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"content": "\u003cp>15-year-old Peyton Marcisz and 17-year-old Andrea Kitahata were excited to be back on the soccer field. Because of shelter-in-place restrictions, the team had to take a three-month break from in-person training and only recently had started practicing on the field.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was special to be able to go out once a week,” said Marcisz. “It was really exciting even at the time and not being able to train for three months prior to that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, the team practices three times a week and are working their way up to full contact with other players. But Marcisz and Kitahata are just glad to be on the field after the turbulent summer they’ve had.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=medium align=right citation=\"Andrea Kitahata, member of FC Bay Area soccer team\"]‘We don’t know if we’re going to get shut down in a week or if we’re not going to play for a while, so I do appreciate every moment I have on the field now.”[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The girls used to be part of the San Jose Earthquakes Girls Academy. For the past three years, the San Jose-based professional soccer team provided training programs for boys aged 13-19, and girls aged 14 to 19. When the coronavirus pandemic hit, the academy paused in-person practice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was a blow for many of the players.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was kind of our life,” said Marcisz. “Soccer was basically our 24/7 with school.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On April 15, the U.S. Soccer Development Academy, a national soccer league which connected local teams across the country, \u003ca href=\"http://www.ussoccerda.com/20200415-NEWS-DA-Letter-to-Development-Academy-Clubs\">permanently folded\u003c/a> due to pandemic-related budget cuts. Then, in May, the San Jose Earthquakes decided it would shut down their girls program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to Major League Soccer (MLS) rules, the Earthquakes are “required to have a boys academy program, but they are not currently required to have a girls program,” said Andres Deza, a former coach for the Earthquakes’ girls program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Boys can train in the Earthquakes training program and eventually join the professional team. But because there is no professional women’s team for the Earthquakes, the company has less incentive to keep the girl’s program running.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Peter Marcisz, Peyton’s dad, said the decision by the Development Academy and the Earthquakes to cut the girls program didn’t sit well with him. To him, it reeked of gender inequity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There is absolutely something to the fact that it’s a girls team and we’re keeping the boys [team] and getting rid of the girls [team],” Marcisz said. “That was pretty rude to say the least. All that commitment that all these kids across the country and their parents have made are all just blown up.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Earthquakes didn’t respond to a request for comment, but the San Jose team is one of a number across the country, including the Los Angeles-based team LA Galaxy, to make similar decisions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was really hard for us because in a short period of time, we lost the Girls Academy, the league, and then we lost the backing of the Earthquakes, which we had been developing for three years,” Deza said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Deza said he didn’t want to give up the team without a fight.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We decided that we’d give it a shot and try to see if we could, you know, keep the program together somehow.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside tag=\"soccer\" label=\"related stories\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A few weeks after the Earthquakes shut down the Girls Academy, Deza and some of the other coaches from the girls program started their own club, which they named FC Bay Area. Deza said once they opened registration for their club, they were pleasantly surprised to find that about 90% of their original membership decided to move to the new club.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The players and the families decided to stick with us, which was very humbling,” Deza said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kitahata said the decision was clear for her: Deza was the best coach she had had and she was eager to be back out on the field.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Us not being able to play for months on end — for me, it kinda put a fire in my belly about wanting to improve and be my best every time I step on the field because nothing’s guaranteed at this point,” Kitahata said. “We don’t know if we’re going to get shut down in a week or if we’re not going to play for a while, so I do appreciate every moment I have on the field now.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11840382\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11840382 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/SJ-Earthquakes-Pic-2-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"The girls and boys teams train three days a week now and are slowly working their way up to full contact with another player. "I think it's a privilege to be able to play and live in an area with all these great girls," said player Peyton Marcisz.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/SJ-Earthquakes-Pic-2-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/SJ-Earthquakes-Pic-2-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/SJ-Earthquakes-Pic-2-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/SJ-Earthquakes-Pic-2-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/SJ-Earthquakes-Pic-2-2048x1536.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/SJ-Earthquakes-Pic-2-1920x1440.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/SJ-Earthquakes-Pic-2-1832x1374.jpg 1832w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/SJ-Earthquakes-Pic-2-1376x1032.jpg 1376w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/SJ-Earthquakes-Pic-2-1044x783.jpg 1044w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/SJ-Earthquakes-Pic-2-632x474.jpg 632w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/SJ-Earthquakes-Pic-2-536x402.jpg 536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The new soccer club, FC Bay Area, train three days a week now and are slowly working their way up to full contact with another player. “I think it’s a privilege to be able to play and live in an area with all these great girls,” said player Peyton Marcisz. \u003ccite>(Adhiti Bandlamudi/ KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Since starting up in the July, FC Bay Area has joined several leagues, including the Girls Academy League, the Boys MLS Youth Elite League and the Women’s Premier Soccer League.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even boys have joined the team. “We have a boys training program at Twin Creeks, training side-by-side with the girls,” Deza said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The teams are practicing three times a week and slowly working their way up to full contact with another player. Everyone is looking forward to when the pandemic ends and matches can be scheduled again.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Deza is excited about the developments for the program, but he says it’s expensive to run.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m basically a volunteer for a non-profit organization,” he said. “As you can imagine, the budget is very tight.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Teams must pay for equipment, first aid, coaches and fees for sports fields. Now with the pandemic, there’s the added costs of personal protective equipment and needing more space for social distancing. Deza hopes to rely on parents’ chipping in more fees and on fundraising and corporate sponsorships.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Financially, the viability of this project is going to be very challenging,” Deza said. “But we’re going to try.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>15-year-old Peyton Marcisz and 17-year-old Andrea Kitahata were excited to be back on the soccer field. Because of shelter-in-place restrictions, the team had to take a three-month break from in-person training and only recently had started practicing on the field.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was special to be able to go out once a week,” said Marcisz. “It was really exciting even at the time and not being able to train for three months prior to that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, the team practices three times a week and are working their way up to full contact with other players. But Marcisz and Kitahata are just glad to be on the field after the turbulent summer they’ve had.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The girls used to be part of the San Jose Earthquakes Girls Academy. For the past three years, the San Jose-based professional soccer team provided training programs for boys aged 13-19, and girls aged 14 to 19. When the coronavirus pandemic hit, the academy paused in-person practice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was a blow for many of the players.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was kind of our life,” said Marcisz. “Soccer was basically our 24/7 with school.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On April 15, the U.S. Soccer Development Academy, a national soccer league which connected local teams across the country, \u003ca href=\"http://www.ussoccerda.com/20200415-NEWS-DA-Letter-to-Development-Academy-Clubs\">permanently folded\u003c/a> due to pandemic-related budget cuts. Then, in May, the San Jose Earthquakes decided it would shut down their girls program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to Major League Soccer (MLS) rules, the Earthquakes are “required to have a boys academy program, but they are not currently required to have a girls program,” said Andres Deza, a former coach for the Earthquakes’ girls program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Boys can train in the Earthquakes training program and eventually join the professional team. But because there is no professional women’s team for the Earthquakes, the company has less incentive to keep the girl’s program running.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Peter Marcisz, Peyton’s dad, said the decision by the Development Academy and the Earthquakes to cut the girls program didn’t sit well with him. To him, it reeked of gender inequity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There is absolutely something to the fact that it’s a girls team and we’re keeping the boys [team] and getting rid of the girls [team],” Marcisz said. “That was pretty rude to say the least. All that commitment that all these kids across the country and their parents have made are all just blown up.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Earthquakes didn’t respond to a request for comment, but the San Jose team is one of a number across the country, including the Los Angeles-based team LA Galaxy, to make similar decisions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A few weeks after the Earthquakes shut down the Girls Academy, Deza and some of the other coaches from the girls program started their own club, which they named FC Bay Area. Deza said once they opened registration for their club, they were pleasantly surprised to find that about 90% of their original membership decided to move to the new club.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The players and the families decided to stick with us, which was very humbling,” Deza said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kitahata said the decision was clear for her: Deza was the best coach she had had and she was eager to be back out on the field.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Us not being able to play for months on end — for me, it kinda put a fire in my belly about wanting to improve and be my best every time I step on the field because nothing’s guaranteed at this point,” Kitahata said. “We don’t know if we’re going to get shut down in a week or if we’re not going to play for a while, so I do appreciate every moment I have on the field now.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11840382\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11840382 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/SJ-Earthquakes-Pic-2-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"The girls and boys teams train three days a week now and are slowly working their way up to full contact with another player. "I think it's a privilege to be able to play and live in an area with all these great girls," said player Peyton Marcisz.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/SJ-Earthquakes-Pic-2-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/SJ-Earthquakes-Pic-2-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/SJ-Earthquakes-Pic-2-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/SJ-Earthquakes-Pic-2-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/SJ-Earthquakes-Pic-2-2048x1536.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/SJ-Earthquakes-Pic-2-1920x1440.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/SJ-Earthquakes-Pic-2-1832x1374.jpg 1832w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/SJ-Earthquakes-Pic-2-1376x1032.jpg 1376w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/SJ-Earthquakes-Pic-2-1044x783.jpg 1044w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/SJ-Earthquakes-Pic-2-632x474.jpg 632w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/SJ-Earthquakes-Pic-2-536x402.jpg 536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The new soccer club, FC Bay Area, train three days a week now and are slowly working their way up to full contact with another player. “I think it’s a privilege to be able to play and live in an area with all these great girls,” said player Peyton Marcisz. \u003ccite>(Adhiti Bandlamudi/ KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Since starting up in the July, FC Bay Area has joined several leagues, including the Girls Academy League, the Boys MLS Youth Elite League and the Women’s Premier Soccer League.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even boys have joined the team. “We have a boys training program at Twin Creeks, training side-by-side with the girls,” Deza said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The teams are practicing three times a week and slowly working their way up to full contact with another player. Everyone is looking forward to when the pandemic ends and matches can be scheduled again.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Deza is excited about the developments for the program, but he says it’s expensive to run.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m basically a volunteer for a non-profit organization,” he said. “As you can imagine, the budget is very tight.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Teams must pay for equipment, first aid, coaches and fees for sports fields. Now with the pandemic, there’s the added costs of personal protective equipment and needing more space for social distancing. Deza hopes to rely on parents’ chipping in more fees and on fundraising and corporate sponsorships.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Financially, the viability of this project is going to be very challenging,” Deza said. “But we’re going to try.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "some-silicon-valley-companies-continue-to-pay-service-staff-others-lay-them-off",
"title": "Some Silicon Valley Companies Continue to Pay Service Staff, Others Lay Them Off",
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"content": "\u003cp>Seven months into the pandemic, Silicon Valley offices remain mostly empty. Some are at quarter capacity. Most are still totally shut down.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While many white-collar employees for these companies are continuing to work from home, that’s not the case for the janitors, bus drivers, cafeteria workers and security guards, most of whom are contractors. Even white-collar contractors at Silicon Valley firms have reported \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11806387/coronavirus-highlights-worker-privilege-disparities-at-big-tech-firms\">getting different treatment from full-time employees during the pandemic\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some companies like Facebook and Alphabet are still paying service workers and have vowed to continue as long as the headquarters are shut. Other companies are deciding to lay them off. With the pandemic, there are few places right now to find new service work.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Recalculating the Benefit of Ancillary Jobs\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The ancillary service jobs that are imperiled right now both at company headquarters and in the surrounding area have long been considered a major benefit of having businesses like Facebook, Yahoo and Alphabet in the community. Even if the programming jobs were relatively few and often brought in workers from around the country or overseas, locals would have a shot at cleaning the offices, shuttling around employees, working in cafeterias or at nearby restaurants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Companies that make their money through the internet, like Alphabet (the parent company of Google) and Facebook, don’t create nearly as many jobs at their firms compared to manufacturing companies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For example, Facebook and Alphabet together have around 170,000 employees. That’s about the same as General Motors, which employs roughly 164,000. But while the employee numbers are similar, the valuations are vastly different. Right now, at the end of September, the market capitalization of Facebook and Alphabet together is $1.727 trillion. That’s 41 times as much as General Motors is worth on the market.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even though these wealthy corporations don’t employ people like manufacturing companies, it has been argued that they are beneficial because of the ancillary jobs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2012, UC Berkeley economist Enrico Moretti said each tech job creates five service jobs. True or not, this argument helped get tax breaks for companies like Twitter and Google to grow their presence in the Bay Area. But with offices shut down and people working from home, the pandemic has upended that calculus.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>A Surprising Lifeline\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>When I spoke with Liliana Morales, who used to work as a prep chef at Facebook, she was having a hard time finding a quiet spot in her home. The bathroom is usually a good bet, but even it can be breached. During our interview, her youngest child busted in several times.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Morales’s three kids were all “at school,” when we spoke. That means three separate Zoom calls in the same common space of their small home. It’s in East Palo Alto, four blocks from the Facebook headquarters. When the pandemic happened, Morales worried she’d lose her job. But instead, her supervisor said they would keep getting paid even though they were not allowed to come in to work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Maria Noel Fernandez, campaign director at Silicon Valley Rising\"]‘Had these workers not been organizing in the streets and in boardrooms over the last several years, I don’t know we’d be in the same place.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was thankful because I didn’t expect they would do the right thing,” Morales said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some Silicon Valley companies like Facebook and Alphabet are continuing to pay contractors. Both those companies have been doing well during the pandemic, hiring thousands of new employees. Even so, they could have easily decided to lay off service workers, most of which are employed through third-party subcontractors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Maria Noel Fernandez is a campaign director with the labor group \u003ca href=\"https://siliconvalleyrising.org/\">Silicon Valley Rising\u003c/a>. She says service staff working through contractors are only getting treated well now because workers and the labor movement \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11741371/two-tiered-caste-system-the-world-of-white-collar-contracting-in-silicon-valley\">brought attention to Silicon Valley’s two-tier class system\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Had these workers not been organizing in the streets and in boardrooms over the last several years, I don’t know we’d be in the same place,” Fernandez said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Not all Silicon Valley companies are standing by their contract workers, though.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A subcontractor working for Lyft laid off 63 janitors via text messages in September; subcontractors for Tesla laid off 280 bus drivers and janitors; subcontractors for Verizon-owned Yahoo laid off 120 cafeteria workers. With the pandemic, these workers are struggling to find replacement employment.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Searching For Jobs That Don’t Exist\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Every workday for the last 12 years, Agustina Sanchez woke up early and headed to the cafeteria at Yahoo. She worked the front of the house, and loved the job. She liked explaining the menu, taking special orders. She says the cafeteria felt like it was her home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then, early in September, she got a message from the subcontractor who employed her. It said that she and her colleagues were getting laid off.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside tag=\"silicon-valley\" label=\"related coverage\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sanchez said she got a bunch of texts from the Yahoo employees she used to serve. They’re upset and offering to try and help her out, but there is not much they can do. The office is going to be shut for the foreseeable future, and they are employees who can work from home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yahoo did not respond to a request for comment. There is currently no official count of how many contract workers in Silicon Valley have lost their jobs in the pandemic and how many are continuing to be paid. That number would be difficult to tally, as there are thousands of different subcontracting firms in Silicon Valley and the Bay Area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sanchez said this all feels like a nightmare, especially in the Bay Area where some people get more and more and more, while so many are struggling just to survive. Sanchez said she’s already looking for a new job, but now no one is hiring since the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While Sanchez looks for another job, she has been working with her church to deliver food to other service workers in her neighborhood who have contracted the coronavirus and are quarantining. It’s hard for her right now, she said, but she’s grateful she at least has her health.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Resources\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here is a list of KQED guides to navigating financial hardship during the pandemic:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11806938/how-to-file-for-unemployment-in-california-during-the-coronavirus-pandemic\">How to File for Unemployment\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11830937/stressed-about-paying-august-rent-check-here-first\">Stressed About Paying Rent? Check Here First\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11818967/how-to-apply-for-californias-disaster-relief-assistance-fund-for-undocumented-immigrants\">How to Apply for California’s Disaster Relief Assistance Fund for Undocumented Immigrants\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11826950/affected-by-covid-19-and-cant-afford-food-start-here\">Where to Find Free Meals and Food Services\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11812172/how-to-navigate-bills-right-now-from-student-loans-to-phone-plans\">How to Navigate Bills Right Now\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Seven months into the pandemic, Silicon Valley offices remain mostly empty. Some are at quarter capacity. Most are still totally shut down.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While many white-collar employees for these companies are continuing to work from home, that’s not the case for the janitors, bus drivers, cafeteria workers and security guards, most of whom are contractors. Even white-collar contractors at Silicon Valley firms have reported \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11806387/coronavirus-highlights-worker-privilege-disparities-at-big-tech-firms\">getting different treatment from full-time employees during the pandemic\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some companies like Facebook and Alphabet are still paying service workers and have vowed to continue as long as the headquarters are shut. Other companies are deciding to lay them off. With the pandemic, there are few places right now to find new service work.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Recalculating the Benefit of Ancillary Jobs\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The ancillary service jobs that are imperiled right now both at company headquarters and in the surrounding area have long been considered a major benefit of having businesses like Facebook, Yahoo and Alphabet in the community. Even if the programming jobs were relatively few and often brought in workers from around the country or overseas, locals would have a shot at cleaning the offices, shuttling around employees, working in cafeterias or at nearby restaurants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Companies that make their money through the internet, like Alphabet (the parent company of Google) and Facebook, don’t create nearly as many jobs at their firms compared to manufacturing companies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For example, Facebook and Alphabet together have around 170,000 employees. That’s about the same as General Motors, which employs roughly 164,000. But while the employee numbers are similar, the valuations are vastly different. Right now, at the end of September, the market capitalization of Facebook and Alphabet together is $1.727 trillion. That’s 41 times as much as General Motors is worth on the market.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even though these wealthy corporations don’t employ people like manufacturing companies, it has been argued that they are beneficial because of the ancillary jobs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2012, UC Berkeley economist Enrico Moretti said each tech job creates five service jobs. True or not, this argument helped get tax breaks for companies like Twitter and Google to grow their presence in the Bay Area. But with offices shut down and people working from home, the pandemic has upended that calculus.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>A Surprising Lifeline\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>When I spoke with Liliana Morales, who used to work as a prep chef at Facebook, she was having a hard time finding a quiet spot in her home. The bathroom is usually a good bet, but even it can be breached. During our interview, her youngest child busted in several times.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Morales’s three kids were all “at school,” when we spoke. That means three separate Zoom calls in the same common space of their small home. It’s in East Palo Alto, four blocks from the Facebook headquarters. When the pandemic happened, Morales worried she’d lose her job. But instead, her supervisor said they would keep getting paid even though they were not allowed to come in to work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was thankful because I didn’t expect they would do the right thing,” Morales said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some Silicon Valley companies like Facebook and Alphabet are continuing to pay contractors. Both those companies have been doing well during the pandemic, hiring thousands of new employees. Even so, they could have easily decided to lay off service workers, most of which are employed through third-party subcontractors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Maria Noel Fernandez is a campaign director with the labor group \u003ca href=\"https://siliconvalleyrising.org/\">Silicon Valley Rising\u003c/a>. She says service staff working through contractors are only getting treated well now because workers and the labor movement \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11741371/two-tiered-caste-system-the-world-of-white-collar-contracting-in-silicon-valley\">brought attention to Silicon Valley’s two-tier class system\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Had these workers not been organizing in the streets and in boardrooms over the last several years, I don’t know we’d be in the same place,” Fernandez said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Not all Silicon Valley companies are standing by their contract workers, though.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A subcontractor working for Lyft laid off 63 janitors via text messages in September; subcontractors for Tesla laid off 280 bus drivers and janitors; subcontractors for Verizon-owned Yahoo laid off 120 cafeteria workers. With the pandemic, these workers are struggling to find replacement employment.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Searching For Jobs That Don’t Exist\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Every workday for the last 12 years, Agustina Sanchez woke up early and headed to the cafeteria at Yahoo. She worked the front of the house, and loved the job. She liked explaining the menu, taking special orders. She says the cafeteria felt like it was her home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then, early in September, she got a message from the subcontractor who employed her. It said that she and her colleagues were getting laid off.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sanchez said she got a bunch of texts from the Yahoo employees she used to serve. They’re upset and offering to try and help her out, but there is not much they can do. The office is going to be shut for the foreseeable future, and they are employees who can work from home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yahoo did not respond to a request for comment. There is currently no official count of how many contract workers in Silicon Valley have lost their jobs in the pandemic and how many are continuing to be paid. That number would be difficult to tally, as there are thousands of different subcontracting firms in Silicon Valley and the Bay Area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sanchez said this all feels like a nightmare, especially in the Bay Area where some people get more and more and more, while so many are struggling just to survive. Sanchez said she’s already looking for a new job, but now no one is hiring since the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While Sanchez looks for another job, she has been working with her church to deliver food to other service workers in her neighborhood who have contracted the coronavirus and are quarantining. It’s hard for her right now, she said, but she’s grateful she at least has her health.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Resources\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here is a list of KQED guides to navigating financial hardship during the pandemic:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11806938/how-to-file-for-unemployment-in-california-during-the-coronavirus-pandemic\">How to File for Unemployment\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11830937/stressed-about-paying-august-rent-check-here-first\">Stressed About Paying Rent? Check Here First\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11818967/how-to-apply-for-californias-disaster-relief-assistance-fund-for-undocumented-immigrants\">How to Apply for California’s Disaster Relief Assistance Fund for Undocumented Immigrants\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11826950/affected-by-covid-19-and-cant-afford-food-start-here\">Where to Find Free Meals and Food Services\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11812172/how-to-navigate-bills-right-now-from-student-loans-to-phone-plans\">How to Navigate Bills Right Now\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "during-a-disaster-your-phone-might-stop-working-how-can-you-communicate",
"title": "During a Wildfire, Your Phone Might Stop Working. How Can You Communicate?",
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"headTitle": "During a Wildfire, Your Phone Might Stop Working. How Can You Communicate? | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>In a disaster situation like a wildfire or an earthquake, communication between you and those you care about is key. But what if the one device you rely on to communicate — your phone — isn’t working?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cellphone service can be reduced or vanish altogether during emergencies, as \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2020/09/11/california-wildfires-reps-blast-cell-companies-unconscionable-move-to-block-backup-power-rules/\">cell towers go down\u003c/a> amid power shutoffs, or when overhead fiber lines on utility poles are \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11622310/fire-victims-frustrated-by-lack-of-wireless-connectivity\">damaged by fire itself\u003c/a>. Service interruptions like these stop people from being able to get in touch with family and friends to confirm their safety, and prevent them from receiving the very emergency alerts they’re relying on for evacuation updates. (\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11834901/fire-evacuation-what-actually-happens-and-how-can-you-plan#2\">If you’re not signed up for emergency alerts, do it right now here.\u003c/a>)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So if you’re caught in a disaster situation like a wildfire and your cellphone loses coverage, what can you do? There are a few steps you can take to maintain contact with others, and to keep loved ones updated on your safety.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Be prepared to lose calls or texts (or both)\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The best form of preparation for an emergency situation is being able to adapt, says Sonoma County Supervisor James Gore. You might be able to make a call, but not be able to send or receive texts, or the other way around. Or you might have to completely rely on finding Wi-Fi.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s because of \u003cem>how\u003c/em> cellphone coverage fails during a disaster like a wildfire. When lines are themselves damaged by fire, calls won’t work, but texts — which place less demand on cell towers — might.\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Jump straight to: \u003ca href=\"#save\">Save our tip graphic to your phone’s camera roll\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>But if there’s an outage because of a public safety power shutoff, smaller cell towers might not get power from the system’s battery backup, meaning cellphone data clogs up and texts can’t get through. This, Gore says, is what happened to a huge number of Sonoma County residents during the 2017 wildfires.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you find yourself in this kind of situation, Gore advises that you just “keep trying.” Confusingly, your phone’s screen might \u003cem>look\u003c/em> like you have good coverage, but cellphone data being overwhelmed will still prevent you from using your phone like usual.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11835196\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11835196\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44522_002_KQED_SantaCruzCo_CZULightningComplex_08202020-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44522_002_KQED_SantaCruzCo_CZULightningComplex_08202020-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44522_002_KQED_SantaCruzCo_CZULightningComplex_08202020-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44522_002_KQED_SantaCruzCo_CZULightningComplex_08202020-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44522_002_KQED_SantaCruzCo_CZULightningComplex_08202020-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44522_002_KQED_SantaCruzCo_CZULightningComplex_08202020-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A road closure sign in Felton during the CZU Lightning Complex fire on Aug. 20, 2020. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>Know how to find Wi-Fi in an emergency\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Places like large stores (think Walmart) or coffee shops, like Starbucks, might provide Wi-Fi, and you often will be able to pick up the signal outside in the parking lot. Your internet provider might also offer free Wi-Fi hotspots in your region in a disaster situation, something Gore says is becoming more common.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Otherwise, you can almost certainly find Wi-Fi at one of your county’s temporary evacuation points. It’s worth noting that during the height of the COVID pandemic, counties were frequently focused on providing smaller temporary evacuation points and on offering hotel vouchers to evacuees instead of the usual large shelters with cots you might expect — to maintain social distancing and avoid the risk of virus transmission indoors in big groups — so you might still potentially encounter a smaller evacuation center than you might expect.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nonetheless, as well as offering Wi-Fi, a temporary evacuation point is also “a place to park your car, to take a deep breath and communicate with people, because your mind will be spinning a thousand times a minute,” Gore says.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Change your cellphone settings to allow voice calls over Wi-Fi\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>When your cellular data isn’t available, you can set your phone to make and receive calls using Wi-Fi, when you have access to it. This is a setting you’ll almost certainly have to enable on your phone — it’s not a default.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>How to allow voice calls over Wi-Fi:\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>On iPhone: Settings > Cellular > Wi-Fi Calling or Apps > Phone Wi-Fi Calling\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>On Android: Each model may be different, but you’ll still find this somewhere under Settings. On Samsung phones look under Connections, and on Google phones look under Calls.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Note: You might have to actually call your cellphone provider, like Verizon or AT&T, to ask them to activate Wi-Fi calling on your behalf. This is why it’s best to make sure that your phone has this capability in advance, as calling your provider is \u003cem>not\u003c/em> something you’re going to want to have to do during an actual disaster.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Use your voicemail greeting to update friends and family\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Change your voicemail welcome recording when you get cell or Wi-Fi service, and use it to let anyone who calls know your safety status. This means that even when their calls can’t get through to you, your friends and family can hear the information.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>How to change your voicemail message:\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>On iPhone: Apps > Phone > Voicemail > Greeting.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>On Android: Each model may vary, but look for Phone Settings to find the way to change your voicemail message.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11840215\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11840215\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/pexels-andrea-piacquadio-3755749.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/pexels-andrea-piacquadio-3755749.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/pexels-andrea-piacquadio-3755749-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/pexels-andrea-piacquadio-3755749-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/pexels-andrea-piacquadio-3755749-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/pexels-andrea-piacquadio-3755749-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">How can you communicate during a disaster if your phone stops working? \u003ccite>(Andrea Piacquadio/Pexels)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>You can use social media to make calls …\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>If your cellphone service fails, Facebook Messenger, Instagram DMs and WhatsApp will allow you to make calls over WiFi, if you’ve enabled that in your settings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Look for the little phone icon on your apps — but be aware that video calls might require a stronger connection than you’re able to find.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>… and to let people know you’re OK\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Send a post on X, post an update to Facebook or Instagram (your feed or Story) or Tik Tok, or use the “status” feature on WhatsApp or Slack to let people know how you’re doing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you have time and space in the update, include details like your current location and when friends and family can expect to hear from you again, which could allow you to go without cell service or Wi-Fi for a little while, if needed.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Make sure disaster plans include your extended networks — especially for seniors\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Make sure that your disaster plans include your extended networks beyond just your immediate family, recommends Sonoma County Supervisor James Gore. That includes \u003cem>not\u003c/em> assuming that the people in your life are as informed (or as tech-savvy) as you.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Check in with senior relatives in particular, and make sure that they know they might not be able to rely on their internet or phones during a disaster — and help them as much as you can to have a backup plan for communication.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gore also recommends encouraging people in your life to watch and listen to \u003cem>local\u003c/em> news to get information and updates about issues like wildfires, shutoffs and possible evacuation orders that, say, cable news might not be giving them. Some folks can also assume that the emergency broadcast system will cut into whatever they’re watching with any key updates, which Gore says isn’t necessarily the case.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What if you don’t \u003cem>have\u003c/em> a smartphone in the first place?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>If you don’t have a smartphone, wireless emergency alerts (such as evacuation orders or Amber Alerts) will still automatically sound on your cellphone — but they rely on your phone having cell service to work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These alerts also go to National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration (NOAA) weather radios, which operate on emergency cranks or battery power. NOAA weather radios broadcast official warnings, watches, forecasts and other hazard information consistently. \u003ca href=\"https://www.weatherusa.net/radio\">Find out how to tune into a local weather radio here.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You can also \u003ca href=\"https://local.nixle.com/register/\">sign up to get Nixle alerts\u003c/a>, which can come via texts, voice messages and emails — maximizing your chances of being able to receive at least one of these methods. If you have a friend, family member or neighbor who does have a smartphone, set up a system so they can send you important information.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Consider having an out-of-state text contact\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Capt. Erica Arteseros of San Francisco’s Fire Department, who served as program coordinator for the city’s Neighborhood Emergency Response Team, advises you to explicitly identify a person who lives outside California to be your “check-in contact.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Whether it’s a friend or a family member, Arteseros says you should send a text message to that out-of-state person with the time and your location, even if you don’t have wireless service — because that text message \u003cem>will\u003c/em> eventually get to that person.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Phone calls will fail when cell towers are down for either you or your contact, Arteseros explains. Text messages, however, operate on a relay system between emergency beacons on cell towers. This means a text is more likely to reach someone than a phone call or a voice message.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Make sure you don’t run out of power\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>When prepping your \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11833686/what-to-pack-in-your-emergency-bag-with-covid-19-in-mind\">emergency “go bag” kit (instructions here)\u003c/a>, make sure you include a cellphone charger (if possible, more than one) and a portable rechargeable cellphone battery, if you have one.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Placing your phone in airplane mode — and making sure Wi-Fi and Bluetooth connectivity are also disabled — will help battery life. You can periodically turn your phone on and off to check for signal while also conserving battery life. Turning down your screen’s brightness will also help save your battery, as will putting your device in low power mode (even if your battery still has significant charge).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Your phone may end up being a crucial lifeline between you and loved ones, and you want to make sure you can keep using it.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"save\">\u003c/a>Finally: Save these reminders to your phone’s camera roll …\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>… so you can view these tips (in English and Spanish) without cellphone coverage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"alignnone size-full wp-image-11840242\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/how-to-communicate.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1080\" height=\"1350\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/how-to-communicate.jpg 1080w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/how-to-communicate-800x1000.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/how-to-communicate-1020x1275.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/how-to-communicate-160x200.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1080px) 100vw, 1080px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"alignnone size-full wp-image-11840243\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/how-to-communicate-espanol2.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1080\" height=\"1350\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/how-to-communicate-espanol2.jpg 1080w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/how-to-communicate-espanol2-800x1000.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/how-to-communicate-espanol2-1020x1275.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/how-to-communicate-espanol2-160x200.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1080px) 100vw, 1080px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "During a wildfire, your cellphone could lose coverage. So how can you communicate with family and friends?",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>In a disaster situation like a wildfire or an earthquake, communication between you and those you care about is key. But what if the one device you rely on to communicate — your phone — isn’t working?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cellphone service can be reduced or vanish altogether during emergencies, as \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2020/09/11/california-wildfires-reps-blast-cell-companies-unconscionable-move-to-block-backup-power-rules/\">cell towers go down\u003c/a> amid power shutoffs, or when overhead fiber lines on utility poles are \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11622310/fire-victims-frustrated-by-lack-of-wireless-connectivity\">damaged by fire itself\u003c/a>. Service interruptions like these stop people from being able to get in touch with family and friends to confirm their safety, and prevent them from receiving the very emergency alerts they’re relying on for evacuation updates. (\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11834901/fire-evacuation-what-actually-happens-and-how-can-you-plan#2\">If you’re not signed up for emergency alerts, do it right now here.\u003c/a>)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So if you’re caught in a disaster situation like a wildfire and your cellphone loses coverage, what can you do? There are a few steps you can take to maintain contact with others, and to keep loved ones updated on your safety.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Be prepared to lose calls or texts (or both)\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The best form of preparation for an emergency situation is being able to adapt, says Sonoma County Supervisor James Gore. You might be able to make a call, but not be able to send or receive texts, or the other way around. Or you might have to completely rely on finding Wi-Fi.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s because of \u003cem>how\u003c/em> cellphone coverage fails during a disaster like a wildfire. When lines are themselves damaged by fire, calls won’t work, but texts — which place less demand on cell towers — might.\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Jump straight to: \u003ca href=\"#save\">Save our tip graphic to your phone’s camera roll\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>But if there’s an outage because of a public safety power shutoff, smaller cell towers might not get power from the system’s battery backup, meaning cellphone data clogs up and texts can’t get through. This, Gore says, is what happened to a huge number of Sonoma County residents during the 2017 wildfires.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you find yourself in this kind of situation, Gore advises that you just “keep trying.” Confusingly, your phone’s screen might \u003cem>look\u003c/em> like you have good coverage, but cellphone data being overwhelmed will still prevent you from using your phone like usual.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11835196\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11835196\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44522_002_KQED_SantaCruzCo_CZULightningComplex_08202020-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44522_002_KQED_SantaCruzCo_CZULightningComplex_08202020-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44522_002_KQED_SantaCruzCo_CZULightningComplex_08202020-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44522_002_KQED_SantaCruzCo_CZULightningComplex_08202020-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44522_002_KQED_SantaCruzCo_CZULightningComplex_08202020-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/RS44522_002_KQED_SantaCruzCo_CZULightningComplex_08202020-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A road closure sign in Felton during the CZU Lightning Complex fire on Aug. 20, 2020. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>Know how to find Wi-Fi in an emergency\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Places like large stores (think Walmart) or coffee shops, like Starbucks, might provide Wi-Fi, and you often will be able to pick up the signal outside in the parking lot. Your internet provider might also offer free Wi-Fi hotspots in your region in a disaster situation, something Gore says is becoming more common.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Otherwise, you can almost certainly find Wi-Fi at one of your county’s temporary evacuation points. It’s worth noting that during the height of the COVID pandemic, counties were frequently focused on providing smaller temporary evacuation points and on offering hotel vouchers to evacuees instead of the usual large shelters with cots you might expect — to maintain social distancing and avoid the risk of virus transmission indoors in big groups — so you might still potentially encounter a smaller evacuation center than you might expect.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nonetheless, as well as offering Wi-Fi, a temporary evacuation point is also “a place to park your car, to take a deep breath and communicate with people, because your mind will be spinning a thousand times a minute,” Gore says.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Change your cellphone settings to allow voice calls over Wi-Fi\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>When your cellular data isn’t available, you can set your phone to make and receive calls using Wi-Fi, when you have access to it. This is a setting you’ll almost certainly have to enable on your phone — it’s not a default.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>How to allow voice calls over Wi-Fi:\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>On iPhone: Settings > Cellular > Wi-Fi Calling or Apps > Phone Wi-Fi Calling\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>On Android: Each model may be different, but you’ll still find this somewhere under Settings. On Samsung phones look under Connections, and on Google phones look under Calls.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Note: You might have to actually call your cellphone provider, like Verizon or AT&T, to ask them to activate Wi-Fi calling on your behalf. This is why it’s best to make sure that your phone has this capability in advance, as calling your provider is \u003cem>not\u003c/em> something you’re going to want to have to do during an actual disaster.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Use your voicemail greeting to update friends and family\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Change your voicemail welcome recording when you get cell or Wi-Fi service, and use it to let anyone who calls know your safety status. This means that even when their calls can’t get through to you, your friends and family can hear the information.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>How to change your voicemail message:\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>On iPhone: Apps > Phone > Voicemail > Greeting.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>On Android: Each model may vary, but look for Phone Settings to find the way to change your voicemail message.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11840215\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11840215\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/pexels-andrea-piacquadio-3755749.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/pexels-andrea-piacquadio-3755749.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/pexels-andrea-piacquadio-3755749-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/pexels-andrea-piacquadio-3755749-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/pexels-andrea-piacquadio-3755749-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/pexels-andrea-piacquadio-3755749-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">How can you communicate during a disaster if your phone stops working? \u003ccite>(Andrea Piacquadio/Pexels)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>You can use social media to make calls …\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>If your cellphone service fails, Facebook Messenger, Instagram DMs and WhatsApp will allow you to make calls over WiFi, if you’ve enabled that in your settings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Look for the little phone icon on your apps — but be aware that video calls might require a stronger connection than you’re able to find.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>… and to let people know you’re OK\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Send a post on X, post an update to Facebook or Instagram (your feed or Story) or Tik Tok, or use the “status” feature on WhatsApp or Slack to let people know how you’re doing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you have time and space in the update, include details like your current location and when friends and family can expect to hear from you again, which could allow you to go without cell service or Wi-Fi for a little while, if needed.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Make sure disaster plans include your extended networks — especially for seniors\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Make sure that your disaster plans include your extended networks beyond just your immediate family, recommends Sonoma County Supervisor James Gore. That includes \u003cem>not\u003c/em> assuming that the people in your life are as informed (or as tech-savvy) as you.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Check in with senior relatives in particular, and make sure that they know they might not be able to rely on their internet or phones during a disaster — and help them as much as you can to have a backup plan for communication.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gore also recommends encouraging people in your life to watch and listen to \u003cem>local\u003c/em> news to get information and updates about issues like wildfires, shutoffs and possible evacuation orders that, say, cable news might not be giving them. Some folks can also assume that the emergency broadcast system will cut into whatever they’re watching with any key updates, which Gore says isn’t necessarily the case.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What if you don’t \u003cem>have\u003c/em> a smartphone in the first place?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>If you don’t have a smartphone, wireless emergency alerts (such as evacuation orders or Amber Alerts) will still automatically sound on your cellphone — but they rely on your phone having cell service to work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These alerts also go to National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration (NOAA) weather radios, which operate on emergency cranks or battery power. NOAA weather radios broadcast official warnings, watches, forecasts and other hazard information consistently. \u003ca href=\"https://www.weatherusa.net/radio\">Find out how to tune into a local weather radio here.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You can also \u003ca href=\"https://local.nixle.com/register/\">sign up to get Nixle alerts\u003c/a>, which can come via texts, voice messages and emails — maximizing your chances of being able to receive at least one of these methods. If you have a friend, family member or neighbor who does have a smartphone, set up a system so they can send you important information.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Consider having an out-of-state text contact\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Capt. Erica Arteseros of San Francisco’s Fire Department, who served as program coordinator for the city’s Neighborhood Emergency Response Team, advises you to explicitly identify a person who lives outside California to be your “check-in contact.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Whether it’s a friend or a family member, Arteseros says you should send a text message to that out-of-state person with the time and your location, even if you don’t have wireless service — because that text message \u003cem>will\u003c/em> eventually get to that person.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Phone calls will fail when cell towers are down for either you or your contact, Arteseros explains. Text messages, however, operate on a relay system between emergency beacons on cell towers. This means a text is more likely to reach someone than a phone call or a voice message.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Make sure you don’t run out of power\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>When prepping your \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11833686/what-to-pack-in-your-emergency-bag-with-covid-19-in-mind\">emergency “go bag” kit (instructions here)\u003c/a>, make sure you include a cellphone charger (if possible, more than one) and a portable rechargeable cellphone battery, if you have one.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Placing your phone in airplane mode — and making sure Wi-Fi and Bluetooth connectivity are also disabled — will help battery life. You can periodically turn your phone on and off to check for signal while also conserving battery life. Turning down your screen’s brightness will also help save your battery, as will putting your device in low power mode (even if your battery still has significant charge).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Your phone may end up being a crucial lifeline between you and loved ones, and you want to make sure you can keep using it.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"save\">\u003c/a>Finally: Save these reminders to your phone’s camera roll …\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>… so you can view these tips (in English and Spanish) without cellphone coverage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"alignnone size-full wp-image-11840242\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/how-to-communicate.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1080\" height=\"1350\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/how-to-communicate.jpg 1080w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/how-to-communicate-800x1000.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/how-to-communicate-1020x1275.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/how-to-communicate-160x200.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1080px) 100vw, 1080px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"alignnone size-full wp-image-11840243\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/how-to-communicate-espanol2.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1080\" height=\"1350\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/how-to-communicate-espanol2.jpg 1080w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/how-to-communicate-espanol2-800x1000.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/how-to-communicate-espanol2-1020x1275.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/how-to-communicate-espanol2-160x200.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1080px) 100vw, 1080px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>A new\u003ca href=\"https://www.igs.berkeley.edu/research/berkeley-igs-poll\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\"> poll\u003c/a> finds that voters are closely divided on a November ballot measure that would allow companies like Uber, Lyft and DoorDash to continue treating their workers as contractors rather than employees, with the measure currently far short of the majority support it will need to pass.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.igs.berkeley.edu/research/berkeley-igs-poll\">UC Berkeley Institute of Governmental Studies poll\u003c/a> finds that \u003ca href=\"https://voterguide.sos.ca.gov/propositions/22/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Proposition 22\u003c/a> is favored by 39% of likely voters, while 36% oppose it and 25% are undecided.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In general, a proposition like this, polling just 39% [support] … would probably be at least a slight underdog in terms of its chances for passage,” said IGS co-director Eric Schickler, a UC Berkeley political science professor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If passed, companies with so-called “gig workers” could get around a recently enacted state law, \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billHistoryClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB5\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Assembly Bill 5\u003c/a>, which was crafted to comply with a 2018 \u003ca href=\"https://scocal.stanford.edu/opinion/dynamex-operations-west-inc-v-superior-court-34584\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">ruling\u003c/a> from the California Supreme Court defining when workers could qualify as independent contractors rather than employees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the poll, Democrats are more likely than Republicans to oppose Proposition 22, while no party preference voters are more evenly divided, with 41% in favor, 33% opposed and 26% undecided.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Support for the measure was lowest (31%) in the San Francisco Bay Area, which is home to many tech companies that support it. Support was highest in Orange and San Diego Counties, the Central Valley and the Inland Empire. The proposition was not supported by a majority of voters in any part of the state, the poll found, and about a quarter of voters in all regions are undecided.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The poll also found that the measure is, not surprisingly, strongly opposed by organized labor, which is hoping to unionize gig workers. Likely voters living in union households oppose the measure (32% yes, 44% no) more than those living in non-union households (41% yes, 34% no).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The poll found higher support among Black and Asian/Pacific Islander voters than among Latino or white voters, although for all groups, approval fell well short of 50%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Yes on 22 campaign has raised at least $184 million, including at least $30 million each from Uber, Lyft and Doordash. Two other companies — Instacart and Postmates — have also kicked in $10 million for the Yes campaign. Opponents, made up mostly of organized labor, have raised just $10 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The poll also found \u003ca href=\"https://voterguide.sos.ca.gov/propositions/15/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Proposition 15\u003c/a>, which would raise taxes on commercial and industrial property worth $3 million or more, ahead 49% to 34% with 17% undecided.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11839297\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2049px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/IDNEA-nbsp-nbsp-nbsp-nbsp-nbsp-nbsp-nbsp-nbsp-nbsp-nbsp-nbsp-nbsp-nbsp-voter-preferences-on-four-california-ballot-measures-in-november-nbsp-.png\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11839297\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/IDNEA-nbsp-nbsp-nbsp-nbsp-nbsp-nbsp-nbsp-nbsp-nbsp-nbsp-nbsp-nbsp-nbsp-voter-preferences-on-four-california-ballot-measures-in-november-nbsp-.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"2049\" height=\"833\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/IDNEA-nbsp-nbsp-nbsp-nbsp-nbsp-nbsp-nbsp-nbsp-nbsp-nbsp-nbsp-nbsp-nbsp-voter-preferences-on-four-california-ballot-measures-in-november-nbsp-.png 2049w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/IDNEA-nbsp-nbsp-nbsp-nbsp-nbsp-nbsp-nbsp-nbsp-nbsp-nbsp-nbsp-nbsp-nbsp-voter-preferences-on-four-california-ballot-measures-in-november-nbsp--800x325.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/IDNEA-nbsp-nbsp-nbsp-nbsp-nbsp-nbsp-nbsp-nbsp-nbsp-nbsp-nbsp-nbsp-nbsp-voter-preferences-on-four-california-ballot-measures-in-november-nbsp--1020x415.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/IDNEA-nbsp-nbsp-nbsp-nbsp-nbsp-nbsp-nbsp-nbsp-nbsp-nbsp-nbsp-nbsp-nbsp-voter-preferences-on-four-california-ballot-measures-in-november-nbsp--160x65.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/IDNEA-nbsp-nbsp-nbsp-nbsp-nbsp-nbsp-nbsp-nbsp-nbsp-nbsp-nbsp-nbsp-nbsp-voter-preferences-on-four-california-ballot-measures-in-november-nbsp--1536x624.png 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/IDNEA-nbsp-nbsp-nbsp-nbsp-nbsp-nbsp-nbsp-nbsp-nbsp-nbsp-nbsp-nbsp-nbsp-voter-preferences-on-four-california-ballot-measures-in-november-nbsp--1920x781.png 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2049px) 100vw, 2049px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Source: UC Berkeley Institute of Governmental Studies poll \u003ccite>(Matthew Green/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Support was strongest among Democrats, renters and voters under the age of 50 who favor creating a so-called “split roll” that would separate commercial and industrial property from residential property and agricultural land, all of which are currently taxed based on original purchase price. Proposition 15 would require commercial and industrial property to be reassessed and taxed at market value, or what it could be sold for, rather than purchase price.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As of now, the proposition is running ahead among no-party-preference voters. And so, I think if that coalition holds up, I think it’s in [a] good position to pass,” Schickler said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both campaigns have raised a significant amount of money, with supporters pulling in at least $40 million from labor unions and other left-leaning groups, while opponents have raised $29 million from business groups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://voterguide.sos.ca.gov/propositions/16/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Proposition 16\u003c/a>, which would reverse California’s ban on affirmative action in public education and hiring, is far behind with just 33% of registered voters supporting it and 41% opposed, while 26% are undecided, according to the poll.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside tag=\"politics\" label=\"More Related Stories\"]Voters are evenly divided on Proposition 21, which would expand local government’s authority to put rent control on residential properties in California that are more than 15 years old. In the poll, 37% of voters said they support the measure, while 37% are opposed and 26% are undecided.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Overall, the poll makes clear that with mail-in ballots expected to arrive within the next two weeks, a relatively high number of likely voters remain undecided on all four measures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It tends to be the case that undecided voters are more likely to vote no in the end,” Schickler said. “If you’re not sure about a proposition, I think more often than not, voters tend to decide to vote no.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Schickler noted that with so much attention on the presidential race, “it’s hard for these propositions to break through and get the kind of attention that would really help voters decide where they stand.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Berkeley IGS poll was administered in Spanish and English from Sept. 9-15 among 7,198 registered voters, 5,942 of whom were considered likely to vote. The results are accurate within plus or minus 2 percentage points.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A new\u003ca href=\"https://www.igs.berkeley.edu/research/berkeley-igs-poll\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\"> poll\u003c/a> finds that voters are closely divided on a November ballot measure that would allow companies like Uber, Lyft and DoorDash to continue treating their workers as contractors rather than employees, with the measure currently far short of the majority support it will need to pass.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.igs.berkeley.edu/research/berkeley-igs-poll\">UC Berkeley Institute of Governmental Studies poll\u003c/a> finds that \u003ca href=\"https://voterguide.sos.ca.gov/propositions/22/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Proposition 22\u003c/a> is favored by 39% of likely voters, while 36% oppose it and 25% are undecided.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In general, a proposition like this, polling just 39% [support] … would probably be at least a slight underdog in terms of its chances for passage,” said IGS co-director Eric Schickler, a UC Berkeley political science professor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If passed, companies with so-called “gig workers” could get around a recently enacted state law, \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billHistoryClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB5\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Assembly Bill 5\u003c/a>, which was crafted to comply with a 2018 \u003ca href=\"https://scocal.stanford.edu/opinion/dynamex-operations-west-inc-v-superior-court-34584\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">ruling\u003c/a> from the California Supreme Court defining when workers could qualify as independent contractors rather than employees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the poll, Democrats are more likely than Republicans to oppose Proposition 22, while no party preference voters are more evenly divided, with 41% in favor, 33% opposed and 26% undecided.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Support for the measure was lowest (31%) in the San Francisco Bay Area, which is home to many tech companies that support it. Support was highest in Orange and San Diego Counties, the Central Valley and the Inland Empire. The proposition was not supported by a majority of voters in any part of the state, the poll found, and about a quarter of voters in all regions are undecided.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The poll also found that the measure is, not surprisingly, strongly opposed by organized labor, which is hoping to unionize gig workers. Likely voters living in union households oppose the measure (32% yes, 44% no) more than those living in non-union households (41% yes, 34% no).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The poll found higher support among Black and Asian/Pacific Islander voters than among Latino or white voters, although for all groups, approval fell well short of 50%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Yes on 22 campaign has raised at least $184 million, including at least $30 million each from Uber, Lyft and Doordash. Two other companies — Instacart and Postmates — have also kicked in $10 million for the Yes campaign. Opponents, made up mostly of organized labor, have raised just $10 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The poll also found \u003ca href=\"https://voterguide.sos.ca.gov/propositions/15/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Proposition 15\u003c/a>, which would raise taxes on commercial and industrial property worth $3 million or more, ahead 49% to 34% with 17% undecided.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11839297\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2049px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/IDNEA-nbsp-nbsp-nbsp-nbsp-nbsp-nbsp-nbsp-nbsp-nbsp-nbsp-nbsp-nbsp-nbsp-voter-preferences-on-four-california-ballot-measures-in-november-nbsp-.png\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11839297\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/IDNEA-nbsp-nbsp-nbsp-nbsp-nbsp-nbsp-nbsp-nbsp-nbsp-nbsp-nbsp-nbsp-nbsp-voter-preferences-on-four-california-ballot-measures-in-november-nbsp-.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"2049\" height=\"833\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/IDNEA-nbsp-nbsp-nbsp-nbsp-nbsp-nbsp-nbsp-nbsp-nbsp-nbsp-nbsp-nbsp-nbsp-voter-preferences-on-four-california-ballot-measures-in-november-nbsp-.png 2049w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/IDNEA-nbsp-nbsp-nbsp-nbsp-nbsp-nbsp-nbsp-nbsp-nbsp-nbsp-nbsp-nbsp-nbsp-voter-preferences-on-four-california-ballot-measures-in-november-nbsp--800x325.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/IDNEA-nbsp-nbsp-nbsp-nbsp-nbsp-nbsp-nbsp-nbsp-nbsp-nbsp-nbsp-nbsp-nbsp-voter-preferences-on-four-california-ballot-measures-in-november-nbsp--1020x415.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/IDNEA-nbsp-nbsp-nbsp-nbsp-nbsp-nbsp-nbsp-nbsp-nbsp-nbsp-nbsp-nbsp-nbsp-voter-preferences-on-four-california-ballot-measures-in-november-nbsp--160x65.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/IDNEA-nbsp-nbsp-nbsp-nbsp-nbsp-nbsp-nbsp-nbsp-nbsp-nbsp-nbsp-nbsp-nbsp-voter-preferences-on-four-california-ballot-measures-in-november-nbsp--1536x624.png 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/IDNEA-nbsp-nbsp-nbsp-nbsp-nbsp-nbsp-nbsp-nbsp-nbsp-nbsp-nbsp-nbsp-nbsp-voter-preferences-on-four-california-ballot-measures-in-november-nbsp--1920x781.png 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2049px) 100vw, 2049px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Source: UC Berkeley Institute of Governmental Studies poll \u003ccite>(Matthew Green/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Support was strongest among Democrats, renters and voters under the age of 50 who favor creating a so-called “split roll” that would separate commercial and industrial property from residential property and agricultural land, all of which are currently taxed based on original purchase price. Proposition 15 would require commercial and industrial property to be reassessed and taxed at market value, or what it could be sold for, rather than purchase price.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As of now, the proposition is running ahead among no-party-preference voters. And so, I think if that coalition holds up, I think it’s in [a] good position to pass,” Schickler said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both campaigns have raised a significant amount of money, with supporters pulling in at least $40 million from labor unions and other left-leaning groups, while opponents have raised $29 million from business groups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://voterguide.sos.ca.gov/propositions/16/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Proposition 16\u003c/a>, which would reverse California’s ban on affirmative action in public education and hiring, is far behind with just 33% of registered voters supporting it and 41% opposed, while 26% are undecided, according to the poll.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Voters are evenly divided on Proposition 21, which would expand local government’s authority to put rent control on residential properties in California that are more than 15 years old. In the poll, 37% of voters said they support the measure, while 37% are opposed and 26% are undecided.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Overall, the poll makes clear that with mail-in ballots expected to arrive within the next two weeks, a relatively high number of likely voters remain undecided on all four measures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It tends to be the case that undecided voters are more likely to vote no in the end,” Schickler said. “If you’re not sure about a proposition, I think more often than not, voters tend to decide to vote no.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Schickler noted that with so much attention on the presidential race, “it’s hard for these propositions to break through and get the kind of attention that would really help voters decide where they stand.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Berkeley IGS poll was administered in Spanish and English from Sept. 9-15 among 7,198 registered voters, 5,942 of whom were considered likely to vote. The results are accurate within plus or minus 2 percentage points.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Third grade teacher Alena Anberg cruised down Highway 99 in her Ford F-150, past acres of almond orchards that split the terrain just outside her hometown of Arbuckle in Colusa County. She grew up in this town of 3,000 and knows the back roads well, which helped as she made several stops to deliver iPads, laptops and old smart phones with SIM cards installed to turn them into Wi-Fi hot spots.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the days shortly after the coronavirus pandemic shut down schools, this was Anberg’s daily routine: helping students connect to their teachers online, by any means necessary.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Waiting outside his trailer home for the delivery was third grader Antonio Campos and his mom. He smiled shyly when Anberg walked up. The family had Wi-Fi thanks to the hot spot Anberg set them up with earlier, but they didn’t know how to use the Chromebook. Anberg had returned to help.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11838846\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11838846\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/IMG_1729_v2-800x450.jpg\" alt=\"Alena Anberg's roots in rural Arbuckle fueled her commitment to get the school district's students connected to reliable and affordable internet.\" width=\"800\" height=\"450\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/IMG_1729_v2-800x450.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/IMG_1729_v2-1020x574.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/IMG_1729_v2-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/IMG_1729_v2-1536x864.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/IMG_1729_v2.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Alena Anberg’s roots in rural Arbuckle fueled her commitment to get the school district’s students connected to reliable and affordable internet. \u003ccite>(Julia McEvoy/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Weeks into the school year, some 1.2 million students across the state still lack adequate internet access, and in rural California, about a third of families are not connected, according to \u003ca href=\"https://edsource.org/2019/disconnected-internet-stops-once-school-ends-for-many-rural-california-students/620825\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">an EdSource analysis\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Anberg has been laser focused on getting local internet providers to do more to connect people in her rural county, parts of which have been without reliable internet for decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My third graders are eight years old and they’re being held back academically by not having access,” Anberg said. “I want it solved, because it was an issue before the coronavirus, for like 25 years. In the super rural places that don’t have any kind of cell towers, they’re really without a solution.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s a battle Anberg has taken on in earnest over the last six months, and now she and the school district may be on the brink of a major victory that would ensure that the all of the district’s approximately 1,300 students have access to high quality, affordable internet service.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Alena Anberg, third grade teacher at Arbuckle Elementary School\"]‘I hunted down all the internet company owners until I got their cell phone numbers and I called every single one of them.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Decades earlier, Anberg herself was a victim of spotty internet and low speed service in her home town. It was a thorn in her side when she was a teen mom working and trying to complete her bachelor’s degree online. As a graduate student, she would hunt for cell phone hot spots to take night classes, sometimes sitting in her car in a parking lot, while waiting for her son to finish his classes at the local community college.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My mom was a police officer, a sergeant here, for the local sheriff’s office for a lot of years. My dad was a crane operator,” she said. “I believe education is a catalyst out of poverty for many families. I had kids young myself, so I know what it is to have that struggle.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After shelter-in-place orders were issued in March, Anberg became increasingly worried about her students who were not connected to the internet. As a third grade teacher trying to instruct her students via distance learning, the problem of families not having reliable Internet service, or no service at all, galvanized her into action.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is our community, the families who are here,” she said. “I feel we need to serve them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Mapping Arbuckle’s Internet\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Anberg began going from home to home, knocking on doors and finding out which families had internet service. She made spreadsheets that mapped it all out, including students’ siblings, then pinned each location in a Google map of internet coverage for her district, Pierce Joint Unified.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many school districts across the country are currently struggling to get this kind of detailed information about their own students, according to Keith Krueger, CEO of the Consortium for School Networking (CoSN).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What you really need is actionable data,” Krueger said. “Which means you have to know student by student, family by family, and that’s highly private.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Families trusted Anberg, and eventually she knew which hot spot, carrier and brand worked at which address.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She did this all while teaching during the day and tutoring students remotely after school. In talking with families, Anberg quickly realized a bigger problem was affordability: Many companies were charging a $200 enrollment fee, and while some were offering deals during the pandemic, many local families didn’t know about them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At first, Anberg thought the easiest solution would be hot spots, which could help families with cell phones connect more cheaply. She helped the school district procure 200 Wi-Fi hot spots from T-Mobile’s Education Empowerment Program, which arrived in June, free to families.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The hot spots would have been a solution if we ever had enough, if we had one to one, and if we had the right brand at the right house,” Anberg said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Families began telling her that their hot spots weren’t working because their homes were in places where T-Mobile didn’t reach or because siblings were trying to share a single hot spot for class.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The district recently received 300 more hot spots from Verizon, which are being configured to meet privacy requirements before being distributed to families living in areas Verizon serves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11838845\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11838845\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/IMG_1711-scaled_v2-800x800.jpg\" alt=\"Adrian Avila and his younger siblings share one hot spot and two computers among them.\" width=\"800\" height=\"800\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/IMG_1711-scaled_v2-800x800.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/IMG_1711-scaled_v2-1020x1020.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/IMG_1711-scaled_v2-160x160.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/IMG_1711-scaled_v2-1536x1536.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/IMG_1711-scaled_v2-1472x1472.jpg 1472w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/IMG_1711-scaled_v2-1104x1104.jpg 1104w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/IMG_1711-scaled_v2-912x912.jpg 912w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/IMG_1711-scaled_v2-550x550.jpg 550w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/IMG_1711-scaled_v2-470x470.jpg 470w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/IMG_1711-scaled_v2.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Adrian Avila, 14 years-old (front) and his younger siblings share one hot spot and two computers. \u003ccite>(Julia McEvoy/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Still, Anberg had a bigger vision, said Carol Geyer, superintendent of Pierce Joint Unified, who said the district began to rely on Anberg’s expertise.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She was helping my teachers who didn’t have reliable internet, maybe at home for themselves or for their own children,” said Geyer. “Then she said, ‘Wow, kids aren’t connecting with school. What about their parents?'” Geyer said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Anberg knew many families’ livelihoods during COVID-19 depended on reliable internet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So I hunted down all the internet company owners until I got their cell phone numbers and I called every single one of them,” Anberg said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She finally found a sympathetic ear in the smaller, local company \u003ca href=\"https://succeed.net/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Succeed.Net\u003c/a>, headed by Robert Lavelock.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She’s an amazing person. She really cares about her community,” Lavelock said of Anberg. “It’s kind of interesting that a teacher would take this on herself.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside tag=\"digital-divide\" label=\"related coverage\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Anberg has convinced several local people to allow Succeed.Net to put up equipment on their land. Lavelock has agreed to lease space from them and install wireless radio equipment needed to relay signals from tower to tower, which will finally bring high speed internet to those areas. And he will waive enrollment fees for new customers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By helping Anberg, Succeed.Net will fill in a few of its own coverage gaps, said Lavelock, who grew up in the area and founded his company in 1995.\u003cem> \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not really a big money thing. I’m at the stage where I can now do things just to help the communities,” Lavelock said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Limited Choices\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Lavelock shares Anberg’s frustration with larger internet service providers (ISPs) which collectively have taken billions of dollars in government money to improve infrastructure in rural parts of the state but have not delivered, according to many industry watchdogs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Colusa County, the main provider is Frontier Communications, which recently filed for bankruptcy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Frontier has been the monopoly here for many, many years,” Anberg said. \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">According to the \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.infrastructurereportcard.org/state-item/california/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">2019 California Broadband Infrastructure Report Card\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">, Colusa County got an F+ grade. That’s the grade given if the provider offers service, but doesn’t meet minimum standards.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even the school district itself is at the mercy of Frontier, said the superintendent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Frontier is our provider and and they aren’t always reliable,” Geyer said. “Last week we went a day and a half with no internet whatsoever. We lost connectivity at the district level.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Frontier told KQED that it had responded promptly to resolve the disruption to Pierce Unified’s service and that the trouble was caused by a piece of equipment that was not available until the next day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In a large, geographically diverse area, service interruptions occur,” the company said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11838843\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11838843\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/IMG_1734V2-800x450.jpg\" alt=\"Ariel Johnson (right) and her sister Kaileia Johnson said they often must wait until midnight to do their homework because their internet, which is provided by Frontier, is so slow they can't be on it while family members are using it for work during the day.\" width=\"800\" height=\"450\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/IMG_1734V2-800x450.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/IMG_1734V2-1020x574.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/IMG_1734V2-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/IMG_1734V2-1536x864.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/IMG_1734V2.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Ariel Johnson (right) and her sister Kaileia Johnson said they must often wait until midnight to do their homework because their internet, which is provided by Frontier, is so slow they can’t be on it while family members are using it for work during the day. \u003ccite>(Julia McEvoy/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Over the years, Anberg has become convinced government should consider internet a public utility like electricity and water, ensuring it is available and affordable to everyone. She had seen effective Wi-Fi networks in rural parts of Costa Rica when she traveled there, and didn’t understand why parts of California, known globally for its tech savvy reuptation, couldn’t make it work. She began to dig into the issue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I found out that there’s been legislation toward helping rural infrastructure for at least 10 years, in the Connect America I and Connect America II legislation, but that funding went to carriers who absorbed it, but then did not build that infrastructure,” said Anberg. “They weren’t held accountable, because they’re self reporting.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s an issue that’s long been on the radar of the non-profit advocacy group \u003ca href=\"https://www.eff.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Electronic Frontier Foundation\u003c/a> (EFF).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of the mapping data that the federal government has been relying on is woefully inaccurate,” said Ernesto Falcon, senior legislative counsel at EFF. “But it’s inaccurate because the industry is supposed to report it and there hasn’t been any sort of investigation in terms of who’s abusing their position on that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Anberg did her own sleuthing into census-block mapping to find out how Frontier was using its funds. She said Frontier absorbed $140 million in Connect America II funds over four years and claimed it had enhanced broadband to certain addresses in Arbuckle, but when Anberg checked with customers at those addresses they told her their service had not improved.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Frontier responded in a statement that it is the Federal Communications Commission, not Frontier, which identifies the specific areas that qualify for funding to enhance broadband services, and that the company is committed to meeting its Connect America Fund obligations according to the program’s requirements.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, Frontier continues to apply for and receive state funding. In May it applied for a California Advanced Services Fund (CASF) grant which is being reviewed by the California Public Utilities Commission (CPUC). If approved, Frontier said it is confident it can bring “enhanced broadband to even more of Colusa County.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://public.tableau.com/views/NationalMapofUnconnectedStudentsDynamic_15931159111030/NationalDrilldown?:showVizHome=no&:embed=true\" width=\"1000\" height=\"850\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Public-Private Partnerships\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The CPUC recently saw its authority over the state’s broadband industry restored after ten years of deregulation won by the industry expired.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of effort has been happening in California the last couple of years to build up the state’s capacity to regulate these companies themselves,” said EFF’s Falcon. “If the federal government won’t do it, then we should be.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In December, the CPUC approved nearly $11 million for Frontier to deploy “middle mile” fiber and high speed lines in Lassen and Modoc counties. But the connectivity speed the state is requiring is outdated, said the EFF’s Falcon.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A bill before the state Legislature this past session, Senate Bill 1130, dubbed “Broadband for All,” would have fixed that, requiring ISPs to provide high speed infrastructure, but it died on the floor in August. State Assembly Speaker Anthony Rendon said a three-way deal could not be reached, while Long Beach’s state Sen. Lena Gonzalez, a Democrat who sponsored the bill, said no explanation was given for killing the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While legislators squabble, the state has moved to close the digital divide in other ways. Gov. Gavin Newsom pushed the CPUC to make $25 million available from the California Teleconnect Fund for hot spots and internet service for student households. School districts will be able to apply to receive 50% discounts on the cost of hot spot devices and on monthly recurring service charges until Sept. 30 of this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State Superintendent of Public Instruction Tony Thurmond and state Sen. Connie Leyva, D-Chino, assembled a task force of ISPs in April, asking them to come up with solutions. Thurmond has also \u003ca href=\"https://www.cde.ca.gov/eo/in/techdevices.asp\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">cut deals with different companies\u003c/a>, including Apple and T-Mobile, to get tablets equipped with Wi-Fi to students in need.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But tired of waiting, some rural school districts across the country are getting creative on their own by figuring out how to bring the internet into students’ homes through public-private partnerships between state agencies and telecoms, \u003ca href=\"https://www.cosn.org/blog/addressing-homework-gap-through-public-private-partnerships\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">essentially setting up their own community networks\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s what Anberg’s district has just decided to do. Faced with footing the bill for hundreds of students’ hot spots to the tune of $72,000 a year, the district hopes instead to use state funds to establish its own district-wide network by joining \u003ca href=\"http://colusacountywifi.net\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Edunet\u003c/a>, a Colusa County education effort that wants to leverage the educational band of the LTE spectrum to transmit to students’ homes. Anberg was brought in by the superintendent to be part of the talks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I am super blessed that the families here trusted me with their internet information, and now I get to honor that by getting them connected,” Anberg said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After months of relentless work to get students connected, Anberg said she can’t wait to return to the mobile home park where she started this work to tell the families they might finally have an affordable internet option.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Between the new carrier, bringing awareness of options to families, and the hot spots that we already had going, every address will have internet access!!!” Anberg wrote on Facebook. “Can you believe it? Only took six months!”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Third grade teacher Alena Anberg cruised down Highway 99 in her Ford F-150, past acres of almond orchards that split the terrain just outside her hometown of Arbuckle in Colusa County. She grew up in this town of 3,000 and knows the back roads well, which helped as she made several stops to deliver iPads, laptops and old smart phones with SIM cards installed to turn them into Wi-Fi hot spots.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the days shortly after the coronavirus pandemic shut down schools, this was Anberg’s daily routine: helping students connect to their teachers online, by any means necessary.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Waiting outside his trailer home for the delivery was third grader Antonio Campos and his mom. He smiled shyly when Anberg walked up. The family had Wi-Fi thanks to the hot spot Anberg set them up with earlier, but they didn’t know how to use the Chromebook. Anberg had returned to help.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11838846\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11838846\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/IMG_1729_v2-800x450.jpg\" alt=\"Alena Anberg's roots in rural Arbuckle fueled her commitment to get the school district's students connected to reliable and affordable internet.\" width=\"800\" height=\"450\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/IMG_1729_v2-800x450.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/IMG_1729_v2-1020x574.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/IMG_1729_v2-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/IMG_1729_v2-1536x864.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/IMG_1729_v2.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Alena Anberg’s roots in rural Arbuckle fueled her commitment to get the school district’s students connected to reliable and affordable internet. \u003ccite>(Julia McEvoy/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Weeks into the school year, some 1.2 million students across the state still lack adequate internet access, and in rural California, about a third of families are not connected, according to \u003ca href=\"https://edsource.org/2019/disconnected-internet-stops-once-school-ends-for-many-rural-california-students/620825\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">an EdSource analysis\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Anberg has been laser focused on getting local internet providers to do more to connect people in her rural county, parts of which have been without reliable internet for decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My third graders are eight years old and they’re being held back academically by not having access,” Anberg said. “I want it solved, because it was an issue before the coronavirus, for like 25 years. In the super rural places that don’t have any kind of cell towers, they’re really without a solution.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s a battle Anberg has taken on in earnest over the last six months, and now she and the school district may be on the brink of a major victory that would ensure that the all of the district’s approximately 1,300 students have access to high quality, affordable internet service.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Decades earlier, Anberg herself was a victim of spotty internet and low speed service in her home town. It was a thorn in her side when she was a teen mom working and trying to complete her bachelor’s degree online. As a graduate student, she would hunt for cell phone hot spots to take night classes, sometimes sitting in her car in a parking lot, while waiting for her son to finish his classes at the local community college.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My mom was a police officer, a sergeant here, for the local sheriff’s office for a lot of years. My dad was a crane operator,” she said. “I believe education is a catalyst out of poverty for many families. I had kids young myself, so I know what it is to have that struggle.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After shelter-in-place orders were issued in March, Anberg became increasingly worried about her students who were not connected to the internet. As a third grade teacher trying to instruct her students via distance learning, the problem of families not having reliable Internet service, or no service at all, galvanized her into action.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is our community, the families who are here,” she said. “I feel we need to serve them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Mapping Arbuckle’s Internet\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Anberg began going from home to home, knocking on doors and finding out which families had internet service. She made spreadsheets that mapped it all out, including students’ siblings, then pinned each location in a Google map of internet coverage for her district, Pierce Joint Unified.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many school districts across the country are currently struggling to get this kind of detailed information about their own students, according to Keith Krueger, CEO of the Consortium for School Networking (CoSN).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What you really need is actionable data,” Krueger said. “Which means you have to know student by student, family by family, and that’s highly private.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Families trusted Anberg, and eventually she knew which hot spot, carrier and brand worked at which address.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She did this all while teaching during the day and tutoring students remotely after school. In talking with families, Anberg quickly realized a bigger problem was affordability: Many companies were charging a $200 enrollment fee, and while some were offering deals during the pandemic, many local families didn’t know about them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At first, Anberg thought the easiest solution would be hot spots, which could help families with cell phones connect more cheaply. She helped the school district procure 200 Wi-Fi hot spots from T-Mobile’s Education Empowerment Program, which arrived in June, free to families.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The hot spots would have been a solution if we ever had enough, if we had one to one, and if we had the right brand at the right house,” Anberg said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Families began telling her that their hot spots weren’t working because their homes were in places where T-Mobile didn’t reach or because siblings were trying to share a single hot spot for class.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The district recently received 300 more hot spots from Verizon, which are being configured to meet privacy requirements before being distributed to families living in areas Verizon serves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11838845\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11838845\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/IMG_1711-scaled_v2-800x800.jpg\" alt=\"Adrian Avila and his younger siblings share one hot spot and two computers among them.\" width=\"800\" height=\"800\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/IMG_1711-scaled_v2-800x800.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/IMG_1711-scaled_v2-1020x1020.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/IMG_1711-scaled_v2-160x160.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/IMG_1711-scaled_v2-1536x1536.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/IMG_1711-scaled_v2-1472x1472.jpg 1472w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/IMG_1711-scaled_v2-1104x1104.jpg 1104w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/IMG_1711-scaled_v2-912x912.jpg 912w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/IMG_1711-scaled_v2-550x550.jpg 550w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/IMG_1711-scaled_v2-470x470.jpg 470w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/IMG_1711-scaled_v2.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Adrian Avila, 14 years-old (front) and his younger siblings share one hot spot and two computers. \u003ccite>(Julia McEvoy/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Still, Anberg had a bigger vision, said Carol Geyer, superintendent of Pierce Joint Unified, who said the district began to rely on Anberg’s expertise.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She was helping my teachers who didn’t have reliable internet, maybe at home for themselves or for their own children,” said Geyer. “Then she said, ‘Wow, kids aren’t connecting with school. What about their parents?'” Geyer said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Anberg knew many families’ livelihoods during COVID-19 depended on reliable internet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So I hunted down all the internet company owners until I got their cell phone numbers and I called every single one of them,” Anberg said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She finally found a sympathetic ear in the smaller, local company \u003ca href=\"https://succeed.net/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Succeed.Net\u003c/a>, headed by Robert Lavelock.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She’s an amazing person. She really cares about her community,” Lavelock said of Anberg. “It’s kind of interesting that a teacher would take this on herself.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Anberg has convinced several local people to allow Succeed.Net to put up equipment on their land. Lavelock has agreed to lease space from them and install wireless radio equipment needed to relay signals from tower to tower, which will finally bring high speed internet to those areas. And he will waive enrollment fees for new customers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By helping Anberg, Succeed.Net will fill in a few of its own coverage gaps, said Lavelock, who grew up in the area and founded his company in 1995.\u003cem> \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not really a big money thing. I’m at the stage where I can now do things just to help the communities,” Lavelock said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Limited Choices\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Lavelock shares Anberg’s frustration with larger internet service providers (ISPs) which collectively have taken billions of dollars in government money to improve infrastructure in rural parts of the state but have not delivered, according to many industry watchdogs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Colusa County, the main provider is Frontier Communications, which recently filed for bankruptcy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Frontier has been the monopoly here for many, many years,” Anberg said. \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">According to the \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.infrastructurereportcard.org/state-item/california/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">2019 California Broadband Infrastructure Report Card\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">, Colusa County got an F+ grade. That’s the grade given if the provider offers service, but doesn’t meet minimum standards.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even the school district itself is at the mercy of Frontier, said the superintendent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Frontier is our provider and and they aren’t always reliable,” Geyer said. “Last week we went a day and a half with no internet whatsoever. We lost connectivity at the district level.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Frontier told KQED that it had responded promptly to resolve the disruption to Pierce Unified’s service and that the trouble was caused by a piece of equipment that was not available until the next day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In a large, geographically diverse area, service interruptions occur,” the company said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11838843\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11838843\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/IMG_1734V2-800x450.jpg\" alt=\"Ariel Johnson (right) and her sister Kaileia Johnson said they often must wait until midnight to do their homework because their internet, which is provided by Frontier, is so slow they can't be on it while family members are using it for work during the day.\" width=\"800\" height=\"450\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/IMG_1734V2-800x450.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/IMG_1734V2-1020x574.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/IMG_1734V2-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/IMG_1734V2-1536x864.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/IMG_1734V2.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Ariel Johnson (right) and her sister Kaileia Johnson said they must often wait until midnight to do their homework because their internet, which is provided by Frontier, is so slow they can’t be on it while family members are using it for work during the day. \u003ccite>(Julia McEvoy/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Over the years, Anberg has become convinced government should consider internet a public utility like electricity and water, ensuring it is available and affordable to everyone. She had seen effective Wi-Fi networks in rural parts of Costa Rica when she traveled there, and didn’t understand why parts of California, known globally for its tech savvy reuptation, couldn’t make it work. She began to dig into the issue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I found out that there’s been legislation toward helping rural infrastructure for at least 10 years, in the Connect America I and Connect America II legislation, but that funding went to carriers who absorbed it, but then did not build that infrastructure,” said Anberg. “They weren’t held accountable, because they’re self reporting.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s an issue that’s long been on the radar of the non-profit advocacy group \u003ca href=\"https://www.eff.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Electronic Frontier Foundation\u003c/a> (EFF).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of the mapping data that the federal government has been relying on is woefully inaccurate,” said Ernesto Falcon, senior legislative counsel at EFF. “But it’s inaccurate because the industry is supposed to report it and there hasn’t been any sort of investigation in terms of who’s abusing their position on that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Anberg did her own sleuthing into census-block mapping to find out how Frontier was using its funds. She said Frontier absorbed $140 million in Connect America II funds over four years and claimed it had enhanced broadband to certain addresses in Arbuckle, but when Anberg checked with customers at those addresses they told her their service had not improved.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Frontier responded in a statement that it is the Federal Communications Commission, not Frontier, which identifies the specific areas that qualify for funding to enhance broadband services, and that the company is committed to meeting its Connect America Fund obligations according to the program’s requirements.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, Frontier continues to apply for and receive state funding. In May it applied for a California Advanced Services Fund (CASF) grant which is being reviewed by the California Public Utilities Commission (CPUC). If approved, Frontier said it is confident it can bring “enhanced broadband to even more of Colusa County.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://public.tableau.com/views/NationalMapofUnconnectedStudentsDynamic_15931159111030/NationalDrilldown?:showVizHome=no&:embed=true\" width=\"1000\" height=\"850\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Public-Private Partnerships\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The CPUC recently saw its authority over the state’s broadband industry restored after ten years of deregulation won by the industry expired.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of effort has been happening in California the last couple of years to build up the state’s capacity to regulate these companies themselves,” said EFF’s Falcon. “If the federal government won’t do it, then we should be.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In December, the CPUC approved nearly $11 million for Frontier to deploy “middle mile” fiber and high speed lines in Lassen and Modoc counties. But the connectivity speed the state is requiring is outdated, said the EFF’s Falcon.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A bill before the state Legislature this past session, Senate Bill 1130, dubbed “Broadband for All,” would have fixed that, requiring ISPs to provide high speed infrastructure, but it died on the floor in August. State Assembly Speaker Anthony Rendon said a three-way deal could not be reached, while Long Beach’s state Sen. Lena Gonzalez, a Democrat who sponsored the bill, said no explanation was given for killing the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While legislators squabble, the state has moved to close the digital divide in other ways. Gov. Gavin Newsom pushed the CPUC to make $25 million available from the California Teleconnect Fund for hot spots and internet service for student households. School districts will be able to apply to receive 50% discounts on the cost of hot spot devices and on monthly recurring service charges until Sept. 30 of this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State Superintendent of Public Instruction Tony Thurmond and state Sen. Connie Leyva, D-Chino, assembled a task force of ISPs in April, asking them to come up with solutions. Thurmond has also \u003ca href=\"https://www.cde.ca.gov/eo/in/techdevices.asp\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">cut deals with different companies\u003c/a>, including Apple and T-Mobile, to get tablets equipped with Wi-Fi to students in need.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But tired of waiting, some rural school districts across the country are getting creative on their own by figuring out how to bring the internet into students’ homes through public-private partnerships between state agencies and telecoms, \u003ca href=\"https://www.cosn.org/blog/addressing-homework-gap-through-public-private-partnerships\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">essentially setting up their own community networks\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s what Anberg’s district has just decided to do. Faced with footing the bill for hundreds of students’ hot spots to the tune of $72,000 a year, the district hopes instead to use state funds to establish its own district-wide network by joining \u003ca href=\"http://colusacountywifi.net\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Edunet\u003c/a>, a Colusa County education effort that wants to leverage the educational band of the LTE spectrum to transmit to students’ homes. Anberg was brought in by the superintendent to be part of the talks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I am super blessed that the families here trusted me with their internet information, and now I get to honor that by getting them connected,” Anberg said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After months of relentless work to get students connected, Anberg said she can’t wait to return to the mobile home park where she started this work to tell the families they might finally have an affordable internet option.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Between the new carrier, bringing awareness of options to families, and the hot spots that we already had going, every address will have internet access!!!” Anberg wrote on Facebook. “Can you believe it? Only took six months!”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "why-san-joses-downtown-is-so-sleepy-and-how-the-city-is-trying-to-revive-it",
"title": "Why San Jose's Downtown Is So Sleepy and How the City's Trying to Revive It",
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"headTitle": "Why San Jose’s Downtown Is So Sleepy and How the City’s Trying to Revive It | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>That’s the very question I’ve been asking myself since I moved here in January.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Jose is the third largest city in California, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sanjoseca.gov/your-government/departments/planning-building-code-enforcement/planning-division/data-and-maps/demographics/population\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">with over a million people\u003c/a> — bigger than San Francisco! So, why is there so little foot traffic on the streets of its downtown?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Be'Anka Ashaolu, a small business owner in downtown San Jose\"]‘I think there’s a resiliency here, and people want this place to be better. … It could be something great.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Scott Knies, the executive director of the San Jose Downtown Association, says the city has been dealing with this problem for years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our downtown has very low numbers of residents and employees,” he said. “You know, the densities aren’t there.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Knies says San Jose hasn’t been able to build enough housing in its downtown area. Because of that, people have traditionally come from around the Bay Area to visit the city during the weekends, but haven’t stayed for any significant length of time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Whatever supply (of housing that) has been built, has been filled up, so the demand is certainly there. For whatever reason, it was easier to build out instead of in,” Knies said, referring to the suburban sprawl surrounding the city’s largely empty downtown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Knies and other city planners have been working to transform the downtown into a more exciting destination. And they see an opportunity on the horizon: a host of major corporate players soon plan to move their campuses inside the city, or expand existing footprints, despite the coronavirus pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“With what Google wants to do in Downtown West, with what Jay Paul wants to do with CityView Plaza at 200 Park, Adobe building their fourth tower — their corporate headquarters,” Knies said. “We are on this path of increasing the densities and having people here who are really going to be supporting the businesses.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11839123\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1747px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/market-e1600806146576.png\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11839123 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/market-e1600806146576.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"1747\" height=\"1224\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/market-e1600806146576.png 1747w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/market-e1600806146576-800x561.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/market-e1600806146576-1020x715.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/market-e1600806146576-160x112.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/market-e1600806146576-1536x1076.png 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1747px) 100vw, 1747px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Pedro Square in downtown San Jose was a center of commercial activity before the COVID-19 pandemic hit. While foot traffic has been gradually increasing, particularly on the weekends, business remains slow. \u003ccite>(Adhiti Bandlamudi/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>With those big companies coming in, San Jose has been investing some money in smaller players as well. In 2018, the city launched \u003ca href=\"https://www.moment-sj.com/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Moment\u003c/a>, a small business incubator program that offers micro-retail spaces in and around San Pedro Square — one of the few happening parts of the city’s downtown — an area filled with cafes, restaurants and an indoor food hall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“(That effort) had really kinda started this, ‘Hey, downtown’s going to turn the corner’ and then it all falls out,” said Knies, noting the pandemic’s overwhelming impact.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Six months into the pandemic, Knies is just trying to help existing businesses stay alive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Au Nguyen runs one of the Moment shops in San Pedro Square — a boutique called \u003ca href=\"https://aulala.design/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Au La La \u003c/a>that she opened in July.\u003cbr>\n[ad fullwidth]\u003cbr>\n“August was a little slower, probably because of the heat wave. The air quality didn’t help with the small businesses here,” Nguyen said. “But we’re doing okay. I’m just grateful to be open!”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At her boutique, Nguyen designs and sells handmade light chiffon and silk summer dresses and blouses. After running her business online for about a year, she wanted to test the market with a brick and mortar storefront and decided to set up shop in San Jose, where she has lived for over a decade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I wanted to test out the fit and quality [of the clothes] and was looking for feedback. So, I was looking for a space to be able to do that,” Nguyen said. “And then Moment was really supportive with COVID — they were flexible on the lease terms.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"related coverage\" tag=\"san-jose\"]Nguyen admits the foot traffic in the area isn’t what it was before the pandemic started, but there are still some people walking around, especially during the weekends. Her proximity to other shops and restaurants doesn’t hurt either.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It has picked up a lot,” she said. “My store might not be so busy, but all the restaurants and the brewery — they actually have a lot of visitors.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nguyen says she has really enjoyed her experience in downtown San Jose, despite the obvious challenges, and if given the chance, would like to stay here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She’s hardly the only business owner betting that downtown will emerge from the pandemic bigger and better than it was before.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Be’Anka Ashaolu and Jeronica Macey are planning to open a self-care themed cafe called \u003ca href=\"https://www.nirvanasoulcoffee.com/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Nirvana Soul Coffee\u003c/a> a few blocks from San Jose State University at the end of September.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Opening in the middle of a pandemic “was no one’s plan,” Ashaolu said. “We just happened to close our loan at the start of shelter in place. We’ve been working on this for over two years.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://www.instagram.com/p/CDClOynDCG8/?utm_source=ig_web_button_share_sheet\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ashaolu and Macey grew up in San Jose and have been living downtown for the past decade. They have long dreamed of opening their cafe here and are confident that residents want to see the downtown area grow.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think there’s a resiliency here, and people want this place to be better,” Ashaolu said. “So I expect that, pandemic or otherwise, San Jose will become the city it could be. It has that much potential. It could be something great.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Before the pandemic started, San Jose city planners began pouring money into the city's downtown area to attract tourists from around the Bay Area. Now they're asking: 'If we build it, will they come?' ",
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"title": "Why San Jose's Downtown Is So Sleepy and How the City's Trying to Revive It | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>That’s the very question I’ve been asking myself since I moved here in January.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Jose is the third largest city in California, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sanjoseca.gov/your-government/departments/planning-building-code-enforcement/planning-division/data-and-maps/demographics/population\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">with over a million people\u003c/a> — bigger than San Francisco! So, why is there so little foot traffic on the streets of its downtown?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘I think there’s a resiliency here, and people want this place to be better. … It could be something great.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Scott Knies, the executive director of the San Jose Downtown Association, says the city has been dealing with this problem for years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our downtown has very low numbers of residents and employees,” he said. “You know, the densities aren’t there.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Knies says San Jose hasn’t been able to build enough housing in its downtown area. Because of that, people have traditionally come from around the Bay Area to visit the city during the weekends, but haven’t stayed for any significant length of time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Whatever supply (of housing that) has been built, has been filled up, so the demand is certainly there. For whatever reason, it was easier to build out instead of in,” Knies said, referring to the suburban sprawl surrounding the city’s largely empty downtown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Knies and other city planners have been working to transform the downtown into a more exciting destination. And they see an opportunity on the horizon: a host of major corporate players soon plan to move their campuses inside the city, or expand existing footprints, despite the coronavirus pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“With what Google wants to do in Downtown West, with what Jay Paul wants to do with CityView Plaza at 200 Park, Adobe building their fourth tower — their corporate headquarters,” Knies said. “We are on this path of increasing the densities and having people here who are really going to be supporting the businesses.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11839123\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1747px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/market-e1600806146576.png\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11839123 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/market-e1600806146576.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"1747\" height=\"1224\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/market-e1600806146576.png 1747w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/market-e1600806146576-800x561.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/market-e1600806146576-1020x715.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/market-e1600806146576-160x112.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/market-e1600806146576-1536x1076.png 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1747px) 100vw, 1747px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Pedro Square in downtown San Jose was a center of commercial activity before the COVID-19 pandemic hit. While foot traffic has been gradually increasing, particularly on the weekends, business remains slow. \u003ccite>(Adhiti Bandlamudi/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>With those big companies coming in, San Jose has been investing some money in smaller players as well. In 2018, the city launched \u003ca href=\"https://www.moment-sj.com/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Moment\u003c/a>, a small business incubator program that offers micro-retail spaces in and around San Pedro Square — one of the few happening parts of the city’s downtown — an area filled with cafes, restaurants and an indoor food hall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“(That effort) had really kinda started this, ‘Hey, downtown’s going to turn the corner’ and then it all falls out,” said Knies, noting the pandemic’s overwhelming impact.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Six months into the pandemic, Knies is just trying to help existing businesses stay alive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Au Nguyen runs one of the Moment shops in San Pedro Square — a boutique called \u003ca href=\"https://aulala.design/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Au La La \u003c/a>that she opened in July.\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cbr>\n“August was a little slower, probably because of the heat wave. The air quality didn’t help with the small businesses here,” Nguyen said. “But we’re doing okay. I’m just grateful to be open!”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At her boutique, Nguyen designs and sells handmade light chiffon and silk summer dresses and blouses. After running her business online for about a year, she wanted to test the market with a brick and mortar storefront and decided to set up shop in San Jose, where she has lived for over a decade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I wanted to test out the fit and quality [of the clothes] and was looking for feedback. So, I was looking for a space to be able to do that,” Nguyen said. “And then Moment was really supportive with COVID — they were flexible on the lease terms.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Nguyen admits the foot traffic in the area isn’t what it was before the pandemic started, but there are still some people walking around, especially during the weekends. Her proximity to other shops and restaurants doesn’t hurt either.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It has picked up a lot,” she said. “My store might not be so busy, but all the restaurants and the brewery — they actually have a lot of visitors.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nguyen says she has really enjoyed her experience in downtown San Jose, despite the obvious challenges, and if given the chance, would like to stay here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She’s hardly the only business owner betting that downtown will emerge from the pandemic bigger and better than it was before.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Be’Anka Ashaolu and Jeronica Macey are planning to open a self-care themed cafe called \u003ca href=\"https://www.nirvanasoulcoffee.com/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Nirvana Soul Coffee\u003c/a> a few blocks from San Jose State University at the end of September.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Opening in the middle of a pandemic “was no one’s plan,” Ashaolu said. “We just happened to close our loan at the start of shelter in place. We’ve been working on this for over two years.”\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Ashaolu and Macey grew up in San Jose and have been living downtown for the past decade. They have long dreamed of opening their cafe here and are confident that residents want to see the downtown area grow.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think there’s a resiliency here, and people want this place to be better,” Ashaolu said. “So I expect that, pandemic or otherwise, San Jose will become the city it could be. It has that much potential. It could be something great.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Late Saturday, a federal judge in San Francisco issued a preliminary injunction blocking President Trump’s executive order limiting access to the WeChat messaging app in the United States.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The order had been scheduled to take effect at 11:59 p.m. Sunday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Magistrate Judge Laurel Beeler ruled, based on the evidence presented in part at a Saturday hearing, that the order was a burden on protected speech of U.S. WeChat users.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She found that although the government had identified significant national security interests for its action, the order was not “narrowly tailored” to protecting those interests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The preliminary injunction will preserve the status quo, pending trial on the merits of the plaintiffs’ claims.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>WeChat began in China as a messaging app and over the years added additional functionality, including voice calling, video conferencing, and in-app payments. Because of the many functions integrated within the app, plaintiffs described it as a “super-app”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>WeChat is estimated to have more than a billion users worldwide, including 19 million in the United States, according to the plaintiffs’ complaint.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Francisco, the Chinese Progressive Association, grassroots organizers and politicians agree that a ban on WeChat would reduce access to a major communication tool within the city’s monolingual Chinese community, particularly in Chinatown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KQED \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11834806/wechat-ban-and-sfs-chinatown-how-trumps-plan-could-hurt-housing-rights-campaigns\">previously reported that Chinese tenants \u003c/a>often depend on WeChat as a Chinese-language organizing tool to rally against big landlords like Veritas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The plaintiffs, a nonprofit called the WeChat Users Alliance, cited KQED’s reporting, among other news stories, in their arguments against Trump’s WeChat ban.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The reprieve for WeChat comes a day after TikTok, an app owned by ByteDance, a company based in China, was rescued in a \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2020/09/20/914032065/tiktok-ban-averted-trump-gives-oracle-walmart-deal-his-blessing\">last-minute deal\u003c/a> approved by Trump in which software company Oracle will serve as a custodian of U.S. user data, with a major investment from Walmart.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In its arguments against the WeChat Users Alliance, the U.S. Attorney’s Office contended that the app is used by the Chinese government for surveillance and data collection within the U.S. and that the order was a justified exercise of the president’s national security powers against a “foreign adversary whose hostile acts are undisputed, and whose aspirations for global dominance are undisputed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/KQED/status/1298052480702521344\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The order, as subsequently interpreted by the U.S. Commerce Department, imposed a number of limitations and prohibitions on WeChat and third parties, including prohibiting new downloads of the WeChat app, stopping the transfer of funds out of the U.S. and forbidding the provision of technical services to WeChat by third parties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The department’s interpretation limited the order to\u003cbr>\nbusiness-to-business transactions, not to “WeChat users who use the app for personal communications.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The plaintiffs contended that by prohibiting third-party services such as web hosting and internet transit services, WeChat would be effectively shut down, depriving millions of Chinese-speaking Americans of the primary platform they use to communicate and interact with friends and family in China.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They also pointed to the Trump’s numerous anti-China statements made before he issued the order against WeChat, including his reference to the coronavirus as the “China virus” and the “kung-flu.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The government disputed that the order amounted to a shutdown, but conceded that the order would likely, over time, lead to a “deterioration of functionality.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The judge found that as a result of the order “the app, while perhaps technically available to existing U.S. users, likely will be useless to them.” Beeler determined that a preliminary injunction was needed to protect plaintiffs from “irreparable harm.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Trump administration has not said whether it intends to appeal the order.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This article contains additional reporting from NPR.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>WeChat began in China as a messaging app and over the years added additional functionality, including voice calling, video conferencing, and in-app payments. Because of the many functions integrated within the app, plaintiffs described it as a “super-app”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>WeChat is estimated to have more than a billion users worldwide, including 19 million in the United States, according to the plaintiffs’ complaint.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Francisco, the Chinese Progressive Association, grassroots organizers and politicians agree that a ban on WeChat would reduce access to a major communication tool within the city’s monolingual Chinese community, particularly in Chinatown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KQED \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11834806/wechat-ban-and-sfs-chinatown-how-trumps-plan-could-hurt-housing-rights-campaigns\">previously reported that Chinese tenants \u003c/a>often depend on WeChat as a Chinese-language organizing tool to rally against big landlords like Veritas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The plaintiffs, a nonprofit called the WeChat Users Alliance, cited KQED’s reporting, among other news stories, in their arguments against Trump’s WeChat ban.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The reprieve for WeChat comes a day after TikTok, an app owned by ByteDance, a company based in China, was rescued in a \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2020/09/20/914032065/tiktok-ban-averted-trump-gives-oracle-walmart-deal-his-blessing\">last-minute deal\u003c/a> approved by Trump in which software company Oracle will serve as a custodian of U.S. user data, with a major investment from Walmart.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In its arguments against the WeChat Users Alliance, the U.S. Attorney’s Office contended that the app is used by the Chinese government for surveillance and data collection within the U.S. and that the order was a justified exercise of the president’s national security powers against a “foreign adversary whose hostile acts are undisputed, and whose aspirations for global dominance are undisputed.”\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>The order, as subsequently interpreted by the U.S. Commerce Department, imposed a number of limitations and prohibitions on WeChat and third parties, including prohibiting new downloads of the WeChat app, stopping the transfer of funds out of the U.S. and forbidding the provision of technical services to WeChat by third parties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The department’s interpretation limited the order to\u003cbr>\nbusiness-to-business transactions, not to “WeChat users who use the app for personal communications.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The plaintiffs contended that by prohibiting third-party services such as web hosting and internet transit services, WeChat would be effectively shut down, depriving millions of Chinese-speaking Americans of the primary platform they use to communicate and interact with friends and family in China.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They also pointed to the Trump’s numerous anti-China statements made before he issued the order against WeChat, including his reference to the coronavirus as the “China virus” and the “kung-flu.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The government disputed that the order amounted to a shutdown, but conceded that the order would likely, over time, lead to a “deterioration of functionality.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The judge found that as a result of the order “the app, while perhaps technically available to existing U.S. users, likely will be useless to them.” Beeler determined that a preliminary injunction was needed to protect plaintiffs from “irreparable harm.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Trump administration has not said whether it intends to appeal the order.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This article contains additional reporting from NPR.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>You might think the claim that California has legalized pedophilia wouldn’t pass the smell test with most people. Not in 2020, when certain Republican politicians have seized on the passage of a law regarding sex offenders as an opportunity to rally QAnon believers, a growing and active group of conspiracy theorists.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>First, a little back story.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Think about high school: Not all teen sex is pedophilia. Today, the average American loses their virginity around the age of 17. So California law provides for judicial review of certain cases as a backstop to overzealous prosecutors keen to put someone on a sex offender registry who possibly shouldn’t be there — like an 18 year old caught having consensual sex with a 16 year old.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the penal code, which dates back to 1944, included only vaginal sex. \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200SB145\">Senate Bill 145\u003c/a>, signed into law last week, extends the backstop to other forms of sex, including that which could happen between homosexual or transgender individuals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new law does not legalize statutory rape. It also does not give judges discretion to keep adults off the registry who victimized a child under the age of 14 or adults who engaged in sex with a teenager more than 10 years their junior.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is a righteous bill,” said its author, state Sen. Scott Wiener, a Democrat from San Francisco. “It is supported by civil rights organizations and law enforcement and sexual assault survivor organizations. And it’s a bill that will address an inequity that is destroying the lives of LGBTQ people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill was \u003cem>sponsored\u003c/em> by the Los Angeles County District Attorney’s Office. Nonetheless, state lawmakers on both sides of the aisle expressed concern the bill could make it easier for someone committing statutory rape to get away with it or face fewer consequences.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State Senate Minority Leader Shannon Grove, who represents parts of the Central Valley and High Desert, posted a series of tweets earlier this month that both politicized the bill and digitally winked at QAnon believers with the hashtag #SaveOurChildren.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/ShannonGroveCA/status/1300956261454757888\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pedophilia is a triggering concept to most people, but for those who believe in QAnon, it lies at the heart of a loose collection of conspiracy theories clustered around the basic premise that President Trump is trying to save the nation from an elite ring of satanic pedophiles, many of whom are in positions of power, like in government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tag any post with #SaveTheChildren or #Pedo, and you blow a dog whistle to QAnon followers who are likely to be so appalled by the charge that they fail to investigate the credibility of the assertion. Given that a larger percentage of \u003ca href=\"https://civiqs.com/reports/2020/9/2/report-americans-pessimistic-on-time-frame-for-coronavirus-recovery\">QAnon believers identify as Republican\u003c/a>, tagging a Democrat as a pedophile can prove fruitful for right-leaning politicians and pundits. Grove was hardly the only Republican to take advantage of this fact.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/DonaldJTrumpJr/status/1305488429745139713\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wiener quickly found himself on the receiving end of a wave of angry tweets, Instagram messages, death threats, doxxing (digital publication of his home address and similar information) and insulting memes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Democrats, liberals, anyone who disagrees with them, they proclaim a pedophile,” said Wiener, who along with his communications director has been posting some of the worst attacks he’s received on Twitter to publicize the fact he’s being targeted. These include \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/catrionastew/status/1301977918000701440\">luridly anti-Semitic memes (warning: this content may be upsetting)\u003c/a> designed to stoke a variety of prejudices, along with rage over pedophilia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The people who are spreading misinformation, people who are obsessed with fake conspiracy theories, they’re the ones with no boundaries. They don’t care. They’ll say anything about anyone,” said Wiener, who estimates he’s received more than 500 death threats since he introduced SB 145.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wiener said one person threatened to decapitate him and send his head to his mother. Wiener said he informed law enforcement and contacted Instagram and Facebook to take down offending posts and accounts, but to little effect. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11702239/why-its-so-hard-to-scrub-hate-speech-off-social-media\">Hate speech policing\u003c/a> is a game of whack-a-mole, and in recent weeks, the threats have moved to Reddit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/Scott_Wiener/status/1291406903684157441\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For that matter, fact-checking misinformation is also a game of whack-a-mole. Those likely to read a correction of the public discourse in \u003ca href=\"https://www.reuters.com/article/uk-factcheck-sb-145-does-not-legalize-pe/fact-check-california-bill-does-not-legalize-pedophilia-idUSKBN25V222\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Reuters\u003c/a> are unlikely to be the same people sharing or otherwise reacting to vitriolic attacks on social media platforms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“An elected official — it’s sort of part and parcel of the job to be subjected to some form of critique. But severe harassment, threats of violence, death threats — in American society, that’s not something that we should learn to tolerate and accept,” said Seth Brysk, a regional director for the \u003ca href=\"https://www.adl.org\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Anti-Defamation League\u003c/a>, which closely follows all types of hate speech.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brysk said Wiener would be a target of QAnon even if he weren’t a gay, Jewish Democrat running for reelection in San Francisco, although it does figure in to the heinous language and imagery aimed at Wiener online.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The larger problem, Brysk said, is the normalization of violence in political discourse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wiener isn’t the first California lawmaker to find himself the target of weaponized misinformation. State Sen. Richard Pan of Sacramento was \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11768991/anti-vaccine-activist-assaults-state-sen-richard-pan-posts-video-to-facebook\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">attacked by anti-vaxxers\u003c/a> who resent his efforts to tighten vaccination mandates in recent years. Pan didn’t back down, and Wiener said he won’t either.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "State Sen. Scott Wiener’s bill doesn't legalize pedophilia, but conspiracy theorists are mischaracterizing it as such.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>You might think the claim that California has legalized pedophilia wouldn’t pass the smell test with most people. Not in 2020, when certain Republican politicians have seized on the passage of a law regarding sex offenders as an opportunity to rally QAnon believers, a growing and active group of conspiracy theorists.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>First, a little back story.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Think about high school: Not all teen sex is pedophilia. Today, the average American loses their virginity around the age of 17. So California law provides for judicial review of certain cases as a backstop to overzealous prosecutors keen to put someone on a sex offender registry who possibly shouldn’t be there — like an 18 year old caught having consensual sex with a 16 year old.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the penal code, which dates back to 1944, included only vaginal sex. \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200SB145\">Senate Bill 145\u003c/a>, signed into law last week, extends the backstop to other forms of sex, including that which could happen between homosexual or transgender individuals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new law does not legalize statutory rape. It also does not give judges discretion to keep adults off the registry who victimized a child under the age of 14 or adults who engaged in sex with a teenager more than 10 years their junior.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is a righteous bill,” said its author, state Sen. Scott Wiener, a Democrat from San Francisco. “It is supported by civil rights organizations and law enforcement and sexual assault survivor organizations. And it’s a bill that will address an inequity that is destroying the lives of LGBTQ people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill was \u003cem>sponsored\u003c/em> by the Los Angeles County District Attorney’s Office. Nonetheless, state lawmakers on both sides of the aisle expressed concern the bill could make it easier for someone committing statutory rape to get away with it or face fewer consequences.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State Senate Minority Leader Shannon Grove, who represents parts of the Central Valley and High Desert, posted a series of tweets earlier this month that both politicized the bill and digitally winked at QAnon believers with the hashtag #SaveOurChildren.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>Pedophilia is a triggering concept to most people, but for those who believe in QAnon, it lies at the heart of a loose collection of conspiracy theories clustered around the basic premise that President Trump is trying to save the nation from an elite ring of satanic pedophiles, many of whom are in positions of power, like in government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tag any post with #SaveTheChildren or #Pedo, and you blow a dog whistle to QAnon followers who are likely to be so appalled by the charge that they fail to investigate the credibility of the assertion. Given that a larger percentage of \u003ca href=\"https://civiqs.com/reports/2020/9/2/report-americans-pessimistic-on-time-frame-for-coronavirus-recovery\">QAnon believers identify as Republican\u003c/a>, tagging a Democrat as a pedophile can prove fruitful for right-leaning politicians and pundits. Grove was hardly the only Republican to take advantage of this fact.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>Wiener quickly found himself on the receiving end of a wave of angry tweets, Instagram messages, death threats, doxxing (digital publication of his home address and similar information) and insulting memes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Democrats, liberals, anyone who disagrees with them, they proclaim a pedophile,” said Wiener, who along with his communications director has been posting some of the worst attacks he’s received on Twitter to publicize the fact he’s being targeted. These include \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/catrionastew/status/1301977918000701440\">luridly anti-Semitic memes (warning: this content may be upsetting)\u003c/a> designed to stoke a variety of prejudices, along with rage over pedophilia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The people who are spreading misinformation, people who are obsessed with fake conspiracy theories, they’re the ones with no boundaries. They don’t care. They’ll say anything about anyone,” said Wiener, who estimates he’s received more than 500 death threats since he introduced SB 145.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wiener said one person threatened to decapitate him and send his head to his mother. Wiener said he informed law enforcement and contacted Instagram and Facebook to take down offending posts and accounts, but to little effect. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11702239/why-its-so-hard-to-scrub-hate-speech-off-social-media\">Hate speech policing\u003c/a> is a game of whack-a-mole, and in recent weeks, the threats have moved to Reddit.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>For that matter, fact-checking misinformation is also a game of whack-a-mole. Those likely to read a correction of the public discourse in \u003ca href=\"https://www.reuters.com/article/uk-factcheck-sb-145-does-not-legalize-pe/fact-check-california-bill-does-not-legalize-pedophilia-idUSKBN25V222\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Reuters\u003c/a> are unlikely to be the same people sharing or otherwise reacting to vitriolic attacks on social media platforms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“An elected official — it’s sort of part and parcel of the job to be subjected to some form of critique. But severe harassment, threats of violence, death threats — in American society, that’s not something that we should learn to tolerate and accept,” said Seth Brysk, a regional director for the \u003ca href=\"https://www.adl.org\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Anti-Defamation League\u003c/a>, which closely follows all types of hate speech.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brysk said Wiener would be a target of QAnon even if he weren’t a gay, Jewish Democrat running for reelection in San Francisco, although it does figure in to the heinous language and imagery aimed at Wiener online.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The larger problem, Brysk said, is the normalization of violence in political discourse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wiener isn’t the first California lawmaker to find himself the target of weaponized misinformation. State Sen. Richard Pan of Sacramento was \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11768991/anti-vaccine-activist-assaults-state-sen-richard-pan-posts-video-to-facebook\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">attacked by anti-vaxxers\u003c/a> who resent his efforts to tighten vaccination mandates in recent years. Pan didn’t back down, and Wiener said he won’t either.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Selling the food you cook in your own kitchen is only totally legal in one county in California: Riverside.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But that isn’t stopping venture capitalists from trying to cash in on home-cooked food elsewhere in the state, especially now, with the COVID-19 pandemic keeping many people away from restaurants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two years ago, California lawmakers passed \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180AB626\">Assembly Bill 626\u003c/a>, allowing counties to legalize the sale of home-cooked foods. At the time, local food advocates feared the new rules would draw the attention of venture capitalists — the investors responsible for launching once-tiny companies like Uber and Lyft.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re worried about the Uberization of home-cooked food,” Christina Oatfield, a lawyer and a local food advocate, told KQED at the time. “We’re worried that these gig economy tech companies are going to really come to dominate the home-made food sector.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oatfield said the success of gig economy companies like Uber and Lyft, that quickly accumulate power and then cut workers’ wages, serve as a cautionary tale.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is the monopoly strategy that these tech startups take that is so concerning,” Oatfield said. “Because once they have that monopoly, they are so powerful they effectively control the market.”[aside tag=\"food\" label=\"More Food Coverage\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Once it gets to that point, she added, you no longer have empowered people with their own businesses, you have gig workers working for companies that call the shots.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Safeguarding Home Kitchens\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Backers of AB 626, authored by Assemblymember Eduardo Garcia, D-Coachella, tried to build in protections to prevent venture capital takeover of home-cooked food. The law requires local regulations and forbids the use of third-party delivery apps such as DoorDash and Uber Eats for food that is cooked at home. If a cook uses a commercial kitchen, they can still deliver through these services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Matt Jorgensen, who co-founded Josephine, a \u003ca href=\"https://thespoon.tech/josephine-a-sharing-economy-marketplace-for-home-cooking-shuts-down/\">now defunct startup\u003c/a> that created an online platform for home cooks to sell their own food, had a hand in crafting the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We want cooks to be the owners of their own data (and) customer relationships — to be the face of their home restaurant, not to become low-wage gig workers subject to the whims of a new type of profit-maximizing platform,” Jorgensen said in a recent interview with KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, two years later, a growing number of companies — including the popular Los Angeles-based startup \u003ca href=\"https://www.dishdivvy.com/\">DishDivvy\u003c/a> — are building websites and apps to capitalize on the nascent home-cooking market. Those efforts are ongoing, even though the sale of home-cooked hot meals is still not allowed in any county except Riverside.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other counties in the state have not agreed on rules and regulations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another one of those companies is \u003ca href=\"https://www.shef.com/\">Shef\u003c/a>, a startup based in the Bay Area that was founded by a former Facebook employee and technology adviser to President Barack Obama. In August, venture capitalists pumped $8.8 million into the tiny company, which got its start two years ago, right around the time AB 626 was approved by the state Legislature.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even $8.8 million is a lot of money for the home-cooked food business, says Caleb Zigas, the executive director of \u003ca href=\"https://lacocinasf.org/\">La Cocina\u003c/a>, a nonprofit that for the last 15 years has been helping San Francisco chefs launch their own businesses.[pullquote size=\"large\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Christina Oatfield, attorney and food advocate\"]“We’re worried about the Uberization of home-cooked food.”[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Zigas thinks the infusion of venture capital will push these companies to try to exploit home cooks instead of working with them to create sustainable, independent businesses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you get venture-backed money, where return is the goal and particularly massive return, no matter how genuinely interested you are principally, the service you are offering is going to be weakened as a result,” Zigas said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even though La Cocina has a long track record of helping women and people of color start businesses, Zigas says they’ve never received anything remotely close to the influx of cash just handed to Shef. That kind of funding, he says, would be enough to run La Cocina for 10 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Under the Table\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Then there is the question of whether these food platforms are breaking the law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shef is operating in the Bay Area, and DishDivvy is operating in Los Angeles. Neither area has local regulations that allow chefs to cook and sell hot meals from their home. Cooks can only sell certain goods like jams and candies that were\u003ca href=\"http://www.publichealth.lacounty.gov/eh/food/CottageFoodOperation.htm\"> legalized under the California Homemade Food Act, which came into effect in 2013.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chefs can make hot meals in commercial kitchens. On its website, DishDivvy says it performs a kitchen inspection for everyone on the platform. A spokesperson for Shef says its cooks should be using commercial kitchens, but it doesn’t require proof for them to be on the website.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Given how expensive and scarce commercial kitchens are in the Bay Area, Zigas says he is doubtful that every cook on the Shef site is actually using one. The branding of both Shef and DishDivvy suggests that the food comes from a chef’s home, not from an industrial kitchen. The food is advertised as “home-cooked,” not “commercial kitchen-cooked.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Critics like Oatfield see this move to operate in places without local regulations as another page taken from the venture-capital playbook, and one that was very successful for Lyft and Uber. “That’s the typical Silicon Valley approach to business,” she says. “You don’t wait for something to become legal.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As with Uber and Lyft, there is a layer of protection when it comes to liability. And like drivers for Uber and Lyft, Shef and DishDivvy do not consider those on the site to be employees. They may be facilitating something on their websites that might be illegal, but they have a degree of separation from the chefs on its “platform.” If health inspectors want to crack down, they will be going after small, independent cooks, a group that’s largely women and people of color.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Cooking Clean\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The founder of a third home-cooking platform, called \u003ca href=\"https://foodnome.com/\">Foodnome\u003c/a>, says he’s trying to do things differently than competitors like Shef and DishDivvy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We set about to do this in the right way, in the legal way,” Akshay Prabhu, the company’s CEO, said. “We value putting the cooks first.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Foodnome only operates in Riverside County, for now, where home-cooked food is legal. It also does not partner with third-party delivery apps like Doordash and Uber Eats.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/foodnome/status/1115346366136442882\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The company is now trying to expand outside of Riverside without compromising its principles. It’s backing home-cooked food regulations in Alameda County, San Francisco and elsewhere. And its competitors, DishDivvy and Shef, are also pushing those legalization efforts forward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unlike on the other websites, chefs on Foodnome, like Keion Taylor, make and sell their food at home, just like the website advertises.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Taylor, who goes by Chef KT, cooks Cajun-inspired fare in the town of Menifee. In a region where fast food dominates, he says, his customers often drive 20 or 30 minutes to pick up his po’boys and crispy buttermilk chicken strips.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People tell me like, ‘Hey man, this is the best po’boy hands down I’ve ever had, and I’m from Louisiana,’ ” he said. “And I am like, ‘Get out of here!’ ”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Taylor decided to become a chef after working in the military for 15 years. But while attending Le Cordon Bleu College of Culinary Arts in Pasadena, his instructors warned him how little he’d make as a line cook. Knowing he wouldn’t be able to support his family on $12 or $13 an hour, he decided to try and make it on his own.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Business is booming during the pandemic, Taylor says, and he hopes he can continue to sustain himself. He’s betting that Foodnome has his best interests at heart and that he never has to become a gig worker for some app.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I haven’t worked for nobody else in over 10 years,” Taylor says. “I never wanted to be stuck doing the same thing over and over again.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Selling the food you cook in your own kitchen is only totally legal in one county in California: Riverside.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But that isn’t stopping venture capitalists from trying to cash in on home-cooked food elsewhere in the state, especially now, with the COVID-19 pandemic keeping many people away from restaurants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two years ago, California lawmakers passed \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180AB626\">Assembly Bill 626\u003c/a>, allowing counties to legalize the sale of home-cooked foods. At the time, local food advocates feared the new rules would draw the attention of venture capitalists — the investors responsible for launching once-tiny companies like Uber and Lyft.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re worried about the Uberization of home-cooked food,” Christina Oatfield, a lawyer and a local food advocate, told KQED at the time. “We’re worried that these gig economy tech companies are going to really come to dominate the home-made food sector.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oatfield said the success of gig economy companies like Uber and Lyft, that quickly accumulate power and then cut workers’ wages, serve as a cautionary tale.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is the monopoly strategy that these tech startups take that is so concerning,” Oatfield said. “Because once they have that monopoly, they are so powerful they effectively control the market.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Once it gets to that point, she added, you no longer have empowered people with their own businesses, you have gig workers working for companies that call the shots.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Safeguarding Home Kitchens\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Backers of AB 626, authored by Assemblymember Eduardo Garcia, D-Coachella, tried to build in protections to prevent venture capital takeover of home-cooked food. The law requires local regulations and forbids the use of third-party delivery apps such as DoorDash and Uber Eats for food that is cooked at home. If a cook uses a commercial kitchen, they can still deliver through these services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Matt Jorgensen, who co-founded Josephine, a \u003ca href=\"https://thespoon.tech/josephine-a-sharing-economy-marketplace-for-home-cooking-shuts-down/\">now defunct startup\u003c/a> that created an online platform for home cooks to sell their own food, had a hand in crafting the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We want cooks to be the owners of their own data (and) customer relationships — to be the face of their home restaurant, not to become low-wage gig workers subject to the whims of a new type of profit-maximizing platform,” Jorgensen said in a recent interview with KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, two years later, a growing number of companies — including the popular Los Angeles-based startup \u003ca href=\"https://www.dishdivvy.com/\">DishDivvy\u003c/a> — are building websites and apps to capitalize on the nascent home-cooking market. Those efforts are ongoing, even though the sale of home-cooked hot meals is still not allowed in any county except Riverside.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other counties in the state have not agreed on rules and regulations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another one of those companies is \u003ca href=\"https://www.shef.com/\">Shef\u003c/a>, a startup based in the Bay Area that was founded by a former Facebook employee and technology adviser to President Barack Obama. In August, venture capitalists pumped $8.8 million into the tiny company, which got its start two years ago, right around the time AB 626 was approved by the state Legislature.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even $8.8 million is a lot of money for the home-cooked food business, says Caleb Zigas, the executive director of \u003ca href=\"https://lacocinasf.org/\">La Cocina\u003c/a>, a nonprofit that for the last 15 years has been helping San Francisco chefs launch their own businesses.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Zigas thinks the infusion of venture capital will push these companies to try to exploit home cooks instead of working with them to create sustainable, independent businesses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you get venture-backed money, where return is the goal and particularly massive return, no matter how genuinely interested you are principally, the service you are offering is going to be weakened as a result,” Zigas said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even though La Cocina has a long track record of helping women and people of color start businesses, Zigas says they’ve never received anything remotely close to the influx of cash just handed to Shef. That kind of funding, he says, would be enough to run La Cocina for 10 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Under the Table\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Then there is the question of whether these food platforms are breaking the law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shef is operating in the Bay Area, and DishDivvy is operating in Los Angeles. Neither area has local regulations that allow chefs to cook and sell hot meals from their home. Cooks can only sell certain goods like jams and candies that were\u003ca href=\"http://www.publichealth.lacounty.gov/eh/food/CottageFoodOperation.htm\"> legalized under the California Homemade Food Act, which came into effect in 2013.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chefs can make hot meals in commercial kitchens. On its website, DishDivvy says it performs a kitchen inspection for everyone on the platform. A spokesperson for Shef says its cooks should be using commercial kitchens, but it doesn’t require proof for them to be on the website.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Given how expensive and scarce commercial kitchens are in the Bay Area, Zigas says he is doubtful that every cook on the Shef site is actually using one. The branding of both Shef and DishDivvy suggests that the food comes from a chef’s home, not from an industrial kitchen. The food is advertised as “home-cooked,” not “commercial kitchen-cooked.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Critics like Oatfield see this move to operate in places without local regulations as another page taken from the venture-capital playbook, and one that was very successful for Lyft and Uber. “That’s the typical Silicon Valley approach to business,” she says. “You don’t wait for something to become legal.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As with Uber and Lyft, there is a layer of protection when it comes to liability. And like drivers for Uber and Lyft, Shef and DishDivvy do not consider those on the site to be employees. They may be facilitating something on their websites that might be illegal, but they have a degree of separation from the chefs on its “platform.” If health inspectors want to crack down, they will be going after small, independent cooks, a group that’s largely women and people of color.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Cooking Clean\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The founder of a third home-cooking platform, called \u003ca href=\"https://foodnome.com/\">Foodnome\u003c/a>, says he’s trying to do things differently than competitors like Shef and DishDivvy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We set about to do this in the right way, in the legal way,” Akshay Prabhu, the company’s CEO, said. “We value putting the cooks first.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Foodnome only operates in Riverside County, for now, where home-cooked food is legal. It also does not partner with third-party delivery apps like Doordash and Uber Eats.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>The company is now trying to expand outside of Riverside without compromising its principles. It’s backing home-cooked food regulations in Alameda County, San Francisco and elsewhere. And its competitors, DishDivvy and Shef, are also pushing those legalization efforts forward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unlike on the other websites, chefs on Foodnome, like Keion Taylor, make and sell their food at home, just like the website advertises.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Taylor, who goes by Chef KT, cooks Cajun-inspired fare in the town of Menifee. In a region where fast food dominates, he says, his customers often drive 20 or 30 minutes to pick up his po’boys and crispy buttermilk chicken strips.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People tell me like, ‘Hey man, this is the best po’boy hands down I’ve ever had, and I’m from Louisiana,’ ” he said. “And I am like, ‘Get out of here!’ ”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Taylor decided to become a chef after working in the military for 15 years. But while attending Le Cordon Bleu College of Culinary Arts in Pasadena, his instructors warned him how little he’d make as a line cook. Knowing he wouldn’t be able to support his family on $12 or $13 an hour, he decided to try and make it on his own.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Business is booming during the pandemic, Taylor says, and he hopes he can continue to sustain himself. He’s betting that Foodnome has his best interests at heart and that he never has to become a gig worker for some app.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I haven’t worked for nobody else in over 10 years,” Taylor says. “I never wanted to be stuck doing the same thing over and over again.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "WeChat Ban and SF's Chinatown: How Trump's Plan Could Hurt Housing Rights Campaigns",
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"headTitle": "WeChat Ban and SF’s Chinatown: How Trump’s Plan Could Hurt Housing Rights Campaigns | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>“\u003cem>Renters fight rent hikes!\u003c/em>”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those words streaked across the social media sphere in San Francisco in September last year. But they weren’t read in English, and they weren’t sent on Facebook, Twitter or even NextDoor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>No, the slogan was written in Chinese and sent \u003ca href=\"https://www.statista.com/statistics/350461/mobile-messenger-app-usage-usa/\">on the world’s third-largest mobile messaging app\u003c/a>: WeChat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Voice-memos, photos of picket signs and long text chains for scheduling purposes sent by the Chinese Progressive Association on WeChat bore fruit. Monolingual-Cantonese speaking Chinese tenants joined other organizers on the streets against San Francisco’s largest landlord, Veritas — which operates more than 250 buildings in the city — to protest rent-hikes to pay for construction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now that \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11834564/what-a-wechat-ban-means-for-politics-in-chinatown\">organizing tool is threatened\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Marjan Philhour, a candidate for San Francisco’s Board of Supervisors representing the Richmond District\"]‘In campaigning, especially since it is not safe to proactively go out and meet people face to face, WeChat is one place to organize and meet the community where they are.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>President Donald Trump\u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/presidential-actions/executive-order-addressing-threat-posed-tiktok/\"> issued an executive order\u003c/a> in early August that may lead to a ban on social media giants TikTok and WeChat on Sept. 20, because he says the two Chinese companies pose a threat to national security. A nonprofit group, the WeChat Users Alliance, filed a suit against the Trump administration Friday to halt his ban, calling it a violation of constitutional rights and claiming it targets an oft-marginalized group, \u003ca href=\"https://thehill.com/policy/technology/513262-wechat-users-sue-to-block-trump-ban-on-chinese-app\">according to The Hill\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Certainly, WeChat has drawn critique from even its own community, having censored messages in China — including reportedly suppressing political speech and blocking keywords surrounding the COVID-19 pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the Chinese Progressive Association, grassroots organizers and politicians agree that in San Francisco, a ban on WeChat would hamper a major communication tool within the monolingual Chinese community, particularly in one of the city’s most cherished neighborhoods: Chinatown.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Pillar of the Community\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>San Francisco’s Chinese community reads, watches and listens to the news in their own language and dialects: newspapers like Sing Tao Daily and the World Journal, or broadcast entities like Sing Tao Chinese Radio and TV station KTSF.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Because Chinatown is often a key first stop for recent Chinese immigrants who may not know English, those media outlets are depended on to inform a community who don’t have access to the San Francisco Chronicle, the Examiner or even KQED, for that matter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Chinese media, I think not just in San Francisco, but in the Bay Area, I think plays a crucial role in how the monolingual immigrant community gets their information,” said Malcolm Yeung, executive director of the nonprofit Chinatown Community Development Center. “For as long as I’ve worked in the community, Chinese media in some form or another has been the primary source of information for folks in the Chinese monolingual community in particular.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11835496\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11835496\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/WeChatVeritas1-1-800x1422.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"1422\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/WeChatVeritas1-1-800x1422.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/WeChatVeritas1-1-1020x1813.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/WeChatVeritas1-1-160x284.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/WeChatVeritas1-1-864x1536.jpg 864w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/WeChatVeritas1-1.jpg 1080w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Chinese Progressive Association’s staff uses WeChat’s voice memo function to directly message a Single Room Occupancy resident, Ah Ying, to bring their family to the Veritas rent passthrough march. The image in the chat is the Housing Rights Committee’s march flyer, in Chinese. (WeChat Screenshot)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The monolingual and bilingual Chinese community, then, has its own media ecosystem. But in recent years, WeChat has emerged as its own pillar in that ecosystem.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After its launch in 2010, it started as a way for people to affordably communicate across the world, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfweekly.com/news/trumps-wechat-ban-threatens-lifeline-for-chinese-diaspora/\">expanding in popularity in the Chinese community locally and in similar communities across the country\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But that popularity also fed the platform’s growth in information-sharing, a change that paralleled new features in the app, including a Facebook-like “timeline.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two candidates competing to represent San Francisco’s Richmond District on the Board of Supervisors, Marjan Philhour and Connie Chan, both said they utilize WeChat to reach out to monolingual Chinese voters, an important community group in their campaigns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In campaigning, especially since it is not safe to proactively go out and meet people face to face, WeChat is one place to organize and meet the community where they are,” Philhour said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Much of that campaigning encompasses housing rights. Chan said her campaign often sends notifications about the city and state’s eviction moratoriums to voters on WeChat. “That’s been critical to a lot of new immigrants who are actually still fluent in Chinese,” no matter how long they’ve been here, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mason Lee, a Chinese community liaison from San Francisco Mayor London Breed’s office, said more members of the Chinese community reach out to Breed on WeChat than by phone or email. The Mayor’s office often uses WeChat as a resource for small businesses or informing tenants about their rights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The platform’s growth is still historically new and has caught some off guard. Yeung said his organization, CCDC, recently completed a survey of residents in the Single Room Occupancy developments they operate. Other SRO hotels often house vulnerable, low-income families who live in single rooms but use shared kitchens and bathrooms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We always like to ask, ‘Where do you get your source of information?’ And for SRO families, it was shocking to me that more than half relied on WeChat for information, you know, versus Chinese media, which really kind of shows you the evolution and growth of the platform in our community,” Yeung said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And even as the platform grew as a news source, it grew as an organizing source as well.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Organizing for Themselves\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Since 1972, the Chinese Progressive Association has organized its community in Chinatown, and beyond, to push for better wages, protect tenants and advocate for themselves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nowadays, much of that organizing gets off the ground on WeChat. KC Ho, a community organizer at the Chinese Progressive Association, said the organization’s dependence on WeChat goes beyond the occasional, simple two-way message.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Over the years we’ve also grown our groups, and WeChat groups associated with us,” Ho said. There are groups, within groups, within groups — all communicating to harness tenants’ rights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chinese Progressive Association organizes 50 single room occupancy hotels in Chinatown, which each can house a dozen living units, or more than a hundred. They host group chats between tenants who are organizing their own buildings, and group chats with tenants across each building, too. The uses range from the mundane — like settling arguments with landlords — to the eventful, like the aforementioned rent hike protest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So why not just use a new app?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many people those organizations are reaching on WeChat are seniors who are slow to adopt new technology, organizers told KQED. So while adopting a new platform might happen, reaching wider adoption could potentially take years. Perhaps most importantly, the growth of WeChat in organizing was predicated on its use in people’s personal lives, not the other way around.\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote class=\"twitter-tweet\" data-conversation=\"none\">\n\u003cp dir=\"ltr\" lang=\"en\">\u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/hashtag/Veritas?src=hash&ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw\">#Veritas\u003c/a> protest w/ tenant community in \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/hashtag/SanFrancisco?src=hash&ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw\">#SanFrancisco\u003c/a> \u003ca href=\"https://t.co/XPeIRaA6v2\">pic.twitter.com/XPeIRaA6v2\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>— Council of Community Housing Organizations (@SF_CCHO) \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/SF_CCHO/status/1176591472247705601?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw\">September 24, 2019\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>Organizers rely on it so heavily, “It would be pretty devastating losing WeChat,” Ho said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many older adults they work with don’t use Facebook because they use WeChat, she said, and younger members they organize “don’t care about Facebook.”\u003cbr>\n[aside tag=\"tenants-rights\" label=\"related coverage\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Angela Zhou is one of those community members who organize using WeChat for the Chinese Progressive Association. She came to the United States from China in 2004 and used to live in the kind of SRO hotels that the Chinese Progressive Association organizes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, Zhou said, she uses those skills to mobilize other parents around school issues. Her own son is 14, and her daughter is 20.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We create WeChat groups for our parents for those schools with short messages, announcements so that parents can actually stay updated on what’s going on. Because even if they get a letter from the school, it might be a really complicated and long message, so having a quick group with short messages has actually been really helpful,” Zhou said in Cantonese, with Ho translating for KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Zhou relies on WeChat to turn out parents for protests and to ask for political support to advocate on their behalf. Losing the prominent social media platform wouldn’t just hurt the community emotionally to no longer communicate with family overseas, she said, but would cut off an important organizing tool to fight for their rights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It would really demoralize me and make it much harder to stay motivated to participate politically,” Zhou said.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>“\u003cem>Renters fight rent hikes!\u003c/em>”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those words streaked across the social media sphere in San Francisco in September last year. But they weren’t read in English, and they weren’t sent on Facebook, Twitter or even NextDoor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>No, the slogan was written in Chinese and sent \u003ca href=\"https://www.statista.com/statistics/350461/mobile-messenger-app-usage-usa/\">on the world’s third-largest mobile messaging app\u003c/a>: WeChat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Voice-memos, photos of picket signs and long text chains for scheduling purposes sent by the Chinese Progressive Association on WeChat bore fruit. Monolingual-Cantonese speaking Chinese tenants joined other organizers on the streets against San Francisco’s largest landlord, Veritas — which operates more than 250 buildings in the city — to protest rent-hikes to pay for construction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now that \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11834564/what-a-wechat-ban-means-for-politics-in-chinatown\">organizing tool is threatened\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘In campaigning, especially since it is not safe to proactively go out and meet people face to face, WeChat is one place to organize and meet the community where they are.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>President Donald Trump\u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/presidential-actions/executive-order-addressing-threat-posed-tiktok/\"> issued an executive order\u003c/a> in early August that may lead to a ban on social media giants TikTok and WeChat on Sept. 20, because he says the two Chinese companies pose a threat to national security. A nonprofit group, the WeChat Users Alliance, filed a suit against the Trump administration Friday to halt his ban, calling it a violation of constitutional rights and claiming it targets an oft-marginalized group, \u003ca href=\"https://thehill.com/policy/technology/513262-wechat-users-sue-to-block-trump-ban-on-chinese-app\">according to The Hill\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Certainly, WeChat has drawn critique from even its own community, having censored messages in China — including reportedly suppressing political speech and blocking keywords surrounding the COVID-19 pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the Chinese Progressive Association, grassroots organizers and politicians agree that in San Francisco, a ban on WeChat would hamper a major communication tool within the monolingual Chinese community, particularly in one of the city’s most cherished neighborhoods: Chinatown.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Pillar of the Community\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>San Francisco’s Chinese community reads, watches and listens to the news in their own language and dialects: newspapers like Sing Tao Daily and the World Journal, or broadcast entities like Sing Tao Chinese Radio and TV station KTSF.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Because Chinatown is often a key first stop for recent Chinese immigrants who may not know English, those media outlets are depended on to inform a community who don’t have access to the San Francisco Chronicle, the Examiner or even KQED, for that matter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Chinese media, I think not just in San Francisco, but in the Bay Area, I think plays a crucial role in how the monolingual immigrant community gets their information,” said Malcolm Yeung, executive director of the nonprofit Chinatown Community Development Center. “For as long as I’ve worked in the community, Chinese media in some form or another has been the primary source of information for folks in the Chinese monolingual community in particular.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11835496\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11835496\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/WeChatVeritas1-1-800x1422.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"1422\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/WeChatVeritas1-1-800x1422.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/WeChatVeritas1-1-1020x1813.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/WeChatVeritas1-1-160x284.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/WeChatVeritas1-1-864x1536.jpg 864w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/WeChatVeritas1-1.jpg 1080w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Chinese Progressive Association’s staff uses WeChat’s voice memo function to directly message a Single Room Occupancy resident, Ah Ying, to bring their family to the Veritas rent passthrough march. The image in the chat is the Housing Rights Committee’s march flyer, in Chinese. (WeChat Screenshot)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The monolingual and bilingual Chinese community, then, has its own media ecosystem. But in recent years, WeChat has emerged as its own pillar in that ecosystem.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After its launch in 2010, it started as a way for people to affordably communicate across the world, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfweekly.com/news/trumps-wechat-ban-threatens-lifeline-for-chinese-diaspora/\">expanding in popularity in the Chinese community locally and in similar communities across the country\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But that popularity also fed the platform’s growth in information-sharing, a change that paralleled new features in the app, including a Facebook-like “timeline.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two candidates competing to represent San Francisco’s Richmond District on the Board of Supervisors, Marjan Philhour and Connie Chan, both said they utilize WeChat to reach out to monolingual Chinese voters, an important community group in their campaigns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In campaigning, especially since it is not safe to proactively go out and meet people face to face, WeChat is one place to organize and meet the community where they are,” Philhour said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Much of that campaigning encompasses housing rights. Chan said her campaign often sends notifications about the city and state’s eviction moratoriums to voters on WeChat. “That’s been critical to a lot of new immigrants who are actually still fluent in Chinese,” no matter how long they’ve been here, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mason Lee, a Chinese community liaison from San Francisco Mayor London Breed’s office, said more members of the Chinese community reach out to Breed on WeChat than by phone or email. The Mayor’s office often uses WeChat as a resource for small businesses or informing tenants about their rights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The platform’s growth is still historically new and has caught some off guard. Yeung said his organization, CCDC, recently completed a survey of residents in the Single Room Occupancy developments they operate. Other SRO hotels often house vulnerable, low-income families who live in single rooms but use shared kitchens and bathrooms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We always like to ask, ‘Where do you get your source of information?’ And for SRO families, it was shocking to me that more than half relied on WeChat for information, you know, versus Chinese media, which really kind of shows you the evolution and growth of the platform in our community,” Yeung said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And even as the platform grew as a news source, it grew as an organizing source as well.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Organizing for Themselves\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Since 1972, the Chinese Progressive Association has organized its community in Chinatown, and beyond, to push for better wages, protect tenants and advocate for themselves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nowadays, much of that organizing gets off the ground on WeChat. KC Ho, a community organizer at the Chinese Progressive Association, said the organization’s dependence on WeChat goes beyond the occasional, simple two-way message.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Over the years we’ve also grown our groups, and WeChat groups associated with us,” Ho said. There are groups, within groups, within groups — all communicating to harness tenants’ rights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chinese Progressive Association organizes 50 single room occupancy hotels in Chinatown, which each can house a dozen living units, or more than a hundred. They host group chats between tenants who are organizing their own buildings, and group chats with tenants across each building, too. The uses range from the mundane — like settling arguments with landlords — to the eventful, like the aforementioned rent hike protest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So why not just use a new app?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many people those organizations are reaching on WeChat are seniors who are slow to adopt new technology, organizers told KQED. So while adopting a new platform might happen, reaching wider adoption could potentially take years. Perhaps most importantly, the growth of WeChat in organizing was predicated on its use in people’s personal lives, not the other way around.\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote class=\"twitter-tweet\" data-conversation=\"none\">\n\u003cp dir=\"ltr\" lang=\"en\">\u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/hashtag/Veritas?src=hash&ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw\">#Veritas\u003c/a> protest w/ tenant community in \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/hashtag/SanFrancisco?src=hash&ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw\">#SanFrancisco\u003c/a> \u003ca href=\"https://t.co/XPeIRaA6v2\">pic.twitter.com/XPeIRaA6v2\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>— Council of Community Housing Organizations (@SF_CCHO) \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/SF_CCHO/status/1176591472247705601?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw\">September 24, 2019\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>Organizers rely on it so heavily, “It would be pretty devastating losing WeChat,” Ho said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many older adults they work with don’t use Facebook because they use WeChat, she said, and younger members they organize “don’t care about Facebook.”\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Angela Zhou is one of those community members who organize using WeChat for the Chinese Progressive Association. She came to the United States from China in 2004 and used to live in the kind of SRO hotels that the Chinese Progressive Association organizes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, Zhou said, she uses those skills to mobilize other parents around school issues. Her own son is 14, and her daughter is 20.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We create WeChat groups for our parents for those schools with short messages, announcements so that parents can actually stay updated on what’s going on. Because even if they get a letter from the school, it might be a really complicated and long message, so having a quick group with short messages has actually been really helpful,” Zhou said in Cantonese, with Ho translating for KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Zhou relies on WeChat to turn out parents for protests and to ask for political support to advocate on their behalf. Losing the prominent social media platform wouldn’t just hurt the community emotionally to no longer communicate with family overseas, she said, but would cut off an important organizing tool to fight for their rights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"disqusTitle": "For Over Eight Years, Uber and Lyft Have Denied Drivers Employee Protections. Here's How They Did It",
"title": "For Over Eight Years, Uber and Lyft Have Denied Drivers Employee Protections. Here's How They Did It",
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"content": "\u003cp>Last week, Uber and Lyft drivers in California came as close as they've ever been to getting employee status. After eight years of struggling, basic protections like unemployment insurance and guaranteed minimum wage were just a few hours away.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In early August, a state judge had issued an injunction demanding the companies recognize their drivers employees. In that order, San Francisco Superior Court Judge Ethan Schulman noted the companies “prolonged and brazen refusal to comply with California law,” adding that they “may not evade legislative mandates merely because their businesses are so large that they affect the lives of many thousands of people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Superior Court Judge Ethan Schulman\"]'(Uber and Lyft) may not evade legislative mandates merely because their businesses are so large that they affect the lives of many thousands of people.'[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It seemed like employee status would finally happen. But then, at the last moment, a state appeal court stepped in and stayed the injunction. Now drivers who want basic protections once again have to wait, perhaps until the election in November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are two major lawsuits in progress. California Attorney General Xavier Becerra and a handful of city attorneys \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11816321/california-city-attorneys-sue-uber-and-lyft-over-worker-misclassification\">are suing Uber and Lyft\u003c/a> for failing to comply with AB5, a law that went into effect back in January. The state labor commissioner is suing for back pay for alleged worker misclassification. Meanwhile, Uber and Lyft are ramping up advertising for Proposition 22, a ballot initiative in November that would exempt them from state laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This fight isn’t new. Treating drivers as independent contractors has been legally suspect ever since Uber and Lyft began over eight years ago. Yet over and over again these companies, and those who copied their business model, have continually found ways to avoid giving workers employee status and protection.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This evasion has been core to the business models of these companies. Until now, the companies have continued classifying workers as contractors, despite pressure from regulators, local and state governments and thousands of drivers. In that time, Uber and Lyft were able to use the contractor model to build multi-billion dollar companies.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>‘Tech Startups,’ Not Transportation Companies\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The saga begins in 2012 with a fuzzy pink mustache and a fist bump. Back then Lyft, Uber's smaller competitor, was advertising itself as 'your friend with a car.\" It was Lyft, not Uber, that first started paying drivers to use their own cars to do taxi work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Uber soon followed suit. Both companies emphasized that they weren’t transportation companies, but rather tech startups with “platforms” to connect riders to drivers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Uber and Lyft also both chose to classify their workers as contractors, which significantly reduced both companies' liability and payroll expenses. That tactic became a major selling point for venture capitalists, who began investing billions in both companies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The two companies, though, faced a seemingly major hurdle. Many major cities had taxi regulations that mandated drivers had a medallions. Operating without them was illegal. Taxi drivers, many of whom had paid tens or hundreds of thousands of dollars for these medallions, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11694401/san-francisco-made-millions-selling-taxi-medallions-now-drivers-are-paying-the-price\">pointed out that Uber and Lyfts were not operating legally\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But this was 2013, and the tech industry was enjoying a rosy reception by both the public and regulators. The companies were viewed as job creators, a designation that carried a lot of weight, especially as the nation was still emerging from the shadows of the 2008 financial recession. Most politicians didn’t want to stand in the way.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pundits and journalists also helped fuel the positive portrayal, commonly painting the companies as innovative agents of change ushering in a future that was not only inevitable, but also desirable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In fact, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/10851717/the-movement-to-kill-the-phrase-sharing-economy\">the “Sharing Economy” \u003c/a>as a concept was largely created and perpetuated by media organizations, which decided not to look at these companies through the lens of transportation or labor, but instead as \"tech\" companies. \u003ca href=\"https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=3668606\">If you look back at the media coverage in the first years of these companies\u003c/a>, it was generally swooning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That largely uncritical coverage helped pave the way for a handful of companies representing a tiny fraction of the economy to have an outsize impact on law, corporate practices and the very way our society thinks about work.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Overcoming Regulatory Hurdles\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>As cities like San Francisco were opting to allow Uber and Lyft to operate in violation of local taxi laws, state regulators also embraced the companies, handing them a major win in the fall of 2013.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Public Utilities Commission in 2013 decided to create an entire \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfgate.com/news/article/PUC-adopts-rules-for-ride-services-4828477.php\">new regulatory category\u003c/a>, allowing Uber and Lyft to operate in cities throughout the state without being required to follow to local taxi laws. When announcing the creation of “Transportation Network Companies,” then CPUC President Michael Peevey parroted the rhetoric of the companies themselves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The internet is challenging many traditional business models by turning average everyday consumers into service providers,” Peevey said at the time. “This is a rapidly growing sharing economy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Contracting Problems\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>But the independent contractor model quickly began to create problems for the companies’ drivers. They had no workers' compensation for accidents and lacked unemployment insurance and overtime benefits — all basic protections guaranteed to employees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"related coverage\" tag=\"gig-economy\"]This brought lawsuits. In the fall of 2013, Shannon Liss-Riordan filed class action lawsuits against both companies that aimed to get drivers back pay and to end the alleged misclassification of drivers as contractors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Uber and Lyft were able to successfully snarl these lawsuits in the court system. It took six years to resolve both cases. The combined $47 million in settlements fell far short of the plaintiff's original goal, and drivers continued to be classified as contractors.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Mandatory Arbitration Clauses\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Uber and Lyft were able hamstring that lawsuit, and subsequent others, largely through mandatory arbitration clauses: controversial agreements that all Uber and Lyft drivers have to sign mandating that labor disputes be handled privately behind closed doors rather than in court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Lawyers have been filing misclassification cases more or less since these companies came on the scene,” said Charlotte Garden, a professor at the Seattle University School of Law. \"By looking at how those cases have ended, it is really a testament to how effective individual arbitration is at preventing people from being able to enforce their rights.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Uber and Lyft also fended off regulation by appealing to consumers. They relied on their vast venture capital reserves to make rides artificially cheap — to the ire of traditional taxi drivers. And then, when a city or state enacted unfavorable regulations, the companies would threaten to leave.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sometimes the companies would leave for a few months, but they always came back.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Angry customers, meanwhile, put pressure on politicians who often caved and dropped regulations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Garden said the victories Uber and Lyft enjoyed early on dissuaded other local regulators from trying to rein in the companies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11833891\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1024px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11833891\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/GettyImages-1170572546.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1024\" height=\"683\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/GettyImages-1170572546.jpg 1024w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/GettyImages-1170572546-800x534.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/GettyImages-1170572546-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/GettyImages-1170572546-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1024px) 100vw, 1024px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A San Francisco police officer monitors a protest outside of Uber headquarters on Aug. 27, 2019 in San Francisco, where dozens of Uber and Lyft drivers staged a protest in support of AB 5, and to organize a union for ride-hail drivers. \u003ccite>(ustin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“They knew regulation would be met with the companies ignoring the regulations and then fighting tooth and nail,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Uber and Lyft grew rapidly over the next five years and, by 2018, had amassed a combined $20 billion in venture capital. Meanwhile, a spate of new companies like Postmates and Instacart began adopting similar contract-labor models.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>The ‘ABC Test’\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>In 2018, drivers seeking employee status scored a major victory — ironically, as a result of a California Supreme Court case that had nothing to do with gig companies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This case began in 2005, three years before smartphones even existed, and close to a decade before the dawn of the gig economy. A truck driver sued a delivery company called Dynamex for classifying him as a contractor and not paying employee benefits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In April 2018 — 13 years after the case started — the court ruled in favor of the driver. The ruling established an “ABC test” for employment, in which workers can only be considered contractors if they:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>a. are free of control and direction from the company;\u003cbr>\nb. perform work outside the normal course of the company’s business;\u003cbr>\nc. regularly engage in some kind of independently established trade or occupation\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nevertheless, in the absence of any enforcement, Uber and Lyft continued to classify their drivers as contractors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The following year, the state Legislature took up the issue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AB 5, introduced by Assemblywoman Lorena Gonzalez, D-San Diego, went into effect Jan. 1, 2020, codifying the Dynamex decision into law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In advocating for the bill, Gonzalez specifically called out gig companies like Uber and Lyft.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In letting a new industry come in and say, ‘Because I hire you through an app, I don’t have any rules’ — that jeopardizes everything,” Gonzalez told lawmakers as they debated the bill in 2019.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Uber and Lyft have since still continued to classify drivers as contractors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In response to AB 5, Uber, Lyft and the delivery company DoorDash put more than $110 million behind Proposition 22 — on the statewide ballot this November — which would exempt gig companies from the new legislation.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>And Then Came the Pandemic ...\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>In March, the coronavirus pandemic delivered a nightmare scenario for drivers who saw a precipitous drop in customers and weren't eligible for the paid sick time and unemployment benefits afforded regular employees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the pandemic raged on, California Attorney General Xavier Becerra in May finally stepped in, announcing a lawsuit against the companies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Becerra admitted that it had taken the coronavirus for the state to act on the issue of worker misclassification.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Sometimes it takes a pandemic to shake us into what that really means and who suffers the consequences of it,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"California Attorney General Xavier Becerra\"]'Sometimes it takes a pandemic to shake us into what that really means and who suffers the consequences of it.'[/pullquote]\u003cbr>\nAnd on Aug. 10, Judge Schulman issued his preliminary order to make Uber and Lyft classify their workers as employees while the state lawsuit unfolds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Uber and Lyft went on the offensive. They wrote to their drivers and riders, asking them to vote in favor of Proposition 22. And in a New York Times opinion piece, \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2020/08/10/opinion/uber-ceo-dara-khosrowshahi-gig-workers-deserve-better.html\">Uber CEO Dara Khosrowshahi\u003c/a> urged lawmakers to create a new category of worker for Uber and Lyft drivers to accommodate its unique business model.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then, in an interview with MSNBC, Khosrowshahi pulled out a tactic from Uber’s old playbook: He threatened to temporarily suspend service in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We think we comply by the laws,” Khosrowshahi said. “But if the judge and the court finds that we are not and they don’t give us a stay to get to November, then we will have to eventually shut down Uber until November.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So now, after eight years and the involvement of every branch of California’s state government, Uber and Lyft may finally be forced to give California drivers basic employee protections — or, far more unlikely, suspend operations in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And if the courts ultimately find that Uber and Lyft have been misclassifying their drivers, the companies may also be forced to give them billions of dollars in back pay for wages and benefits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Uber and Lyft built multibillion dollar companies in part by controversially categorizing their drivers as independent contractors rather than employees. But that may change as of this week. This is how we got here. ",
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"description": "Uber and Lyft built multibillion dollar companies in part by controversially categorizing their drivers as independent contractors rather than employees. But that may change as of this week. This is how we got here. ",
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"headline": "For Over Eight Years, Uber and Lyft Have Denied Drivers Employee Protections. Here's How They Did It",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Last week, Uber and Lyft drivers in California came as close as they've ever been to getting employee status. After eight years of struggling, basic protections like unemployment insurance and guaranteed minimum wage were just a few hours away.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In early August, a state judge had issued an injunction demanding the companies recognize their drivers employees. In that order, San Francisco Superior Court Judge Ethan Schulman noted the companies “prolonged and brazen refusal to comply with California law,” adding that they “may not evade legislative mandates merely because their businesses are so large that they affect the lives of many thousands of people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It seemed like employee status would finally happen. But then, at the last moment, a state appeal court stepped in and stayed the injunction. Now drivers who want basic protections once again have to wait, perhaps until the election in November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are two major lawsuits in progress. California Attorney General Xavier Becerra and a handful of city attorneys \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11816321/california-city-attorneys-sue-uber-and-lyft-over-worker-misclassification\">are suing Uber and Lyft\u003c/a> for failing to comply with AB5, a law that went into effect back in January. The state labor commissioner is suing for back pay for alleged worker misclassification. Meanwhile, Uber and Lyft are ramping up advertising for Proposition 22, a ballot initiative in November that would exempt them from state laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This fight isn’t new. Treating drivers as independent contractors has been legally suspect ever since Uber and Lyft began over eight years ago. Yet over and over again these companies, and those who copied their business model, have continually found ways to avoid giving workers employee status and protection.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This evasion has been core to the business models of these companies. Until now, the companies have continued classifying workers as contractors, despite pressure from regulators, local and state governments and thousands of drivers. In that time, Uber and Lyft were able to use the contractor model to build multi-billion dollar companies.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>‘Tech Startups,’ Not Transportation Companies\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The saga begins in 2012 with a fuzzy pink mustache and a fist bump. Back then Lyft, Uber's smaller competitor, was advertising itself as 'your friend with a car.\" It was Lyft, not Uber, that first started paying drivers to use their own cars to do taxi work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Uber soon followed suit. Both companies emphasized that they weren’t transportation companies, but rather tech startups with “platforms” to connect riders to drivers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Uber and Lyft also both chose to classify their workers as contractors, which significantly reduced both companies' liability and payroll expenses. That tactic became a major selling point for venture capitalists, who began investing billions in both companies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The two companies, though, faced a seemingly major hurdle. Many major cities had taxi regulations that mandated drivers had a medallions. Operating without them was illegal. Taxi drivers, many of whom had paid tens or hundreds of thousands of dollars for these medallions, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11694401/san-francisco-made-millions-selling-taxi-medallions-now-drivers-are-paying-the-price\">pointed out that Uber and Lyfts were not operating legally\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But this was 2013, and the tech industry was enjoying a rosy reception by both the public and regulators. The companies were viewed as job creators, a designation that carried a lot of weight, especially as the nation was still emerging from the shadows of the 2008 financial recession. Most politicians didn’t want to stand in the way.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pundits and journalists also helped fuel the positive portrayal, commonly painting the companies as innovative agents of change ushering in a future that was not only inevitable, but also desirable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In fact, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/10851717/the-movement-to-kill-the-phrase-sharing-economy\">the “Sharing Economy” \u003c/a>as a concept was largely created and perpetuated by media organizations, which decided not to look at these companies through the lens of transportation or labor, but instead as \"tech\" companies. \u003ca href=\"https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=3668606\">If you look back at the media coverage in the first years of these companies\u003c/a>, it was generally swooning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That largely uncritical coverage helped pave the way for a handful of companies representing a tiny fraction of the economy to have an outsize impact on law, corporate practices and the very way our society thinks about work.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Overcoming Regulatory Hurdles\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>As cities like San Francisco were opting to allow Uber and Lyft to operate in violation of local taxi laws, state regulators also embraced the companies, handing them a major win in the fall of 2013.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Public Utilities Commission in 2013 decided to create an entire \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfgate.com/news/article/PUC-adopts-rules-for-ride-services-4828477.php\">new regulatory category\u003c/a>, allowing Uber and Lyft to operate in cities throughout the state without being required to follow to local taxi laws. When announcing the creation of “Transportation Network Companies,” then CPUC President Michael Peevey parroted the rhetoric of the companies themselves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The internet is challenging many traditional business models by turning average everyday consumers into service providers,” Peevey said at the time. “This is a rapidly growing sharing economy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Contracting Problems\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>But the independent contractor model quickly began to create problems for the companies’ drivers. They had no workers' compensation for accidents and lacked unemployment insurance and overtime benefits — all basic protections guaranteed to employees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>This brought lawsuits. In the fall of 2013, Shannon Liss-Riordan filed class action lawsuits against both companies that aimed to get drivers back pay and to end the alleged misclassification of drivers as contractors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Uber and Lyft were able to successfully snarl these lawsuits in the court system. It took six years to resolve both cases. The combined $47 million in settlements fell far short of the plaintiff's original goal, and drivers continued to be classified as contractors.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Mandatory Arbitration Clauses\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Uber and Lyft were able hamstring that lawsuit, and subsequent others, largely through mandatory arbitration clauses: controversial agreements that all Uber and Lyft drivers have to sign mandating that labor disputes be handled privately behind closed doors rather than in court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Lawyers have been filing misclassification cases more or less since these companies came on the scene,” said Charlotte Garden, a professor at the Seattle University School of Law. \"By looking at how those cases have ended, it is really a testament to how effective individual arbitration is at preventing people from being able to enforce their rights.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Uber and Lyft also fended off regulation by appealing to consumers. They relied on their vast venture capital reserves to make rides artificially cheap — to the ire of traditional taxi drivers. And then, when a city or state enacted unfavorable regulations, the companies would threaten to leave.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sometimes the companies would leave for a few months, but they always came back.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Angry customers, meanwhile, put pressure on politicians who often caved and dropped regulations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Garden said the victories Uber and Lyft enjoyed early on dissuaded other local regulators from trying to rein in the companies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11833891\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1024px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11833891\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/GettyImages-1170572546.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1024\" height=\"683\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/GettyImages-1170572546.jpg 1024w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/GettyImages-1170572546-800x534.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/GettyImages-1170572546-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/GettyImages-1170572546-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1024px) 100vw, 1024px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A San Francisco police officer monitors a protest outside of Uber headquarters on Aug. 27, 2019 in San Francisco, where dozens of Uber and Lyft drivers staged a protest in support of AB 5, and to organize a union for ride-hail drivers. \u003ccite>(ustin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“They knew regulation would be met with the companies ignoring the regulations and then fighting tooth and nail,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Uber and Lyft grew rapidly over the next five years and, by 2018, had amassed a combined $20 billion in venture capital. Meanwhile, a spate of new companies like Postmates and Instacart began adopting similar contract-labor models.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>The ‘ABC Test’\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>In 2018, drivers seeking employee status scored a major victory — ironically, as a result of a California Supreme Court case that had nothing to do with gig companies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This case began in 2005, three years before smartphones even existed, and close to a decade before the dawn of the gig economy. A truck driver sued a delivery company called Dynamex for classifying him as a contractor and not paying employee benefits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In April 2018 — 13 years after the case started — the court ruled in favor of the driver. The ruling established an “ABC test” for employment, in which workers can only be considered contractors if they:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>a. are free of control and direction from the company;\u003cbr>\nb. perform work outside the normal course of the company’s business;\u003cbr>\nc. regularly engage in some kind of independently established trade or occupation\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nevertheless, in the absence of any enforcement, Uber and Lyft continued to classify their drivers as contractors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The following year, the state Legislature took up the issue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AB 5, introduced by Assemblywoman Lorena Gonzalez, D-San Diego, went into effect Jan. 1, 2020, codifying the Dynamex decision into law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In advocating for the bill, Gonzalez specifically called out gig companies like Uber and Lyft.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In letting a new industry come in and say, ‘Because I hire you through an app, I don’t have any rules’ — that jeopardizes everything,” Gonzalez told lawmakers as they debated the bill in 2019.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Uber and Lyft have since still continued to classify drivers as contractors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In response to AB 5, Uber, Lyft and the delivery company DoorDash put more than $110 million behind Proposition 22 — on the statewide ballot this November — which would exempt gig companies from the new legislation.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>And Then Came the Pandemic ...\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>In March, the coronavirus pandemic delivered a nightmare scenario for drivers who saw a precipitous drop in customers and weren't eligible for the paid sick time and unemployment benefits afforded regular employees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the pandemic raged on, California Attorney General Xavier Becerra in May finally stepped in, announcing a lawsuit against the companies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Becerra admitted that it had taken the coronavirus for the state to act on the issue of worker misclassification.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Sometimes it takes a pandemic to shake us into what that really means and who suffers the consequences of it,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cbr>\nAnd on Aug. 10, Judge Schulman issued his preliminary order to make Uber and Lyft classify their workers as employees while the state lawsuit unfolds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Uber and Lyft went on the offensive. They wrote to their drivers and riders, asking them to vote in favor of Proposition 22. And in a New York Times opinion piece, \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2020/08/10/opinion/uber-ceo-dara-khosrowshahi-gig-workers-deserve-better.html\">Uber CEO Dara Khosrowshahi\u003c/a> urged lawmakers to create a new category of worker for Uber and Lyft drivers to accommodate its unique business model.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then, in an interview with MSNBC, Khosrowshahi pulled out a tactic from Uber’s old playbook: He threatened to temporarily suspend service in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We think we comply by the laws,” Khosrowshahi said. “But if the judge and the court finds that we are not and they don’t give us a stay to get to November, then we will have to eventually shut down Uber until November.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So now, after eight years and the involvement of every branch of California’s state government, Uber and Lyft may finally be forced to give California drivers basic employee protections — or, far more unlikely, suspend operations in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And if the courts ultimately find that Uber and Lyft have been misclassifying their drivers, the companies may also be forced to give them billions of dollars in back pay for wages and benefits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cb>Kamala Harris Joins Joe Biden on History-Making Presidential Ticket\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">On Tuesday, history was made when Democratic presidential candidate and former Vice President Joe Biden selected California Sen. Kamala Harris as his running mate. Harris is the first Black woman and the first Asian American to be nominated for the vice presidency of a major political party. On Wednesday, Biden announced that their campaign had raised $26 million within the 24 hours of announcing Harris as his running mate. In December, Harris ended her own presidential bid, after struggling to define herself on key issues and fundraising difficulties. Before being elected to the U.S. Senate in 2016, she served as California attorney general and San Francisco district attorney. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Guests:\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Scott Shafer, KQED politics and government senior editor\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Marisa Lagos, KQED politics and government correspondent \u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Former Labor Secretary Robert Reich on the Economy\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Last week, the number of Americans filing state unemployment claims fell below 1 million for the first time since March, according to the U.S. Labor Department. But the economy continues to be battered by the coronavirus as the pace of rehiring slows and the national unemployment rate continues to hover above 10%. California’s economic outlook is particularly bleak, with an unemployment rate of nearly 15% in June and nearly 10 million unemployment claims processed since March. Congress remains at an impasse over extending unemployment benefits to millions of Americans that expired nearly two weeks ago. Meanwhile, tech behemoths such as Amazon, Facebook, Apple and Google posted strong quarterly earnings, indicating their resilience amid economic uncertainty and mass layoffs.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Guest:\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Robert Reich, professor of public policy, UC Berkeley, and former U.S. secretary of labor (1993 - 1997) \u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Nabbing the Coronavirus Before It Can Do Harm\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">This week, scientists at UCSF announced the early stage of what could become a promising new way to protect people from coronavirus infection until a vaccine is developed and readily available. In a lab, they engineered a tiny antibody, normally present in the immune systems of llamas and camels, to act like a molecular mousetrap by latching onto spikes that coronavirus molecules use to infect cells in the airways and pump out copies of the virus. With the spikes blocked, the coronavirus would then no longer be able to hijack cells, propagate inside the body and damage lungs and other organs. The scientists are calling their discovery “AeroNabs” and published their findings online as a preprint before being peer reviewed, a process which has become common recently to quickly disseminate coronavirus research to the broader scientific community. Unlike other COVID-19 treatments, AeroNabs could also be administered as a nasal spray or inhaler, and at home instead of a hospital. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> \u003c/span>\u003cb>Guests:\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Aashish Manglik, MD PhD, assistant professor of pharmaceutical chemistry, UCSF\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Peter Walter, PhD, professor of biophysics and biochemistry, UCSF\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\n",
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"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
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"soldout": {
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"title": "SOLD OUT: Rethinking Housing in America",
"tagline": "A new future for housing",
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