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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Update, 2:30 p.m. Friday, Nov. 13:\u003c/strong> The Golden Gate Bridge, Highway and Transportation District board voted Friday to lay off 146 union workers in January as the agency struggles to deal with a fiscal crisis triggered by the coronavirus pandemic and a plunge in ridership. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The board voted after hearing more than an hour of comment from the district's bus drivers, ferry crew members, patrons and union leaders who sometimes pleaded with, sometimes demanded, that board members find some other way to close a deficit that agency management estimates at $48 million for this fiscal year. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The proposal to lay off so many workers is an outrageous one,\" Frank McMurray, a 20-year veteran ferry deckhand, told the board. \"The job of the bridge board and management is to be good shepherds, good stewards of the bridge, ferry and the bus. That certainly means preserving the bridge, preserving the ferry and preserving the buses, but it also means preserving the workers that make this whole thing work.\" \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Michael Cornelius, a representative from the Amalgamated Transit Union's international office, joined other commenters in urging the board to consider spending some of its $220 million in capital reserves to avoid the layoffs and to wait to see whether the federal government under the Biden administration will provide new relief funds for transit agencies. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"You owe your employees who continue to work through this pandemic and risked their lives, you owe them,\" Cornelius said. \"You owe them a couple months of patience. You owe them the chance to see what happens in 2021.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>District management says the bridge agency has been losing $2 million a week through a combination of reduced toll revenue and fares from bus and ferry passengers. The agency says that despite deep services, the $50 million in federal emergency relief money the agency received last spring will run out by the end of this month. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposal put forward by Golden Gate General Manager and CEO Denis Mulligan envisioned eliminating 205 positions — including 146 current employees and 59 open jobs. The workers, including 88 bus drivers and 21 ferry deckhands, would be let go Dec. 5 with a four-week severance package and an extension of several months of medical benefits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Management also put forward two other budget proposals that went largely undiscussed during the board's deliberations: a $2 dollar \"COVID surcharge\" toll increase to raise additional revenue or a $1.25 toll increase that would be combined with a 20% furlough pay cut for union workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brian Sobel, a Sonoma County representative who chairs the board's finance committee, said directors were in \"a horrible and difficult situation that puts our duties as directors at odds with our feelings of compassion for our employees.\" But he echoed statements from Mulligan that the agency has no choice but cutting spending or raising revenue and that spending capital funds was not an option. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We don't have the right to hand out tollpayer and ratepayer money however we wish,\" Sobel said. \"It doesn't belong to the board. We are ... stewards of the money, and we have a fiduciary responsibility to the tollpayers, ratepayers and taxpayers of our respective counties.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ultimately, the board voted 11-5 to approve an amendment put forward by Sobel that delays the effective date of the layoffs until Jan. 4, 2021. The directors also approved the severance plan and a separate proposal that imposes furloughs equivalent to a 10% pay cut on the agency's management staff. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Original post, Thursday, Nov. 12:\u003c/strong> The COVID-19 pandemic has pushed the agency that runs the Golden Gate Bridge and its associated transit service into a fiscal corner where nearly all of the region’s public transportation operators may soon find themselves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation='Golden Gate Bridge District General Manager and CEO Denis Mulligan ']'Every day we send some bus drivers home without driving.'[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Faced with a disastrous decline in fare and toll revenue because of coronavirus shelter-at-home orders, and with federal emergency relief finds drying up, the Golden Gate Bridge, Highway and Transportation District's board of directors will meet Friday to discuss a series of draconian proposals to close a projected $48 million deficit and keep transit services running.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The alternatives include:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Cutting 205 staff positions, including 88 bus drivers and 21 ferry deck hands. If the board approves this option, layoffs would occur Dec. 5.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Imposing a $2 toll \"surcharge\" on southbound cars and motorcycles that would raise the cost of crossing the bridge to $9.70 per trip for FasTrak users and $10.70 for drivers billed for single trips.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>A hybrid plan that would include a $1.25 toll increase and require the district’s union workers to be furloughed one day a week — equivalent to a 20% cut in pay. Raising tolls would require a public hearing, which would be held Nov. 23.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>The board — whose 9 a.m. meeting is \u003ca href=\"https://www.goldengate.org/district/board-of-directors/board-calendar/events/special-meeting-of-board-of-directors---november-13-2020/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">open to the public via teleconference\u003c/a> — will also consider furloughs for management staff that would be equivalent to a 10% pay cut.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We're in a financial crisis — we need to either raise revenues or reduce costs,\" Denis Mulligan, the bridge district's general manager and CEO, said \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101880772/as-emergency-funds-run-out-golden-gate-bridge-considers-toll-hike\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">on KQED's Forum program\u003c/a> Thursday. \"We should put all options on the table and ask the public what they think.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The district has dramatically reduced bus and ferry service during the pandemic, and Mulligan said cost cutting would inevitably involve layoffs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Our biggest expense is people,\" he said. \"We need to reduce the number of people we employ, even though they're great people and great employees.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mulligan also argued that the district simply can't afford to continue paying employees for whom there's currently little need.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside tag=\"covid-19\" label=\"more coverage\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Every day we send some bus drivers home without driving,\" Mulligan said. \"They're great employees, but we don't have work for them because no one's riding the bus. And every day we have ferry staff painting curbs and bollards in the parking lot to keep them actively working. The question is ... should we pay and keep them on the payroll even though we don't have the work they're hired for?\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Amalgamated Transit Union Local 1575, which represents bus drivers who may be laid off, has pushed back against the district's proposals, saying the agency should dip into its $219 million in capital reserves before imposing toll increases or layoffs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>District management laid out its crisis proposals in \u003ca href=\"https://www.goldengate.org/assets/1/25/2020-1113-specialbodmtg-no5a-authactionsreducecostsorraiserevenues_attachment-new.pdf?6290\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">a budget memo \u003c/a>to board members earlier this week. The memo advised the board that if no action is taken on tolls, layoffs or furloughs, \"then, by default, the board will be deciding to spend its Capital Reserves to pay employees for whom there is no work.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Golden Gate Bridge district is just one of several big Bay Area transit agencies facing tough choices as the pandemic continues to suppress ridership and revenue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The BART board of directors is scheduled to hear a staff presentation next week on a range of cost-cutting scenarios, including possible new service cuts and offering early retirement incentives to try to reduce its workforce. AC Transit in the East Bay and the Santa Clara Valley Transportation Authority in the South Bay are also contemplating further service reductions in coming months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Update, 2:30 p.m. Friday, Nov. 13:\u003c/strong> The Golden Gate Bridge, Highway and Transportation District board voted Friday to lay off 146 union workers in January as the agency struggles to deal with a fiscal crisis triggered by the coronavirus pandemic and a plunge in ridership. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The board voted after hearing more than an hour of comment from the district's bus drivers, ferry crew members, patrons and union leaders who sometimes pleaded with, sometimes demanded, that board members find some other way to close a deficit that agency management estimates at $48 million for this fiscal year. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The proposal to lay off so many workers is an outrageous one,\" Frank McMurray, a 20-year veteran ferry deckhand, told the board. \"The job of the bridge board and management is to be good shepherds, good stewards of the bridge, ferry and the bus. That certainly means preserving the bridge, preserving the ferry and preserving the buses, but it also means preserving the workers that make this whole thing work.\" \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Michael Cornelius, a representative from the Amalgamated Transit Union's international office, joined other commenters in urging the board to consider spending some of its $220 million in capital reserves to avoid the layoffs and to wait to see whether the federal government under the Biden administration will provide new relief funds for transit agencies. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"You owe your employees who continue to work through this pandemic and risked their lives, you owe them,\" Cornelius said. \"You owe them a couple months of patience. You owe them the chance to see what happens in 2021.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>District management says the bridge agency has been losing $2 million a week through a combination of reduced toll revenue and fares from bus and ferry passengers. The agency says that despite deep services, the $50 million in federal emergency relief money the agency received last spring will run out by the end of this month. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposal put forward by Golden Gate General Manager and CEO Denis Mulligan envisioned eliminating 205 positions — including 146 current employees and 59 open jobs. The workers, including 88 bus drivers and 21 ferry deckhands, would be let go Dec. 5 with a four-week severance package and an extension of several months of medical benefits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Management also put forward two other budget proposals that went largely undiscussed during the board's deliberations: a $2 dollar \"COVID surcharge\" toll increase to raise additional revenue or a $1.25 toll increase that would be combined with a 20% furlough pay cut for union workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brian Sobel, a Sonoma County representative who chairs the board's finance committee, said directors were in \"a horrible and difficult situation that puts our duties as directors at odds with our feelings of compassion for our employees.\" But he echoed statements from Mulligan that the agency has no choice but cutting spending or raising revenue and that spending capital funds was not an option. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We don't have the right to hand out tollpayer and ratepayer money however we wish,\" Sobel said. \"It doesn't belong to the board. We are ... stewards of the money, and we have a fiduciary responsibility to the tollpayers, ratepayers and taxpayers of our respective counties.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ultimately, the board voted 11-5 to approve an amendment put forward by Sobel that delays the effective date of the layoffs until Jan. 4, 2021. The directors also approved the severance plan and a separate proposal that imposes furloughs equivalent to a 10% pay cut on the agency's management staff. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Original post, Thursday, Nov. 12:\u003c/strong> The COVID-19 pandemic has pushed the agency that runs the Golden Gate Bridge and its associated transit service into a fiscal corner where nearly all of the region’s public transportation operators may soon find themselves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Faced with a disastrous decline in fare and toll revenue because of coronavirus shelter-at-home orders, and with federal emergency relief finds drying up, the Golden Gate Bridge, Highway and Transportation District's board of directors will meet Friday to discuss a series of draconian proposals to close a projected $48 million deficit and keep transit services running.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The alternatives include:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Cutting 205 staff positions, including 88 bus drivers and 21 ferry deck hands. If the board approves this option, layoffs would occur Dec. 5.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Imposing a $2 toll \"surcharge\" on southbound cars and motorcycles that would raise the cost of crossing the bridge to $9.70 per trip for FasTrak users and $10.70 for drivers billed for single trips.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>A hybrid plan that would include a $1.25 toll increase and require the district’s union workers to be furloughed one day a week — equivalent to a 20% cut in pay. Raising tolls would require a public hearing, which would be held Nov. 23.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>The board — whose 9 a.m. meeting is \u003ca href=\"https://www.goldengate.org/district/board-of-directors/board-calendar/events/special-meeting-of-board-of-directors---november-13-2020/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">open to the public via teleconference\u003c/a> — will also consider furloughs for management staff that would be equivalent to a 10% pay cut.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We're in a financial crisis — we need to either raise revenues or reduce costs,\" Denis Mulligan, the bridge district's general manager and CEO, said \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101880772/as-emergency-funds-run-out-golden-gate-bridge-considers-toll-hike\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">on KQED's Forum program\u003c/a> Thursday. \"We should put all options on the table and ask the public what they think.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The district has dramatically reduced bus and ferry service during the pandemic, and Mulligan said cost cutting would inevitably involve layoffs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Our biggest expense is people,\" he said. \"We need to reduce the number of people we employ, even though they're great people and great employees.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mulligan also argued that the district simply can't afford to continue paying employees for whom there's currently little need.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Every day we send some bus drivers home without driving,\" Mulligan said. \"They're great employees, but we don't have work for them because no one's riding the bus. And every day we have ferry staff painting curbs and bollards in the parking lot to keep them actively working. The question is ... should we pay and keep them on the payroll even though we don't have the work they're hired for?\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Amalgamated Transit Union Local 1575, which represents bus drivers who may be laid off, has pushed back against the district's proposals, saying the agency should dip into its $219 million in capital reserves before imposing toll increases or layoffs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>District management laid out its crisis proposals in \u003ca href=\"https://www.goldengate.org/assets/1/25/2020-1113-specialbodmtg-no5a-authactionsreducecostsorraiserevenues_attachment-new.pdf?6290\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">a budget memo \u003c/a>to board members earlier this week. The memo advised the board that if no action is taken on tolls, layoffs or furloughs, \"then, by default, the board will be deciding to spend its Capital Reserves to pay employees for whom there is no work.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Golden Gate Bridge district is just one of several big Bay Area transit agencies facing tough choices as the pandemic continues to suppress ridership and revenue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The BART board of directors is scheduled to hear a staff presentation next week on a range of cost-cutting scenarios, including possible new service cuts and offering early retirement incentives to try to reduce its workforce. AC Transit in the East Bay and the Santa Clara Valley Transportation Authority in the South Bay are also contemplating further service reductions in coming months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "Why the Caltrain Sales Tax Wins Even If It 'Loses' in Santa Clara County",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11844943/measure-rr-caltrain-sales-tax-measure-results\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\" target=\"_blank\">We told you last week\u003c/a> that Measure RR, the measure that would impose a one-eighth-cent sales tax to support Caltrain, looked like it was on its way to rather easily getting the two-thirds majority it needed from voters in Santa Clara, San Francisco and San Mateo counties. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s still true today, though there’s a little bit of a wrinkle in the results people have been asking us about. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As of Tuesday evening, with the most recent returns from all three counties, Measure RR was getting \u003ca href=\"https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/1OzZ5GkhTE5dmNBaJV-2uivc65neiGO9mGeKQBzWHcg8/edit?usp=sharing\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\" target=\"_blank\">a 69% “yes” vote\u003c/a>. That’s obviously well above the 66.66% threshold, and with a rapidly shrinking number of outstanding ballots to count, the tax is a done deal \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But here’s the thing people are asking about: The vote in two of the three counties involved, San Francisco and San Mateo, is well above 70% “yes.” But the vote in the third county, Santa Clara, has actually dropped below the two-thirds threshold and now stands at 65.9%. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So, what gives? Does Measure RR go down to defeat if it fails to get a two-thirds vote in Santa Clara County?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>The answer: No.\u003c/strong> The measure’s success or failure depends on the collective vote total from all three counties, which are joined together in a special district called the Peninsula Corridor Joint Powers Authority. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In essence, when voters cast their “yes” or “no” ballots on Measure RR, they were doing so not as citizens of San Mateo, Santa Clara or San Francisco counties but as residents of that special district. It’s the same basic process as voting in a legislative district that spans several counties: What decides the race is the district total, not the totals in each county.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11844943 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/01/31909760916_d88814d339_o-1180x885.jpg']This isn’t the first time in recent Bay Area history that a multicounty tax measure has succeeded despite failing to get the needed vote in one or more of the counties involved. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For instance, BART’s $3.5 billion bond measure in 2016 (also called Measure RR) needed a two-thirds majority because it sought to impose parcel taxes in the three BART counties — Alameda, Contra Costa and San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Voters in San Francisco and Alameda counties embraced the idea, giving it “yes” votes of 81.3% and 71.3% respectively. Contra Costa voters did not warm up to the idea quite so much, though 60.4% of them voted for it. The \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11159698/bart-bond-measure-leads-in-early-vote-returns\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\" target=\"_blank\">overall result\u003c/a> was a 70.5% bond approval in the three BART counties. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2018, Bay Area voters were asked to approve toll increases on the region’s state-owned bridges. The state law authorizing the measure, Regional Measure 3, effectively turned the nine Bay Area counties into a special district where a simple majority of all voters could approve the increases. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11674221/the-regional-measure-3-victory-by-the-numbers\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\" target=\"_blank\">The measure won 55% approval\u003c/a> in the region, though voters in two of the counties opposed it. In Contra Costa County, the vote was 55.5% “no.” In Solano, it was 70% against. (Although Regional Measure 3 passed, it’s been the subject of several court challenges. One, which argues the bridge toll increases are a tax requiring two-thirds voter approval, is headed to the state Supreme Court. In the meantime, the first round of higher tolls took effect last year and are being collected but not spent pending the outcome of the case). \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You might ask who set up the rules for special district tax votes like the one involved in Caltrain’s Measure RR. The answer is, basically, we the voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/codes_displayText.xhtml?lawCode=CONS&article=XIII%20C\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\" target=\"_blank\">Article XIIIC\u003c/a> of the California Constitution, approved by voters in 1996 as Proposition 218, sets out the basic rules for special district taxing authority and requirements for voter approval.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Measure RR is a lock to win even though it has not met the threshold for passage in one of the Bay Area's three Caltrain counties.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11844943/measure-rr-caltrain-sales-tax-measure-results\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\" target=\"_blank\">We told you last week\u003c/a> that Measure RR, the measure that would impose a one-eighth-cent sales tax to support Caltrain, looked like it was on its way to rather easily getting the two-thirds majority it needed from voters in Santa Clara, San Francisco and San Mateo counties. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s still true today, though there’s a little bit of a wrinkle in the results people have been asking us about. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As of Tuesday evening, with the most recent returns from all three counties, Measure RR was getting \u003ca href=\"https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/1OzZ5GkhTE5dmNBaJV-2uivc65neiGO9mGeKQBzWHcg8/edit?usp=sharing\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\" target=\"_blank\">a 69% “yes” vote\u003c/a>. That’s obviously well above the 66.66% threshold, and with a rapidly shrinking number of outstanding ballots to count, the tax is a done deal \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But here’s the thing people are asking about: The vote in two of the three counties involved, San Francisco and San Mateo, is well above 70% “yes.” But the vote in the third county, Santa Clara, has actually dropped below the two-thirds threshold and now stands at 65.9%. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So, what gives? Does Measure RR go down to defeat if it fails to get a two-thirds vote in Santa Clara County?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>The answer: No.\u003c/strong> The measure’s success or failure depends on the collective vote total from all three counties, which are joined together in a special district called the Peninsula Corridor Joint Powers Authority. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In essence, when voters cast their “yes” or “no” ballots on Measure RR, they were doing so not as citizens of San Mateo, Santa Clara or San Francisco counties but as residents of that special district. It’s the same basic process as voting in a legislative district that spans several counties: What decides the race is the district total, not the totals in each county.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>This isn’t the first time in recent Bay Area history that a multicounty tax measure has succeeded despite failing to get the needed vote in one or more of the counties involved. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For instance, BART’s $3.5 billion bond measure in 2016 (also called Measure RR) needed a two-thirds majority because it sought to impose parcel taxes in the three BART counties — Alameda, Contra Costa and San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Voters in San Francisco and Alameda counties embraced the idea, giving it “yes” votes of 81.3% and 71.3% respectively. Contra Costa voters did not warm up to the idea quite so much, though 60.4% of them voted for it. The \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11159698/bart-bond-measure-leads-in-early-vote-returns\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\" target=\"_blank\">overall result\u003c/a> was a 70.5% bond approval in the three BART counties. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2018, Bay Area voters were asked to approve toll increases on the region’s state-owned bridges. The state law authorizing the measure, Regional Measure 3, effectively turned the nine Bay Area counties into a special district where a simple majority of all voters could approve the increases. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11674221/the-regional-measure-3-victory-by-the-numbers\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\" target=\"_blank\">The measure won 55% approval\u003c/a> in the region, though voters in two of the counties opposed it. In Contra Costa County, the vote was 55.5% “no.” In Solano, it was 70% against. (Although Regional Measure 3 passed, it’s been the subject of several court challenges. One, which argues the bridge toll increases are a tax requiring two-thirds voter approval, is headed to the state Supreme Court. In the meantime, the first round of higher tolls took effect last year and are being collected but not spent pending the outcome of the case). \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You might ask who set up the rules for special district tax votes like the one involved in Caltrain’s Measure RR. The answer is, basically, we the voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/codes_displayText.xhtml?lawCode=CONS&article=XIII%20C\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\" target=\"_blank\">Article XIIIC\u003c/a> of the California Constitution, approved by voters in 1996 as Proposition 218, sets out the basic rules for special district taxing authority and requirements for voter approval.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Four seats on the BART board of directors were on the ballot Tuesday, and incumbents appear to have prevailed in every race as of Wednesday afternoon. That includes Contra Costa County board member Debora Allen, who was actively opposed by six of her eight fellow directors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Allen, a conservative Contra Costa County Republican on a largely progressive board, has insisted the agency needs tougher policing in response to rider concerns about crime, fare evasion and passengers experiencing homelessness or behavioral health problems on the system. She has been critical of efforts to refocus agency resources to have uniformed but unarmed staff deal with nonviolent issues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Allen has also pressed the board and agency management to consider deep budget cuts, including layoffs, to survive the fiscal crisis brought on by the coronavirus pandemic. She calls the current crisis, in which BART has suffered a decline of more than 85% of weekday riders, an opportunity to “right-size” the agency. Agency managers, with board support, have instead shifted workers from operating to capital projects, instituted a hiring freeze and redirected some planned expenditures to try to avoid a large-scale dismissal of employees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Allen’s differences with other board members led half a dozen of them to endorse Jamie Salcido, a member of the Walnut Creek transportation commission\u003cstrong>.\u003c/strong> The latest campaign finance reports show Salcido was able to out-raise Allen by about $93,000 to $65,000 — thanks in large part to a $20,000 contribution from San Francisco board member Bevan Dufty.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But with more than half the expected ballots counted, Allen racked up what appears to be an unbeatable lead — 64% to Salcido’s 26%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dufty, whose district covers central and southern San Francisco, is leading in his race with 66.6% of the vote over David Wei Wen Young (18.5%), Michael Petrelis (9%) and Patrick Mortiere (5.9%).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Board President Lateefah Simon, representing a district that includes slices of western Contra Costa, northwestern Alameda and southeastern San Francisco, is leading with 69% support over Sharon Kidd’s 30%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In his bid for a fourth term, Director John McPartland held a narrow lead in his Alameda County district, with 37.7% of the vote over rivals Steven Dunbar (33.7%) and Mike Wallace (28.4%). Wallace was endorsed by Debora Allen and state Sen. Steve Glazer, D-Orinda, a perennial BART critic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Director Rebecca Saltzman was unopposed and returns to the board for a second term.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>— Dan Brekke (\u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/danbrekke\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">@danbrekke\u003c/a>)\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Four seats on the BART board of directors were on the ballot Tuesday, and incumbents appear to have prevailed in every race as of Wednesday afternoon. That includes Contra Costa County board member Debora Allen, who was actively opposed by six of her eight fellow directors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Allen, a conservative Contra Costa County Republican on a largely progressive board, has insisted the agency needs tougher policing in response to rider concerns about crime, fare evasion and passengers experiencing homelessness or behavioral health problems on the system. She has been critical of efforts to refocus agency resources to have uniformed but unarmed staff deal with nonviolent issues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Allen has also pressed the board and agency management to consider deep budget cuts, including layoffs, to survive the fiscal crisis brought on by the coronavirus pandemic. She calls the current crisis, in which BART has suffered a decline of more than 85% of weekday riders, an opportunity to “right-size” the agency. Agency managers, with board support, have instead shifted workers from operating to capital projects, instituted a hiring freeze and redirected some planned expenditures to try to avoid a large-scale dismissal of employees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Allen’s differences with other board members led half a dozen of them to endorse Jamie Salcido, a member of the Walnut Creek transportation commission\u003cstrong>.\u003c/strong> The latest campaign finance reports show Salcido was able to out-raise Allen by about $93,000 to $65,000 — thanks in large part to a $20,000 contribution from San Francisco board member Bevan Dufty.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But with more than half the expected ballots counted, Allen racked up what appears to be an unbeatable lead — 64% to Salcido’s 26%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>With the \u003ca href=\"http://bit.ly/fioreprop22passes\">passage of Prop. 22\u003c/a> – the most expensive ballot initiative campaign in California history – gig workers for companies like Uber and Lyft will not be categorized as employees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The workers, who are essential to the success of the handful of multibillion-dollar corporations who pushed the ballot measure through, will be considered some sort of new “contract gig worker” not eligible for regular employee benefits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Uber and Lyft stock \u003ca href=\"https://www.cnbc.com/2020/11/04/uber-and-lyft-stock-jump-after-californians-vote-to-pass-prop-22.html\">jumped at the news\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"title": "Caltrain's 'Lifeline' Sales Tax Appears to Be on Track for Approval",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 9:45 a.m. Wednesday, Nov. 4\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Caltrain officials and supporters are breathing a sigh of relief after voters in the three counties served by the rail line appeared to have passed a new one-eighth-cent sales tax that the agency says will help it survive a major drop in ridership due to the coronavirus pandemic, and pave the way for an ambitious program of improvements and expansion in decades to come.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Measure RR, which gives the three-decade-old transit agency its first dedicated source of funding, needed a two-thirds “yes” vote among all ballots cast in the three Caltrain counties — San Francisco, San Mateo and Santa Clara — to pass. With well more than half of expected ballots counted in the three counties by 9:30 a.m. Wednesday, \u003ca href=\"https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/1OzZ5GkhTE5dmNBaJV-2uivc65neiGO9mGeKQBzWHcg8/edit?usp=sharing\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\" target=\"_blank\">the measure was passing\u003c/a> with a 70.4% “yes” vote. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"news_11831788,news_11829125,news_11812847\" label=\"Caltrain's Measure RR\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure was getting 74% support in San Francisco, traditionally supportive of regional transportation measures, and 72.1% in San Mateo County, which made the initial local investment that bought the rail system from Southern Pacific in 1991 and which has run the agency ever since. The vote was closer — 67.4% “yes” — in Santa Clara County, where officials had expressed particularly vehement reservations about allowing San Mateo County to continue its role as Caltrain’s operator.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s just phenomenal to have this level of support from the voters and the taxpayers,” said Dave Pine, a member of the San Mateo County Board of Supervisors and chair of the Peninsula Corridor Joint Powers Board that oversees Caltrain.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rail agency officials and supporters had said the tax, which will raise an estimated $100 million a year for the next 30 years, would allow the system to weather the drastic decline in fare revenue that followed the onset of the coronavirus pandemic. The revenue is also intended to help pay for acquiring new electric trains and running more frequent service as part of a plan that would nearly quadruple daily ridership by the year 2040.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Historically, Caltrain has depended on fares to cover about 70% of its day-to-day operating costs — a \u003ca href=\"https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Farebox_recovery_ratio#:~:text=The%20farebox%20recovery%20ratio%20(also,by%20its%20total%20operating%20expenses.\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\" target=\"_blank\">farebox-recovery level\u003c/a> that industry officials say is the highest among all major U.S. transit systems.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But once COVID-19 restrictions took effect, weekday ridership all but vanished, initially falling from about 65,000 a day to about 1,500, a 98% plunge. And despite the agency continuing to run 70 trains a day, average weekday ridership is still only about 3,500 — a 95% decrease.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pine said the first order of business, now that the tax appears to have passed, is to get through the pandemic. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our greatest strength is also our Achilles’ heel in that 70% of our revenue is from riders, and we don’t have riders,” Pine said. “So we have our lifeline to make it through COVID, and then we’ll look forward to a future of expanded service, more frequent and faster trains and more ridership on the corridor.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A poll conducted for Caltrain and \u003ca href=\"https://www.caltrain.com/Assets/_MarketDevelopment/pdf/Survey+of+Likely+November+2020+Voters+Regarding+a+Potential+Sales+Tax+for+Caltrain.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">released in June\u003c/a> showed the tax falling just short of the required two-thirds majority, with 63% approval.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That level rose to 70% when survey respondents heard arguments for the measure — essentially that the tax would help Caltrain expand and improve as well as ease congestion on the region’s freeways. But a negative message — one emphasizing the uncertainties about transit ridership after the pandemic and questioning whether the tax is needed for a commuter rail system that serves a mostly affluent clientele — led support for the measure to drop below 60%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Measure RR was supported by scores of elected officials in the three counties, from Sen. Dianne Feinstein to local town council members. Major business, environmental and transportation advocacy groups as well as some of the Bay Area’s wealthiest companies also endorsed the tax — and contributed to the “Save Caltrain” campaign’s $2.7 million war chest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most notable among individual supporters: Pine, the Caltrain board chair, who loaned the campaign $500,000 to help it keep ads on TV when other donations were slow to arrive. He said the campaign has repaid the loan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Silicon Valley Taxpayers Association led the unfunded opposition, which argued that a system running at just 5% capacity doesn’t need a tax boost and that the agency should be cutting its budget to get through the pandemic. Opponents also objected to an added sales tax as a funding mechanism, pointing out it’s a regressive levy that falls more heavily on lower-income taxpayers than on the affluent. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Caltrain needs to just hunker down, sit back and wait and figure out what to do — cut back as much they can to keep going, but not go and start taking money from people who are losing their jobs and having to cut their own expenses,” said Eric Garris, who signed the “No on RR” argument on the San Francisco ballot. “… I’m betting on at least one-third of the people being smart enough to realize that these are just people asking them for more money because they’re worried about their jobs and they can take it from us.” \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agency has survived the pandemic downturn so far largely thanks to operating subsidies it gets from the three Caltrain counties, but mostly because of a federal CARES Act bailout that distributed $1.3 billion to Bay Area transit systems. Public transportation districts from across the country, including BART and Muni, have lobbied unsuccessfully for months to persuade Congress and the Trump administration to pass a second round of aid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The uncertainty of future finances has prompted Caltrain staff to study different service scenarios, ranging from a total system shutdown to targeted reductions that would reduce weekday runs and expand the weekend schedule in a move \u003ca href=\"https://www.caltrain.com/about/MediaRelations/news/Caltrain_Considers_Changes_Aimed_at_Improving_Service_for_Essential_Workers_and_Transit_Dependent_Riders.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">the agency says\u003c/a> would better serve lower-income riders and essential workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Measure RR’s path to the ballot began with Senate Bill 797, a 2017 bill by state Sen. Jerry Hill, D-San Mateo, that would allow the Caltrain board to place the one-eighth-cent tax on the ballot if the boards of supervisors \u003cem>and\u003c/em> transit agency boards in Santa Clara, San Mateo and San Francisco all approved the measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That requirement for six separate votes nearly derailed the measure when elected officials in both Santa Clara County and San Francisco insisted on a commitment to take away San Mateo County’s role as Caltrain manager. A special Caltrain board committee has begun work on the governance proposals, which under an August resolution are supposed to be decided on by the end of next year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 9:45 a.m. Wednesday, Nov. 4\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Caltrain officials and supporters are breathing a sigh of relief after voters in the three counties served by the rail line appeared to have passed a new one-eighth-cent sales tax that the agency says will help it survive a major drop in ridership due to the coronavirus pandemic, and pave the way for an ambitious program of improvements and expansion in decades to come.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Measure RR, which gives the three-decade-old transit agency its first dedicated source of funding, needed a two-thirds “yes” vote among all ballots cast in the three Caltrain counties — San Francisco, San Mateo and Santa Clara — to pass. With well more than half of expected ballots counted in the three counties by 9:30 a.m. Wednesday, \u003ca href=\"https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/1OzZ5GkhTE5dmNBaJV-2uivc65neiGO9mGeKQBzWHcg8/edit?usp=sharing\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\" target=\"_blank\">the measure was passing\u003c/a> with a 70.4% “yes” vote. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure was getting 74% support in San Francisco, traditionally supportive of regional transportation measures, and 72.1% in San Mateo County, which made the initial local investment that bought the rail system from Southern Pacific in 1991 and which has run the agency ever since. The vote was closer — 67.4% “yes” — in Santa Clara County, where officials had expressed particularly vehement reservations about allowing San Mateo County to continue its role as Caltrain’s operator.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s just phenomenal to have this level of support from the voters and the taxpayers,” said Dave Pine, a member of the San Mateo County Board of Supervisors and chair of the Peninsula Corridor Joint Powers Board that oversees Caltrain.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rail agency officials and supporters had said the tax, which will raise an estimated $100 million a year for the next 30 years, would allow the system to weather the drastic decline in fare revenue that followed the onset of the coronavirus pandemic. The revenue is also intended to help pay for acquiring new electric trains and running more frequent service as part of a plan that would nearly quadruple daily ridership by the year 2040.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Historically, Caltrain has depended on fares to cover about 70% of its day-to-day operating costs — a \u003ca href=\"https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Farebox_recovery_ratio#:~:text=The%20farebox%20recovery%20ratio%20(also,by%20its%20total%20operating%20expenses.\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\" target=\"_blank\">farebox-recovery level\u003c/a> that industry officials say is the highest among all major U.S. transit systems.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But once COVID-19 restrictions took effect, weekday ridership all but vanished, initially falling from about 65,000 a day to about 1,500, a 98% plunge. And despite the agency continuing to run 70 trains a day, average weekday ridership is still only about 3,500 — a 95% decrease.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pine said the first order of business, now that the tax appears to have passed, is to get through the pandemic. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our greatest strength is also our Achilles’ heel in that 70% of our revenue is from riders, and we don’t have riders,” Pine said. “So we have our lifeline to make it through COVID, and then we’ll look forward to a future of expanded service, more frequent and faster trains and more ridership on the corridor.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A poll conducted for Caltrain and \u003ca href=\"https://www.caltrain.com/Assets/_MarketDevelopment/pdf/Survey+of+Likely+November+2020+Voters+Regarding+a+Potential+Sales+Tax+for+Caltrain.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">released in June\u003c/a> showed the tax falling just short of the required two-thirds majority, with 63% approval.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That level rose to 70% when survey respondents heard arguments for the measure — essentially that the tax would help Caltrain expand and improve as well as ease congestion on the region’s freeways. But a negative message — one emphasizing the uncertainties about transit ridership after the pandemic and questioning whether the tax is needed for a commuter rail system that serves a mostly affluent clientele — led support for the measure to drop below 60%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Measure RR was supported by scores of elected officials in the three counties, from Sen. Dianne Feinstein to local town council members. Major business, environmental and transportation advocacy groups as well as some of the Bay Area’s wealthiest companies also endorsed the tax — and contributed to the “Save Caltrain” campaign’s $2.7 million war chest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most notable among individual supporters: Pine, the Caltrain board chair, who loaned the campaign $500,000 to help it keep ads on TV when other donations were slow to arrive. He said the campaign has repaid the loan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Silicon Valley Taxpayers Association led the unfunded opposition, which argued that a system running at just 5% capacity doesn’t need a tax boost and that the agency should be cutting its budget to get through the pandemic. Opponents also objected to an added sales tax as a funding mechanism, pointing out it’s a regressive levy that falls more heavily on lower-income taxpayers than on the affluent. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Caltrain needs to just hunker down, sit back and wait and figure out what to do — cut back as much they can to keep going, but not go and start taking money from people who are losing their jobs and having to cut their own expenses,” said Eric Garris, who signed the “No on RR” argument on the San Francisco ballot. “… I’m betting on at least one-third of the people being smart enough to realize that these are just people asking them for more money because they’re worried about their jobs and they can take it from us.” \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agency has survived the pandemic downturn so far largely thanks to operating subsidies it gets from the three Caltrain counties, but mostly because of a federal CARES Act bailout that distributed $1.3 billion to Bay Area transit systems. Public transportation districts from across the country, including BART and Muni, have lobbied unsuccessfully for months to persuade Congress and the Trump administration to pass a second round of aid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The uncertainty of future finances has prompted Caltrain staff to study different service scenarios, ranging from a total system shutdown to targeted reductions that would reduce weekday runs and expand the weekend schedule in a move \u003ca href=\"https://www.caltrain.com/about/MediaRelations/news/Caltrain_Considers_Changes_Aimed_at_Improving_Service_for_Essential_Workers_and_Transit_Dependent_Riders.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">the agency says\u003c/a> would better serve lower-income riders and essential workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Measure RR’s path to the ballot began with Senate Bill 797, a 2017 bill by state Sen. Jerry Hill, D-San Mateo, that would allow the Caltrain board to place the one-eighth-cent tax on the ballot if the boards of supervisors \u003cem>and\u003c/em> transit agency boards in Santa Clara, San Mateo and San Francisco all approved the measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That requirement for six separate votes nearly derailed the measure when elected officials in both Santa Clara County and San Francisco insisted on a commitment to take away San Mateo County’s role as Caltrain manager. A special Caltrain board committee has begun work on the governance proposals, which under an August resolution are supposed to be decided on by the end of next year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "prop-22-explained-why-gig-companies-are-spending-huge-money-on-an-unprecedented-measure",
"title": "Prop. 22 Explained: Why Gig Companies Are Spending Huge Money on an Unprecedented Measure",
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"headTitle": "Prop. 22 Explained: Why Gig Companies Are Spending Huge Money on an Unprecedented Measure | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ci data-stringify-type=\"italic\">This story was updated Wednesday, Nov. 4 at 12:40pm\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb data-stringify-type=\"bold\">UPDATE: Proposition 22 was approved by California voters Tuesday, Nov. 3. \u003c/b>\u003cb data-stringify-type=\"bold\">\u003ca class=\"c-link\" href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11844725/proposition-22-passes-locking-in-sub-employee-status-for-gig-workers\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\" data-stringify-link=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11844725/proposition-22-passes-locking-in-sub-employee-status-for-gig-workers\" data-sk=\"tooltip_parent\">Read the full details here\u003c/a>\u003c/b>\u003cb data-stringify-type=\"bold\">.\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci data-stringify-type=\"italic\">Original story:\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The decision California voters face on Proposition 22 boils down to this: should a handful of companies be allowed to create a new gig contractor category for their workers that doesn’t include employee protections and benefits, like unemployment insurance and workers compensation? Or should companies like Uber, Lyft and DoorDash have to follow state labor law and classify their drivers as employees, which could mean directing more revenue to workers, higher prices for consumers and increased requirements for more casual drivers?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s the choice on the ballot. But there’s so much more going on with this unprecedented and far-reaching proposition — a proposition that recent polling indicates will come down to Californians who are still undecided. As of Oct. 26, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11843691/poll-measure-pushed-by-uber-lyft-falling-just-short-of-passage-many-voters-still-undecided\">polling of likely voters\u003c/a> shows 46% in favor, 42% opposed and 12% undecided. Here’s everything you’d need to know about the proposition and its backstory before you vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Skip to:\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#backstory\">The Backstory\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>: How companies like Lyft, Uber and DoorDash have avoided employee classification for eight years despite pressure from workers, labor groups and every branch of state government\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#written\">What’s Actually in Prop. 22?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>: An explanation of the limited worker benefits and why the “7/8ths provision” would make it nearly impossible to change this law in the future\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#money\">Unprecedented Money\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>: Gig companies are spending record amounts of cash to market Prop. 22 — and it’s being framed as a social justice issue\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#surveys\">Those Driver Surveys, and What’s Wrong With Them\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>: What do drivers want? Surveys used to market Prop. 22 are often flawed and don’t tell the full story\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#directtovoter\">Unprecedented Direct-to-Voter Connection\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>: Millions of apps in millions of pockets, workers asked to deliver political ads and pop ups galore — win or lose, a new election playbook is being written\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#ramifications\">The Ramifications\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>: If Prop. 22 passes, what will it mean for gig work, labor protections, election campaigning and local governance?\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003ch1>\u003ca id=\"backstory\">\u003c/a>The Backstory\u003c/h1>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11843145\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11843145\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Lyft-moustache.jpg\" alt=\"Lyft car with mustache\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1250\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Lyft-moustache.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Lyft-moustache-800x521.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Lyft-moustache-1020x664.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Lyft-moustache-160x104.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Lyft-moustache-1536x1000.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A Lyft driver with one of the early fuzzy pink mustaches drives in downtown San Francisco in January, 2014. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>It all began in 2012 with a fuzzy pink mustache and a fist bump. It was Lyft, not Uber, that first started paying drivers to use their own cars to do taxi work. Both companies cast themselves not as taxi companies, but platforms to connect riders to drivers, and tech journalists helped propel this image. \u003ca href=\"https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=3668606\">Here’s the even deeper backstory on how that all went down\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Using the platform argument, the gig companies classified their workers as contractors, which shielded them from liability and allowed them to avoid paying for protections like overtime and unemployment insurance. Regulators and the government at the state and federal levels did not stop Uber and Lyft, and soon, companies like Instacart, DoorDash and Postmates began following suit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But this contractor model was legally suspect from the start. In California, the determination of whether a worker was a contractor or an employee was made by the Borello test, which is a \u003ca href=\"https://caselaw.findlaw.com/ca-supreme-court/1774638.html\">complex set of 11 factors established by a 1989 California Supreme Court case\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Election 2020\" link1=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide,KQED's California Voter Guide\" hero=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45342_001_KQED_SanFrancisco_Election2020_MailinBallot_10122020-qut-1020x680.jpg\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was arguable that under those parameters, gig workers were not independent entrepreneurs running their own businesses on a platform provided by “tech” companies, but instead, employees of a transportation company in the case of Uber and Lyft, a service company in the case of TaskRabbit and a delivery company in the case of Postmates or DoorDash.\u003ca href=\"https://www.reuters.com/article/us-uber-tech-drivers-lawsuit/uber-drivers-granted-class-action-status-in-lawsuit-over-employment-idUSKCN0R14O920150901\"> Lawyers began trying to make the case\u003c/a> with big lawsuits against gig companies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Workers were and still are fighting almost all the battles over employee protections and benefits behind closed doors. That’s because gig companies make workers sign arbitration clauses, which prevent them from taking any grievance to court. That has helped preempt and neutralize class-action lawsuits. Law professor Charlotte Garden \u003ca href=\"https://digitalcommons.law.seattleu.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1794&context=faculty\">wrote a whole academic paper\u003c/a> on how the gig economy relies on mandatory arbitration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2014, as Uber and Lyft began to slash wages in a price war, workers increased their protest, but they could make no headway toward employment status. Gig companies leaned on customer support for political support, and consumers loved these cheap rides, which were kept low by the contractor model and venture capital. It took six years for any notable action from California’s government. And it came first from the judicial branch.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a ruling on a case known as \u003ca href=\"https://scocal.stanford.edu/opinion/dynamex-operations-west-inc-v-superior-court-34584\">Dynamex in 2018\u003c/a>, California’s Supreme Court simplified the Borello test, boiling it down to just three factors, called the ABCs. A worker could now only be classified as a contractor if they:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>A) Were free from the control and direction of the hirer\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>B) Performed work outside the hirer’s normal course of business\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>C) Had their own independently established trade, occupation or business\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>The ruling made it much more difficult for gig companies to deny workers employee benefits and protections. But still, gig companies kept classifying workers as contractors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the state Supreme Court, the Legislature took up the fight. Lawmakers passed \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB5\">Assembly Bill 5\u003c/a>, which went into effect on Jan. 1, 2020. AB 5 codified the Dynamex ruling and was designed with gig companies in mind.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, the new law also affected a number of other industries that have come to rely on contractors. The bill was amended after a backlash, and a number of professions got exemptions, like fine artists, foresters and translators — but not gig workers. Still, gig companies kept classifying workers as contractors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11833598 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/09/09182019_uber-lyft-qut-1020x640.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then in May, several months into the coronavirus pandemic, with tens of thousands of Uber and Lyft drivers seeking unemployment funds that didn’t exist because the companies had never paid into the state unemployment fund, the executive branch got involved. California Attorney General Xavier Becerra, along with a handful of city attorneys, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11816321/california-city-attorneys-sue-uber-and-lyft-over-worker-misclassification\">sued Uber and Lyft for misclassifying workers\u003c/a>. On Oct. 22 Uber and Lyft \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/business/story/2020-10-22/uber-and-lyft-must-comply-with-labor-law-ab-5-appeals-court-orders\">lost an appeal\u003c/a>, and will have to start classifying workers as employees in 30 days — unless Proposition 22 passes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After AB 5 passed, the gig companies started their ballot initiative campaign, hoping that voters would enshrine their gig contractor model into law. Now, with all three branches of California’s government pressuring them to classify workers as employees, they are pouring money into Proposition 22. It’s become \u003ca href=\"https://ballotpedia.org/What_were_the_most_expensive_ballot_measures_in_California\">the most well-funded ballot initiative in California history\u003c/a>. And it’s designed to be a conclusive victory for gig companies.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch1>\u003ca id=\"written\">\u003c/a>What’s Actually in Prop. 22?\u003c/h1>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11843210\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11843210\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45263_001_KQED_ElectionStockPhotos_TikaHall_10062020-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45263_001_KQED_ElectionStockPhotos_TikaHall_10062020-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45263_001_KQED_ElectionStockPhotos_TikaHall_10062020-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45263_001_KQED_ElectionStockPhotos_TikaHall_10062020-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45263_001_KQED_ElectionStockPhotos_TikaHall_10062020-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45263_001_KQED_ElectionStockPhotos_TikaHall_10062020-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A San Francisco resident fills out their mail-in ballot on Oct. 6, 2020. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Proposition 22 is written as an exemption from AB 5 for any company that provides transportation or delivery services through an app. It would enshrine in law a kind of third employment category: the contract gig worker. This has been a goal of gig companies for years. They have pursued it at the federal level, and have already \u003ca href=\"https://www.nelp.org/publication/rights-at-risk-gig-companies-campaign-to-upend-employment-as-we-know-it/\">had success in getting legislation on the books in a number of states\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the measure has several other provisions built around the central premise of exempting gig companies from AB 5.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Limited Employee Benefits\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Prop. 22 would guarantee gig workers some limited benefits and protections. As contractors, they currently have none. But the benefits are not as straightforward as they appear at first read.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The most murky benefit is the guaranteed wage floor. Prop. 22 would ensure 120% of minimum wage and 30 cents per mile for drivers, adjusted for inflation. But there’s a pretty big catch. The guarantee is only for “engaged” driving time, defined as the time between “accepting a service request and completing the request.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Much of gig work is spent waiting for a job in the app. \u003ca href=\"https://laborcenter.berkeley.edu/the-uber-lyft-ballot-initiative-guarantees-only-5-64-an-hour-2/\">UC Berkeley’s Labor Center did a study\u003c/a> where they tried to take time between rides into account, along with wear and tear on the vehicle. Adding those factors in the mix, the study found the wage guarantee drops to just $5.64 an hour, a drastic pay cut from the $13 minimum wage they would be guaranteed as employees in California. Uber and Lyft disputed the findings in the study, and \u003ca href=\"https://ucreconomicforecast.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/08/Prop22_Driver_Earnings_Analysis_August2020.pdf\">they commissioned another study\u003c/a> that put the earnings at between $25 and $27 an hour. That prompted \u003ca href=\"https://laborcenter.berkeley.edu/the-effects-of-proposition-22-on-driver-earnings-response-to-a-lyft-funded-report-by-dr-christopher-thornberg/#_edn5\">a rebuttal from UC Berkeley.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Aside from the wage floor, Prop. 22 includes a number of benefits that are substitutes for protections guaranteed by traditional employment. In each case, these protections are weaker than what workers would get as employees, and some are contingent on driving a certain number of hours.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead of health care, drivers who put in over 25 hours per week of engaged driving time would get health care subsidies. Instead of workers compensation, companies would offer occupational accident insurance for medical expenses, lost income and disability. Companies would also offer accidental death insurance. It is not clear if these insurance plans would be given to workers automatically, or if they would only be guaranteed the opportunity to purchase them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11843841\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11843841\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS41942_005_KQED_Oakland_RideHail_03102020_-qut.jpg\" alt=\"ride-hail driver in Oakland\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS41942_005_KQED_Oakland_RideHail_03102020_-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS41942_005_KQED_Oakland_RideHail_03102020_-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS41942_005_KQED_Oakland_RideHail_03102020_-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS41942_005_KQED_Oakland_RideHail_03102020_-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS41942_005_KQED_Oakland_RideHail_03102020_-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A ride-hail driver in Oakland In March, 2020. Prop. 22 would guarantee gig workers some limited benefits and protections. As contractors, they currently have none. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Prop. 22 also includes provisions to address long-term accountability issues in the gig industry, like discrimination, sexual misconduct, a lack of background checks and drivers working more than 12 hours a day. Gig companies would be required to create anti-discrimination and sexual harassment policies, develop training programs for drivers and require criminal background checks — all things that the companies have been criticized for lacking in the past.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many of the issues these final provisions would address are things that are exacerbated by the contractor status of workers. If these workers were actually employees, gig companies would be far more liable for things like car accidents, sexual misconduct and criminal activity.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Prop. 22 Would Be Nearly Impossible to Change\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>If Proposition 22 passes, it would prevent local governments from passing laws that require companies to provide additional benefits and protections for gig workers not included in Prop. 22. It would also be the hardest statute for the Legislature to alter, aside from a handful of propositions that bar any amendment whatsoever. That’s because of the 7/8ths provision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A single sentence on page 18 of the initiative requires a 7/8ths vote of both the state Assembly and Senate in order to amend Prop. 22 in any way. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/post-it/2020/10/california-amendment-threshold-proposition-22/\">This particular requirement is unprecedented\u003c/a>. Some propositions have required 2/3rds or 3/5s — but never 7/8ths.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If it passes, Prop. 22 would be harder to amend than the state’s Wildlife Protection Act, the Clean Air and Transportation Improvement Act or the Cruelty to Farm Animals Act. Amending it would take eight more votes than are needed to override a governor’s veto or revise the state Constitution, according to data provided to KQED by Alex Vassar, communications manager at the California State Library.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11840343,news_11841547,news_11841059 label='Election 2020 Resources']In California, a proposition can only be undone by another ballot initiative. So why is the threshold for amendment so high on Prop. 22? Part of the reason is that a section of the proposition’s stated purpose is contradictory to the wishes of gig companies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 22 states that it would “require rideshare and delivery network companies to offer new protections and benefits for app-based rideshare and delivery drivers.” That might sound good to voters who want more protections for workers, but it could cause problems for gig companies. The Legislature could, for example, alter Prop. 22 once it becomes statute or pass new laws to increase benefits for workers beyond what gig companies want. The 7/8ths provision presents a very high barrier to that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prop. 22 would also stop local governments from requiring gig companies to increase benefits and protections to gig workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Proposition 22 lops off the top by cutting off the state Legislature’s ability to amend the law, and it lops off the bottom [by] preventing local governments from ever modifying its requirements,” said Rey Fuentes, a fellow at The Partnership for Working Families, an advocacy group for workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cities in California are often where laws that grant the most rigorous worker benefits and protections start: things like the Healthy SF program, or San Francisco’s mandatory sick leave. Cities have also been the most proactive in requiring gig companies to provide additional benefits to workers. San Francisco and San Jose, for instance, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/bayarea/article/Two-Bay-Area-cities-poised-to-approve-paid-sick-15185145.php\">extended COVID-19 emergency benefits to gig workers\u003c/a>. \u003ca href=\"https://www.capitolhillseattle.com/2020/06/seattle-extends-sick-leave-to-gig-workers-including-food-delivery-workers-more-heroes-of-the-covid-19-crisis/\">Seattle passed a similar ordinance\u003c/a>. Prop. 22 has a clause that would preempt future measures like these.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yes on Prop. 22 Spokesperson Geoff Vetter said the issue is consistency for workers who cross city and county lines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Given the cross-jurisdictional nature of the service,” Vetter said, “it would be impossible to allow all 58 counties and 480+ cities to establish separate requirements. Prop. 22 establishes uniform statewide standards for app-based driver scheduling, benefits.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch1>\u003ca id=\"money\">\u003c/a>Unprecedented Money\u003c/h1>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11843334\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11843334\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/UberLyftWindshield.jpg\" alt=\"A driver who drives for both Uber and Lyft\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/UberLyftWindshield.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/UberLyftWindshield-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/UberLyftWindshield-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/UberLyftWindshield-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/UberLyftWindshield-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Uber and Lyft have spent nearly $100 million combined in support of Prop. 22. \u003ccite>(ROBYN BECK/AFP via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Proposition 22 is on track to become the most well-funded ballot initiative in California history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It has already drawn about $200 million, most of it on the pro side. As of 10 days before the election, the anti-side had around $19 million, coming mainly from labor organizations. The pro-side has over $199 million coming from gig companies. As of the beginning of October, Uber had contributed over $50 million; Lyft, $48 million; DoorDash, $47 million; InstaCart, $28 million; and Postmates, $11 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That money is not just being spent on TV and digital advertising. The Yes on Prop. 22 campaign has also contributed to political parties, including $2 million to the California Republican Party. It has spent millions hiring consultants, lobbyists and PR firms like MB Public Affairs, which is known for working with tobacco companies. These firms have launched personal and \u003ca href=\"https://www.cnet.com/features/uber-lyfts-fight-over-gig-worker-status-as-campaign-against-labor-activists-mounts/\">intrusive attacks on academics like Veena Dubal\u003c/a>, a UC Hastings law professor who has been critical of gig companies and Proposition 22.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Yes on Prop. 22 campaign has also sent money to newsrooms in return for digital advertising. By the middle of September, it had sent almost $48,000 to the Sacramento Bee, $13,500 to the San Diego Union Tribune and a little over $36,000 to the San Francisco Chronicle. Both the Tribune and the Chronicle endorsed the measure, but in their endorsements made no mention of the ad revenue they had received.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Marketing Prop. 22 as a Social Justice Measure\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Many workers in the gig economy in California are people of color – a fact reflected in the advertising campaign for Prop. 22, which presents the initiative as a boon for social justice. In the past, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11643681/lyft-gains-on-uber-by-appealing-to-progressive-political-ideals\">Lyft had leaned heavily on social justice messaging\u003c/a> to appeal to liberals and distinguish itself from Uber, especially after Trump was elected. Now, this tactic has become a major thrust of the entire Yes on Prop. 22 campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Rep Barbara Lee\"]‘You have very clearly crossed the line when you try to claim the equity mantle for a campaign that has always been about allowing multi-billion-dollar app companies to write their own law so they can keep exploiting drivers.’[/pullquote]PR firms working for the campaign \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfgate.com/politics/article/Fake-progressive-mailers-urge-yes-on-Uber-Lyft-15635173.php\">have created a number of political mailers\u003c/a> that urge people to vote yes on Prop. 22 and are designed to look like voter guides coming from progressive sources. In small letters at the bottom of these mailers it says the guides are prepared by organizations like “Feel the Bern, Progressive Voter Guide,” “Council of Concerned Women Voters Guide” and “Our Voice, Latino Voter Guide,” which are all fake progressive organizations. They don’t actually exist. After these mailers were reported, Bernie Sanders \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/BernieSanders/status/1315650084567121920?s=20\">came out publicly against\u003c/a> Proposition 22.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many of the ads in the Yes on Prop. 22 campaign feature people of color, like Aisha A. from Los Angeles, who say they need this flexible job to survive. Uber ran an ad campaign this summer with billboards in many major cities that said “If you tolerate racism, delete Uber.” Lyft \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=yImMyOkeaKQ\">created a television ad\u003c/a> using a recording of Maya Angelou reading her poem, “On the Pulse of Morning.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=yImMyOkeaKQ\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Lyft ad begins with a voiceover of Angelou saying “Lift up your eyes upon / This day breaking for you.” You see Black and brown people getting ready for work. And then it transitions to the inside of a Lyft. There’s a montage of drivers, all people of color, picking up passengers. “Each new hour holds new chances / For a new beginning.” Angelou says “Do not be wedded forever / To fear, yoked eternally / To brutishness.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Getting the California NAACP to endorse Proposition 22 was a big win for gig companies. The organization has authored voter guides telling people to vote yes, and Alice Huffman, head of the California NAACP, has been writing editorials in support of the proposition. Huffman also happens to run a consulting firm called AC Public Affairs. That firm has so far received $85,000 from the Yes on Prop. 22 Campaign. Huffman has a history of receiving contributions from corporations to support their ballot initiatives. The Yes on Prop. 22 money \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2020/09/california-naacp-president-helps-corporate-ballot-measure-campaigns/\">is part of $1.2 million her firm has already received this year\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many Black and Latino leaders in California have come out against Proposition 22; Rep. Barbara Lee from Oakland, Stockton Mayor Michael Tubbs and members of both the Latino and Black California Legislative Caucus were part of a group that \u003ca href=\"https://thehill.com/policy/technology/520671-democrats-accuse-tech-companies-of-deceitful-tactics-in-campaign-against\">publicly denounced\u003c/a> Proposition 22 in mid-October.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Addressing the gig companies on the call, Lee said, “You have very clearly crossed the line when you try to claim the equity mantle for a campaign that has always been about allowing multi-billion-dollar app companies to write their own law so they can keep exploiting the drivers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In response, Vetter said “Prop. 22 not only protects the jobs of drivers of color and their freedom to work independently, it would provide drivers an earnings guarantee, access to benefits like health care and provide drivers and passengers alike with new safety protections.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch1>\u003ca id=\"surveys\">\u003c/a>Those Driver Surveys, and What’s Wrong With Them\u003c/h1>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11843323\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11843323\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/YesOn22Driver.jpg\" alt=\"Uber driver Sergei Fyodorov holds a flyer supporting a yes vote on Proposition 22 in Oakland.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1290\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/YesOn22Driver.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/YesOn22Driver-800x538.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/YesOn22Driver-1020x685.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/YesOn22Driver-160x108.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/YesOn22Driver-1536x1032.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Uber driver Sergei Fyodorov, in Oakland, holds a flyer suggesting his riders ask him about why he supports Proposition 22. \u003ccite>(Josh Edelson/AFP via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Many ads from the Yes on Prop. 22 campaign say four out of five drivers prefer being independent contractors. This data comes from a survey done on the blog of \u003ca href=\"https://therideshareguy.com/\">Harry the Rideshare Guy\u003c/a>. It’s one of a slew of surveys the gig companies have been using to advocate for Prop. 22. These surveys are often methodologically flawed, and they never tell the whole story of what drivers want.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the Harry the Rideshare Guy survey has been a central piece of advertising for Proposition 22 and used in legal arguments, it is a non-scientific, informal poll done on a blog. There was no guarantee that respondents were drivers, let alone that there was a representative sample in terms of demographics, hours driven or political leanings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Harry Campbell, CEO of The Rideshare Guy blog, said he believes the site’s survey reflects what he has been hearing from drivers. Yes on Prop. 22 campaign spokesperson Geoff Vetter agreed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Rideshare Guy polled app-based drivers in California and did it without offering payment to the respondents,” Vetter said. “All this makes for a much fuller, more accurate data set and one that correctly demonstrates how drivers feel about Prop. 22 and independent contractor v. employee status.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But The Rideshare Guy survey is indicative of a number of the broader issues that the No on Prop. 22 campaign and scholars studying the gig economy have with how drivers are being surveyed. Juliet Schor, a professor of sociology at Boston College who has spent years studying the gig economy, said these surveys don’t capture the full picture. There is often bias in the sample, flawed and misleading questions and information presented that influences responses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11843775\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 411px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\" wp-image-11843775\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/edelson-survey-800x466.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"411\" height=\"239\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/edelson-survey-800x466.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/edelson-survey-1020x595.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/edelson-survey-160x93.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/edelson-survey.png 1501w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 411px) 100vw, 411px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Drivers got this prompt before being asked if they supported Proposition 22. \u003ccite>(Edelson Survey Screenshot)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>This \u003ca href=\"https://d3n8a8pro7vhmx.cloudfront.net/themes/5ef0e34fc294806719977470/attachments/original/1592866174/cadriversurvey.pdf?1592866174\">survey from Edelman\u003c/a> is a good example. In a question about Prop. 22, the survey included a snippet from a TechCrunch article that cast the proposition in positive light. Given that prompt, 72 percent of respondents said they supported the measure. On August 19, Lyft issued a survey that had a common flaw in the questioning, equating contractor status to freedom. The survey asked if “the freedom of being an independent contractor outweighs the benefits of being an employee.” Conflating freedom with being an independent contractor is misleading. Employees can have autonomy and freedom, and likewise contractors can be constrained and coerced.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Finally, there is the sample issue. The surveys give equal weight to those who drive only a few hours a week with those who drive much more. And the surveys only poll active workers, which could have a distorting effect on the results. There have been tens or even hundreds of thousands of people in California who have done some work for these gig companies and then stopped. These workers represent a large percentage of the labor that has been done for these companies, yet their opinions are being left out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a big methodological weakness of the surveys,” Schor said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Schor and her research team have interviewed hundreds of gig workers over the years, ethnographic data that can capture what a survey doesn’t. She says there is actually a lot of consistency in what drivers want. They want to be autonomous and have flexibility, but they also want to earn enough that they can pay their bills, buy insurance, and have money set aside if something goes wrong. Schor said she thinks a lot of gig workers in California are answering surveys with what they wish they could have: independent status and enough money to truly be their own bosses. \u003ca href=\"https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=3488009\">Veena Dubal wrote an entire academic paper unpacking all of this\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Driver Noemi Torres agreed with Schor’s conclusions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We want to be independent contractors, but Uber doesn’t treat us like independent contractors,” said Torres, who has been driving for seven years outside of North Hollywood. “Initially, we would get paid enough to support ourselves in terms of getting our own health insurance, but since they keep lowering the rates, you don’t have the flexibility.” She opposes Proposition 22.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Drivers who support Proposition 22 often don’t sound that different when it comes to what they want. They just believe the ballot proposition can get it for them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I decided to vote yes on Prop. 22, because it would allow me and my fellow drivers to retain the flexibility we need while ensuring we get the benefits and protections we deserve,” said Dave Thomasson, a driver from West Covina.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch1>\u003ca id=\"directtovoter\">\u003c/a>Unprecedented Direct-to-Voter Connection\u003c/h1>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11843415\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11843415\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/LyftAppProp22Ad.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1317\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/LyftAppProp22Ad.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/LyftAppProp22Ad-800x549.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/LyftAppProp22Ad-1020x700.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/LyftAppProp22Ad-160x110.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/LyftAppProp22Ad-1536x1054.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A Lyft app displays a message asking users to vote yes on Proposition 22. \u003ccite>(JOSH EDELSON/AFP via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Last month, Hector Castellanos started seeing the pop-ups while driving for Uber. Under a dialog box emblazoned with “Prop. 22 is progress,” Castellanos had to click either “Yes on Prop. 22” or “OK” to proceed with his ride. At the same time, his riders were getting pop ups that said their drivers support Prop. 22 and that they should talk with them about it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Castellanos drives full-time, and throughout the day kept seeing the pop up again and again. Castellanos opposes Proposition 22 and he didn’t want to have to click yes or OK, but he had no option. “Drivers have to click ‘yes’ even if they don’t want it,” he said. “They have to click yes or OK.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11842964 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Uber-Driver-1020x701.jpg']Uber spokesperson Davis White said Castellanos’s experience is not the norm, and that drivers should only see the pop up once when signing off the app, and that the pop up has been changed so drivers can just close it without selecting an answer. \u003ca href=\"https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20398520-uber-prop-22-complaint\">Castellanos and another driver are now suing\u003c/a> Uber for allegedly infringing on their right to be free of political coercion at work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Uber’s popups are an example of the unprecedented advantage gig companies have in this ballot campaign: their own apps.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With their apps already used by millions of California workers and consumers, proponents of no other ballot proposition have ever had direct-to-voter connection at this scale — and gig companies are using the opportunity. They’re sending emails, push notifications to phones and using pop-ups to continually send the pro-Prop. 22 message directly to their customers and workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"David McCuan, Sonoma State University\"]‘It is the holy grail of political communication.’[/pullquote]Lyft and Uber have been particularly aggressive in using apps to market Prop. 22 to customers. In the Uber app, riders will see a little blue text bubble coming out of the car image that says “Yes on 22.” Uber is sending push notifications that pop up on phones saying things like “Vote early on Prop. 22. Support drivers and help keep Uber in your city.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11842964/gig-companies-are-making-their-workers-promote-prop-22\">gig companies are also pressuring their workers\u003c/a> to spread pro-Prop. 22 messages to consumers. In October, Instacart asked workers through the app to put pro-Prop. 22 stickers in customers’ orders at a Bay Area store. The sticker said “Yes 22, Save App-Based Jobs and Services.” DoorDash is providing free delivery bags to restaurants that have Prop. 22 ads on their sides. Then workers have to use these bags to bring food to customers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After backlash online, Instacart is no longer asking workers to add stickers to orders. But DoorDash is continuing to send pro-Prop. 22 delivery bags to restaurants. The company says restaurants have requested over 4 million bags.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This widespread use of apps to spread messages is unprecedented in a proposition campaign, and it could prove to be a powerful tactic that other corporations want to emulate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is the holy grail of political communication,” said David McCuan, professor of political science at Sonoma State University who has been studying ballot propositions for decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the gig companies are successful in getting Prop. 22 passed, McCuan said it could change the way ballot initiatives are fought in California. Companies with apps and money to leverage them may see ballot initiatives as a worthwhile way to get their policies enacted if this campaign shows that apps can be used to sway voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch1>\u003ca id=\"ramifications\">\u003c/a>The Ramifications\u003c/h1>\n\u003cp>If Proposition 22 fails, gig companies would have to reclassify workers as employees. That could mean redirecting more revenue to pay for basic employee protections, increasing fares and increased requirements to work on these apps, especially for more casual, part-time drivers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gig companies could be responsible for years of back pay, lost benefits, taxes and unpaid unemployment insurance, which could be an especially big deal for Uber and Lyft. \u003ca href=\"https://laborcenter.berkeley.edu/press-release-what-would-uber-and-lyft-owe-to-the-state-unemployment-insurance-fund/#:~:text=BERKELEY%2C%20CA%20%E2%80%94%20A%20new%20report,Fund%20between%202014%20and%202019.\">A report from UC Berkeley’s Labor Center\u003c/a> estimates they could owe as much as $413 million for the period between 2014 to 2019.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Uber has said prices \u003ca href=\"https://www.businessinsider.com/uber-fares-double-small-cities-if-voters-reject-prop-22-2020-10\">could double in small cities\u003c/a>. The Yes on Prop. 22 campaign has suggested that 80% to 90% of drivers could lose work. Given the lack of data from gig companies, it is hard to know how much each would have to change their prices or operations. Also Uber and Lyft are still not profitable, so some change is bound to happen to their services regardless of what happens with Proposition 22.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gig companies have also said they could leave California temporarily. In the past, Uber and Lyft have left places like Austin in order to urge lawmakers to overturn regulations they didn’t like. The companies have always come back, and they’ve never pulled out of a market as big as California. \u003ca href=\"https://medium.com/tusk-venture-partners/initial-thoughts-on-what-the-2020-election-means-for-you-b7d8200b1bf6\">Bradley Tusk is a former political advisor to Uber, and he assumes\u003c/a> gig companies would use their billions of dollars to continue appealing to the Legislature and to voters to find a way to maintain their gig contractor model if Prop. 22 fails.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If Proposition 22 passes, California would have a third category of worker — the gig contractor — enshrined in law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gig companies like Uber, Lyft, DoorDash, Postmates and Instacart would get a carve out from state labor law and would be allowed to classify workers as gig contractors, thereby denying them basic employee benefits. The door would be open for other companies to develop apps to take advantage of this new gig worker category.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure would become the \u003ca href=\"#written\">hardest statute to amend\u003c/a> in California history, and local governments would have no power to enact laws that provide gig workers with additional benefits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It would \u003ca href=\"#directtovoter\">establish a playbook\u003c/a> for other companies that want to use an app to market a ballot initiative.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A handful of companies will have proven that they can use a ballot initiative to maintain a business practice that has been deemed illegal either directly or indirectly by all three branches of California’s government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There would certainly be lawsuits over things like the 7/8ths provision, but barring a new ballot proposition or a major legal victory, gig workers would have to continue working without basic employee protections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "The state's most expensive ballot measure ever would lock-in a new category of worker in California - and it would be nearly impossible to change.",
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"title": "Prop. 22 Explained: Why Gig Companies Are Spending Huge Money on an Unprecedented Measure | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ci data-stringify-type=\"italic\">This story was updated Wednesday, Nov. 4 at 12:40pm\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb data-stringify-type=\"bold\">UPDATE: Proposition 22 was approved by California voters Tuesday, Nov. 3. \u003c/b>\u003cb data-stringify-type=\"bold\">\u003ca class=\"c-link\" href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11844725/proposition-22-passes-locking-in-sub-employee-status-for-gig-workers\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\" data-stringify-link=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11844725/proposition-22-passes-locking-in-sub-employee-status-for-gig-workers\" data-sk=\"tooltip_parent\">Read the full details here\u003c/a>\u003c/b>\u003cb data-stringify-type=\"bold\">.\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci data-stringify-type=\"italic\">Original story:\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The decision California voters face on Proposition 22 boils down to this: should a handful of companies be allowed to create a new gig contractor category for their workers that doesn’t include employee protections and benefits, like unemployment insurance and workers compensation? Or should companies like Uber, Lyft and DoorDash have to follow state labor law and classify their drivers as employees, which could mean directing more revenue to workers, higher prices for consumers and increased requirements for more casual drivers?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s the choice on the ballot. But there’s so much more going on with this unprecedented and far-reaching proposition — a proposition that recent polling indicates will come down to Californians who are still undecided. As of Oct. 26, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11843691/poll-measure-pushed-by-uber-lyft-falling-just-short-of-passage-many-voters-still-undecided\">polling of likely voters\u003c/a> shows 46% in favor, 42% opposed and 12% undecided. Here’s everything you’d need to know about the proposition and its backstory before you vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Skip to:\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#backstory\">The Backstory\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>: How companies like Lyft, Uber and DoorDash have avoided employee classification for eight years despite pressure from workers, labor groups and every branch of state government\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#written\">What’s Actually in Prop. 22?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>: An explanation of the limited worker benefits and why the “7/8ths provision” would make it nearly impossible to change this law in the future\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#money\">Unprecedented Money\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>: Gig companies are spending record amounts of cash to market Prop. 22 — and it’s being framed as a social justice issue\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#surveys\">Those Driver Surveys, and What’s Wrong With Them\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>: What do drivers want? Surveys used to market Prop. 22 are often flawed and don’t tell the full story\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#directtovoter\">Unprecedented Direct-to-Voter Connection\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>: Millions of apps in millions of pockets, workers asked to deliver political ads and pop ups galore — win or lose, a new election playbook is being written\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#ramifications\">The Ramifications\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>: If Prop. 22 passes, what will it mean for gig work, labor protections, election campaigning and local governance?\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003ch1>\u003ca id=\"backstory\">\u003c/a>The Backstory\u003c/h1>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11843145\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11843145\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Lyft-moustache.jpg\" alt=\"Lyft car with mustache\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1250\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Lyft-moustache.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Lyft-moustache-800x521.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Lyft-moustache-1020x664.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Lyft-moustache-160x104.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Lyft-moustache-1536x1000.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A Lyft driver with one of the early fuzzy pink mustaches drives in downtown San Francisco in January, 2014. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>It all began in 2012 with a fuzzy pink mustache and a fist bump. It was Lyft, not Uber, that first started paying drivers to use their own cars to do taxi work. Both companies cast themselves not as taxi companies, but platforms to connect riders to drivers, and tech journalists helped propel this image. \u003ca href=\"https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=3668606\">Here’s the even deeper backstory on how that all went down\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Using the platform argument, the gig companies classified their workers as contractors, which shielded them from liability and allowed them to avoid paying for protections like overtime and unemployment insurance. Regulators and the government at the state and federal levels did not stop Uber and Lyft, and soon, companies like Instacart, DoorDash and Postmates began following suit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But this contractor model was legally suspect from the start. In California, the determination of whether a worker was a contractor or an employee was made by the Borello test, which is a \u003ca href=\"https://caselaw.findlaw.com/ca-supreme-court/1774638.html\">complex set of 11 factors established by a 1989 California Supreme Court case\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was arguable that under those parameters, gig workers were not independent entrepreneurs running their own businesses on a platform provided by “tech” companies, but instead, employees of a transportation company in the case of Uber and Lyft, a service company in the case of TaskRabbit and a delivery company in the case of Postmates or DoorDash.\u003ca href=\"https://www.reuters.com/article/us-uber-tech-drivers-lawsuit/uber-drivers-granted-class-action-status-in-lawsuit-over-employment-idUSKCN0R14O920150901\"> Lawyers began trying to make the case\u003c/a> with big lawsuits against gig companies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Workers were and still are fighting almost all the battles over employee protections and benefits behind closed doors. That’s because gig companies make workers sign arbitration clauses, which prevent them from taking any grievance to court. That has helped preempt and neutralize class-action lawsuits. Law professor Charlotte Garden \u003ca href=\"https://digitalcommons.law.seattleu.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1794&context=faculty\">wrote a whole academic paper\u003c/a> on how the gig economy relies on mandatory arbitration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2014, as Uber and Lyft began to slash wages in a price war, workers increased their protest, but they could make no headway toward employment status. Gig companies leaned on customer support for political support, and consumers loved these cheap rides, which were kept low by the contractor model and venture capital. It took six years for any notable action from California’s government. And it came first from the judicial branch.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a ruling on a case known as \u003ca href=\"https://scocal.stanford.edu/opinion/dynamex-operations-west-inc-v-superior-court-34584\">Dynamex in 2018\u003c/a>, California’s Supreme Court simplified the Borello test, boiling it down to just three factors, called the ABCs. A worker could now only be classified as a contractor if they:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>A) Were free from the control and direction of the hirer\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>B) Performed work outside the hirer’s normal course of business\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>C) Had their own independently established trade, occupation or business\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>The ruling made it much more difficult for gig companies to deny workers employee benefits and protections. But still, gig companies kept classifying workers as contractors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the state Supreme Court, the Legislature took up the fight. Lawmakers passed \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB5\">Assembly Bill 5\u003c/a>, which went into effect on Jan. 1, 2020. AB 5 codified the Dynamex ruling and was designed with gig companies in mind.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, the new law also affected a number of other industries that have come to rely on contractors. The bill was amended after a backlash, and a number of professions got exemptions, like fine artists, foresters and translators — but not gig workers. Still, gig companies kept classifying workers as contractors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then in May, several months into the coronavirus pandemic, with tens of thousands of Uber and Lyft drivers seeking unemployment funds that didn’t exist because the companies had never paid into the state unemployment fund, the executive branch got involved. California Attorney General Xavier Becerra, along with a handful of city attorneys, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11816321/california-city-attorneys-sue-uber-and-lyft-over-worker-misclassification\">sued Uber and Lyft for misclassifying workers\u003c/a>. On Oct. 22 Uber and Lyft \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/business/story/2020-10-22/uber-and-lyft-must-comply-with-labor-law-ab-5-appeals-court-orders\">lost an appeal\u003c/a>, and will have to start classifying workers as employees in 30 days — unless Proposition 22 passes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After AB 5 passed, the gig companies started their ballot initiative campaign, hoping that voters would enshrine their gig contractor model into law. Now, with all three branches of California’s government pressuring them to classify workers as employees, they are pouring money into Proposition 22. It’s become \u003ca href=\"https://ballotpedia.org/What_were_the_most_expensive_ballot_measures_in_California\">the most well-funded ballot initiative in California history\u003c/a>. And it’s designed to be a conclusive victory for gig companies.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch1>\u003ca id=\"written\">\u003c/a>What’s Actually in Prop. 22?\u003c/h1>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11843210\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11843210\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45263_001_KQED_ElectionStockPhotos_TikaHall_10062020-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45263_001_KQED_ElectionStockPhotos_TikaHall_10062020-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45263_001_KQED_ElectionStockPhotos_TikaHall_10062020-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45263_001_KQED_ElectionStockPhotos_TikaHall_10062020-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45263_001_KQED_ElectionStockPhotos_TikaHall_10062020-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45263_001_KQED_ElectionStockPhotos_TikaHall_10062020-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A San Francisco resident fills out their mail-in ballot on Oct. 6, 2020. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Proposition 22 is written as an exemption from AB 5 for any company that provides transportation or delivery services through an app. It would enshrine in law a kind of third employment category: the contract gig worker. This has been a goal of gig companies for years. They have pursued it at the federal level, and have already \u003ca href=\"https://www.nelp.org/publication/rights-at-risk-gig-companies-campaign-to-upend-employment-as-we-know-it/\">had success in getting legislation on the books in a number of states\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the measure has several other provisions built around the central premise of exempting gig companies from AB 5.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Limited Employee Benefits\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Prop. 22 would guarantee gig workers some limited benefits and protections. As contractors, they currently have none. But the benefits are not as straightforward as they appear at first read.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The most murky benefit is the guaranteed wage floor. Prop. 22 would ensure 120% of minimum wage and 30 cents per mile for drivers, adjusted for inflation. But there’s a pretty big catch. The guarantee is only for “engaged” driving time, defined as the time between “accepting a service request and completing the request.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Much of gig work is spent waiting for a job in the app. \u003ca href=\"https://laborcenter.berkeley.edu/the-uber-lyft-ballot-initiative-guarantees-only-5-64-an-hour-2/\">UC Berkeley’s Labor Center did a study\u003c/a> where they tried to take time between rides into account, along with wear and tear on the vehicle. Adding those factors in the mix, the study found the wage guarantee drops to just $5.64 an hour, a drastic pay cut from the $13 minimum wage they would be guaranteed as employees in California. Uber and Lyft disputed the findings in the study, and \u003ca href=\"https://ucreconomicforecast.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/08/Prop22_Driver_Earnings_Analysis_August2020.pdf\">they commissioned another study\u003c/a> that put the earnings at between $25 and $27 an hour. That prompted \u003ca href=\"https://laborcenter.berkeley.edu/the-effects-of-proposition-22-on-driver-earnings-response-to-a-lyft-funded-report-by-dr-christopher-thornberg/#_edn5\">a rebuttal from UC Berkeley.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Aside from the wage floor, Prop. 22 includes a number of benefits that are substitutes for protections guaranteed by traditional employment. In each case, these protections are weaker than what workers would get as employees, and some are contingent on driving a certain number of hours.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead of health care, drivers who put in over 25 hours per week of engaged driving time would get health care subsidies. Instead of workers compensation, companies would offer occupational accident insurance for medical expenses, lost income and disability. Companies would also offer accidental death insurance. It is not clear if these insurance plans would be given to workers automatically, or if they would only be guaranteed the opportunity to purchase them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11843841\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11843841\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS41942_005_KQED_Oakland_RideHail_03102020_-qut.jpg\" alt=\"ride-hail driver in Oakland\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS41942_005_KQED_Oakland_RideHail_03102020_-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS41942_005_KQED_Oakland_RideHail_03102020_-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS41942_005_KQED_Oakland_RideHail_03102020_-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS41942_005_KQED_Oakland_RideHail_03102020_-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS41942_005_KQED_Oakland_RideHail_03102020_-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A ride-hail driver in Oakland In March, 2020. Prop. 22 would guarantee gig workers some limited benefits and protections. As contractors, they currently have none. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Prop. 22 also includes provisions to address long-term accountability issues in the gig industry, like discrimination, sexual misconduct, a lack of background checks and drivers working more than 12 hours a day. Gig companies would be required to create anti-discrimination and sexual harassment policies, develop training programs for drivers and require criminal background checks — all things that the companies have been criticized for lacking in the past.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many of the issues these final provisions would address are things that are exacerbated by the contractor status of workers. If these workers were actually employees, gig companies would be far more liable for things like car accidents, sexual misconduct and criminal activity.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Prop. 22 Would Be Nearly Impossible to Change\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>If Proposition 22 passes, it would prevent local governments from passing laws that require companies to provide additional benefits and protections for gig workers not included in Prop. 22. It would also be the hardest statute for the Legislature to alter, aside from a handful of propositions that bar any amendment whatsoever. That’s because of the 7/8ths provision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A single sentence on page 18 of the initiative requires a 7/8ths vote of both the state Assembly and Senate in order to amend Prop. 22 in any way. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/post-it/2020/10/california-amendment-threshold-proposition-22/\">This particular requirement is unprecedented\u003c/a>. Some propositions have required 2/3rds or 3/5s — but never 7/8ths.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If it passes, Prop. 22 would be harder to amend than the state’s Wildlife Protection Act, the Clean Air and Transportation Improvement Act or the Cruelty to Farm Animals Act. Amending it would take eight more votes than are needed to override a governor’s veto or revise the state Constitution, according to data provided to KQED by Alex Vassar, communications manager at the California State Library.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>In California, a proposition can only be undone by another ballot initiative. So why is the threshold for amendment so high on Prop. 22? Part of the reason is that a section of the proposition’s stated purpose is contradictory to the wishes of gig companies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 22 states that it would “require rideshare and delivery network companies to offer new protections and benefits for app-based rideshare and delivery drivers.” That might sound good to voters who want more protections for workers, but it could cause problems for gig companies. The Legislature could, for example, alter Prop. 22 once it becomes statute or pass new laws to increase benefits for workers beyond what gig companies want. The 7/8ths provision presents a very high barrier to that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prop. 22 would also stop local governments from requiring gig companies to increase benefits and protections to gig workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Proposition 22 lops off the top by cutting off the state Legislature’s ability to amend the law, and it lops off the bottom [by] preventing local governments from ever modifying its requirements,” said Rey Fuentes, a fellow at The Partnership for Working Families, an advocacy group for workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cities in California are often where laws that grant the most rigorous worker benefits and protections start: things like the Healthy SF program, or San Francisco’s mandatory sick leave. Cities have also been the most proactive in requiring gig companies to provide additional benefits to workers. San Francisco and San Jose, for instance, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/bayarea/article/Two-Bay-Area-cities-poised-to-approve-paid-sick-15185145.php\">extended COVID-19 emergency benefits to gig workers\u003c/a>. \u003ca href=\"https://www.capitolhillseattle.com/2020/06/seattle-extends-sick-leave-to-gig-workers-including-food-delivery-workers-more-heroes-of-the-covid-19-crisis/\">Seattle passed a similar ordinance\u003c/a>. Prop. 22 has a clause that would preempt future measures like these.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yes on Prop. 22 Spokesperson Geoff Vetter said the issue is consistency for workers who cross city and county lines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Given the cross-jurisdictional nature of the service,” Vetter said, “it would be impossible to allow all 58 counties and 480+ cities to establish separate requirements. Prop. 22 establishes uniform statewide standards for app-based driver scheduling, benefits.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch1>\u003ca id=\"money\">\u003c/a>Unprecedented Money\u003c/h1>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11843334\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11843334\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/UberLyftWindshield.jpg\" alt=\"A driver who drives for both Uber and Lyft\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/UberLyftWindshield.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/UberLyftWindshield-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/UberLyftWindshield-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/UberLyftWindshield-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/UberLyftWindshield-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Uber and Lyft have spent nearly $100 million combined in support of Prop. 22. \u003ccite>(ROBYN BECK/AFP via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Proposition 22 is on track to become the most well-funded ballot initiative in California history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It has already drawn about $200 million, most of it on the pro side. As of 10 days before the election, the anti-side had around $19 million, coming mainly from labor organizations. The pro-side has over $199 million coming from gig companies. As of the beginning of October, Uber had contributed over $50 million; Lyft, $48 million; DoorDash, $47 million; InstaCart, $28 million; and Postmates, $11 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That money is not just being spent on TV and digital advertising. The Yes on Prop. 22 campaign has also contributed to political parties, including $2 million to the California Republican Party. It has spent millions hiring consultants, lobbyists and PR firms like MB Public Affairs, which is known for working with tobacco companies. These firms have launched personal and \u003ca href=\"https://www.cnet.com/features/uber-lyfts-fight-over-gig-worker-status-as-campaign-against-labor-activists-mounts/\">intrusive attacks on academics like Veena Dubal\u003c/a>, a UC Hastings law professor who has been critical of gig companies and Proposition 22.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Yes on Prop. 22 campaign has also sent money to newsrooms in return for digital advertising. By the middle of September, it had sent almost $48,000 to the Sacramento Bee, $13,500 to the San Diego Union Tribune and a little over $36,000 to the San Francisco Chronicle. Both the Tribune and the Chronicle endorsed the measure, but in their endorsements made no mention of the ad revenue they had received.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Marketing Prop. 22 as a Social Justice Measure\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Many workers in the gig economy in California are people of color – a fact reflected in the advertising campaign for Prop. 22, which presents the initiative as a boon for social justice. In the past, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11643681/lyft-gains-on-uber-by-appealing-to-progressive-political-ideals\">Lyft had leaned heavily on social justice messaging\u003c/a> to appeal to liberals and distinguish itself from Uber, especially after Trump was elected. Now, this tactic has become a major thrust of the entire Yes on Prop. 22 campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘You have very clearly crossed the line when you try to claim the equity mantle for a campaign that has always been about allowing multi-billion-dollar app companies to write their own law so they can keep exploiting drivers.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>PR firms working for the campaign \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfgate.com/politics/article/Fake-progressive-mailers-urge-yes-on-Uber-Lyft-15635173.php\">have created a number of political mailers\u003c/a> that urge people to vote yes on Prop. 22 and are designed to look like voter guides coming from progressive sources. In small letters at the bottom of these mailers it says the guides are prepared by organizations like “Feel the Bern, Progressive Voter Guide,” “Council of Concerned Women Voters Guide” and “Our Voice, Latino Voter Guide,” which are all fake progressive organizations. They don’t actually exist. After these mailers were reported, Bernie Sanders \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/BernieSanders/status/1315650084567121920?s=20\">came out publicly against\u003c/a> Proposition 22.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many of the ads in the Yes on Prop. 22 campaign feature people of color, like Aisha A. from Los Angeles, who say they need this flexible job to survive. Uber ran an ad campaign this summer with billboards in many major cities that said “If you tolerate racism, delete Uber.” Lyft \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=yImMyOkeaKQ\">created a television ad\u003c/a> using a recording of Maya Angelou reading her poem, “On the Pulse of Morning.”\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/yImMyOkeaKQ'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/yImMyOkeaKQ'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>The Lyft ad begins with a voiceover of Angelou saying “Lift up your eyes upon / This day breaking for you.” You see Black and brown people getting ready for work. And then it transitions to the inside of a Lyft. There’s a montage of drivers, all people of color, picking up passengers. “Each new hour holds new chances / For a new beginning.” Angelou says “Do not be wedded forever / To fear, yoked eternally / To brutishness.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Getting the California NAACP to endorse Proposition 22 was a big win for gig companies. The organization has authored voter guides telling people to vote yes, and Alice Huffman, head of the California NAACP, has been writing editorials in support of the proposition. Huffman also happens to run a consulting firm called AC Public Affairs. That firm has so far received $85,000 from the Yes on Prop. 22 Campaign. Huffman has a history of receiving contributions from corporations to support their ballot initiatives. The Yes on Prop. 22 money \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2020/09/california-naacp-president-helps-corporate-ballot-measure-campaigns/\">is part of $1.2 million her firm has already received this year\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many Black and Latino leaders in California have come out against Proposition 22; Rep. Barbara Lee from Oakland, Stockton Mayor Michael Tubbs and members of both the Latino and Black California Legislative Caucus were part of a group that \u003ca href=\"https://thehill.com/policy/technology/520671-democrats-accuse-tech-companies-of-deceitful-tactics-in-campaign-against\">publicly denounced\u003c/a> Proposition 22 in mid-October.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Addressing the gig companies on the call, Lee said, “You have very clearly crossed the line when you try to claim the equity mantle for a campaign that has always been about allowing multi-billion-dollar app companies to write their own law so they can keep exploiting the drivers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In response, Vetter said “Prop. 22 not only protects the jobs of drivers of color and their freedom to work independently, it would provide drivers an earnings guarantee, access to benefits like health care and provide drivers and passengers alike with new safety protections.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch1>\u003ca id=\"surveys\">\u003c/a>Those Driver Surveys, and What’s Wrong With Them\u003c/h1>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11843323\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11843323\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/YesOn22Driver.jpg\" alt=\"Uber driver Sergei Fyodorov holds a flyer supporting a yes vote on Proposition 22 in Oakland.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1290\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/YesOn22Driver.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/YesOn22Driver-800x538.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/YesOn22Driver-1020x685.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/YesOn22Driver-160x108.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/YesOn22Driver-1536x1032.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Uber driver Sergei Fyodorov, in Oakland, holds a flyer suggesting his riders ask him about why he supports Proposition 22. \u003ccite>(Josh Edelson/AFP via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Many ads from the Yes on Prop. 22 campaign say four out of five drivers prefer being independent contractors. This data comes from a survey done on the blog of \u003ca href=\"https://therideshareguy.com/\">Harry the Rideshare Guy\u003c/a>. It’s one of a slew of surveys the gig companies have been using to advocate for Prop. 22. These surveys are often methodologically flawed, and they never tell the whole story of what drivers want.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the Harry the Rideshare Guy survey has been a central piece of advertising for Proposition 22 and used in legal arguments, it is a non-scientific, informal poll done on a blog. There was no guarantee that respondents were drivers, let alone that there was a representative sample in terms of demographics, hours driven or political leanings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Harry Campbell, CEO of The Rideshare Guy blog, said he believes the site’s survey reflects what he has been hearing from drivers. Yes on Prop. 22 campaign spokesperson Geoff Vetter agreed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Rideshare Guy polled app-based drivers in California and did it without offering payment to the respondents,” Vetter said. “All this makes for a much fuller, more accurate data set and one that correctly demonstrates how drivers feel about Prop. 22 and independent contractor v. employee status.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But The Rideshare Guy survey is indicative of a number of the broader issues that the No on Prop. 22 campaign and scholars studying the gig economy have with how drivers are being surveyed. Juliet Schor, a professor of sociology at Boston College who has spent years studying the gig economy, said these surveys don’t capture the full picture. There is often bias in the sample, flawed and misleading questions and information presented that influences responses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11843775\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 411px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\" wp-image-11843775\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/edelson-survey-800x466.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"411\" height=\"239\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/edelson-survey-800x466.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/edelson-survey-1020x595.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/edelson-survey-160x93.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/edelson-survey.png 1501w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 411px) 100vw, 411px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Drivers got this prompt before being asked if they supported Proposition 22. \u003ccite>(Edelson Survey Screenshot)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>This \u003ca href=\"https://d3n8a8pro7vhmx.cloudfront.net/themes/5ef0e34fc294806719977470/attachments/original/1592866174/cadriversurvey.pdf?1592866174\">survey from Edelman\u003c/a> is a good example. In a question about Prop. 22, the survey included a snippet from a TechCrunch article that cast the proposition in positive light. Given that prompt, 72 percent of respondents said they supported the measure. On August 19, Lyft issued a survey that had a common flaw in the questioning, equating contractor status to freedom. The survey asked if “the freedom of being an independent contractor outweighs the benefits of being an employee.” Conflating freedom with being an independent contractor is misleading. Employees can have autonomy and freedom, and likewise contractors can be constrained and coerced.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Finally, there is the sample issue. The surveys give equal weight to those who drive only a few hours a week with those who drive much more. And the surveys only poll active workers, which could have a distorting effect on the results. There have been tens or even hundreds of thousands of people in California who have done some work for these gig companies and then stopped. These workers represent a large percentage of the labor that has been done for these companies, yet their opinions are being left out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a big methodological weakness of the surveys,” Schor said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Schor and her research team have interviewed hundreds of gig workers over the years, ethnographic data that can capture what a survey doesn’t. She says there is actually a lot of consistency in what drivers want. They want to be autonomous and have flexibility, but they also want to earn enough that they can pay their bills, buy insurance, and have money set aside if something goes wrong. Schor said she thinks a lot of gig workers in California are answering surveys with what they wish they could have: independent status and enough money to truly be their own bosses. \u003ca href=\"https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=3488009\">Veena Dubal wrote an entire academic paper unpacking all of this\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Driver Noemi Torres agreed with Schor’s conclusions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We want to be independent contractors, but Uber doesn’t treat us like independent contractors,” said Torres, who has been driving for seven years outside of North Hollywood. “Initially, we would get paid enough to support ourselves in terms of getting our own health insurance, but since they keep lowering the rates, you don’t have the flexibility.” She opposes Proposition 22.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Drivers who support Proposition 22 often don’t sound that different when it comes to what they want. They just believe the ballot proposition can get it for them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I decided to vote yes on Prop. 22, because it would allow me and my fellow drivers to retain the flexibility we need while ensuring we get the benefits and protections we deserve,” said Dave Thomasson, a driver from West Covina.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch1>\u003ca id=\"directtovoter\">\u003c/a>Unprecedented Direct-to-Voter Connection\u003c/h1>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11843415\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11843415\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/LyftAppProp22Ad.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1317\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/LyftAppProp22Ad.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/LyftAppProp22Ad-800x549.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/LyftAppProp22Ad-1020x700.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/LyftAppProp22Ad-160x110.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/LyftAppProp22Ad-1536x1054.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A Lyft app displays a message asking users to vote yes on Proposition 22. \u003ccite>(JOSH EDELSON/AFP via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Last month, Hector Castellanos started seeing the pop-ups while driving for Uber. Under a dialog box emblazoned with “Prop. 22 is progress,” Castellanos had to click either “Yes on Prop. 22” or “OK” to proceed with his ride. At the same time, his riders were getting pop ups that said their drivers support Prop. 22 and that they should talk with them about it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Castellanos drives full-time, and throughout the day kept seeing the pop up again and again. Castellanos opposes Proposition 22 and he didn’t want to have to click yes or OK, but he had no option. “Drivers have to click ‘yes’ even if they don’t want it,” he said. “They have to click yes or OK.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Uber spokesperson Davis White said Castellanos’s experience is not the norm, and that drivers should only see the pop up once when signing off the app, and that the pop up has been changed so drivers can just close it without selecting an answer. \u003ca href=\"https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20398520-uber-prop-22-complaint\">Castellanos and another driver are now suing\u003c/a> Uber for allegedly infringing on their right to be free of political coercion at work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Uber’s popups are an example of the unprecedented advantage gig companies have in this ballot campaign: their own apps.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With their apps already used by millions of California workers and consumers, proponents of no other ballot proposition have ever had direct-to-voter connection at this scale — and gig companies are using the opportunity. They’re sending emails, push notifications to phones and using pop-ups to continually send the pro-Prop. 22 message directly to their customers and workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Lyft and Uber have been particularly aggressive in using apps to market Prop. 22 to customers. In the Uber app, riders will see a little blue text bubble coming out of the car image that says “Yes on 22.” Uber is sending push notifications that pop up on phones saying things like “Vote early on Prop. 22. Support drivers and help keep Uber in your city.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11842964/gig-companies-are-making-their-workers-promote-prop-22\">gig companies are also pressuring their workers\u003c/a> to spread pro-Prop. 22 messages to consumers. In October, Instacart asked workers through the app to put pro-Prop. 22 stickers in customers’ orders at a Bay Area store. The sticker said “Yes 22, Save App-Based Jobs and Services.” DoorDash is providing free delivery bags to restaurants that have Prop. 22 ads on their sides. Then workers have to use these bags to bring food to customers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After backlash online, Instacart is no longer asking workers to add stickers to orders. But DoorDash is continuing to send pro-Prop. 22 delivery bags to restaurants. The company says restaurants have requested over 4 million bags.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This widespread use of apps to spread messages is unprecedented in a proposition campaign, and it could prove to be a powerful tactic that other corporations want to emulate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is the holy grail of political communication,” said David McCuan, professor of political science at Sonoma State University who has been studying ballot propositions for decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the gig companies are successful in getting Prop. 22 passed, McCuan said it could change the way ballot initiatives are fought in California. Companies with apps and money to leverage them may see ballot initiatives as a worthwhile way to get their policies enacted if this campaign shows that apps can be used to sway voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch1>\u003ca id=\"ramifications\">\u003c/a>The Ramifications\u003c/h1>\n\u003cp>If Proposition 22 fails, gig companies would have to reclassify workers as employees. That could mean redirecting more revenue to pay for basic employee protections, increasing fares and increased requirements to work on these apps, especially for more casual, part-time drivers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gig companies could be responsible for years of back pay, lost benefits, taxes and unpaid unemployment insurance, which could be an especially big deal for Uber and Lyft. \u003ca href=\"https://laborcenter.berkeley.edu/press-release-what-would-uber-and-lyft-owe-to-the-state-unemployment-insurance-fund/#:~:text=BERKELEY%2C%20CA%20%E2%80%94%20A%20new%20report,Fund%20between%202014%20and%202019.\">A report from UC Berkeley’s Labor Center\u003c/a> estimates they could owe as much as $413 million for the period between 2014 to 2019.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Uber has said prices \u003ca href=\"https://www.businessinsider.com/uber-fares-double-small-cities-if-voters-reject-prop-22-2020-10\">could double in small cities\u003c/a>. The Yes on Prop. 22 campaign has suggested that 80% to 90% of drivers could lose work. Given the lack of data from gig companies, it is hard to know how much each would have to change their prices or operations. Also Uber and Lyft are still not profitable, so some change is bound to happen to their services regardless of what happens with Proposition 22.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gig companies have also said they could leave California temporarily. In the past, Uber and Lyft have left places like Austin in order to urge lawmakers to overturn regulations they didn’t like. The companies have always come back, and they’ve never pulled out of a market as big as California. \u003ca href=\"https://medium.com/tusk-venture-partners/initial-thoughts-on-what-the-2020-election-means-for-you-b7d8200b1bf6\">Bradley Tusk is a former political advisor to Uber, and he assumes\u003c/a> gig companies would use their billions of dollars to continue appealing to the Legislature and to voters to find a way to maintain their gig contractor model if Prop. 22 fails.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If Proposition 22 passes, California would have a third category of worker — the gig contractor — enshrined in law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gig companies like Uber, Lyft, DoorDash, Postmates and Instacart would get a carve out from state labor law and would be allowed to classify workers as gig contractors, thereby denying them basic employee benefits. The door would be open for other companies to develop apps to take advantage of this new gig worker category.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure would become the \u003ca href=\"#written\">hardest statute to amend\u003c/a> in California history, and local governments would have no power to enact laws that provide gig workers with additional benefits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It would \u003ca href=\"#directtovoter\">establish a playbook\u003c/a> for other companies that want to use an app to market a ballot initiative.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A handful of companies will have proven that they can use a ballot initiative to maintain a business practice that has been deemed illegal either directly or indirectly by all three branches of California’s government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There would certainly be lawsuits over things like the 7/8ths provision, but barring a new ballot proposition or a major legal victory, gig workers would have to continue working without basic employee protections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>This story includes a clarification. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California lawmakers need to create a package of legislation that limits multiple kinds of oil drilling, not just hydraulic fracturing, if they want to respond effectively to the world’s climate crisis, says the chairman of a key committee that regulates the industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Fracking is a good place to start, and obviously it’s going to make headlines,” said state Sen. Henry Stern, D-Los Angeles, who chairs the Natural Resources and Water Committee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But, he added, “It won’t solve the entire problem of oil drilling in people’s backyards. We’ve actually got to leave more of this stuff in the ground.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"State Sen. Henry Stern\"]‘[Fracking] won’t solve the entire problem of oil drilling in people’s backyards. We’ve actually got to leave more of this stuff in the ground.’[/pullquote]Last month, as climate change-driven wildfires were on their way to burning more than 4 million acres around the state, Gov. Gavin Newsom signed an \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/science/1969807/california-to-halt-sales-of-new-gas-cars-by-2035\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">executive order\u003c/a> to end sales of gasoline-powered passenger cars and trucks in California by 2035. Newsom then also called on state lawmakers to develop legislation that would eliminate new fracking licenses by 2024.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The moves could forever change California, home to one of the nation’s largest oil producing, refining and consuming markets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The day after Newsom’s executive order, several lawmakers announced \u003ca href=\"https://www.sierraclub.org/sites/www.sierraclub.org/files/sce/sierra-club-california/PDFs/9.24.20%20Fracking%20Ban%20Announcement.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">plans to introduce a ban on fracking\u003c/a> when the next legislative session starts in December. The announcement, which garnered support from several environmental groups, included no specific details. Any such bill would need to go through Stern’s committee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a great gesture,” said Stern, who’s running for re-election and supports a ban on fracking, but was not one of the lawmakers behind the announcement. “It’s going to have a tough row to hoe in the Legislature.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Legislative Challenges\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The challenges of approving new oil drilling regulations in California, which Stern calls a “petro-state,” were recently underscored in the committee he chairs. The natural resources panel rejected legislation that would have called for setbacks — or buffer zones — between future oil drilling sites and homes, playgrounds and schools. The opposition came not just from the oil industry and Republicans on the committee, but from members of Stern’s own party.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have a lot of Democrats with concerns about any restrictions on oil production,” said Stern, who voted for the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several of the committee members who opposed the legislation have received significant contributions from the oil industry, a finding first reported by the left-leaning \u003ca href=\"https://www.jacobinmag.com/2020/09/california-democrats-oil-gas-fracking-ab345\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Jacobin\u003c/a> magazine. The bill’s death prompted outrage among environmentalists and community groups.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Fracking in California\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Fracking is an oil well stimulation method that works to get fuel out of the ground by using water and chemicals to crack open geological formations. The injections allow petroleum and water under the ground to flow more freely.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The fossil fuel industry says the practice helps provide the country with a consistent source of domestic energy. Environmentalists say the chemicals used in the method lead to water and air pollution, as well as the potential contamination of drinking water. Several years ago, it came to light that state regulators in California mistakenly \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/science/1914130/how-much-drinking-water-has-california-lost-to-oil-industry-waste-no-one-knows\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">allowed oil companies\u003c/a> to dispose of the fracking wastewater in aquifers tapped for drinking water that were supposed to be safeguarded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"related coverage\" tag=\"oil-drilling\"]Fracking has become a hot-button issue in the presidential election, especially in Pennsylvania, a key swing state where it creates a lot of jobs. Democratic nominee Joe Biden says he does not oppose fracking, an assertion that President Trump ardently disputes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The technique, along with other oil and gas drilling, mostly takes place on private land, but is regulated by state officials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, fracking makes up a small portion of production in oil fields, many of which are in Kern County. Hydraulic fracturing led to the production of 2.3 million barrels of oil in the state in 2019, or 1.5% of California’s oil production, according to the California Geologic Energy Management Division (CalGEM).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Traditional oil and gas drilling made up 77% of the state’s oil production in 2019, with cyclic steam work accounting for 21%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last July, California put in place a nine-month moratorium on new permits for fracking. During that time, the Department of Conservation asked Lawrence Livermore National Laboratory to conduct an independent review of its pending well-stimulation permits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/TedrickG/status/1317472223297294337?s=20\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since the moratorium ended in April, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11810791/after-9-month-pause-california-issuing-fracking-permits-again\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">CalGEM\u003c/a> has handed out a series of new fracking permits. In fact, the agency approved a set of applications for the technique last Friday.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Pushing for a Compromise\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Figuring out how to cut down on oil drilling is a discussion that state legislators, oil industry executives and labor leaders all need to be involved in, according to Stern, who helped create California’s current regulations on fracking.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We need people pushing the envelope,” Stern said. “I think what the governor’s laid out is prompting a much bigger conversation that’s going to require some kind of grand bargain. If we’re actually going to figure out what a managed decline looks like or what a real just transition is, we’ve got to bring labor in and have a big conversation about how to move past petroleum production.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stern expects several different oil regulating bills to emerge in the state Legislature when it is scheduled to reconvene in December, and says the state needs to have a serious discussion about what the future of the oil industry should look like.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Maybe it doesn’t look like the oil industry of the past and maybe folks like Chevron start to rethink their business model entirely,” he said. “To me, that’s the big victory: If we can actually change the business model of our oil majors here, not just notch a political win, but fundamentally change the dynamics globally.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To create a Green New Deal in California, the state needs to bring different interest groups together and stop pitting oil worker unions against the people who live near drilling sites, Stern added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It starts with workers and frontline communities,” he said. “It’s going to take coalition building and muscle. Now the real work begins.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Oct. 22: This story was adjusted to include a refined definition of hydraulic fracturing. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>This story includes a clarification. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California lawmakers need to create a package of legislation that limits multiple kinds of oil drilling, not just hydraulic fracturing, if they want to respond effectively to the world’s climate crisis, says the chairman of a key committee that regulates the industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Fracking is a good place to start, and obviously it’s going to make headlines,” said state Sen. Henry Stern, D-Los Angeles, who chairs the Natural Resources and Water Committee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But, he added, “It won’t solve the entire problem of oil drilling in people’s backyards. We’ve actually got to leave more of this stuff in the ground.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Last month, as climate change-driven wildfires were on their way to burning more than 4 million acres around the state, Gov. Gavin Newsom signed an \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/science/1969807/california-to-halt-sales-of-new-gas-cars-by-2035\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">executive order\u003c/a> to end sales of gasoline-powered passenger cars and trucks in California by 2035. Newsom then also called on state lawmakers to develop legislation that would eliminate new fracking licenses by 2024.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The moves could forever change California, home to one of the nation’s largest oil producing, refining and consuming markets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The day after Newsom’s executive order, several lawmakers announced \u003ca href=\"https://www.sierraclub.org/sites/www.sierraclub.org/files/sce/sierra-club-california/PDFs/9.24.20%20Fracking%20Ban%20Announcement.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">plans to introduce a ban on fracking\u003c/a> when the next legislative session starts in December. The announcement, which garnered support from several environmental groups, included no specific details. Any such bill would need to go through Stern’s committee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a great gesture,” said Stern, who’s running for re-election and supports a ban on fracking, but was not one of the lawmakers behind the announcement. “It’s going to have a tough row to hoe in the Legislature.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Legislative Challenges\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The challenges of approving new oil drilling regulations in California, which Stern calls a “petro-state,” were recently underscored in the committee he chairs. The natural resources panel rejected legislation that would have called for setbacks — or buffer zones — between future oil drilling sites and homes, playgrounds and schools. The opposition came not just from the oil industry and Republicans on the committee, but from members of Stern’s own party.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have a lot of Democrats with concerns about any restrictions on oil production,” said Stern, who voted for the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several of the committee members who opposed the legislation have received significant contributions from the oil industry, a finding first reported by the left-leaning \u003ca href=\"https://www.jacobinmag.com/2020/09/california-democrats-oil-gas-fracking-ab345\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Jacobin\u003c/a> magazine. The bill’s death prompted outrage among environmentalists and community groups.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Fracking in California\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Fracking is an oil well stimulation method that works to get fuel out of the ground by using water and chemicals to crack open geological formations. The injections allow petroleum and water under the ground to flow more freely.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The fossil fuel industry says the practice helps provide the country with a consistent source of domestic energy. Environmentalists say the chemicals used in the method lead to water and air pollution, as well as the potential contamination of drinking water. Several years ago, it came to light that state regulators in California mistakenly \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/science/1914130/how-much-drinking-water-has-california-lost-to-oil-industry-waste-no-one-knows\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">allowed oil companies\u003c/a> to dispose of the fracking wastewater in aquifers tapped for drinking water that were supposed to be safeguarded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Fracking has become a hot-button issue in the presidential election, especially in Pennsylvania, a key swing state where it creates a lot of jobs. Democratic nominee Joe Biden says he does not oppose fracking, an assertion that President Trump ardently disputes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The technique, along with other oil and gas drilling, mostly takes place on private land, but is regulated by state officials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, fracking makes up a small portion of production in oil fields, many of which are in Kern County. Hydraulic fracturing led to the production of 2.3 million barrels of oil in the state in 2019, or 1.5% of California’s oil production, according to the California Geologic Energy Management Division (CalGEM).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Traditional oil and gas drilling made up 77% of the state’s oil production in 2019, with cyclic steam work accounting for 21%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last July, California put in place a nine-month moratorium on new permits for fracking. During that time, the Department of Conservation asked Lawrence Livermore National Laboratory to conduct an independent review of its pending well-stimulation permits.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>Since the moratorium ended in April, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11810791/after-9-month-pause-california-issuing-fracking-permits-again\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">CalGEM\u003c/a> has handed out a series of new fracking permits. In fact, the agency approved a set of applications for the technique last Friday.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Pushing for a Compromise\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Figuring out how to cut down on oil drilling is a discussion that state legislators, oil industry executives and labor leaders all need to be involved in, according to Stern, who helped create California’s current regulations on fracking.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We need people pushing the envelope,” Stern said. “I think what the governor’s laid out is prompting a much bigger conversation that’s going to require some kind of grand bargain. If we’re actually going to figure out what a managed decline looks like or what a real just transition is, we’ve got to bring labor in and have a big conversation about how to move past petroleum production.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stern expects several different oil regulating bills to emerge in the state Legislature when it is scheduled to reconvene in December, and says the state needs to have a serious discussion about what the future of the oil industry should look like.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Maybe it doesn’t look like the oil industry of the past and maybe folks like Chevron start to rethink their business model entirely,” he said. “To me, that’s the big victory: If we can actually change the business model of our oil majors here, not just notch a political win, but fundamentally change the dynamics globally.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To create a Green New Deal in California, the state needs to bring different interest groups together and stop pitting oil worker unions against the people who live near drilling sites, Stern added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It starts with workers and frontline communities,” he said. “It’s going to take coalition building and muscle. Now the real work begins.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Oct. 22: This story was adjusted to include a refined definition of hydraulic fracturing. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Even after California fully reopens, demand for gasoline is expected to be \u003ca href=\"http://bit.ly/fioregasdemand\">much less than before\u003c/a> the coronavirus pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During the pre-COVID-19 boom times of 2019, demand for gasoline fell due to a variety of factors including the proliferation of vehicles with higher fuel efficiency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the midst of widespread shelter-in-place orders, California fuel consumption hit the lowest daily average since 1968 in April.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sure, we still have fracking and old-fashioned dirty oil being pumped out of the ground in California – but Gov. Gavin Newsom's order to eventually \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/science/1969807/california-to-halt-sales-of-new-gas-cars-by-2035\">cease sales of new gasoline-powered cars and trucks\u003c/a> along with refineries shutting down or retooling to renewable diesel production gives me hope.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco’s corruption scandal grows by the month — enveloping four department heads, a well-known restaurateur and even a revered Chinatown community philanthropist. But how do they all connect? What did each of them do? KQED’s “Pipeline of Corruption” tool is here to help you keep it all in order.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe src=\"https://flo.uri.sh/visualisation/5304625/embed\" title=\"Interactive or visual content\" frameborder=\"0\" scrolling=\"no\" style=\"width:100%;height:800px;\" sandbox=\"allow-same-origin allow-forms allow-scripts allow-downloads allow-popups allow-popups-to-escape-sandbox allow-top-navigation-by-user-activation\" width=\"100%\" height=\"500\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>TK OUTRO TEXT\u003c/p>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cp>If you’ve driven across the Golden Gate Bridge in the last couple of months, you may have heard a startlingly loud humming noise coming from the bridge itself. Bay Curious listener Ryan heard it one day while driving his motorcycle across the bridge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Once COVID started it was just fun to go on 20-minute rides,” Ryan said. “It was a pretty easy way to get out of the house and not talk to people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[baycuriouspodcastinfo]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ryan normally avoids crossing the bridge on windy days, but had no choice one day after missing his exit. That’s when he heard it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It made this really really loud noise, it sounded like, I don’t know, like a howl or a whistle or something like that,” he said. “It kinda sounded like when you blow into a beer bottle.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ryan is not the only person wondering what’s going on with the bridge. Residents report hearing it across the bay, at Lands End, and from other points miles away.\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote class=\"twitter-tweet\">\n\u003cp dir=\"ltr\" lang=\"en\">As much as I would‘ve loved this eerie sound to be aliens coming for us, apparently it’s the installation of new wind resistance railing that has turned the Golden Gate Bridge into a huge instrument that can be heard all around the Bay! Hypnotizing! \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/hashtag/goldengatebridge?src=hash&ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw\">#goldengatebridge\u003c/a> \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/hashtag/SanFrancisco?src=hash&ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw\">#SanFrancisco\u003c/a> \u003ca href=\"https://t.co/DhWEnttp2X\">pic.twitter.com/DhWEnttp2X\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>— Shirin (@Shirin_Jnk) \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/Shirin_Jnk/status/1269143410268467200?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw\">June 6, 2020\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>KQED’s senior editor for Arts, Gabe Meline, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/arts/13881451/the-golden-gate-bridge-sounds-like-a-david-lynch-movie-now\">looked into the strange phenomenon\u003c/a> back in June. The sound is coming from new sidewalk railing slats installed as part of a wind retrofit meant to make the bridge safer and more resilient.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Bay Curious’ sound engineer, Rob Speight, wanted to know a lot more. He dug into the issue further, wondering why bridge engineers decided to change the slats in the first place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When bridge engineers were designing the original railings, they wanted to provide pedestrians a sense of safety while allowing drivers to take in views of San Francisco to the east and the Pacific Ocean to the west, while on the roadway,” says Paolo Cosulich-Schwartz, spokesperson for the Golden Gate Bridge, Highway and Transportation District.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The slats used to be fairly big, like two-by-fours, but in the recent retrofit the engineers made them thinner. They noticed that when the wind hit the slats just right, it made a sound. But they were unprepared for how distinctive — and loud — the howling would be. They also may have underestimated how much people would hate it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11837053\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 640px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-large wp-image-11837053\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/Screen-Shot-2020-09-08-at-2.47.05-PM-1020x421.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"640\" height=\"264\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/Screen-Shot-2020-09-08-at-2.47.05-PM-1020x421.png 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/Screen-Shot-2020-09-08-at-2.47.05-PM-800x330.png 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/Screen-Shot-2020-09-08-at-2.47.05-PM-160x66.png 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/Screen-Shot-2020-09-08-at-2.47.05-PM.png 1448w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 640px) 100vw, 640px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Screenshot of a Reddit discussion about the Golden Gate Bridge’s new howl. The \u003ca href=\"https://www.reddit.com/r/engineering/comments/gxvg7i/golden_gate_bridge_side_path_redesign/\">whole thread\u003c/a> is interesting. \u003ccite>(\u003ca href=\"https://www.reddit.com/r/engineering/comments/gxvg7i/golden_gate_bridge_side_path_redesign/\">Reddit\u003c/a>)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“In order to create the effect, we do need to see winds with a little bit of northwest or southwest [direction to them],” says Cosulich-Schwartz. “We’re only hearing it when there’s a bit of an angle to it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wind speeds have to be fairly high, too, although engineers are still looking into the specifics. So, the bridge definitely isn’t making this sound all the time, one reason why it can be so eerie when it does.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One other cool thing about the howl is its frequency — 440Hz. As any musician will know, A440 is the tuning standard for the musical note A above C. In general, all western instruments use this frequency as the basis of a standard tuning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote class=\"twitter-tweet\">\n\u003cp dir=\"ltr\" lang=\"en\">Golden Gate Bridge be like \u003ca href=\"https://t.co/VQD0f9jcHg\">pic.twitter.com/VQD0f9jcHg\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>— Gina Linetti (@GinaLin88822273) \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/GinaLin88822273/status/1269136844689559552?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw\">June 6, 2020\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>“It’s a happy coincidence that the bridge making a new noise is a musical feature,” Cosulich-Schwartz says. “[It’s] certainly not something we designed for, which is why we’re doing testing. And we’ll be evaluating mitigation measures to dampen or eliminate the noise based on feedback we’ve heard from the community.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That means you have a short window to hear the bridge singing it’s mysterious song across the bay before the district implements a fix. Keep an eye on the forecast for north-westerly or south-westerly winds and then go listen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[baycuriousquestion]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>If you’ve driven across the Golden Gate Bridge in the last couple of months, you may have heard a startlingly loud humming noise coming from the bridge itself. Bay Curious listener Ryan heard it one day while driving his motorcycle across the bridge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Once COVID started it was just fun to go on 20-minute rides,” Ryan said. “It was a pretty easy way to get out of the house and not talk to people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003caside class=\"alignleft utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__bayCuriousPodcastShortcode__bayCurious\">\u003cimg src=https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/02/bayCuriousLogo.png alt=\"Bay Curious Podcast\" loading=\"lazy\" />\n \u003ca href=\"/news/series/baycurious\">Bay Curious\u003c/a> is a podcast that answers your questions about the Bay Area.\n Subscribe on \u003ca href=\"https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/bay-curious/id1172473406\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Apple Podcasts\u003c/a>,\n \u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/podcasts/500557090/bay-curious\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">NPR One\u003c/a> or your favorite podcast platform.\u003c/aside>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ryan normally avoids crossing the bridge on windy days, but had no choice one day after missing his exit. That’s when he heard it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It made this really really loud noise, it sounded like, I don’t know, like a howl or a whistle or something like that,” he said. “It kinda sounded like when you blow into a beer bottle.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ryan is not the only person wondering what’s going on with the bridge. Residents report hearing it across the bay, at Lands End, and from other points miles away.\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote class=\"twitter-tweet\">\n\u003cp dir=\"ltr\" lang=\"en\">As much as I would‘ve loved this eerie sound to be aliens coming for us, apparently it’s the installation of new wind resistance railing that has turned the Golden Gate Bridge into a huge instrument that can be heard all around the Bay! Hypnotizing! \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/hashtag/goldengatebridge?src=hash&ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw\">#goldengatebridge\u003c/a> \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/hashtag/SanFrancisco?src=hash&ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw\">#SanFrancisco\u003c/a> \u003ca href=\"https://t.co/DhWEnttp2X\">pic.twitter.com/DhWEnttp2X\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>— Shirin (@Shirin_Jnk) \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/Shirin_Jnk/status/1269143410268467200?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw\">June 6, 2020\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>KQED’s senior editor for Arts, Gabe Meline, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/arts/13881451/the-golden-gate-bridge-sounds-like-a-david-lynch-movie-now\">looked into the strange phenomenon\u003c/a> back in June. The sound is coming from new sidewalk railing slats installed as part of a wind retrofit meant to make the bridge safer and more resilient.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Bay Curious’ sound engineer, Rob Speight, wanted to know a lot more. He dug into the issue further, wondering why bridge engineers decided to change the slats in the first place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When bridge engineers were designing the original railings, they wanted to provide pedestrians a sense of safety while allowing drivers to take in views of San Francisco to the east and the Pacific Ocean to the west, while on the roadway,” says Paolo Cosulich-Schwartz, spokesperson for the Golden Gate Bridge, Highway and Transportation District.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The slats used to be fairly big, like two-by-fours, but in the recent retrofit the engineers made them thinner. They noticed that when the wind hit the slats just right, it made a sound. But they were unprepared for how distinctive — and loud — the howling would be. They also may have underestimated how much people would hate it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11837053\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 640px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-large wp-image-11837053\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/Screen-Shot-2020-09-08-at-2.47.05-PM-1020x421.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"640\" height=\"264\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/Screen-Shot-2020-09-08-at-2.47.05-PM-1020x421.png 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/Screen-Shot-2020-09-08-at-2.47.05-PM-800x330.png 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/Screen-Shot-2020-09-08-at-2.47.05-PM-160x66.png 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/Screen-Shot-2020-09-08-at-2.47.05-PM.png 1448w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 640px) 100vw, 640px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Screenshot of a Reddit discussion about the Golden Gate Bridge’s new howl. The \u003ca href=\"https://www.reddit.com/r/engineering/comments/gxvg7i/golden_gate_bridge_side_path_redesign/\">whole thread\u003c/a> is interesting. \u003ccite>(\u003ca href=\"https://www.reddit.com/r/engineering/comments/gxvg7i/golden_gate_bridge_side_path_redesign/\">Reddit\u003c/a>)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“In order to create the effect, we do need to see winds with a little bit of northwest or southwest [direction to them],” says Cosulich-Schwartz. “We’re only hearing it when there’s a bit of an angle to it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wind speeds have to be fairly high, too, although engineers are still looking into the specifics. So, the bridge definitely isn’t making this sound all the time, one reason why it can be so eerie when it does.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One other cool thing about the howl is its frequency — 440Hz. As any musician will know, A440 is the tuning standard for the musical note A above C. In general, all western instruments use this frequency as the basis of a standard tuning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote class=\"twitter-tweet\">\n\u003cp dir=\"ltr\" lang=\"en\">Golden Gate Bridge be like \u003ca href=\"https://t.co/VQD0f9jcHg\">pic.twitter.com/VQD0f9jcHg\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>— Gina Linetti (@GinaLin88822273) \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/GinaLin88822273/status/1269136844689559552?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw\">June 6, 2020\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>“It’s a happy coincidence that the bridge making a new noise is a musical feature,” Cosulich-Schwartz says. “[It’s] certainly not something we designed for, which is why we’re doing testing. And we’ll be evaluating mitigation measures to dampen or eliminate the noise based on feedback we’ve heard from the community.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That means you have a short window to hear the bridge singing it’s mysterious song across the bay before the district implements a fix. Keep an eye on the forecast for north-westerly or south-westerly winds and then go listen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"info": "\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em>, which listeners will hear in the first part of the hour, has fearless and much-needed conversations about race. Hosted by journalists of color, the show tackles the subject of race head-on, exploring how it impacts every part of society — from politics and pop culture to history, sports and more.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em>, which will be in the second part of the hour, guides you through spaces and feelings no one prepares you for — from finances to mental health, from workplace microaggressions to imposter syndrome, from relationships to parenting. The show features experts with real world experience and shares their knowledge. Because everyone needs a little help being human.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/podcasts/510312/codeswitch\">\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/lifekit\">\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />",
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"info": "The Commonwealth Club of California is the nation's oldest and largest public affairs forum. As a non-partisan forum, The Club brings to the public airwaves diverse viewpoints on important topics. The Club's weekly radio broadcast - the oldest in the U.S., dating back to 1924 - is carried across the nation on public radio stations and is now podcasting. Our website archive features audio of our recent programs, as well as selected speeches from our long and distinguished history. This podcast feed is usually updated twice a week and is always un-edited.",
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"id": "fresh-air",
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"hidden-brain": {
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"info": "Guy Raz dives into the stories behind some of the world's best known companies. How I Built This weaves a narrative journey about innovators, entrepreneurs and idealists—and the movements they built.",
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"airtime": "SUN 7:30pm-8pm",
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"hyphenacion": {
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"tagline": "Where conversation and cultura meet",
"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
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"jerrybrown": {
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"title": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown",
"tagline": "Lessons from a lifetime in politics",
"info": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown brings listeners the wisdom of the former Governor, Mayor, and presidential candidate. Scott Shafer interviewed Brown for more than 40 hours, covering the former governor's life and half-century in the political game – and Brown has some lessons he'd like to share. ",
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"order": 18
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},
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"title": "Latino USA",
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"info": "Latino USA, the radio journal of news and culture, is the only national, English-language radio program produced from a Latino perspective.",
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},
"marketplace": {
"id": "marketplace",
"title": "Marketplace",
"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 4pm-4:30pm, MON-WED 6:30pm-7pm",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.marketplace.org/",
"meta": {
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"source": "American Public Media"
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"masters-of-scale": {
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"title": "Masters of Scale",
"info": "Masters of Scale is an original podcast in which LinkedIn co-founder and Greylock Partner Reid Hoffman sets out to describe and prove theories that explain how great entrepreneurs take their companies from zero to a gazillion in ingenious fashion.",
"airtime": "Every other Wednesday June 12 through October 16 at 8pm (repeats Thursdays at 2am)",
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"rss": "https://rss.art19.com/masters-of-scale"
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},
"mindshift": {
"id": "mindshift",
"title": "MindShift",
"tagline": "A podcast about the future of learning and how we raise our kids",
"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/mindshift/",
"meta": {
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"order": 12
},
"link": "/podcasts/mindshift",
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM1NzY0NjAwNDI5",
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},
"morning-edition": {
"id": "morning-edition",
"title": "Morning Edition",
"info": "\u003cem>Morning Edition\u003c/em> takes listeners around the country and the world with multi-faceted stories and commentaries every weekday. Hosts Steve Inskeep, David Greene and Rachel Martin bring you the latest breaking news and features to prepare you for the day.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 3am-9am",
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"onourwatch": {
"id": "onourwatch",
"title": "On Our Watch",
"tagline": "Deeply-reported investigative journalism",
"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/On-Our-Watch-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/onourwatch",
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"order": 11
},
"link": "/podcasts/onourwatch",
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5ucHIub3JnLzUxMDM2MC9wb2RjYXN0LnhtbD9zYz1nb29nbGVwb2RjYXN0cw",
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},
"on-the-media": {
"id": "on-the-media",
"title": "On The Media",
"info": "Our weekly podcast explores how the media 'sausage' is made, casts an incisive eye on fluctuations in the marketplace of ideas, and examines threats to the freedom of information and expression in America and abroad. For one hour a week, the show tries to lift the veil from the process of \"making media,\" especially news media, because it's through that lens that we see the world and the world sees us",
"airtime": "SUN 2pm-3pm, MON 12am-1am",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/onTheMedia.png",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.wnycstudios.org/shows/otm",
"meta": {
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},
"link": "/radio/program/on-the-media",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/on-the-media/id73330715?mt=2",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/radio/On-the-Media-p69/",
"rss": "http://feeds.wnyc.org/onthemedia"
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},
"pbs-newshour": {
"id": "pbs-newshour",
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"info": "Analysis, background reports and updates from the PBS NewsHour putting today's news in context.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 3pm-4pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/PBS-News-Hour-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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},
"link": "/radio/program/pbs-newshour",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/pbs-newshour-full-show/id394432287?mt=2",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/radio/PBS-NewsHour---Full-Show-p425698/",
"rss": "https://www.pbs.org/newshour/feeds/rss/podcasts/show"
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},
"perspectives": {
"id": "perspectives",
"title": "Perspectives",
"tagline": "KQED's series of daily listener commentaries since 1991",
"info": "KQED's series of daily listener commentaries since 1991.",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/01/Perspectives_Tile_Final.jpg",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/perspectives/",
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"order": 14
},
"link": "/perspectives",
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"planet-money": {
"id": "planet-money",
"title": "Planet Money",
"info": "The economy explained. Imagine you could call up a friend and say, Meet me at the bar and tell me what's going on with the economy. Now imagine that's actually a fun evening.",
"airtime": "SUN 3pm-4pm",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/planetmoney.jpg",
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"meta": {
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},
"link": "/radio/program/planet-money",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/planet-money/id290783428?mt=2",
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},
"politicalbreakdown": {
"id": "politicalbreakdown",
"title": "Political Breakdown",
"tagline": "Politics from a personal perspective",
"info": "Political Breakdown is a new series that explores the political intersection of California and the nation. Each week hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos are joined with a new special guest to unpack politics -- with personality — and offer an insider’s glimpse at how politics happens.",
"airtime": "THU 6:30pm-7pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Political-Breakdown-2024-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
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