arriving from another state or country and encourage residents to stay local.\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">[aside postID=\"news_11846759\"]\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This state guidance comes on the heels of \u003ca href=\"https://cchealth.org/press-releases/2020/1109-ABAHO-Holiday-Recommendations.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">recommendations\u003c/a> that were recently released by the nine Bay Area counties plus the city of Berkeley around travel, with the holidays specifically in mind. The guidance states that “nonessential travel, including holiday travel, is not recommended. Traveling outside the Bay Area will increase your chance of getting infected and spreading the virus to others after your return.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11829698\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1900px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11829698\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/bixby.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1900\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/bixby.jpg 1900w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/bixby-800x539.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/bixby-1020x687.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/bixby-160x108.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/bixby-1536x1035.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1900px) 100vw, 1900px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Destinations like Big Sur are usually popular tourist hotspots. \u003ccite>(Kelsey Johnson/Pexels)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The\u003ca href=\"https://covid19.ca.gov/stay-home-except-for-essential-needs/#:~:text=All%20individuals%20living%20in%20the,the%20Questions%20%26%20Answers%20below).\"> state’s own travel guidance\u003c/a> still reiterates that travel should really only be for work or in urgent situations right now, and still asks you to “avoid (traveling) long distances for vacations or pleasure as much as possible” to help slow the spread of the coronavirus. But they \u003cem>also\u003c/em> offer\u003ca href=\"https://www.cdc.gov/coronavirus/2019-ncov/travelers/travel-in-the-us.html\"> this specific guidance\u003c/a> to consider from the CDC, “before traveling away from your community”:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Is the coronavirus spreading where you are traveling?\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Are you or those you are traveling with more likely to get very sick from coronavirus?\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Will you be able to keep 6 feet of physical distance from others during or after your trip?\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>The state’s official tourism body, Visit California, says that COVID-19 travel restrictions due to the coronavirus pandemic “\u003ca href=\"https://www.visitcalifornia.com/latest-covid-19-coronavirus\">still allow travel in California\u003c/a>, and many tourism assets have reopened.” They also urge you to consider the impact of wildfires in the state on your plans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So, essentially, recreational travel is still discouraged right now. But if you’re determined to travel despite the official guidance, or if you absolutely have to travel for an essential reason, there are at least certain strategies you might employ to reduce the risk of spreading the coronavirus as much as possible.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>What Are the Safety Basics for Travel?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The basic rules for any travel right now are the same for being outside your home at any time: wear your mask, distance as much as possible and wash your hands. Everything else would be about being an informed consumer and using your best judgement to keep risk as low as possible.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Per the state’s guidance, \u003ca href=\"https://covid19.ca.gov/stay-home-except-for-essential-needs/#:~:text=All%20individuals%20living%20in%20the,the%20Questions%20%26%20Answers%20below).\">do not travel if you are sick\u003c/a>, or if someone in your household has had the coronavirus in the last two weeks. Do not travel with someone who is sick.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state also recommends that if you choose to travel, you need to start by doing some in-depth planning. Check in on what COVID-19 infection and hospitalization rates are like with the local health department where you live, with the health department at your ultimate destination — and with health departments along your planned route, too.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Can I Travel to See My Family for the Holidays?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>A lot of people are wondering this right now, especially as the pandemic has prevented many families from maintaining their usual physical contact for months now.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11829707\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1900px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11829707\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/family.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1900\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/family.jpg 1900w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/family-800x539.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/family-1020x687.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/family-160x108.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/family-1536x1035.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1900px) 100vw, 1900px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">With usual visits disrupted by the pandemic, many people are craving tips to see family \u003ccite>(Andrea Piacquadio/Pexels)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>While doctors say there’s no way to completely eliminate the risk of catching or spreading the novel coronavirus when venturing out, there are things you can do to reduce the risk. The \u003ca href=\"https://cchealth.org/press-releases/2020/1109-ABAHO-Holiday-Recommendations.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">recommendations \u003c/a> released by Bay Area public health officers contains tips for for doing just that, with travel for the holidays specifically in mind.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you travel outside the Bay Area, this guidance “strongly” recommends a self-imposed quarantine for 14 days when you return “if your activities while travelling put you at higher risk of getting COVID-19.” Such activities are defined as including:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>“Spending time within 6 feet of people you do not normally live with, while you or anyone around you was not wearing a face mask – especially if you were indoors”\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>“Traveling on planes, buses, trains, public transportation, or other shared vehicles, if face masks were not worn at all times by both you and the other people in the vehicle.”\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>For folks who are determined to travel, and want to minimize their risk, we also created \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/science/1966305/quiz-planning-a-summer-trip-to-visit-family-check-your-covid-19-travel-risk\">this short checklist quiz\u003c/a> in consultation with medical experts and government health guidelines, to help you keep track of your household’s distancing habits and test for leaks in your stay-at-home bubble.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When you try the quiz you’ll be reminded that taking precautions will reduce, but can’t eliminate, your risk.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003ca id=\"fly\">\u003c/a>What if I Really Have to Fly?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>As the CDC says, flying will increase your risk for COVID-19. Even though their guidance confirms that most viruses and other germs don’t actually spread easily \u003cem>on\u003c/em> flights because of how air circulates and is filtered on airplanes, this kind of travel means you’re spending prolonged time in security lines and airport terminals, where you can be brought into close contact not just with others, but with surfaces that could be harboring the coronavirus. Being in an assigned seat also makes social distancing hard.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both our experts — Dr. Yvonne Maldonado and Dr. Peter Chin-Hong — said \u003cem>they\u003c/em> really wouldn’t get on an airplane right now unless they absolutely had to — in the case of, say, a family emergency. But if you absolutely must get on a domestic flight, they recommend investigating the airline’s safety policies before you fly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Do they keep middle seats empty to enable social distancing? Do they enforce face coverings?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bring disinfectant wipes and wipe down your seat and anything you touch in the bathroom, if you use it. Keep the air vent on by your seat, and choose a seat as close to the window as possible and as far away from where other people are sitting as possible. Bring your own food or make sure your food is pre-packaged if you purchase it in the airport or on the plane.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And wear your mask at all times.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11829701\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1900px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11829701\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/air-travel.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1900\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/air-travel.jpg 1900w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/air-travel-800x539.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/air-travel-1020x687.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/air-travel-160x108.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/air-travel-1536x1035.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1900px) 100vw, 1900px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The airline industry has been hit hard by the COVID-19 pandemic \u003ccite>(Sourav Mishra/Pexels)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>What if someone’s sick with COVID-19 on your flight? The CDC says pilots have to notify them of all illnesses on a flight, and if a traveler is deemed a risk to public health, they’ll collaborate to contact any passengers or crew who might have been exposed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For that reason, says the CDC, make sure you give the airline your up-to-date, reliable contact information when making your reservation — so they can find you, to tell you if you’ve been in contact with someone with the coronavirus.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Are Some Places Safer to Travel to Than Others?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Dr. Chin-Hong advises that much like you’d research the weather at a potential destination, you should look up the COVID-19 case numbers and risk levels. Are their case numbers rising? Are they at risk of an overwhelmed health care system — one that wouldn’t be able to care for you, if you got sick too? How far would you have to drive home if things got bad?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Take a look at a county tracker \u003ca href=\"https://laist.com/projects/2020/coronavirus-tracker/app/california/index.html\">like this one\u003c/a> or the state’s own county monitoring list, and do your research. And remember that the more densely populated a place, the harder it will be to maintain social distancing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Also, while you may normally love exploring new regions when there \u003cem>isn’t\u003c/em> a pandemic raging, Dr. Maldonado says this is still “not the time” to experiment with new travel destinations and all the unknowns they entail. Having a degree of familiarity with where you’re going — and whether the health care system could support you if you got sick and where the hospitals are — is still incredibly important right now.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>I’m Choosing to Stay in a Rural Area With a Small Population. That Should Be OK, Right?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Unsurprisingly, the rural outdoors is generally safer than urban areas for COVID-19 risk right now, confirm Maldonado and Chin-Hong.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But just because a county is rural doesn’t necessarily mean its COVID-19 rates are low. And even if they are, remember that you’re the one potentially bringing in a risk of COVID-19.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In sparsely populated area, residents might not feel the “need” to wear a mask regularly, so be prepared to potentially be the only one wearing a mask in rural areas, and stick to your own values on the issue. Even if people are giving you odd looks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11829704\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1900px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11829704\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/cabin.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1900\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/cabin.jpg 1900w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/cabin-800x539.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/cabin-1020x687.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/cabin-160x108.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/cabin-1536x1035.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1900px) 100vw, 1900px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Rural areas aren’t without COVID-19 risks right now \u003ccite>(Johannes Plenio/Pexels)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>And if you’re going really rural, and you’re solo, make sure people know where you are — in case you get sick.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003ca id=\"road\">\u003c/a>If Driving Is Safer, How Can I Road Trip Safely?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Making your trip in a car undoubtedly reduces your risk of contracting or spreading COVID-19 because of how contained you are from others. It’s way less risky than taking a plane or a train right now. But by leaving your household and hitting the road, you’re still running the risk of spreading the coronavirus, and should take precautions — especially if you’re planning to drive longer distances.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unless you’re purposefully limiting your mileage, you’re going to need to get out of your car at certain times. It’s smart to plan your route and be aware of the COVID-19 risks in the areas you’re driving through — if you’re driving through a hot spot, you may wish to limit your stops.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bring an ample supply of wipes to keep your car disinfected by wiping the steering wheel, surfaces, gearstick, parking brake and inside the dashboard every time you return to your car from a gas station, rest stop, restaurant or lodging — basically, from anywhere you’re around people or touching surfaces.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Keep a sealed bag in your car for disposing of your used wipes and gloves. Stash your mask(s) safely somewhere where you can easily and quickly grab it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You’re almost certainly going to need to stop for gas, so remember to wipe down gas pump handles with your disinfectant wipes. You might consider bringing a supply of gloves to wear when refueling and using gas station restrooms — just remember to avoid touching your face when you’re wearing them. When stopping for gas, wear your mask at all times.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11829688\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1900px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11829688\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/road-trip.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1900\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/road-trip.jpg 1900w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/road-trip-800x539.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/road-trip-1020x687.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/road-trip-160x108.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/road-trip-1536x1035.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1900px) 100vw, 1900px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Driving is undoubtedly safer than some other forms of transportation, but precautions are still necessary \u003ccite>(Kei Scampa/Pexels)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>When stopping for food, always consider drive-thru, grab-and-go or takeout over in-restaurant dining. With the potential for breaking social distance, decreased ventilation, increased time in one spot and the risk of surface transmission, indoor dining really is a “perfect storm,” Maldonado says. Any time you spend inside somewhere like a restaurant will really increase your risk of contracting or spreading COVID-19. And if you do decide to dine indoors and spot that it’s a buffet, turn right around, Chin-Hong advises.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you’re renting a car, consider the rental company’s cleaning and pick-up policies. And it goes without saying that now is not the time to be giving rides to strangers or picking up hitchhikers, either.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Are Hotels OK to Stay in Right Now?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>They’re open again after initial closures, that’s for sure. So if you’re planning to stay in a hotel, it’s up to you to do your due diligence and research their COVID-19 policies and prevention practices before you make a reservation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdc.gov/coronavirus/2019-ncov/daily-life-coping/personal-social-activities.html#hotel\">CDC recommends\u003c/a> considering the following:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Call and ask if all staff are wearing face coverings at work\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Make the most of options for online reservation and check-in, mobile room key and contactless payment\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Ask about any extra prevention practices being implemented by the hotel, such as plexiglass barriers at check-in counters, and physical distancing signs in the lobby\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Ask if the hotel has updated policies about cleaning and disinfecting or removing frequently touched surfaces and items (such as pens, room keys, tables, phones, doorknobs, light switches, elevator buttons, water fountains, ATMs/card payment stations, business center computers and printers, ice/vending machines and remote controls)\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11829702\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1900px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11829702\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/hotel.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1900\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/hotel.jpg 1900w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/hotel-800x539.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/hotel-1020x687.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/hotel-160x108.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/hotel-1536x1035.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1900px) 100vw, 1900px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The CDC has guidance for people who need (or choose) to stay in hotels during the pandemic \u003ccite>(Francesco Ungaro/Pexels)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>If you decide to stay in a hotel, the CDC recommends the following practices:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Wear face coverings — especially in the lobby or other common areas — and limit close contact with others\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Minimize use of areas that may lead to close contact (within 6 feet) with other people as much as possible, like break rooms, outside patios, inside lounging areas, dining areas/kitchens, game rooms, pools, hot tubs, saunas, spas, salons and fitness centers\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Consider taking the stairs — otherwise wait to use the elevator until you can either ride alone or only with people from your household.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Choose contactless options when possible, like room service orders for example\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>If you want to further clean your room upon arrival, here’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdc.gov/coronavirus/2019-ncov/prevent-getting-sick/cleaning-disinfection.html#clean-disinfect\">the cleaning protocol\u003c/a> the CDC recommends.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003ca id=\"hotel\">\u003c/a>How Can I Safely Stay in an Airbnb or a Similar Rental Property?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>If you’re reserving a self-contained property, you’ll certainly be encountering fewer people than you would in a hotel. “Self check-in” is often a filter on rental property searches, which will allow you to remove the need to interact with your hosts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11829703\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1900px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11829703\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/airbnb.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1900\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/airbnb.jpg 1900w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/airbnb-800x539.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/airbnb-1020x687.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/airbnb-160x108.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/airbnb-1536x1035.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1900px) 100vw, 1900px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Rental services like Airbnb are still open for business \u003ccite>(John Tekeridis/Pexels)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Drs. Maldonado and Chin-Hong stress the importance of checking the reviews for anywhere you’re considering staying.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many owners are promising enhanced COVID-19 cleaning procedures, and increased spacing between guests. You’ll want to know that they’re cleaning and disinfecting anywhere you’re going to stay, especially if someone was there right before you. If a place has zero reviews, you’re lacking potentially crucial information — so you may choose not to book such a property.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You might consider messaging or chatting with an owner or host to drill down on their policies and cleaning practices. They’ll understand: this is a pandemic. And if they don’t? Don’t stay there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When it comes to travel in general, you basically want to assess what Dr. Chin-Hong calls the “COVID-19 values” of the place you’re staying, as well as the surrounding area. Talk to people, like hotel owners or locals: Are people taking COVID-19 seriously? Have they been masking?\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>OK, I Traveled… and Now I’m Worried I Might Have COVID-19. How Long After I Return Should I Get Tested?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Maldonado and Chin-Hong confirm that there’s a window of around two to 14 days from when you are exposed to when your symptoms show, or when you would test positive. The average length of time for this is about five days. That means, our experts say, that getting a test five days after you return from traveling is a good rule of thumb.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They advise being extra sure to maintain your usual pandemic protocol of keeping social distance and wearing a facial covering in public before you get your test. These precautions mean you can be somewhat reassured that even if you \u003cem>did\u003c/em> contract COVID-19 on your travels, the risk that you’ve infected others is much lowered.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Is International Travel Off the Table Right Now?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Basically, yes. The CDC’s guidance, which they say is “updated frequently,” still recommends that you \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdc.gov/coronavirus/2019-ncov/travelers/faqs.html\">avoid all nonessential international travel\u003c/a> because of the COVID-19 pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition to the significant risk long-haul international flights pose to spreading the coronavirus globally, you could find yourself stuck in multiple sticky situations even if you’re able to book a flight. For one thing, several countries are currently barring entry to travelers from the United States.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even before you leave, plans and reserved tickets could be thrown into total disarray as airlines are canceling many international flights and travel within another country can be totally unpredictable. If you manage to get \u003cem>on\u003c/em> your flight without cancellation, the country to which you’re traveling could change its travel rules and deny you entry as a noncitizen with very little notice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11829695\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1900px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11829695\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/plane.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1900\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/plane.jpg 1900w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/plane-800x539.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/plane-1020x687.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/plane-160x108.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/plane-1536x1035.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1900px) 100vw, 1900px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Right now, international travel is strongly discouraged. \u003ccite>(C. Cagnin/Pexels)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Even if you \u003cem>do\u003c/em> manage to enter another country, you could be exposing yourself to an overwhelmed health care system, where your access to potentially urgent medical care if you contract COVID-19 would not be guaranteed. This isn’t to mention the possibility of travel restrictions within that country, and with bordering nations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lastly, as the CDC warns, choosing to travel internationally right now might mean having to remain outside the United States for “an indefinite length of time.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>What Else Should I Consider When I’m on My Trip?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The big takeaway? If you decide to go against official guidance and travel this fall, this isn’t going to be a “normal” vacation. You will be 100% less carefree than you might usually be on your time off, and you’ll be doing things like:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Planning your route to check it doesn’t take you through any COVID-19 hot spots, rather than taking the scenic route\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Choosing a restaurant based on how far apart their outside tables are, rather than what you see on their menu\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Arriving at your rental property and disinfecting the surfaces, rather than jumping in the pool straightaway\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Strolling 20 minutes into a downtown area where you’re staying and having to turn back because you’ve realized you’ve forgotten your mask\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>If all of this sounds incredibly stressful, you might reconsider why you’re choosing to take a trip right now — and potentially redesign your plans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you’re looking for rest and relaxation, it may be that, in 2020, traveling \u003cem>isn’t\u003c/em> what’s going to provide it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was updated November 13 at 10 a.m. An \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11829403/summer-travel-during-covid-19-in-california-can-i-do-it-safely\">earlier version\u003c/a> of this story was published on July 22.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Go straight to:\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#official\">Official travel restrictions in California\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#fly\">Is it safe to fly?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#road\">Road trips during COVID-19\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#hotel\">Staying in hotels and Airbnbs\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>If you’re wondering about the official advice for travel in California, eight months into shelter-in-place, it’s still “limit your travel.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And yet people \u003cem>are\u003c/em> traveling. Hotels are being reserved. Airbnbs are being booked. Airports are busy. As the holiday season fast approaches, people are wondering if — and how — they might visit family for traditional gatherings, while also reducing the risk of spreading COVID-19.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So we looked at guidance from the state of California and the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC), as well as these Bay Area medical experts:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Dr. Yvonne Maldonado\u003c/strong>, senior associate dean, faculty development and diversity, professor of pediatrics (infectious diseases) and of health research and policy at Stanford University\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Dr. Peter Chin-Hong\u003c/strong>, professor of medicine, associate dean for regional campuses at UCSF\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003ch3>\u003ca id=\"official\">\u003c/a>What Are the Official Rules on Traveling?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>It depends on who you ask.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On November 13, Gov. Gavin Newsom joined the governors of Oregon and Washington in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/coronavirusliveupdates/news/11847404/newsom-urges-against-out-of-state-travel-advises-quarantine-for-those-who-do\">issuing a travel advisory\u003c/a> urging people entering their states or returning from travel outside their states to self-quarantine to slow the spread of the coronavirus. \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdph.ca.gov/Programs/CID/DCDC/Pages/COVID-19/Travel-Advisory.aspx\">The advisories\u003c/a> urge against non-essential out-of-state travel, ask people to self-quarantine for 14 days after arriving from another state or country and encourage residents to stay local.\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This state guidance comes on the heels of \u003ca href=\"https://cchealth.org/press-releases/2020/1109-ABAHO-Holiday-Recommendations.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">recommendations\u003c/a> that were recently released by the nine Bay Area counties plus the city of Berkeley around travel, with the holidays specifically in mind. The guidance states that “nonessential travel, including holiday travel, is not recommended. Traveling outside the Bay Area will increase your chance of getting infected and spreading the virus to others after your return.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11829698\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1900px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11829698\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/bixby.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1900\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/bixby.jpg 1900w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/bixby-800x539.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/bixby-1020x687.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/bixby-160x108.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/bixby-1536x1035.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1900px) 100vw, 1900px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Destinations like Big Sur are usually popular tourist hotspots. \u003ccite>(Kelsey Johnson/Pexels)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The\u003ca href=\"https://covid19.ca.gov/stay-home-except-for-essential-needs/#:~:text=All%20individuals%20living%20in%20the,the%20Questions%20%26%20Answers%20below).\"> state’s own travel guidance\u003c/a> still reiterates that travel should really only be for work or in urgent situations right now, and still asks you to “avoid (traveling) long distances for vacations or pleasure as much as possible” to help slow the spread of the coronavirus. But they \u003cem>also\u003c/em> offer\u003ca href=\"https://www.cdc.gov/coronavirus/2019-ncov/travelers/travel-in-the-us.html\"> this specific guidance\u003c/a> to consider from the CDC, “before traveling away from your community”:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Is the coronavirus spreading where you are traveling?\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Are you or those you are traveling with more likely to get very sick from coronavirus?\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Will you be able to keep 6 feet of physical distance from others during or after your trip?\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>The state’s official tourism body, Visit California, says that COVID-19 travel restrictions due to the coronavirus pandemic “\u003ca href=\"https://www.visitcalifornia.com/latest-covid-19-coronavirus\">still allow travel in California\u003c/a>, and many tourism assets have reopened.” They also urge you to consider the impact of wildfires in the state on your plans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So, essentially, recreational travel is still discouraged right now. But if you’re determined to travel despite the official guidance, or if you absolutely have to travel for an essential reason, there are at least certain strategies you might employ to reduce the risk of spreading the coronavirus as much as possible.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>What Are the Safety Basics for Travel?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The basic rules for any travel right now are the same for being outside your home at any time: wear your mask, distance as much as possible and wash your hands. Everything else would be about being an informed consumer and using your best judgement to keep risk as low as possible.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Per the state’s guidance, \u003ca href=\"https://covid19.ca.gov/stay-home-except-for-essential-needs/#:~:text=All%20individuals%20living%20in%20the,the%20Questions%20%26%20Answers%20below).\">do not travel if you are sick\u003c/a>, or if someone in your household has had the coronavirus in the last two weeks. Do not travel with someone who is sick.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state also recommends that if you choose to travel, you need to start by doing some in-depth planning. Check in on what COVID-19 infection and hospitalization rates are like with the local health department where you live, with the health department at your ultimate destination — and with health departments along your planned route, too.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Can I Travel to See My Family for the Holidays?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>A lot of people are wondering this right now, especially as the pandemic has prevented many families from maintaining their usual physical contact for months now.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11829707\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1900px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11829707\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/family.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1900\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/family.jpg 1900w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/family-800x539.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/family-1020x687.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/family-160x108.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/family-1536x1035.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1900px) 100vw, 1900px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">With usual visits disrupted by the pandemic, many people are craving tips to see family \u003ccite>(Andrea Piacquadio/Pexels)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>While doctors say there’s no way to completely eliminate the risk of catching or spreading the novel coronavirus when venturing out, there are things you can do to reduce the risk. The \u003ca href=\"https://cchealth.org/press-releases/2020/1109-ABAHO-Holiday-Recommendations.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">recommendations \u003c/a> released by Bay Area public health officers contains tips for for doing just that, with travel for the holidays specifically in mind.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you travel outside the Bay Area, this guidance “strongly” recommends a self-imposed quarantine for 14 days when you return “if your activities while travelling put you at higher risk of getting COVID-19.” Such activities are defined as including:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>“Spending time within 6 feet of people you do not normally live with, while you or anyone around you was not wearing a face mask – especially if you were indoors”\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>“Traveling on planes, buses, trains, public transportation, or other shared vehicles, if face masks were not worn at all times by both you and the other people in the vehicle.”\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>For folks who are determined to travel, and want to minimize their risk, we also created \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/science/1966305/quiz-planning-a-summer-trip-to-visit-family-check-your-covid-19-travel-risk\">this short checklist quiz\u003c/a> in consultation with medical experts and government health guidelines, to help you keep track of your household’s distancing habits and test for leaks in your stay-at-home bubble.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When you try the quiz you’ll be reminded that taking precautions will reduce, but can’t eliminate, your risk.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003ca id=\"fly\">\u003c/a>What if I Really Have to Fly?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>As the CDC says, flying will increase your risk for COVID-19. Even though their guidance confirms that most viruses and other germs don’t actually spread easily \u003cem>on\u003c/em> flights because of how air circulates and is filtered on airplanes, this kind of travel means you’re spending prolonged time in security lines and airport terminals, where you can be brought into close contact not just with others, but with surfaces that could be harboring the coronavirus. Being in an assigned seat also makes social distancing hard.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both our experts — Dr. Yvonne Maldonado and Dr. Peter Chin-Hong — said \u003cem>they\u003c/em> really wouldn’t get on an airplane right now unless they absolutely had to — in the case of, say, a family emergency. But if you absolutely must get on a domestic flight, they recommend investigating the airline’s safety policies before you fly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Do they keep middle seats empty to enable social distancing? Do they enforce face coverings?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bring disinfectant wipes and wipe down your seat and anything you touch in the bathroom, if you use it. Keep the air vent on by your seat, and choose a seat as close to the window as possible and as far away from where other people are sitting as possible. Bring your own food or make sure your food is pre-packaged if you purchase it in the airport or on the plane.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And wear your mask at all times.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11829701\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1900px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11829701\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/air-travel.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1900\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/air-travel.jpg 1900w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/air-travel-800x539.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/air-travel-1020x687.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/air-travel-160x108.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/air-travel-1536x1035.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1900px) 100vw, 1900px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The airline industry has been hit hard by the COVID-19 pandemic \u003ccite>(Sourav Mishra/Pexels)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>What if someone’s sick with COVID-19 on your flight? The CDC says pilots have to notify them of all illnesses on a flight, and if a traveler is deemed a risk to public health, they’ll collaborate to contact any passengers or crew who might have been exposed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For that reason, says the CDC, make sure you give the airline your up-to-date, reliable contact information when making your reservation — so they can find you, to tell you if you’ve been in contact with someone with the coronavirus.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Are Some Places Safer to Travel to Than Others?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Dr. Chin-Hong advises that much like you’d research the weather at a potential destination, you should look up the COVID-19 case numbers and risk levels. Are their case numbers rising? Are they at risk of an overwhelmed health care system — one that wouldn’t be able to care for you, if you got sick too? How far would you have to drive home if things got bad?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Take a look at a county tracker \u003ca href=\"https://laist.com/projects/2020/coronavirus-tracker/app/california/index.html\">like this one\u003c/a> or the state’s own county monitoring list, and do your research. And remember that the more densely populated a place, the harder it will be to maintain social distancing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Also, while you may normally love exploring new regions when there \u003cem>isn’t\u003c/em> a pandemic raging, Dr. Maldonado says this is still “not the time” to experiment with new travel destinations and all the unknowns they entail. Having a degree of familiarity with where you’re going — and whether the health care system could support you if you got sick and where the hospitals are — is still incredibly important right now.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>I’m Choosing to Stay in a Rural Area With a Small Population. That Should Be OK, Right?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Unsurprisingly, the rural outdoors is generally safer than urban areas for COVID-19 risk right now, confirm Maldonado and Chin-Hong.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But just because a county is rural doesn’t necessarily mean its COVID-19 rates are low. And even if they are, remember that you’re the one potentially bringing in a risk of COVID-19.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In sparsely populated area, residents might not feel the “need” to wear a mask regularly, so be prepared to potentially be the only one wearing a mask in rural areas, and stick to your own values on the issue. Even if people are giving you odd looks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11829704\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1900px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11829704\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/cabin.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1900\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/cabin.jpg 1900w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/cabin-800x539.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/cabin-1020x687.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/cabin-160x108.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/cabin-1536x1035.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1900px) 100vw, 1900px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Rural areas aren’t without COVID-19 risks right now \u003ccite>(Johannes Plenio/Pexels)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>And if you’re going really rural, and you’re solo, make sure people know where you are — in case you get sick.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003ca id=\"road\">\u003c/a>If Driving Is Safer, How Can I Road Trip Safely?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Making your trip in a car undoubtedly reduces your risk of contracting or spreading COVID-19 because of how contained you are from others. It’s way less risky than taking a plane or a train right now. But by leaving your household and hitting the road, you’re still running the risk of spreading the coronavirus, and should take precautions — especially if you’re planning to drive longer distances.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unless you’re purposefully limiting your mileage, you’re going to need to get out of your car at certain times. It’s smart to plan your route and be aware of the COVID-19 risks in the areas you’re driving through — if you’re driving through a hot spot, you may wish to limit your stops.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bring an ample supply of wipes to keep your car disinfected by wiping the steering wheel, surfaces, gearstick, parking brake and inside the dashboard every time you return to your car from a gas station, rest stop, restaurant or lodging — basically, from anywhere you’re around people or touching surfaces.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Keep a sealed bag in your car for disposing of your used wipes and gloves. Stash your mask(s) safely somewhere where you can easily and quickly grab it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You’re almost certainly going to need to stop for gas, so remember to wipe down gas pump handles with your disinfectant wipes. You might consider bringing a supply of gloves to wear when refueling and using gas station restrooms — just remember to avoid touching your face when you’re wearing them. When stopping for gas, wear your mask at all times.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11829688\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1900px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11829688\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/road-trip.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1900\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/road-trip.jpg 1900w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/road-trip-800x539.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/road-trip-1020x687.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/road-trip-160x108.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/road-trip-1536x1035.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1900px) 100vw, 1900px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Driving is undoubtedly safer than some other forms of transportation, but precautions are still necessary \u003ccite>(Kei Scampa/Pexels)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>When stopping for food, always consider drive-thru, grab-and-go or takeout over in-restaurant dining. With the potential for breaking social distance, decreased ventilation, increased time in one spot and the risk of surface transmission, indoor dining really is a “perfect storm,” Maldonado says. Any time you spend inside somewhere like a restaurant will really increase your risk of contracting or spreading COVID-19. And if you do decide to dine indoors and spot that it’s a buffet, turn right around, Chin-Hong advises.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you’re renting a car, consider the rental company’s cleaning and pick-up policies. And it goes without saying that now is not the time to be giving rides to strangers or picking up hitchhikers, either.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Are Hotels OK to Stay in Right Now?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>They’re open again after initial closures, that’s for sure. So if you’re planning to stay in a hotel, it’s up to you to do your due diligence and research their COVID-19 policies and prevention practices before you make a reservation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdc.gov/coronavirus/2019-ncov/daily-life-coping/personal-social-activities.html#hotel\">CDC recommends\u003c/a> considering the following:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Call and ask if all staff are wearing face coverings at work\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Make the most of options for online reservation and check-in, mobile room key and contactless payment\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Ask about any extra prevention practices being implemented by the hotel, such as plexiglass barriers at check-in counters, and physical distancing signs in the lobby\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Ask if the hotel has updated policies about cleaning and disinfecting or removing frequently touched surfaces and items (such as pens, room keys, tables, phones, doorknobs, light switches, elevator buttons, water fountains, ATMs/card payment stations, business center computers and printers, ice/vending machines and remote controls)\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11829702\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1900px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11829702\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/hotel.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1900\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/hotel.jpg 1900w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/hotel-800x539.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/hotel-1020x687.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/hotel-160x108.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/hotel-1536x1035.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1900px) 100vw, 1900px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The CDC has guidance for people who need (or choose) to stay in hotels during the pandemic \u003ccite>(Francesco Ungaro/Pexels)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>If you decide to stay in a hotel, the CDC recommends the following practices:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Wear face coverings — especially in the lobby or other common areas — and limit close contact with others\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Minimize use of areas that may lead to close contact (within 6 feet) with other people as much as possible, like break rooms, outside patios, inside lounging areas, dining areas/kitchens, game rooms, pools, hot tubs, saunas, spas, salons and fitness centers\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Consider taking the stairs — otherwise wait to use the elevator until you can either ride alone or only with people from your household.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Choose contactless options when possible, like room service orders for example\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>If you want to further clean your room upon arrival, here’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdc.gov/coronavirus/2019-ncov/prevent-getting-sick/cleaning-disinfection.html#clean-disinfect\">the cleaning protocol\u003c/a> the CDC recommends.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003ca id=\"hotel\">\u003c/a>How Can I Safely Stay in an Airbnb or a Similar Rental Property?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>If you’re reserving a self-contained property, you’ll certainly be encountering fewer people than you would in a hotel. “Self check-in” is often a filter on rental property searches, which will allow you to remove the need to interact with your hosts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11829703\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1900px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11829703\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/airbnb.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1900\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/airbnb.jpg 1900w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/airbnb-800x539.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/airbnb-1020x687.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/airbnb-160x108.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/airbnb-1536x1035.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1900px) 100vw, 1900px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Rental services like Airbnb are still open for business \u003ccite>(John Tekeridis/Pexels)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Drs. Maldonado and Chin-Hong stress the importance of checking the reviews for anywhere you’re considering staying.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many owners are promising enhanced COVID-19 cleaning procedures, and increased spacing between guests. You’ll want to know that they’re cleaning and disinfecting anywhere you’re going to stay, especially if someone was there right before you. If a place has zero reviews, you’re lacking potentially crucial information — so you may choose not to book such a property.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You might consider messaging or chatting with an owner or host to drill down on their policies and cleaning practices. They’ll understand: this is a pandemic. And if they don’t? Don’t stay there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When it comes to travel in general, you basically want to assess what Dr. Chin-Hong calls the “COVID-19 values” of the place you’re staying, as well as the surrounding area. Talk to people, like hotel owners or locals: Are people taking COVID-19 seriously? Have they been masking?\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>OK, I Traveled… and Now I’m Worried I Might Have COVID-19. How Long After I Return Should I Get Tested?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Maldonado and Chin-Hong confirm that there’s a window of around two to 14 days from when you are exposed to when your symptoms show, or when you would test positive. The average length of time for this is about five days. That means, our experts say, that getting a test five days after you return from traveling is a good rule of thumb.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They advise being extra sure to maintain your usual pandemic protocol of keeping social distance and wearing a facial covering in public before you get your test. These precautions mean you can be somewhat reassured that even if you \u003cem>did\u003c/em> contract COVID-19 on your travels, the risk that you’ve infected others is much lowered.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Is International Travel Off the Table Right Now?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Basically, yes. The CDC’s guidance, which they say is “updated frequently,” still recommends that you \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdc.gov/coronavirus/2019-ncov/travelers/faqs.html\">avoid all nonessential international travel\u003c/a> because of the COVID-19 pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition to the significant risk long-haul international flights pose to spreading the coronavirus globally, you could find yourself stuck in multiple sticky situations even if you’re able to book a flight. For one thing, several countries are currently barring entry to travelers from the United States.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even before you leave, plans and reserved tickets could be thrown into total disarray as airlines are canceling many international flights and travel within another country can be totally unpredictable. If you manage to get \u003cem>on\u003c/em> your flight without cancellation, the country to which you’re traveling could change its travel rules and deny you entry as a noncitizen with very little notice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11829695\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1900px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11829695\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/plane.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1900\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/plane.jpg 1900w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/plane-800x539.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/plane-1020x687.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/plane-160x108.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/plane-1536x1035.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1900px) 100vw, 1900px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Right now, international travel is strongly discouraged. \u003ccite>(C. Cagnin/Pexels)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Even if you \u003cem>do\u003c/em> manage to enter another country, you could be exposing yourself to an overwhelmed health care system, where your access to potentially urgent medical care if you contract COVID-19 would not be guaranteed. This isn’t to mention the possibility of travel restrictions within that country, and with bordering nations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lastly, as the CDC warns, choosing to travel internationally right now might mean having to remain outside the United States for “an indefinite length of time.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>What Else Should I Consider When I’m on My Trip?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The big takeaway? If you decide to go against official guidance and travel this fall, this isn’t going to be a “normal” vacation. You will be 100% less carefree than you might usually be on your time off, and you’ll be doing things like:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Planning your route to check it doesn’t take you through any COVID-19 hot spots, rather than taking the scenic route\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Choosing a restaurant based on how far apart their outside tables are, rather than what you see on their menu\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Arriving at your rental property and disinfecting the surfaces, rather than jumping in the pool straightaway\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Strolling 20 minutes into a downtown area where you’re staying and having to turn back because you’ve realized you’ve forgotten your mask\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>If all of this sounds incredibly stressful, you might reconsider why you’re choosing to take a trip right now — and potentially redesign your plans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you’re looking for rest and relaxation, it may be that, in 2020, traveling \u003cem>isn’t\u003c/em> what’s going to provide it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"disqusTitle": "Más esperas y menos autobuses: La pandemia empeora las deficiencias y los recortes de servicio",
"title": "Más esperas y menos autobuses: La pandemia empeora las deficiencias y los recortes de servicio",
"headTitle": "KQED en Espanol | CALmatters | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Suscribáse al boletín semanal de KQED en Español \u003ca href=\"http://kqed.org/newsletters\">en este enlace\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yonas Paulos, quien es discapacitado visual, depende de los autobuses de Fresno para llegar a sus citas con el doctor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pero ahora, durante la pandemia, sólo se permiten 10 pasajeros en cada autobús para lograr el distanciamiento social. Eso significa que Paulos, de 49 años, a veces tiene que esperar media hora más en una parada de autobús. La espera, dijo, puede ser cruel con el calor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Es muy difícil subir a un autobús en ciertas intersecciones”, explicó Paulos. “Trato de cumplir con todas mis citas por la mañana, así que ahora tengo un cambio en mi rutina”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Además de los cambios en su agenda, teme contraer el virus en un autobús o en la parada del mismo. “Se suma a mi ansiedad, y se intensifica”, comentó Paulos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside tag='elcoronavirus' label='Leer más noticias en español']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>En todo California, las agencias de transporte están luchando simultáneamente con una disminución sin precedentes de los ingresos, un fuerte descenso en el número de pasajeros y un aumento de los gastos debido a las nuevas políticas de pandemia. Como resultado, los pasajeros como Paulos —especialmente los trabajadores esenciales de bajos ingresos y las personas con discapacidades— se ven afectados por el recorte del servicio de autobuses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Estamos lidiando con un número reducido de pasajeros del transporte público desde el comienzo de la pandemia”, dijo Michael Pimentel, director ejecutivo adjunto de la Asociación de Transporte Público de California, que representa a más de 80 agencias de transporte público. “Y ahora estamos lidiando con la segunda ola de impacto debido en gran parte a la disminución de los ingresos por impuestos de ventas”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>El número de pasajeros de autobús ha disminuido entre el 60 y el 90% comparado con el año pasado, según la agencia de transporte. Al mismo tiempo, se espera que los ingresos del impuesto sobre las ventas —una fuente importante de financiación para las agencias de transporte— disminuyan alrededor del 30%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Estamos hablando de miles de millones de dólares en impactos que están ocurriendo en los próximos años que realmente diezmarán los presupuestos operativos del transporte”, señaló Pimentel.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Las agencias de transporte dicen que están preocupadas por los recortes adicionales en el servicio de autobuses y ferrocarriles el próximo año, ya que la financiación federal de la Ley CARES se agota. A las agencias de transporte de California se les concedieron $3.75 mil millones en marzo, pero para algunas agencias, eso no será suficiente ya que continúan enfrentando déficits en el presupuesto por las pérdidas en los ingresos de tarifas e impuestos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11836356\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11836356\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/082720_SFTransit_AW_sized_01-800x547.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"547\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/082720_SFTransit_AW_sized_01-800x547.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/082720_SFTransit_AW_sized_01-1020x697.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/082720_SFTransit_AW_sized_01-160x109.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/082720_SFTransit_AW_sized_01.jpg 1024w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">People wait for the 38 bus on Geary Blvd in San Francisco on Aug. 27, 2020. San Francisco eliminated all but 17 bus routes in April and risks permanently losing 40 of the original 68 lines running before the pandemic. Photo by Anne Wernikoff for CalMatters \u003ccite>(Fotografía de Anne Wernikoff para CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>En respuesta, la Agencia de Transporte de California ha pedido al \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/08/California-Transit-Association-Coalition-Letter.pdf\">gobernador y a los legisladores estatales\u003c/a> y \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/08/California-Transit-Association-Federal-Coalition-Letter.pdf\">federales\u003c/a> $3.1 mil millones de dólares en fondos adicionales para asegurar que las caídas en el servicio no se vuelvan permanentes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pero los funcionarios estatales, que han estado luchando con múltiples emergencias y severos déficits presupuestarios, dicen que no hay alivio a la vista.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No hay una fuente de financiación existente que el estado pueda aumentar para financiar las operaciones del transporte”, dijo Garin Casaleggio, un portavoz de la Agencia de Transporte del Estado de California, en una declaración escrita a CalMatters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A pesar de la reducción de los ingresos, las agencias de transporte están gastando más durante la pandemia en limpiezas frecuentes de los autobuses, protección contra estornudos y otras barreras para los conductores de autobuses y mascarillas para los pasajeros.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ganarse la confianza de los pasajeros durante la pandemia es esencial para el futuro del transporte público.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Tendremos que seguir operando a un costo mucho más alto que es mucho menos eficiente para mantener a nuestros empleados y pasajeros seguros”, dijo Carl Sedoryk, director ejecutivo de Monterey-Salinas Transit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>En muchas áreas de California, los pasajeros de los autobuses han experimentado cortes en el servicio que aumentan sus tiempos de espera o eliminan rutas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>En Sacramento, los autobuses han estado funcionando al 75% del servicio pre-pandémico, declaró Jessica González, portavoz del Distrito Regional de Transporte de Sacramento. En las últimas semanas hubo un aumento constante en el número de pasajeros, así que el servicio completo, excepto al aeropuerto, comienza el domingo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11836357\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 400px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11836357\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/Angela_Tabarez.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"400\" height=\"300\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/Angela_Tabarez.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/Angela_Tabarez-160x120.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 400px) 100vw, 400px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Ángela Tabárez ha viajado en autobús durante casi 20 años. Ella dijo que el servicio de Sacramento es confiable. \u003ccite>( Fotografía de Elizabeth Castillo para CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Muchas personas tienen que esperar a otro autobús: personas en silla de ruedas, personas con movilidad reducida, personas con discapacidades”, dijo King Harris, quien usa un bastón. Comentó que ha esperado más de 30 minutos, a veces en días de temperatura de tres dígitos. “Su comida se estropea fácilmente cuando va al supermercado”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Aaron Armer, otro pasajero, dijo que “a veces no hay suficiente espacio en el autobús. Así que me dejarán pasar, o dejaremos pasar a otras personas”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Se permiten de 10 a 14 pasajeros en cada autobús de Sacramento, pero los conductores pueden pedir por radio un autobús “de relevo”. Se despachan de seis a ocho autobuses de reserva al día dependiendo de la disponibilidad de los operadores, lo que significa que los tiempos de espera pueden variar.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ángela Tabárez, usuaria de autobús desde hace 18 años, dijo que depende de los autobuses así que no le importa esperar.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“El autobús siempre está ahí”, dijo. “Ha sido un salvavidas para mí”.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Los Ángeles y San Francisco registran pérdidas sin precedentes\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>El sistema de transporte más grande de California, LA Metro, prevé una pérdida sin precedentes de ingresos de $1.8 mil millones este año fiscal, mientras que sus costos operativos aumentarán más de $200 millones durante el próximo año fiscal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A mediados de agosto, aproximadamente 550,000 pasajeros suben a bordo cada día en Los Ángeles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Normalmente tenemos 1.2 millones de pasajeros al día, por lo que es aproximadamente la mitad de lo que con normalidad tenemos diariamente”, explicó Dave Sotero, un portavoz de LA Metro. “Esta es la nueva normalidad”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Las repercusiones en el transporte en Los Ángeles han superado con creces cualquier otra recesión económica.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size='small' align='right' citation='Dave Sotero, Portavoz de la Metro']'Normalmente tenemos 1.2 millones de pasajeros al día, así que es aproximadamente la mitad de lo que con normalidad tenemos diariamente.'[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Con los ingresos del impuesto sobre las ventas que constituyen un mayor porcentaje de nuestro presupuesto ahora que durante la Gran Recesión, esto resulta en un mayor impacto para Metro”, añadió. “Los efectos prolongados de la pandemia deteriorarán aún más nuestro pronóstico de pérdidas actuales”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>El sistema de autobuses funciona actualmente los siete días de la semana con un horario de servicio dominical modificado, lo que significa un 80% de servicio, y el transporte por tren se ha reducido en un 14%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Las agencias de transporte ya han reducido los servicios, pero sin fondos adicionales, no queremos que eso se convierta en la realidad de lo que podemos ofrecer al público mientras nos recuperamos de esto”, dijo Sotero.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Los residentes de bajos ingresos de Los Ángeles son los más afectados por el servicio reducido. El típico usuario del Metro de Los Ángeles tiene un ingreso familiar anual de $15,000, que está por debajo de la línea de pobreza federal para un hogar de dos personas. Muchos trabajadores de oficina pueden trabajar desde su casa, pero muchos de los que viajan en el Metro no pueden, y no tienen automóviles para ir a trabajar.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco está en una situación aún más difícil. Se prevé que su agencia de transporte pierda más de 500 millones de dólares en ingresos en los próximos cuatro años, y podría perder permanentemente unas 40 de sus 68 líneas de autobuses, dijo Jeffrey Tumlin, director de transporte de la Agencia Municipal de Transporte de San Francisco, en una reunión de la junta directiva celebrada en junio.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11836358\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11836358\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/082720_SFTransit_AW_sized_03-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/082720_SFTransit_AW_sized_03-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/082720_SFTransit_AW_sized_03-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/082720_SFTransit_AW_sized_03-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/082720_SFTransit_AW_sized_03.jpg 1024w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Un pasajero espera el autobús 44 en el Boulevard Geary en San Francisco el 27 de agosto de 2020. Fotografía de Anne Wernikoff para CalMatters.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Un pasajero espera el autobús 44 en el Boulevard Geary en San Francisco el 27 de agosto de 2020. Fotografía de Anne Wernikoff para CalMatters.\u003cbr>\n“Los recortes que estamos haciendo son terriblemente dolorosos”, expresó.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A partir de junio, los ingresos de transporte han bajado un 93%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Incluso en enero, en el pico de una economía en auge, tuvimos un sustancial y creciente déficit estructural. Así que este año nuestro déficit es ahora de 200 millones de dólares”, dijo Tumlin en una reunión de la junta directiva este mes.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Los autobuses en áreas rurales también están en riesgo\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Ya sea que el transporte público se encuentre en un centro urbano altamente poblado o en una parte más rural de California, el denominador común es que las personas de bajos ingresos dependen del transporte público y no tienen otras opciones. Cuesta casi $9.300 anuales tener un auto, según l\u003ca href=\"https://newsroom.aaa.com/auto/your-driving-costs/\">os cálculos\u003c/a> de la AAA.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mariah Thompson, abogada del grupo de defensa California Rural Legal Assistance, dijo que para las personas que no tienen automóvil, el acceso limitado al transporte público ha sido un problema de larga data. Significa planificar las citas y los recados en torno a la disponibilidad de autobuses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Cuando el autobús sólo viene una vez al día, se planifica todo el día en torno a esa jornada única de autobús, y la vida no funciona así”, dijo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>En Fresno, el servicio no se interrumpió durante la pandemia, aunque los tiempos de espera han aumentado debido al distanciamiento social. La ciudad despacha uno o dos autobuses “de relevo” diariamente para recoger a los pasajeros que se quedan atrás cuando los autobuses están llenos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size='small' align='right' citation='MARIAH THOMPSON, ABOGADA DE CALIFORNIA RURAL LEGAL ASSISTANCE]'Cuando el autobús sólo viene una vez al día, se planifica todo el día en torno a esa jornada única, y la vida no funciona así.'[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gregory Barfield, director del Departamento de Transporte de Fresno, dijo que el número de pasajeros se ha reducido a la mitad en comparación con el año pasado. El sistema ha incurrido en unos $2.7 millones en gastos relacionados con el coronavirus, pero tiene una caída del 37% en los ingresos. A pesar de los más de 32 millones de dólares en fondos de la Ley CARES, está preocupado por el próximo año.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>En el condado de Monterey, la mayoría de los pasajeros de los autobuses son trabajadores agrícolas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“El pasajero promedio es una familia con un ingreso familiar combinado de $20,000 o menos. Por lo general, hay alguien que trabaja en el campo agrícola y alguien que trabaja en la hostelería”, dijo Sedoryk. “No podemos teletrabajar con nuestros trabajadores agrícolas… Estos trabajos tienen que hacerse en persona. La demanda sigue existiendo”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Varias rutas pasan por varias instalaciones militares en la zona de Monterey, pero los edificios se han cerrado en gran parte durante la pandemia. Esas rutas ya no funcionan, aunque también servían a los civiles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>El Sistema de Tránsito Metropolitano de San Diego, que recibió 220 millones de dólares en fondos de la Ley CARES, dice que ha resistido el impacto y restaurado el servicio completo a pesar de una caída del 58% en los ingresos por tarifas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Estábamos realmente fuertes financieramente al entrar en esto”, dijo Rob Schupp, un portavoz del sistema de autobuses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Esperemos que tengamos suficiente dinero de la Ley CARES para aguantar toda la tormenta, porque no creemos que los pasajeros vayan a volver rápidamente”, dijo. “Va a ser un largo y lento camino para volver a los números anteriores a COVID”.\u003c/p>\n\u003chr>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>La cobertura de atención médica de CalMatters está apoyada por una subvención por parte de la Fundación Blue Shield de California.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/elcoronavirus\">Leer más reportes de KQED en Español.\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Síga CalMatters en Twitter y Facebook. Siga su canal RSS para artículos en español.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>CalMatters.org es una organización de medios de comunicación sin fines de lucro, no partidista, que explica las políticas públicas y los temas políticos de California.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "En todo California, las agencias de transporte están luchando simultáneamente con una disminución sin precedentes de los ingresos, un fuerte descenso en el número de pasajeros y un aumento de los gastos debido a las nuevas políticas de pandemia. Y los trabajadores esenciales de bajos ingresos y las personas con discapacidades — se ven afectados por el recorte del servicio de autobuses.",
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"description": "En todo California, las agencias de transporte están luchando simultáneamente con una disminución sin precedentes de los ingresos, un fuerte descenso en el número de pasajeros y un aumento de los gastos debido a las nuevas políticas de pandemia. Y los trabajadores esenciales de bajos ingresos y las personas con discapacidades — se ven afectados por el recorte del servicio de autobuses.",
"title": "Más esperas y menos autobuses: La pandemia empeora las deficiencias y los recortes de servicio | KQED",
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"headline": "Más esperas y menos autobuses: La pandemia empeora las deficiencias y los recortes de servicio",
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"nprByline": "Elizabeth Castillo, Cal Matters",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Suscribáse al boletín semanal de KQED en Español \u003ca href=\"http://kqed.org/newsletters\">en este enlace\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yonas Paulos, quien es discapacitado visual, depende de los autobuses de Fresno para llegar a sus citas con el doctor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pero ahora, durante la pandemia, sólo se permiten 10 pasajeros en cada autobús para lograr el distanciamiento social. Eso significa que Paulos, de 49 años, a veces tiene que esperar media hora más en una parada de autobús. La espera, dijo, puede ser cruel con el calor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Es muy difícil subir a un autobús en ciertas intersecciones”, explicó Paulos. “Trato de cumplir con todas mis citas por la mañana, así que ahora tengo un cambio en mi rutina”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Además de los cambios en su agenda, teme contraer el virus en un autobús o en la parada del mismo. “Se suma a mi ansiedad, y se intensifica”, comentó Paulos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>En todo California, las agencias de transporte están luchando simultáneamente con una disminución sin precedentes de los ingresos, un fuerte descenso en el número de pasajeros y un aumento de los gastos debido a las nuevas políticas de pandemia. Como resultado, los pasajeros como Paulos —especialmente los trabajadores esenciales de bajos ingresos y las personas con discapacidades— se ven afectados por el recorte del servicio de autobuses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Estamos lidiando con un número reducido de pasajeros del transporte público desde el comienzo de la pandemia”, dijo Michael Pimentel, director ejecutivo adjunto de la Asociación de Transporte Público de California, que representa a más de 80 agencias de transporte público. “Y ahora estamos lidiando con la segunda ola de impacto debido en gran parte a la disminución de los ingresos por impuestos de ventas”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>El número de pasajeros de autobús ha disminuido entre el 60 y el 90% comparado con el año pasado, según la agencia de transporte. Al mismo tiempo, se espera que los ingresos del impuesto sobre las ventas —una fuente importante de financiación para las agencias de transporte— disminuyan alrededor del 30%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Estamos hablando de miles de millones de dólares en impactos que están ocurriendo en los próximos años que realmente diezmarán los presupuestos operativos del transporte”, señaló Pimentel.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Las agencias de transporte dicen que están preocupadas por los recortes adicionales en el servicio de autobuses y ferrocarriles el próximo año, ya que la financiación federal de la Ley CARES se agota. A las agencias de transporte de California se les concedieron $3.75 mil millones en marzo, pero para algunas agencias, eso no será suficiente ya que continúan enfrentando déficits en el presupuesto por las pérdidas en los ingresos de tarifas e impuestos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11836356\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11836356\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/082720_SFTransit_AW_sized_01-800x547.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"547\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/082720_SFTransit_AW_sized_01-800x547.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/082720_SFTransit_AW_sized_01-1020x697.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/082720_SFTransit_AW_sized_01-160x109.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/082720_SFTransit_AW_sized_01.jpg 1024w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">People wait for the 38 bus on Geary Blvd in San Francisco on Aug. 27, 2020. San Francisco eliminated all but 17 bus routes in April and risks permanently losing 40 of the original 68 lines running before the pandemic. Photo by Anne Wernikoff for CalMatters \u003ccite>(Fotografía de Anne Wernikoff para CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>En respuesta, la Agencia de Transporte de California ha pedido al \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/08/California-Transit-Association-Coalition-Letter.pdf\">gobernador y a los legisladores estatales\u003c/a> y \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/08/California-Transit-Association-Federal-Coalition-Letter.pdf\">federales\u003c/a> $3.1 mil millones de dólares en fondos adicionales para asegurar que las caídas en el servicio no se vuelvan permanentes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pero los funcionarios estatales, que han estado luchando con múltiples emergencias y severos déficits presupuestarios, dicen que no hay alivio a la vista.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No hay una fuente de financiación existente que el estado pueda aumentar para financiar las operaciones del transporte”, dijo Garin Casaleggio, un portavoz de la Agencia de Transporte del Estado de California, en una declaración escrita a CalMatters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A pesar de la reducción de los ingresos, las agencias de transporte están gastando más durante la pandemia en limpiezas frecuentes de los autobuses, protección contra estornudos y otras barreras para los conductores de autobuses y mascarillas para los pasajeros.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ganarse la confianza de los pasajeros durante la pandemia es esencial para el futuro del transporte público.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Tendremos que seguir operando a un costo mucho más alto que es mucho menos eficiente para mantener a nuestros empleados y pasajeros seguros”, dijo Carl Sedoryk, director ejecutivo de Monterey-Salinas Transit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>En muchas áreas de California, los pasajeros de los autobuses han experimentado cortes en el servicio que aumentan sus tiempos de espera o eliminan rutas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>En Sacramento, los autobuses han estado funcionando al 75% del servicio pre-pandémico, declaró Jessica González, portavoz del Distrito Regional de Transporte de Sacramento. En las últimas semanas hubo un aumento constante en el número de pasajeros, así que el servicio completo, excepto al aeropuerto, comienza el domingo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11836357\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 400px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11836357\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/Angela_Tabarez.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"400\" height=\"300\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/Angela_Tabarez.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/Angela_Tabarez-160x120.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 400px) 100vw, 400px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Ángela Tabárez ha viajado en autobús durante casi 20 años. Ella dijo que el servicio de Sacramento es confiable. \u003ccite>( Fotografía de Elizabeth Castillo para CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Muchas personas tienen que esperar a otro autobús: personas en silla de ruedas, personas con movilidad reducida, personas con discapacidades”, dijo King Harris, quien usa un bastón. Comentó que ha esperado más de 30 minutos, a veces en días de temperatura de tres dígitos. “Su comida se estropea fácilmente cuando va al supermercado”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Aaron Armer, otro pasajero, dijo que “a veces no hay suficiente espacio en el autobús. Así que me dejarán pasar, o dejaremos pasar a otras personas”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Se permiten de 10 a 14 pasajeros en cada autobús de Sacramento, pero los conductores pueden pedir por radio un autobús “de relevo”. Se despachan de seis a ocho autobuses de reserva al día dependiendo de la disponibilidad de los operadores, lo que significa que los tiempos de espera pueden variar.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ángela Tabárez, usuaria de autobús desde hace 18 años, dijo que depende de los autobuses así que no le importa esperar.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“El autobús siempre está ahí”, dijo. “Ha sido un salvavidas para mí”.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Los Ángeles y San Francisco registran pérdidas sin precedentes\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>El sistema de transporte más grande de California, LA Metro, prevé una pérdida sin precedentes de ingresos de $1.8 mil millones este año fiscal, mientras que sus costos operativos aumentarán más de $200 millones durante el próximo año fiscal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A mediados de agosto, aproximadamente 550,000 pasajeros suben a bordo cada día en Los Ángeles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Normalmente tenemos 1.2 millones de pasajeros al día, por lo que es aproximadamente la mitad de lo que con normalidad tenemos diariamente”, explicó Dave Sotero, un portavoz de LA Metro. “Esta es la nueva normalidad”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Las repercusiones en el transporte en Los Ángeles han superado con creces cualquier otra recesión económica.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Con los ingresos del impuesto sobre las ventas que constituyen un mayor porcentaje de nuestro presupuesto ahora que durante la Gran Recesión, esto resulta en un mayor impacto para Metro”, añadió. “Los efectos prolongados de la pandemia deteriorarán aún más nuestro pronóstico de pérdidas actuales”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>El sistema de autobuses funciona actualmente los siete días de la semana con un horario de servicio dominical modificado, lo que significa un 80% de servicio, y el transporte por tren se ha reducido en un 14%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Las agencias de transporte ya han reducido los servicios, pero sin fondos adicionales, no queremos que eso se convierta en la realidad de lo que podemos ofrecer al público mientras nos recuperamos de esto”, dijo Sotero.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Los residentes de bajos ingresos de Los Ángeles son los más afectados por el servicio reducido. El típico usuario del Metro de Los Ángeles tiene un ingreso familiar anual de $15,000, que está por debajo de la línea de pobreza federal para un hogar de dos personas. Muchos trabajadores de oficina pueden trabajar desde su casa, pero muchos de los que viajan en el Metro no pueden, y no tienen automóviles para ir a trabajar.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco está en una situación aún más difícil. Se prevé que su agencia de transporte pierda más de 500 millones de dólares en ingresos en los próximos cuatro años, y podría perder permanentemente unas 40 de sus 68 líneas de autobuses, dijo Jeffrey Tumlin, director de transporte de la Agencia Municipal de Transporte de San Francisco, en una reunión de la junta directiva celebrada en junio.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11836358\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11836358\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/082720_SFTransit_AW_sized_03-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/082720_SFTransit_AW_sized_03-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/082720_SFTransit_AW_sized_03-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/082720_SFTransit_AW_sized_03-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/082720_SFTransit_AW_sized_03.jpg 1024w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Un pasajero espera el autobús 44 en el Boulevard Geary en San Francisco el 27 de agosto de 2020. Fotografía de Anne Wernikoff para CalMatters.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Un pasajero espera el autobús 44 en el Boulevard Geary en San Francisco el 27 de agosto de 2020. Fotografía de Anne Wernikoff para CalMatters.\u003cbr>\n“Los recortes que estamos haciendo son terriblemente dolorosos”, expresó.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A partir de junio, los ingresos de transporte han bajado un 93%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Incluso en enero, en el pico de una economía en auge, tuvimos un sustancial y creciente déficit estructural. Así que este año nuestro déficit es ahora de 200 millones de dólares”, dijo Tumlin en una reunión de la junta directiva este mes.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Los autobuses en áreas rurales también están en riesgo\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Ya sea que el transporte público se encuentre en un centro urbano altamente poblado o en una parte más rural de California, el denominador común es que las personas de bajos ingresos dependen del transporte público y no tienen otras opciones. Cuesta casi $9.300 anuales tener un auto, según l\u003ca href=\"https://newsroom.aaa.com/auto/your-driving-costs/\">os cálculos\u003c/a> de la AAA.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mariah Thompson, abogada del grupo de defensa California Rural Legal Assistance, dijo que para las personas que no tienen automóvil, el acceso limitado al transporte público ha sido un problema de larga data. Significa planificar las citas y los recados en torno a la disponibilidad de autobuses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Cuando el autobús sólo viene una vez al día, se planifica todo el día en torno a esa jornada única de autobús, y la vida no funciona así”, dijo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>En Fresno, el servicio no se interrumpió durante la pandemia, aunque los tiempos de espera han aumentado debido al distanciamiento social. La ciudad despacha uno o dos autobuses “de relevo” diariamente para recoger a los pasajeros que se quedan atrás cuando los autobuses están llenos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gregory Barfield, director del Departamento de Transporte de Fresno, dijo que el número de pasajeros se ha reducido a la mitad en comparación con el año pasado. El sistema ha incurrido en unos $2.7 millones en gastos relacionados con el coronavirus, pero tiene una caída del 37% en los ingresos. A pesar de los más de 32 millones de dólares en fondos de la Ley CARES, está preocupado por el próximo año.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>En el condado de Monterey, la mayoría de los pasajeros de los autobuses son trabajadores agrícolas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“El pasajero promedio es una familia con un ingreso familiar combinado de $20,000 o menos. Por lo general, hay alguien que trabaja en el campo agrícola y alguien que trabaja en la hostelería”, dijo Sedoryk. “No podemos teletrabajar con nuestros trabajadores agrícolas… Estos trabajos tienen que hacerse en persona. La demanda sigue existiendo”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Varias rutas pasan por varias instalaciones militares en la zona de Monterey, pero los edificios se han cerrado en gran parte durante la pandemia. Esas rutas ya no funcionan, aunque también servían a los civiles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>El Sistema de Tránsito Metropolitano de San Diego, que recibió 220 millones de dólares en fondos de la Ley CARES, dice que ha resistido el impacto y restaurado el servicio completo a pesar de una caída del 58% en los ingresos por tarifas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Estábamos realmente fuertes financieramente al entrar en esto”, dijo Rob Schupp, un portavoz del sistema de autobuses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Esperemos que tengamos suficiente dinero de la Ley CARES para aguantar toda la tormenta, porque no creemos que los pasajeros vayan a volver rápidamente”, dijo. “Va a ser un largo y lento camino para volver a los números anteriores a COVID”.\u003c/p>\n\u003chr>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>La cobertura de atención médica de CalMatters está apoyada por una subvención por parte de la Fundación Blue Shield de California.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/elcoronavirus\">Leer más reportes de KQED en Español.\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Síga CalMatters en Twitter y Facebook. Siga su canal RSS para artículos en español.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>CalMatters.org es una organización de medios de comunicación sin fines de lucro, no partidista, que explica las políticas públicas y los temas políticos de California.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Saturday afternoon, Berkeley resident Manish Goregaokar did his best Paul Revere impression.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Goregaokar rode a bike, not a horse. And instead of crying out something like \"the British are coming!\" Goregaokar's warning was more about what \u003cem>wasn't \u003c/em>arriving — AC Transit buses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One by one, stop by stop, he told roughly 30 different AC Transit riders on Saturday afternoon their bus route was experiencing a major service disruption. Many stood waiting for the 51B bus in Berkeley, and were surprised to hear the news.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AC Transit did in fact inform riders online about major service delays to the 51B, by 2:43 p.m., on its Twitter account. Its website also \u003ca href=\"http://www.actransit.org/servicebulletins/\">posted a notice about a service disruption\u003c/a> that afternoon.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But that was too little, too late, said a relatively new group of public transportation activists, which criticized AC Transit on Twitter for leaving riders stranded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Goregaokar, a software engineer, belongs to the group, the East Bay Transit Riders Union.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"There was no service notice during the initial delays for the 51B,\" he said. \"I was just really angry at how this was handled.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the 51B, which runs from Rockridge BART to the Berkeley Marina via College and University avenues, was far from the only bus line affected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/ManishEarth/status/1299837338323832832\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AC Transit had suspended more than a dozen of its North Oakland and Berkeley lines on Thursday — a step the agency took after more than one staffer from its Emeryville bus yard contracted COVID-19, forcing the facility's closure for deep cleaning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That closure, expected to last until Monday, was planned. It was \u003ca href=\"https://www.berkeleyside.com/2020/08/28/most-berkeley-buses-wont-run-until-monday-due-to-covid-19-cleaning\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">noticed\u003c/a> online.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We establish protocols that say we're taking these very advanced steps and are conducting a top-to-bottom cleaning of the facility,\" AC Transit spokesperson Robert Lyles said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the Emeryville yard's closure may have rippled out and affected service on other routes that were still supposed to run, Lyles added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That includes the 57, NL and the line Goregaokar uses, the 51B, which is one of AC Transit's primary trunk lines. While in pre-pandemic times it serves 8,700 daily riders, on Saturday the 51B saw such infrequent service, riders equated it to a full cancellation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The East Bay Transit Riders\u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/TransitRidersEB/status/1299852128429592576\"> skewered AC Transit on Twitter\u003c/a> and said the agency needed to do a better job of telling the riding public about service disruptions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the agency did eventually advise riders about its problems online, those notices fell short of what transit agencies like BART and Muni typically do to spread the word about major service problems.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Muni often sends staffers in fluorescent-yellow vests to spread the word about major service disruptions, and direct riders to other routes. They place laminated notices on poles by bus stops and feature a robust digital noticing system that includes text-message alerts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We did advise in our earlier e-news notices that 51B would be operating and there would be a great potential for delays,\" Lyles said. And he said that yes, if the agency knows there will be a route cancellation in advance, it is usual practice to place placards warning people at bus stops.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But when asked if they placed placards for the currently suspended and disrupted lines, Lyles answered \"no.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/TransitRidersEB/status/1300130774578913281\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That leads us back to Goregaokar and his bike ride. He said he found many people waiting for buses they had no idea weren't running.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Riding his bike up and down the route of the 51B he says he told between 20 and 30 people, mostly people of color, that their bus would never come. All were surprised. Many had been waiting for quite a while.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One woman he met on College Avenue had a large suitcase — too big to walk with for any distance, he said. What did she do instead?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"She was trying to hitchhike,\" Goregaokar said. \"It was just very striking. You never see hitchhikers in cities, right?\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/IDoTheThinking/status/1299823391319273473\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yvonne Williams, president of AC Transit's operators' union, the Amalgamated Transit Union Local 192, lauded the agency's COVID-19 efforts, including shutting down the Emeryville facility for cleaning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But she said she agrees with the critique that the agency did not do enough to alert riders about service delays.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Williams, a 35-year AC Transit employee, said instead of hearing news of the delays from the agency itself, \"I'm hearing it from you, which is not acceptable. What you're saying to me right now causes me a great amount of distress. We're here for the transit riders.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And as for Goregaokar, she said, \"I'd like to personally call him and thank him.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Making a play on the term \"essential workers,\" she added, \"now that's an essential person, right?\"\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Saturday afternoon, Berkeley resident Manish Goregaokar did his best Paul Revere impression.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Goregaokar rode a bike, not a horse. And instead of crying out something like \"the British are coming!\" Goregaokar's warning was more about what \u003cem>wasn't \u003c/em>arriving — AC Transit buses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One by one, stop by stop, he told roughly 30 different AC Transit riders on Saturday afternoon their bus route was experiencing a major service disruption. Many stood waiting for the 51B bus in Berkeley, and were surprised to hear the news.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AC Transit did in fact inform riders online about major service delays to the 51B, by 2:43 p.m., on its Twitter account. Its website also \u003ca href=\"http://www.actransit.org/servicebulletins/\">posted a notice about a service disruption\u003c/a> that afternoon.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But that was too little, too late, said a relatively new group of public transportation activists, which criticized AC Transit on Twitter for leaving riders stranded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Goregaokar, a software engineer, belongs to the group, the East Bay Transit Riders Union.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"There was no service notice during the initial delays for the 51B,\" he said. \"I was just really angry at how this was handled.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the 51B, which runs from Rockridge BART to the Berkeley Marina via College and University avenues, was far from the only bus line affected.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>AC Transit had suspended more than a dozen of its North Oakland and Berkeley lines on Thursday — a step the agency took after more than one staffer from its Emeryville bus yard contracted COVID-19, forcing the facility's closure for deep cleaning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That closure, expected to last until Monday, was planned. It was \u003ca href=\"https://www.berkeleyside.com/2020/08/28/most-berkeley-buses-wont-run-until-monday-due-to-covid-19-cleaning\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">noticed\u003c/a> online.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We establish protocols that say we're taking these very advanced steps and are conducting a top-to-bottom cleaning of the facility,\" AC Transit spokesperson Robert Lyles said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the Emeryville yard's closure may have rippled out and affected service on other routes that were still supposed to run, Lyles added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That includes the 57, NL and the line Goregaokar uses, the 51B, which is one of AC Transit's primary trunk lines. While in pre-pandemic times it serves 8,700 daily riders, on Saturday the 51B saw such infrequent service, riders equated it to a full cancellation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The East Bay Transit Riders\u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/TransitRidersEB/status/1299852128429592576\"> skewered AC Transit on Twitter\u003c/a> and said the agency needed to do a better job of telling the riding public about service disruptions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the agency did eventually advise riders about its problems online, those notices fell short of what transit agencies like BART and Muni typically do to spread the word about major service problems.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Muni often sends staffers in fluorescent-yellow vests to spread the word about major service disruptions, and direct riders to other routes. They place laminated notices on poles by bus stops and feature a robust digital noticing system that includes text-message alerts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We did advise in our earlier e-news notices that 51B would be operating and there would be a great potential for delays,\" Lyles said. And he said that yes, if the agency knows there will be a route cancellation in advance, it is usual practice to place placards warning people at bus stops.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But when asked if they placed placards for the currently suspended and disrupted lines, Lyles answered \"no.\"\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>That leads us back to Goregaokar and his bike ride. He said he found many people waiting for buses they had no idea weren't running.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Riding his bike up and down the route of the 51B he says he told between 20 and 30 people, mostly people of color, that their bus would never come. All were surprised. Many had been waiting for quite a while.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One woman he met on College Avenue had a large suitcase — too big to walk with for any distance, he said. What did she do instead?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"She was trying to hitchhike,\" Goregaokar said. \"It was just very striking. You never see hitchhikers in cities, right?\"\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>Yvonne Williams, president of AC Transit's operators' union, the Amalgamated Transit Union Local 192, lauded the agency's COVID-19 efforts, including shutting down the Emeryville facility for cleaning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But she said she agrees with the critique that the agency did not do enough to alert riders about service delays.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Williams, a 35-year AC Transit employee, said instead of hearing news of the delays from the agency itself, \"I'm hearing it from you, which is not acceptable. What you're saying to me right now causes me a great amount of distress. We're here for the transit riders.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And as for Goregaokar, she said, \"I'd like to personally call him and thank him.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Making a play on the term \"essential workers,\" she added, \"now that's an essential person, right?\"\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Uber and Lyft Must Classify Drivers as Employees, California Judge Rules",
"title": "Uber and Lyft Must Classify Drivers as Employees, California Judge Rules",
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"content": "\u003cp>A California judge has ordered Uber and Lyft to reclassify their workers from independent contractors to employees with benefits, a ruling that could be consequential for gig economy workers if it survives the appeals process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Superior Court Judge Ethan Schulman \u003ca href=\"https://assets.documentcloud.org/documents/7032764/Judge-Ethan-Schulman-Order-on-Lyft-and-Uber.pdf\">ruled Monday\u003c/a> that Lyft and Uber's thousands of contract drivers should be given the same protections and benefits under labor law as other full-time employees of the ride-hailing companies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Schulman said Lyft and Uber use \"circular reasoning\" by only treating tech workers, not drivers, as employees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Were this reasoning to be accepted, the rapidly expanding majority of industries that rely heavily on technology could with impunity deprive legions of workers of the basic protections afforded to employees by state labor and employment laws,\" Schulman wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The judge said Uber and Lyft have refused to comply with \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2020/01/04/793142903/as-california-tries-to-make-contract-workers-employees-industries-push-back\">a California law\u003c/a> passed last year that was supposed to make it harder for companies in the state to hire workers as contractors, so gig economy workers such as drivers for the ride-hailing companies would receive health insurance, workers' compensation and paid sick and family leave. As independent contractors, Uber and Lyft drivers are not provided these benefits. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It bears emphasis that these harms are not mere abstractions; they represent real harms to real working people,\" Schulman wrote. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California Attorney General Xavier Becerra called the judge's preliminary order a victory for drivers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The court has weighed in and agreed: Uber and Lyft need to put a stop to unlawful misclassification of their drivers while our litigation continues,\" Becerra said in a statement. \"Our state and workers shouldn't have to foot the bill when big businesses try to skip out on their responsibilities. We're going to keep working to make sure Uber and Lyft play by the rules.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The judge's order does not take effect for 10 days. Both Uber and Lyft said they plan to appeal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The vast majority of drivers want to work independently, and we've already made significant changes to our app to ensure that remains the case under California law,\" Uber spokesman Matt Kallman said. \"When over 3 million Californians are without a job, our elected leaders should be focused on creating work, not trying to shut down an entire industry during an economic depression.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement, Lyft said: \"Drivers do not want to be employees, full stop. We'll immediately appeal this ruling and continue to fight for their independence. Ultimately, we believe this issue will be decided by California voters and that they will side with drivers.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the new state law, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2019/09/18/762108954/california-governor-signs-law-protecting-gig-economy-workers\">known as AB 5\u003c/a>, was passed, Becerra and city officials in Los Angeles, San Diego and San Francisco \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2020/05/05/850969759/california-sues-uber-and-lyft-for-cheating-drivers-and-taxpayers\">sued\u003c/a> Uber and Lyft to force the companies to comply.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Monday's order comes ahead of a trial in that case. But Schulman said there was an \"overwhelming likelihood\" that the state of California would win the case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Uber and Lyft have asked the court to delay the order until after November when California voters will be asked whether to keep drivers as independent contractors, but Schulman rejected this request.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Defendants are not entitled to an indefinite postponement of their day of reckoning,\" the judge wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label='Related Coverage' tag='uber,lyft']Uber and Lyft, which already have trouble turning a profit, have argued that converting drivers to full-time employees would force the companies to lay off drivers and result in higher prices for passengers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ride-hailing companies have suffered mightily during the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In its earnings call with investors this month, Uber said its core business of picking and dropping people off has fallen nearly 75%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Uber is now making more money delivering food than it is from ride-hailing. Still, its revenue remains down 30% from the same period last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since the coronavirus outbreak started, Uber has laid off some 6,700 office workers, and Lyft has let go of nearly 1,000 employees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco City Attorney Dennis Herrera said in a statement Monday that drivers need additional protections, such as qualifying for unemployment benefits, now more than ever as the economic downturn leaves many workers especially vulnerable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"These companies have pocketed millions of dollars by leaving taxpayers to foot the bill. That's unacceptable,\" Herrera said. \"There is no rule that prevents these drivers from continuing to have all of the flexibility they currently enjoy. Being properly classified as an employee doesn't change that.\" \u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2020 NPR. To see more, visit \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org\">NPR.org\u003c/a>.\u003cimg src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=California+Judge+Orders+Uber+And+Lyft+To+Consider+All+Drivers+Employees+&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Uber and Lyft have been fighting California over whether drivers are employees, entitled to benefits, or independent contractors. A state judge orders them to consider all those drivers employees.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A California judge has ordered Uber and Lyft to reclassify their workers from independent contractors to employees with benefits, a ruling that could be consequential for gig economy workers if it survives the appeals process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Superior Court Judge Ethan Schulman \u003ca href=\"https://assets.documentcloud.org/documents/7032764/Judge-Ethan-Schulman-Order-on-Lyft-and-Uber.pdf\">ruled Monday\u003c/a> that Lyft and Uber's thousands of contract drivers should be given the same protections and benefits under labor law as other full-time employees of the ride-hailing companies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Schulman said Lyft and Uber use \"circular reasoning\" by only treating tech workers, not drivers, as employees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Were this reasoning to be accepted, the rapidly expanding majority of industries that rely heavily on technology could with impunity deprive legions of workers of the basic protections afforded to employees by state labor and employment laws,\" Schulman wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The judge said Uber and Lyft have refused to comply with \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2020/01/04/793142903/as-california-tries-to-make-contract-workers-employees-industries-push-back\">a California law\u003c/a> passed last year that was supposed to make it harder for companies in the state to hire workers as contractors, so gig economy workers such as drivers for the ride-hailing companies would receive health insurance, workers' compensation and paid sick and family leave. As independent contractors, Uber and Lyft drivers are not provided these benefits. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It bears emphasis that these harms are not mere abstractions; they represent real harms to real working people,\" Schulman wrote. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California Attorney General Xavier Becerra called the judge's preliminary order a victory for drivers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The court has weighed in and agreed: Uber and Lyft need to put a stop to unlawful misclassification of their drivers while our litigation continues,\" Becerra said in a statement. \"Our state and workers shouldn't have to foot the bill when big businesses try to skip out on their responsibilities. We're going to keep working to make sure Uber and Lyft play by the rules.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The judge's order does not take effect for 10 days. Both Uber and Lyft said they plan to appeal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The vast majority of drivers want to work independently, and we've already made significant changes to our app to ensure that remains the case under California law,\" Uber spokesman Matt Kallman said. \"When over 3 million Californians are without a job, our elected leaders should be focused on creating work, not trying to shut down an entire industry during an economic depression.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement, Lyft said: \"Drivers do not want to be employees, full stop. We'll immediately appeal this ruling and continue to fight for their independence. Ultimately, we believe this issue will be decided by California voters and that they will side with drivers.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the new state law, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2019/09/18/762108954/california-governor-signs-law-protecting-gig-economy-workers\">known as AB 5\u003c/a>, was passed, Becerra and city officials in Los Angeles, San Diego and San Francisco \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2020/05/05/850969759/california-sues-uber-and-lyft-for-cheating-drivers-and-taxpayers\">sued\u003c/a> Uber and Lyft to force the companies to comply.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Monday's order comes ahead of a trial in that case. But Schulman said there was an \"overwhelming likelihood\" that the state of California would win the case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Uber and Lyft have asked the court to delay the order until after November when California voters will be asked whether to keep drivers as independent contractors, but Schulman rejected this request.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Defendants are not entitled to an indefinite postponement of their day of reckoning,\" the judge wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Uber and Lyft, which already have trouble turning a profit, have argued that converting drivers to full-time employees would force the companies to lay off drivers and result in higher prices for passengers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ride-hailing companies have suffered mightily during the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In its earnings call with investors this month, Uber said its core business of picking and dropping people off has fallen nearly 75%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Uber is now making more money delivering food than it is from ride-hailing. Still, its revenue remains down 30% from the same period last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since the coronavirus outbreak started, Uber has laid off some 6,700 office workers, and Lyft has let go of nearly 1,000 employees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco City Attorney Dennis Herrera said in a statement Monday that drivers need additional protections, such as qualifying for unemployment benefits, now more than ever as the economic downturn leaves many workers especially vulnerable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"These companies have pocketed millions of dollars by leaving taxpayers to foot the bill. That's unacceptable,\" Herrera said. \"There is no rule that prevents these drivers from continuing to have all of the flexibility they currently enjoy. Being properly classified as an employee doesn't change that.\" \u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2020 NPR. To see more, visit \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org\">NPR.org\u003c/a>.\u003cimg src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=California+Judge+Orders+Uber+And+Lyft+To+Consider+All+Drivers+Employees+&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "With Caltrain in Funding Crisis, Counties Strike Deal to Put Sales Tax on November Ballot",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 1:45 p.m. Tuesday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Officials in San Mateo, San Francisco and Santa Clara counties have hammered out an agreement to put a Caltrain sales tax measure on the November ballot — a levy that supporters say is crucial for the rail agency to survive a pandemic-driven financial crisis and expand in the future. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agreement, confirmed early Tuesday by officials from all three counties, resolves an impasse over how the rail agency is governed that had threatened to prevent voters from getting to decide on the one-eighth-cent sales tax. Assuming that all the agencies that must approve the ballot measure go along with the deal later this week, the levy still must win two-thirds approval at the ballot box. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Jose Mayor Sam Liccardo, a member of the Santa Clara County Valley Transportation Authority board that will vote on the tax measure Wednesday, said the deal was the result \"of many hours of phone calls, shuttle diplomacy and redrafting by several of us through nights and weekends.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said the agreement \"will enable Caltrain to expand its service with long-overdue reforms in governance that will enable greater accountability to taxpayers.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The deal provides the ballot measure will be \"clean,\" meaning that it will not include a series of last-minute conditions that San Francisco and Santa Clara officials had insisted upon to change how the rail agency is run. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The conditions, approved by the San Francisco Board of Supervisors last week as part of its proposed ballot measure, would require the three-county Peninsula Corridor Joint Powers Board that oversees Caltrain to begin the process of enacting governance changes at the rail agency. Those provisions, authored by San Francisco Supervisors Shamann Walton and Aaron Peskin, would restrict the use of the sales tax proceeds while those governance talks were underway. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Mateo County, whose SamTrans transit district has run Caltrain since 1991, resisted those ballot conditions and insisted they were illegal under the 2017 state law that authorized the ballot measure. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The issue has taken on added urgency with Caltrain facing a plunge in ridership and fare revenue due to the pandemic. System patronage plummeted as much as 98% after coronavirus shelter-at-home orders were imposed across the Bay Area in March. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ridership loss is especially problematic for Caltrain, which gets 70% of its operating funds from passenger fares. Unlike most other transit agencies, the railroad has no dedicated source of funding and has depended on federal pandemic relief funds to continue operations. Agency officials have warned that the system will run out of cash this fall and could be forced to drastically curtail or even suspend service. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agreement will require a furious scramble by the seven different boards that, under the state law authorizing the tax measure, must act by Friday to put the measure on the ballot. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label='Related Coverage' tag='caltrain']San Mateo County's Board of Supervisors and the SamTrans board approved a \"clean\" version of the tax measure earlier this year and don't need a further vote. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Santa Clara County Board of Supervisors approved the the tax measure on Tuesday morning, and the Santa Clara County Valley Transportation Authority board will consider it on Thursday. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Francisco, the Board of Supervisors will hold a special meeting Friday to pass a resolution without the Caltrain governance conditions approved last week. The city's Municipal Transportation Agency board, which voted down the tax measure last week, will meet Wednesday to reconsider it. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And the Joint Powers Board overseeing Caltrain will meet Thursday to formally approve the tax measure and pass \u003ca href=\"https://assets.documentcloud.org/documents/7013547/Caltrain-Joint-Powers-Board-Governance-Resolution.pdf\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\" target=\"_blank\">a separate resolution\u003c/a> committing the agency to reforming its governance structure. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The San Mateo County Transit District, or SamTrans, runs Caltrain — largely the result of the county paying for the line and never having been fully repaid. San Francisco and Santa Clara counties have argued that with their counties expected to pay about 80% of the estimated $108 million the tax will raise each year, they need to have a more meaningful voice in running the agency. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among the changes sought by San Francisco Supervisor Shamann Walton and Santa Clara County Supervisor Cindy Chavez — both of whom serve on the Caltrain board — is the power to hire and fire the agency's CEO.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The resolution will also incorporate language limiting use of the sales tax proceeds pending enactment of the governance changes — due by Dec. 31, 2021 — and provide for immediate retention of counsel and auditor independent of SamTrans. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Tuesday agreement also includes an undertaking by the parties to repay the $19.8 million San Mateo County is still owed for purchasing the Caltrain right-of-way from Southern Pacific in 1991. The source for that reimbursement is unclear. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Charles Stone, vice mayor of Belmont and a member of the Caltrain board, expressed some reservations about the repayment language. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That section says the Caltrain board will \"initiate efforts\" to reimburse SamTrans, including by \"prioritizing the payment of the (SamTrans) investment ... if the Caltrain tax measure is approved.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"If that's meant to say the revenues from the one-eighth-cent sales tax should be used to pay back the SamTrans investment, that's saying that San Mateo County taxpayer money should be used to pay back the San Mateo County taxpayers,\" Stone said. \"I hope that's not what it's meant to say. If it is, it's a real problem.\" \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Walton said that's not the resolution's intention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"There's nothing in the resolution that leads me to believe we are discussing sales tax money going toward reimbursement for San Mateo County,\" he said. \"We're going to focus on a solution to make SamTrans and San Mateo County whole.\" He added that repaying San Mateo County for the initial investment that made Caltrain possible \"has never been a point of contention for me.\" \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said his push for a new governance agreement is \"really about making sure that all three (Caltrain) counties have an equitable say in management.\" \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 1:45 p.m. Tuesday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Officials in San Mateo, San Francisco and Santa Clara counties have hammered out an agreement to put a Caltrain sales tax measure on the November ballot — a levy that supporters say is crucial for the rail agency to survive a pandemic-driven financial crisis and expand in the future. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agreement, confirmed early Tuesday by officials from all three counties, resolves an impasse over how the rail agency is governed that had threatened to prevent voters from getting to decide on the one-eighth-cent sales tax. Assuming that all the agencies that must approve the ballot measure go along with the deal later this week, the levy still must win two-thirds approval at the ballot box. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Jose Mayor Sam Liccardo, a member of the Santa Clara County Valley Transportation Authority board that will vote on the tax measure Wednesday, said the deal was the result \"of many hours of phone calls, shuttle diplomacy and redrafting by several of us through nights and weekends.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said the agreement \"will enable Caltrain to expand its service with long-overdue reforms in governance that will enable greater accountability to taxpayers.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The deal provides the ballot measure will be \"clean,\" meaning that it will not include a series of last-minute conditions that San Francisco and Santa Clara officials had insisted upon to change how the rail agency is run. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The conditions, approved by the San Francisco Board of Supervisors last week as part of its proposed ballot measure, would require the three-county Peninsula Corridor Joint Powers Board that oversees Caltrain to begin the process of enacting governance changes at the rail agency. Those provisions, authored by San Francisco Supervisors Shamann Walton and Aaron Peskin, would restrict the use of the sales tax proceeds while those governance talks were underway. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Mateo County, whose SamTrans transit district has run Caltrain since 1991, resisted those ballot conditions and insisted they were illegal under the 2017 state law that authorized the ballot measure. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The issue has taken on added urgency with Caltrain facing a plunge in ridership and fare revenue due to the pandemic. System patronage plummeted as much as 98% after coronavirus shelter-at-home orders were imposed across the Bay Area in March. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ridership loss is especially problematic for Caltrain, which gets 70% of its operating funds from passenger fares. Unlike most other transit agencies, the railroad has no dedicated source of funding and has depended on federal pandemic relief funds to continue operations. Agency officials have warned that the system will run out of cash this fall and could be forced to drastically curtail or even suspend service. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agreement will require a furious scramble by the seven different boards that, under the state law authorizing the tax measure, must act by Friday to put the measure on the ballot. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>San Mateo County's Board of Supervisors and the SamTrans board approved a \"clean\" version of the tax measure earlier this year and don't need a further vote. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Santa Clara County Board of Supervisors approved the the tax measure on Tuesday morning, and the Santa Clara County Valley Transportation Authority board will consider it on Thursday. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Francisco, the Board of Supervisors will hold a special meeting Friday to pass a resolution without the Caltrain governance conditions approved last week. The city's Municipal Transportation Agency board, which voted down the tax measure last week, will meet Wednesday to reconsider it. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And the Joint Powers Board overseeing Caltrain will meet Thursday to formally approve the tax measure and pass \u003ca href=\"https://assets.documentcloud.org/documents/7013547/Caltrain-Joint-Powers-Board-Governance-Resolution.pdf\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\" target=\"_blank\">a separate resolution\u003c/a> committing the agency to reforming its governance structure. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The San Mateo County Transit District, or SamTrans, runs Caltrain — largely the result of the county paying for the line and never having been fully repaid. San Francisco and Santa Clara counties have argued that with their counties expected to pay about 80% of the estimated $108 million the tax will raise each year, they need to have a more meaningful voice in running the agency. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among the changes sought by San Francisco Supervisor Shamann Walton and Santa Clara County Supervisor Cindy Chavez — both of whom serve on the Caltrain board — is the power to hire and fire the agency's CEO.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The resolution will also incorporate language limiting use of the sales tax proceeds pending enactment of the governance changes — due by Dec. 31, 2021 — and provide for immediate retention of counsel and auditor independent of SamTrans. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Tuesday agreement also includes an undertaking by the parties to repay the $19.8 million San Mateo County is still owed for purchasing the Caltrain right-of-way from Southern Pacific in 1991. The source for that reimbursement is unclear. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Charles Stone, vice mayor of Belmont and a member of the Caltrain board, expressed some reservations about the repayment language. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That section says the Caltrain board will \"initiate efforts\" to reimburse SamTrans, including by \"prioritizing the payment of the (SamTrans) investment ... if the Caltrain tax measure is approved.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"If that's meant to say the revenues from the one-eighth-cent sales tax should be used to pay back the SamTrans investment, that's saying that San Mateo County taxpayer money should be used to pay back the San Mateo County taxpayers,\" Stone said. \"I hope that's not what it's meant to say. If it is, it's a real problem.\" \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Walton said that's not the resolution's intention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"There's nothing in the resolution that leads me to believe we are discussing sales tax money going toward reimbursement for San Mateo County,\" he said. \"We're going to focus on a solution to make SamTrans and San Mateo County whole.\" He added that repaying San Mateo County for the initial investment that made Caltrain possible \"has never been a point of contention for me.\" \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said his push for a new governance agreement is \"really about making sure that all three (Caltrain) counties have an equitable say in management.\" \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
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"tagline": "Art is where you find it",
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"soldout": {
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