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"content": "\u003cp>A measure on the November ballot aims to restore San Francisco’s dwindling reputation as a powerhouse arts and culture funder.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://sfelections.sfgov.org/sites/default/files/Documents/Voting/2018/N18_VIP_EN.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Proposition E\u003c/a> seeks to dedicate 1.5 percent of the base hotel tax — a 14 percent tax levied on hotel stays in the city — to support arts and culture programs. The city estimates this could add more than $15 million in funding over the next two years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The San Francisco Board of Supervisors \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11684107/sf-board-of-supervisors-votes-to-put-hotel-tax-arts-measure-on-november-ballot\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">unanimously voted\u003c/a> to put Proposition E on the ballot earlier this year. Proposition E even attracted the support of supervisors who normally disapprove of budget set asides, like Aaron Peskin and Katy Tang.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I got involved with Proposition E because I believe that our city needs to invest more in arts and cultural services,” said Tang. “And I wanted to figure out how we could achieve this goal without impacting our city’s existing services, and doing it in a fiscally responsible way.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If it passes on Nov. 6 with the necessary two-thirds majority, Proposition E would restore an allocation that was originally created in 1961 to support the city’s cultural industries. The move turned San Francisco into an arts and culture funding trailblazer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was invited to France to tell the French Ministry of Culture how we did this in San Francisco,” said Kary Schulman, the longtime director of \u003ca href=\"http://sfgfta.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Grants for the Arts\u003c/a>, the main city body that distributes hotel tax funds to cultural groups. “It was a widely admired national model.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the early 2000s, the city reduced the allocations for the arts owing to financial issues, reducing funding gradually and ultimately repealing specific allocations altogether in 2013.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That investment being stopped, combined with displacement and the cost of living here, has really caused our arts community to be hanging on with their fingernails,” Schulman said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city’s creative community has been fighting to bring that pot of dedicated funding back for the past few years — so far without much success.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2016, arts organizations teamed up with homeless service organizations on \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/arts/11622460/sf-arts-and-homeless-organizations-join-forces-to-secure-more-city-funding\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Proposition S\u003c/a>, a joint bid to secure monies from the hotel tax to benefit cultural organizations and families living on the streets. But the measure didn’t pass.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Monies from the fund will be used in a variety of ways, from supplying grants to keep arts organizations going, to providing funding for the first time to the city’s “cultural districts” — like the Japantown Cultural Heritage District and the Leather and LGBTQ Cultural District in SOMA. The districts have largely been symbolic designations until now.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11702741\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/IMG-1651-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"Yes on E campaign volunteer Valerie Weak works the phones in the run-up to the Nov. 6 election.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11702741\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Yes on E campaign volunteer Valerie Weak works the phones in the run-up to the Nov. 6 election. \u003ccite>(Chloe Veltman/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Proposition E is going to support some of the things that give our neighborhoods in the city unique characteristics,” said Valerie Weak, a local actor and volunteer canvasser for the Yes on Prop E campaign. “It will keep things from turning into entirely homogeneous places, where every neighborhood looks just like the other neighborhoods.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Weak also says Proposition E will provide funding for arts education, as well as grants to individual artists.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s going to create more opportunities for artists to get paid for their work,” Weak said. “It’s important for artists to get paid a living wage.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition to galvanizing broad support from cultural organizations of all types and sizes across the city, the Proposition E campaign has been getting support at the highest levels.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco Mayor London Breed turned out to help with phone banking during the final week of the campaign. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Local arts luminaries like \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfsymphony.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">San Francisco Symphony\u003c/a> music director Michael Tilson Thomas have made videos urging people to vote yes on the measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But getting voter approval still won’t be easy. Although the measure doesn’t raise taxes, critics say it could divert funding away from other services, like public transit and education, which might increase taxes down the line.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A measure on the November ballot aims to restore San Francisco’s dwindling reputation as a powerhouse arts and culture funder.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://sfelections.sfgov.org/sites/default/files/Documents/Voting/2018/N18_VIP_EN.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Proposition E\u003c/a> seeks to dedicate 1.5 percent of the base hotel tax — a 14 percent tax levied on hotel stays in the city — to support arts and culture programs. The city estimates this could add more than $15 million in funding over the next two years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The San Francisco Board of Supervisors \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11684107/sf-board-of-supervisors-votes-to-put-hotel-tax-arts-measure-on-november-ballot\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">unanimously voted\u003c/a> to put Proposition E on the ballot earlier this year. Proposition E even attracted the support of supervisors who normally disapprove of budget set asides, like Aaron Peskin and Katy Tang.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I got involved with Proposition E because I believe that our city needs to invest more in arts and cultural services,” said Tang. “And I wanted to figure out how we could achieve this goal without impacting our city’s existing services, and doing it in a fiscally responsible way.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If it passes on Nov. 6 with the necessary two-thirds majority, Proposition E would restore an allocation that was originally created in 1961 to support the city’s cultural industries. The move turned San Francisco into an arts and culture funding trailblazer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was invited to France to tell the French Ministry of Culture how we did this in San Francisco,” said Kary Schulman, the longtime director of \u003ca href=\"http://sfgfta.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Grants for the Arts\u003c/a>, the main city body that distributes hotel tax funds to cultural groups. “It was a widely admired national model.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the early 2000s, the city reduced the allocations for the arts owing to financial issues, reducing funding gradually and ultimately repealing specific allocations altogether in 2013.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That investment being stopped, combined with displacement and the cost of living here, has really caused our arts community to be hanging on with their fingernails,” Schulman said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city’s creative community has been fighting to bring that pot of dedicated funding back for the past few years — so far without much success.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2016, arts organizations teamed up with homeless service organizations on \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/arts/11622460/sf-arts-and-homeless-organizations-join-forces-to-secure-more-city-funding\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Proposition S\u003c/a>, a joint bid to secure monies from the hotel tax to benefit cultural organizations and families living on the streets. But the measure didn’t pass.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Monies from the fund will be used in a variety of ways, from supplying grants to keep arts organizations going, to providing funding for the first time to the city’s “cultural districts” — like the Japantown Cultural Heritage District and the Leather and LGBTQ Cultural District in SOMA. The districts have largely been symbolic designations until now.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11702741\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/IMG-1651-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"Yes on E campaign volunteer Valerie Weak works the phones in the run-up to the Nov. 6 election.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11702741\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Yes on E campaign volunteer Valerie Weak works the phones in the run-up to the Nov. 6 election. \u003ccite>(Chloe Veltman/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Proposition E is going to support some of the things that give our neighborhoods in the city unique characteristics,” said Valerie Weak, a local actor and volunteer canvasser for the Yes on Prop E campaign. “It will keep things from turning into entirely homogeneous places, where every neighborhood looks just like the other neighborhoods.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Weak also says Proposition E will provide funding for arts education, as well as grants to individual artists.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s going to create more opportunities for artists to get paid for their work,” Weak said. “It’s important for artists to get paid a living wage.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition to galvanizing broad support from cultural organizations of all types and sizes across the city, the Proposition E campaign has been getting support at the highest levels.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco Mayor London Breed turned out to help with phone banking during the final week of the campaign. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Local arts luminaries like \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfsymphony.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">San Francisco Symphony\u003c/a> music director Michael Tilson Thomas have made videos urging people to vote yes on the measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But getting voter approval still won’t be easy. Although the measure doesn’t raise taxes, critics say it could divert funding away from other services, like public transit and education, which might increase taxes down the line.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11703805\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11703805\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/Screen-Shot-2018-11-05-at-1.29.06-PM-800x374.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"374\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Pamela Price (L), Libby Schaaf (C) and Cat Brooks (R) vie for mayor.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>[dropcap]I[/dropcap]f you want a lesson in the history of Oakland’s progressive politics, Bobby Seale is a pretty good place to start. The 82-year-old Seale is best known for co-founding the Black Panther Party for Self-Defense in 1966.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the early ’70s, as the party shook and shrunk under the weight of internal strife, increasing drug use by co-founder Huey Newton and a deliberate sabotage campaign waged by the FBI’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.pbs.org/hueypnewton/actions/actions_cointelpro.html\">COINTELPRO\u003c/a>, Seale returned to Oakland. He had just faced a murder charge for the killing of a Black Panther informant in Connecticut, but the jury hung. He was thinking about running for political office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11703382\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11703382\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/Bobby_Seale.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"694\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/Bobby_Seale.jpg 640w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/Bobby_Seale-160x139.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/Bobby_Seale-240x208.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/Bobby_Seale-375x325.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/Bobby_Seale-520x451.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Bobby Seale, co-founder of the Black Panther Party, at Binghamton University in 2006. (Peizes/flickr)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“My goal and objective is we got to take over more political seats, and you got to take over a lot of them,” he said. “Oakland became the point.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 1973, Seale ran for Oakland mayor against Republican incumbent John Reading. Seale \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/1973/05/17/archives/reading-defeats-seale-easily-for-oakland-mayor.html\">ended up losing\u003c/a> by a significant margin, but he forced Mayor Reading into a runoff, making it a real race by bringing about 20,000 black Oaklanders into the electoral process. In a single day he handed out more than \u003ca href=\"https://diva.sfsu.edu/collections/sfbatv/bundles/190199\">6,000 bags of groceries\u003c/a> to residents in exchange for their registering to vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was a moment in history that echoes the tensions of the present: racial strife and deep political divisions. Back then the idea of a radical anti-police activist winning the mayor’s seat in a major California city seemed unfathomable. Maybe it still seems unlikely.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But that was also half a century before President Trump, and the so-called \u003ca href=\"https://www.politico.com/story/2018/02/11/democratic-primaries-2018-progressives-402096\">deep-blue wave\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This year young, progressive, first-time candidates, many of them women of color like Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez in New York and Ayanna Pressley in Boston, won races against incumbent Democrats.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Brooks Has Backing of Bobby Seale\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Could something like that happen in the mayoral race in Oakland, one of the most progressive places in the country? A popular Democratic incumbent mayor, Libby Schaaf, known nationally as part of the resistance for taking on President Trump by announcing immigration raids before they happened, is being challenged by activists who have protested against her for being too conservative, too friendly to developers, too lenient on the police.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11703387\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11703387\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/catbrooks-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/catbrooks-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/catbrooks-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/catbrooks-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/catbrooks-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/catbrooks.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/catbrooks-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/catbrooks-960x640.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/catbrooks-240x160.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/catbrooks-375x250.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/catbrooks-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Oakland mayoral candidate Cat Brooks speaks at a town hall event at Castlemont High School on Oct. 20, 2018. (Anne Wernikoff/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>As Seale sits on a park bench outside Oakland City Hall, he spots one of the most omnipresent of those activists, Cat Brooks, striding across Frank Ogawa Plaza.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brooks, like Bobby Seale, knows something about self-reinvention and a lot about battling Oakland police. Now, almost half a century after Seale, she is running for mayor of Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Just about whenever there is a protest in Oakland, Brooks is there, leading the charge, criticizing the people in power. She was a vocal part of Occupy Oakland, is a part of Black Lives Matter, and with her group, the Anti Police-Terror Project, she is at the forefront almost every time someone is killed by Oakland police.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11703718\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11703718 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/pamelareplace-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Attorneys Pamela Price and Charles Bonner held a press conference on Sept. 15, 2016, to discuss the return of Jasmine Abuslin, the teen at the center of a law enforcement sexual exploitation scandal in Oakland. (Nicole Reinert/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Brooks is not Oakland Mayor Libby Schaaf’s only competition in the race. Brooks and civil rights attorney Pamela Price, who recently challenged Alameda District Attorney Nancy O’Malley, are both polling at 17 percent. (All the other candidates received 1 percent or less).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to \u003ca href=\"https://www.eastbayexpress.com/SevenDays/archives/2018/10/19/schaaf-has-20-point-lead-in-new-poll-but-is-still-well-short-of-a-majority\">a poll from the Chamber of Commerce\u003c/a>, Schaaf is leading the pack of 10 candidates with 37 percent of the vote. That is below the majority she needs to win outright in ranked-choice voting.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignleft\">“Folks like me, who may have been too left for people before, are just left enough now.” \u003ccite>Cat Brooks, Oakland mayoral candidate \u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Brooks and Price could constitute a challenge to the mayor, if those who vote for Price write down Brooks as their second choice, or vice versa.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Recently, articles in \u003ca href=\"https://www.motherjones.com/politics/2018/10/cat-brooks-oakland-mayor-black-activist/\">Mother Jones\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.teenvogue.com/story/meet-cat-brooks-the-anti-police-brutality-activist-running-for-oakland-mayor/amp?fbclid=IwAR0KxdUpzUQU0GAWDbuk8Dlsmyxx5zOJUhRgRObaSusACrHl7CPWHhr89fo\">Teen Vogue\u003c/a> have spotlighted Brooks, painting her as a progressive activist and Black Lives Matter candidate, taking on Schaaf, an established Democrat with substantially more money and party-line endorsements from traditional California Democrats such as outgoing Gov. Jerry Brown and his heir apparent, Gavin Newsom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Folks like me, who may have been too left for people before, are just left enough now,” Brooks said, nodding to progressives wins. “When I looked at the conditions, I was like, we could actually win this.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brooks was raised on the front lines of protests in Las Vegas by her activist mother. She got involved in grass-roots organizing for education reform across California. But it was in Oakland that she said she found her calling as an activist against police brutality.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was Oscar Grant’s killing on New Year’s Day 2009 that did it. “Something shifted in me, in a way that I can’t put words to,” Brooks said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As Seale and Brooks talk, it’s hard not to feel as if he is passing on his torch. “You are the activist of activists now, running for mayor. And I support all of that. Every bit of it,” he tells her.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Schaaf Touts Her Experience\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Schaaf’s first term was roiled by scandals beyond her administration’s control. The Ghost Ship fire, which took the lives of 36 people on Dec. 2, 2016, was seen, in part, as \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2017/07/16/huge-failure-80-percent-of-oakland-firefighter-warnings-of-unsafe-buildings-go-unchecked/\">a failure to follow up on safety concerns at problem properties. \u003c/a>A \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2016/06/22/483046581/mired-in-scandals-oakland-mayor-calls-for-police-department-oversight\">sexual assault scandal within the ranks of Oakland police\u003c/a> and other local law enforcement agencies saw the Police Department cycle through three police chiefs in just a little over a week. The chaos was in part, critics suggest, a product of a department desperate to get out of federal court oversight weighing on it since 2003.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11703394\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11703394\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/shaaf_ghostship-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/shaaf_ghostship-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/shaaf_ghostship-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/shaaf_ghostship-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/shaaf_ghostship-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/shaaf_ghostship.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/shaaf_ghostship-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/shaaf_ghostship-960x640.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/shaaf_ghostship-240x160.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/shaaf_ghostship-375x250.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/shaaf_ghostship-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Oakland Mayor Libby Schaaf at a Ghost Ship vigil at Lake Merritt Pergola in Oakland on Dec. 16, 2016. (Sheraz Sadiq /KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>As a first-term mayor, Schaaf inherited both the fire and police departments. She also inherited, by dint of geography, a city on the verge of a great financial boom, a ripple from the tech takeover of the Bay Area. But this financial renaissance has also led to increasing inequity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My big passion is access to opportunity,” Schaaf said. “Even in a beautiful progressive city like Oakland, institutionalized racism is alive and well.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And,” she added, “it is blocking people, most of the people in this city, from taking advantage of all of the opportunities that are around us.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Schaff touts \u003ca href=\"https://www.eastbaytimes.com/2018/03/27/oakland-initiative-has-hundreds-of-students-college-bound/\">Oakland Promise\u003c/a>, a program that helps Oakland students go to, and pay for, college, as one of her success stories. That program, like many of the youth it promises to serve, is still in its infancy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This fall Schaaf announced another program, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/bayarea/article/Oakland-to-pay-rent-for-low-income-residents-at-13309308.php\">Keep Oakland Housed,\u003c/a> which puts $9 million toward keeping those on the verge of homelessness from falling off the cliff.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">“Even in a beautiful progressive city like Oakland, institutionalized racism is alive and well.” \u003ccite>Libby Schaaf, Oakland Mayor\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Schaaf said the forces fueling gentrification and surging displacement are not coming from within the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I have spent four years,” Schaaf said, “building relationships, building a knowledge base, so now that I can make an impact outside of Oakland for Oakland.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Schaaf said her experience in government is her strength, along with her passion for her hometown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was born here, I was raised here,” said Schaaf. “I have been passionately in love with this city and I am fighting every day. What’s different about a second term is now I’ve got the tools and the relationships to get things done at the state level, at the regional level, even possibly at the national level.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Schaaf knows that the changes in Oakland have created anxiety and trauma, but she sees the city’s unique personality as the glue. “You can belong, whether you’re an old-school native like me or, as we say, OG, or whether you are a newcomer,” she said. “It has to do with whether you connect with our values.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>What Does ‘Progressive’ Really Mean?\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>To win elections in Oakland these days, you probably have to be a Democrat, and it helps to call yourself progressive. But the question is: What does it really mean to be a \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2018/10/29/659665970/as-more-democrats-embrace-progressive-label-it-may-not-mean-what-it-used-to\">“progressive” politician? \u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nationally, Schaaf has been branded by the far right as a resistance mayor for \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/thetwo-way/2018/03/01/589948064/oakland-mayor-stands-by-fair-warning-of-impending-ice-operation\">her public warnings\u003c/a> about an imminent immigration raid in February, letting people know that ICE was coming to the East Bay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When asked about the narrative of progressive candidates running against Schaaf as an establishment Democrat, she was quick to answer. “If you watch Fox News, you’d think that I am the most dangerous radical in America,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Oakland is far from the Fox News base. Schaaf’s most prominent opponents, Cat Brooks and Pamela Price, are running against Schaaf from the left.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brooks criticizes the \u003ca href=\"https://www.eastbayexpress.com/oakland/oakland-police-chief-made-false-statements-about-ice-raid/Content?oid=9793923\">Oakland Police Department’s collaboration with ICE\u003c/a> in a 2017 operation in West Oakland, and she accuses Schaaf of playing politics when she warned the public about immigration raids earlier this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brooks said Schaaf’s programs, by depending so heavily on philanthropic dollars, are no better than a neo-liberal Band-Aid on inequity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Schaaf points to her \u003ca href=\"https://www.eastbayexpress.com/oakland/our-november-2018-endorsement-guide/Content?oid=21443046\">endorsement by the alt-weekly East Bay Express\u003c/a> as “the progressive candidate.” (The paper’s endorsement did not actually use the term “progressive.”) Her campaign slogan is “Oakland Tough” and her campaign flyers laud the fact that she has taken on the president directly. In the Chamber of Commerce poll, Schaaf is leading among all ethnic and racial groups.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>A Promise of Police Reform\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>At a recent house party for Cat Brooks’ campaign, the young, mostly white, prospective voters sat on pillows and couches to hear Brooks speak.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As an activist, Brooks has been a police abolitionist, arguing that the system of policing is fundamentally broken. Someone asked her, “So, what does Cat Brooks as the boss of the Oakland PD look like?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brooks laughed a little. “I’ve seen people that I love dearly put on Facebook, ‘I can’t wait ’til Cat Brooks is mayor, and she abolishes the police.’ That’s not going to happen,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Critics have disavowed what they say is Brooks’ militant activism. “Look at my track record,” she said, inviting people to Google her. “You may not like everything you find,” she acknowledged. “You may not like the fact that I’ve chained myself to things. You may not like the fact that I’ve used harsh language when I’ve been engaging with law enforcement. But what you will see is me being consistent and true and fighting like hell for our most marginalized, vulnerable, oppressed population and being absolutely unapologetic about that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Brooks said she is also pragmatic, and she understands the role of an activist and the role of a mayor are not the same thing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So if — and it is a big if — Brooks wins, how would she deal with police? Oakland spends more money \u003ca href=\"https://www.forbes.com/sites/niallmccarthy/2017/08/07/how-much-do-u-s-cities-spend-every-year-on-policing-infographic/#c725b9fe7b7d\">per capita on police\u003c/a> than any other city in in the country, and Brooks said 41 percent of the city’s budget is too much. She said if she’s elected mayor, she’ll institute other policing reforms as well. “You actually will not ask every brown or black person you pull over whether they are on probation or parole, effective immediately,” Brooks said. “There will actually be a zero tolerance policy for excessive uses of force and of sexual misconduct.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Policing and crime, once the most hot-button topics in Oakland, are no longer the number one concern of residents. Now it is homelessness, housing and displacement.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What you will see is me being consistent and true and fighting like hell for our most marginalized, vulnerable, oppressed population.” \u003ccite>Cat Brooks\u003c/cite>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">That’s what matters to William Lowe. He came to the house party for Brooks’ campaign to meet her for the first time. Just down the street, clusters of tents make up homeless encampments that stretch on for blocks. West Oakland has been ground zero for displacement. In a recent survey, over \u003ca href=\"https://www.eastbaytimes.com/2017/06/02/survey-confirms-oakland-homeless-crisis-growing-worse/\">80 percent of the unhoused population\u003c/a> had been formerly living in a home in Alameda County. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“\u003c/span>Watching people who work harder than anyone I know, not being able to stay in a neighborhood that they’ve called home for 20-plus years,” is heartbreaking, Lowe said. “I’m barely holding on, and I have so much more privilege.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Different Visions for Oakland\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Brooks, Price and Schaaf all agree that what happens in the next four years is pivotal to the future of Oakland. Because in that time Oakland could be irreversibly gentrified.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But they vastly differ on what — and who — is needed to stop that from happening.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Schaaf makes the case that she has the political experience to tackle the complex issues facing the city. Her two main opponents are relative political newcomers who’ve never been elected to a local government office. Price was elected to the Alameda County Democratic Party, representing the 18th Assembly District, in 2016.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">And Schaaf said she welcomes and loves Oakland’s activist edge. “\u003c/span>We are a feisty city. We don’t like authority or power. We challenge status quo thinking.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Brooks accuses Schaaf of being that status quo, and she said\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> the last four years of displacement and the homeless crisis happened under Schaaf’s watch.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are either going to keep on the road that we are already on, to increase gentrification and homelessness,” Brooks said. “Or we are going to take a hard turn to the left.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brooks is banking on her argument that a political left turn is the only thing that can save what she calls “the soul of Oakland.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“\u003c/span>Losing the soul of Oakland isn’t just bad for Oakland, it’s bad for the country, particularly right now. We’re supposed to be the most progressive city in the nation,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It is up to voters to define what kind of progressive city they want, and which leader they think is best equipped to get them there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This article was amended to add that Pamela Price was elected to the Alameda County Democratic Central Committee. A previous version of this article said Price has never held an elected office. While Price has never been elected to a seat in local government, she was elected to her position by Democratic Party members.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11703805\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11703805\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/Screen-Shot-2018-11-05-at-1.29.06-PM-800x374.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"374\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Pamela Price (L), Libby Schaaf (C) and Cat Brooks (R) vie for mayor.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class=\"utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__dropcapShortcode__dropcap\">I\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>f you want a lesson in the history of Oakland’s progressive politics, Bobby Seale is a pretty good place to start. The 82-year-old Seale is best known for co-founding the Black Panther Party for Self-Defense in 1966.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the early ’70s, as the party shook and shrunk under the weight of internal strife, increasing drug use by co-founder Huey Newton and a deliberate sabotage campaign waged by the FBI’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.pbs.org/hueypnewton/actions/actions_cointelpro.html\">COINTELPRO\u003c/a>, Seale returned to Oakland. He had just faced a murder charge for the killing of a Black Panther informant in Connecticut, but the jury hung. He was thinking about running for political office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11703382\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11703382\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/Bobby_Seale.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"694\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/Bobby_Seale.jpg 640w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/Bobby_Seale-160x139.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/Bobby_Seale-240x208.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/Bobby_Seale-375x325.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/Bobby_Seale-520x451.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Bobby Seale, co-founder of the Black Panther Party, at Binghamton University in 2006. (Peizes/flickr)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“My goal and objective is we got to take over more political seats, and you got to take over a lot of them,” he said. “Oakland became the point.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 1973, Seale ran for Oakland mayor against Republican incumbent John Reading. Seale \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/1973/05/17/archives/reading-defeats-seale-easily-for-oakland-mayor.html\">ended up losing\u003c/a> by a significant margin, but he forced Mayor Reading into a runoff, making it a real race by bringing about 20,000 black Oaklanders into the electoral process. In a single day he handed out more than \u003ca href=\"https://diva.sfsu.edu/collections/sfbatv/bundles/190199\">6,000 bags of groceries\u003c/a> to residents in exchange for their registering to vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was a moment in history that echoes the tensions of the present: racial strife and deep political divisions. Back then the idea of a radical anti-police activist winning the mayor’s seat in a major California city seemed unfathomable. Maybe it still seems unlikely.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But that was also half a century before President Trump, and the so-called \u003ca href=\"https://www.politico.com/story/2018/02/11/democratic-primaries-2018-progressives-402096\">deep-blue wave\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This year young, progressive, first-time candidates, many of them women of color like Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez in New York and Ayanna Pressley in Boston, won races against incumbent Democrats.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Brooks Has Backing of Bobby Seale\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Could something like that happen in the mayoral race in Oakland, one of the most progressive places in the country? A popular Democratic incumbent mayor, Libby Schaaf, known nationally as part of the resistance for taking on President Trump by announcing immigration raids before they happened, is being challenged by activists who have protested against her for being too conservative, too friendly to developers, too lenient on the police.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11703387\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11703387\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/catbrooks-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/catbrooks-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/catbrooks-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/catbrooks-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/catbrooks-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/catbrooks.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/catbrooks-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/catbrooks-960x640.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/catbrooks-240x160.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/catbrooks-375x250.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/catbrooks-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Oakland mayoral candidate Cat Brooks speaks at a town hall event at Castlemont High School on Oct. 20, 2018. (Anne Wernikoff/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>As Seale sits on a park bench outside Oakland City Hall, he spots one of the most omnipresent of those activists, Cat Brooks, striding across Frank Ogawa Plaza.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brooks, like Bobby Seale, knows something about self-reinvention and a lot about battling Oakland police. Now, almost half a century after Seale, she is running for mayor of Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Just about whenever there is a protest in Oakland, Brooks is there, leading the charge, criticizing the people in power. She was a vocal part of Occupy Oakland, is a part of Black Lives Matter, and with her group, the Anti Police-Terror Project, she is at the forefront almost every time someone is killed by Oakland police.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11703718\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11703718 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/pamelareplace-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Attorneys Pamela Price and Charles Bonner held a press conference on Sept. 15, 2016, to discuss the return of Jasmine Abuslin, the teen at the center of a law enforcement sexual exploitation scandal in Oakland. (Nicole Reinert/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Brooks is not Oakland Mayor Libby Schaaf’s only competition in the race. Brooks and civil rights attorney Pamela Price, who recently challenged Alameda District Attorney Nancy O’Malley, are both polling at 17 percent. (All the other candidates received 1 percent or less).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to \u003ca href=\"https://www.eastbayexpress.com/SevenDays/archives/2018/10/19/schaaf-has-20-point-lead-in-new-poll-but-is-still-well-short-of-a-majority\">a poll from the Chamber of Commerce\u003c/a>, Schaaf is leading the pack of 10 candidates with 37 percent of the vote. That is below the majority she needs to win outright in ranked-choice voting.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignleft\">“Folks like me, who may have been too left for people before, are just left enough now.” \u003ccite>Cat Brooks, Oakland mayoral candidate \u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Brooks and Price could constitute a challenge to the mayor, if those who vote for Price write down Brooks as their second choice, or vice versa.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Recently, articles in \u003ca href=\"https://www.motherjones.com/politics/2018/10/cat-brooks-oakland-mayor-black-activist/\">Mother Jones\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.teenvogue.com/story/meet-cat-brooks-the-anti-police-brutality-activist-running-for-oakland-mayor/amp?fbclid=IwAR0KxdUpzUQU0GAWDbuk8Dlsmyxx5zOJUhRgRObaSusACrHl7CPWHhr89fo\">Teen Vogue\u003c/a> have spotlighted Brooks, painting her as a progressive activist and Black Lives Matter candidate, taking on Schaaf, an established Democrat with substantially more money and party-line endorsements from traditional California Democrats such as outgoing Gov. Jerry Brown and his heir apparent, Gavin Newsom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Folks like me, who may have been too left for people before, are just left enough now,” Brooks said, nodding to progressives wins. “When I looked at the conditions, I was like, we could actually win this.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brooks was raised on the front lines of protests in Las Vegas by her activist mother. She got involved in grass-roots organizing for education reform across California. But it was in Oakland that she said she found her calling as an activist against police brutality.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was Oscar Grant’s killing on New Year’s Day 2009 that did it. “Something shifted in me, in a way that I can’t put words to,” Brooks said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As Seale and Brooks talk, it’s hard not to feel as if he is passing on his torch. “You are the activist of activists now, running for mayor. And I support all of that. Every bit of it,” he tells her.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Schaaf Touts Her Experience\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Schaaf’s first term was roiled by scandals beyond her administration’s control. The Ghost Ship fire, which took the lives of 36 people on Dec. 2, 2016, was seen, in part, as \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2017/07/16/huge-failure-80-percent-of-oakland-firefighter-warnings-of-unsafe-buildings-go-unchecked/\">a failure to follow up on safety concerns at problem properties. \u003c/a>A \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2016/06/22/483046581/mired-in-scandals-oakland-mayor-calls-for-police-department-oversight\">sexual assault scandal within the ranks of Oakland police\u003c/a> and other local law enforcement agencies saw the Police Department cycle through three police chiefs in just a little over a week. The chaos was in part, critics suggest, a product of a department desperate to get out of federal court oversight weighing on it since 2003.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11703394\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11703394\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/shaaf_ghostship-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/shaaf_ghostship-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/shaaf_ghostship-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/shaaf_ghostship-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/shaaf_ghostship-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/shaaf_ghostship.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/shaaf_ghostship-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/shaaf_ghostship-960x640.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/shaaf_ghostship-240x160.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/shaaf_ghostship-375x250.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/shaaf_ghostship-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Oakland Mayor Libby Schaaf at a Ghost Ship vigil at Lake Merritt Pergola in Oakland on Dec. 16, 2016. (Sheraz Sadiq /KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>As a first-term mayor, Schaaf inherited both the fire and police departments. She also inherited, by dint of geography, a city on the verge of a great financial boom, a ripple from the tech takeover of the Bay Area. But this financial renaissance has also led to increasing inequity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My big passion is access to opportunity,” Schaaf said. “Even in a beautiful progressive city like Oakland, institutionalized racism is alive and well.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And,” she added, “it is blocking people, most of the people in this city, from taking advantage of all of the opportunities that are around us.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Schaff touts \u003ca href=\"https://www.eastbaytimes.com/2018/03/27/oakland-initiative-has-hundreds-of-students-college-bound/\">Oakland Promise\u003c/a>, a program that helps Oakland students go to, and pay for, college, as one of her success stories. That program, like many of the youth it promises to serve, is still in its infancy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This fall Schaaf announced another program, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/bayarea/article/Oakland-to-pay-rent-for-low-income-residents-at-13309308.php\">Keep Oakland Housed,\u003c/a> which puts $9 million toward keeping those on the verge of homelessness from falling off the cliff.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">“Even in a beautiful progressive city like Oakland, institutionalized racism is alive and well.” \u003ccite>Libby Schaaf, Oakland Mayor\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Schaaf said the forces fueling gentrification and surging displacement are not coming from within the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I have spent four years,” Schaaf said, “building relationships, building a knowledge base, so now that I can make an impact outside of Oakland for Oakland.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Schaaf said her experience in government is her strength, along with her passion for her hometown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was born here, I was raised here,” said Schaaf. “I have been passionately in love with this city and I am fighting every day. What’s different about a second term is now I’ve got the tools and the relationships to get things done at the state level, at the regional level, even possibly at the national level.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Schaaf knows that the changes in Oakland have created anxiety and trauma, but she sees the city’s unique personality as the glue. “You can belong, whether you’re an old-school native like me or, as we say, OG, or whether you are a newcomer,” she said. “It has to do with whether you connect with our values.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>What Does ‘Progressive’ Really Mean?\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>To win elections in Oakland these days, you probably have to be a Democrat, and it helps to call yourself progressive. But the question is: What does it really mean to be a \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2018/10/29/659665970/as-more-democrats-embrace-progressive-label-it-may-not-mean-what-it-used-to\">“progressive” politician? \u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nationally, Schaaf has been branded by the far right as a resistance mayor for \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/thetwo-way/2018/03/01/589948064/oakland-mayor-stands-by-fair-warning-of-impending-ice-operation\">her public warnings\u003c/a> about an imminent immigration raid in February, letting people know that ICE was coming to the East Bay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When asked about the narrative of progressive candidates running against Schaaf as an establishment Democrat, she was quick to answer. “If you watch Fox News, you’d think that I am the most dangerous radical in America,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Oakland is far from the Fox News base. Schaaf’s most prominent opponents, Cat Brooks and Pamela Price, are running against Schaaf from the left.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brooks criticizes the \u003ca href=\"https://www.eastbayexpress.com/oakland/oakland-police-chief-made-false-statements-about-ice-raid/Content?oid=9793923\">Oakland Police Department’s collaboration with ICE\u003c/a> in a 2017 operation in West Oakland, and she accuses Schaaf of playing politics when she warned the public about immigration raids earlier this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brooks said Schaaf’s programs, by depending so heavily on philanthropic dollars, are no better than a neo-liberal Band-Aid on inequity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Schaaf points to her \u003ca href=\"https://www.eastbayexpress.com/oakland/our-november-2018-endorsement-guide/Content?oid=21443046\">endorsement by the alt-weekly East Bay Express\u003c/a> as “the progressive candidate.” (The paper’s endorsement did not actually use the term “progressive.”) Her campaign slogan is “Oakland Tough” and her campaign flyers laud the fact that she has taken on the president directly. In the Chamber of Commerce poll, Schaaf is leading among all ethnic and racial groups.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>A Promise of Police Reform\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>At a recent house party for Cat Brooks’ campaign, the young, mostly white, prospective voters sat on pillows and couches to hear Brooks speak.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As an activist, Brooks has been a police abolitionist, arguing that the system of policing is fundamentally broken. Someone asked her, “So, what does Cat Brooks as the boss of the Oakland PD look like?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brooks laughed a little. “I’ve seen people that I love dearly put on Facebook, ‘I can’t wait ’til Cat Brooks is mayor, and she abolishes the police.’ That’s not going to happen,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Critics have disavowed what they say is Brooks’ militant activism. “Look at my track record,” she said, inviting people to Google her. “You may not like everything you find,” she acknowledged. “You may not like the fact that I’ve chained myself to things. You may not like the fact that I’ve used harsh language when I’ve been engaging with law enforcement. But what you will see is me being consistent and true and fighting like hell for our most marginalized, vulnerable, oppressed population and being absolutely unapologetic about that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Brooks said she is also pragmatic, and she understands the role of an activist and the role of a mayor are not the same thing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So if — and it is a big if — Brooks wins, how would she deal with police? Oakland spends more money \u003ca href=\"https://www.forbes.com/sites/niallmccarthy/2017/08/07/how-much-do-u-s-cities-spend-every-year-on-policing-infographic/#c725b9fe7b7d\">per capita on police\u003c/a> than any other city in in the country, and Brooks said 41 percent of the city’s budget is too much. She said if she’s elected mayor, she’ll institute other policing reforms as well. “You actually will not ask every brown or black person you pull over whether they are on probation or parole, effective immediately,” Brooks said. “There will actually be a zero tolerance policy for excessive uses of force and of sexual misconduct.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Policing and crime, once the most hot-button topics in Oakland, are no longer the number one concern of residents. Now it is homelessness, housing and displacement.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What you will see is me being consistent and true and fighting like hell for our most marginalized, vulnerable, oppressed population.” \u003ccite>Cat Brooks\u003c/cite>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">That’s what matters to William Lowe. He came to the house party for Brooks’ campaign to meet her for the first time. Just down the street, clusters of tents make up homeless encampments that stretch on for blocks. West Oakland has been ground zero for displacement. In a recent survey, over \u003ca href=\"https://www.eastbaytimes.com/2017/06/02/survey-confirms-oakland-homeless-crisis-growing-worse/\">80 percent of the unhoused population\u003c/a> had been formerly living in a home in Alameda County. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“\u003c/span>Watching people who work harder than anyone I know, not being able to stay in a neighborhood that they’ve called home for 20-plus years,” is heartbreaking, Lowe said. “I’m barely holding on, and I have so much more privilege.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Different Visions for Oakland\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Brooks, Price and Schaaf all agree that what happens in the next four years is pivotal to the future of Oakland. Because in that time Oakland could be irreversibly gentrified.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But they vastly differ on what — and who — is needed to stop that from happening.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Schaaf makes the case that she has the political experience to tackle the complex issues facing the city. Her two main opponents are relative political newcomers who’ve never been elected to a local government office. Price was elected to the Alameda County Democratic Party, representing the 18th Assembly District, in 2016.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">And Schaaf said she welcomes and loves Oakland’s activist edge. “\u003c/span>We are a feisty city. We don’t like authority or power. We challenge status quo thinking.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Brooks accuses Schaaf of being that status quo, and she said\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> the last four years of displacement and the homeless crisis happened under Schaaf’s watch.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are either going to keep on the road that we are already on, to increase gentrification and homelessness,” Brooks said. “Or we are going to take a hard turn to the left.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brooks is banking on her argument that a political left turn is the only thing that can save what she calls “the soul of Oakland.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“\u003c/span>Losing the soul of Oakland isn’t just bad for Oakland, it’s bad for the country, particularly right now. We’re supposed to be the most progressive city in the nation,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It is up to voters to define what kind of progressive city they want, and which leader they think is best equipped to get them there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This article was amended to add that Pamela Price was elected to the Alameda County Democratic Central Committee. A previous version of this article said Price has never held an elected office. While Price has never been elected to a seat in local government, she was elected to her position by Democratic Party members.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "most-young-people-dont-vote-could-this-year-be-different",
"title": "Most Young People Don't Vote. Could This Year Be Different?",
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"headTitle": "Most Young People Don’t Vote. Could This Year Be Different? | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.census.gov/newsroom/blogs/random-samplings/2017/05/voting_in_america.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Less than half\u003c/a> of 18 to 29-year-olds went to the polls last presidential election. But this isn’t a typical year. This year a school shooting sparked a political awakening for youth around the country, and Bay Area students have tried to translate that energy to the voting booth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A week before the election, a group of high school students came together on the steps of San Francisco City Hall. Lick-Wilmerding High School student Harry yelled out to the crowd, “Everyone excited to vote today?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11702661\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11702661\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-4-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-4-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-4-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-4-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-4-1200x900.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-4.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-4-1180x885.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-4-960x720.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-4-240x180.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-4-375x281.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-4-520x390.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Some Bay Area students have been working for months to register voters and pre-register those who are not yet old enough to vote. \u003ccite>(Vanessa Rancaño/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>He helped organize the event, hoping to turn voting into a group event that would get other young people excited.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Young people know what is at stake here,” he told the crowd. “We know that at the local level, at the state level and at the national level there are issues that we can make a difference on.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the rally the group went into the voting center to cast their ballots early. Harry and his classmates spent the last few months doing voter registration drives to get young people to the poles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11702665\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11702665\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-8-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-8-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-8-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-8-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-8-1200x900.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-8.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-8-1180x885.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-8-960x720.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-8-240x180.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-8-375x281.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-8-520x390.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Signs outside the Berkeley High School auditorium \u003ccite>(Vanessa Rancaño/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Usually what I say is ‘Do you really want your grandparents choosing who your representatives are,’” Harry said. “Because we as young people have the biggest investment in the future of our country.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Turnout is historically lowest among young voters compared to other age groups, but a \u003ca href=\"https://www.ewa.org/webinar/survey-teen-voters-whats-their-minds-election-nears\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">new national survey\u003c/a> from the Education Writers Association found young voters are unusually engaged this year: 63 percent of 18 and 19-year-olds said they plan to vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Harry is voting for the first time this year and he’s all in. He even signed up to work the polls. “I’m so excited,” he said. “I’ve been waiting for this moment for years.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The survey found young people who plan to vote are more likely to identify as liberal, and one of the top reasons they gave for casting their ballots this year is to weigh-in on the direction of the Trump administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The latest \u003ca href=\"http://iop.harvard.edu/spring-2018-national-youth-poll\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Harvard Institute of Politics Youth Poll\u003c/a> of 18 to 29-year-olds found heightened interest among young Democrats, with young Republicans becoming more engaged in the weeks leading up to the election. Looking ahead to 2020, it found 59 percent of young voters say they will never vote to reelect President Trump.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11702666\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11702666\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-9-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-9-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-9-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-9-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-9-1200x900.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-9.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-9-1180x885.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-9-960x720.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-9-240x180.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-9-375x281.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-9-520x390.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Students arriving at the voter forum put on by Bay Area Student Activists a few weeks before the election. \u003ccite>(Vanessa Rancaño/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The school shooting in Parkland Florida is still helping to energize students around the election, including Harry’s classmate Liv Jenks. “You’ve seen a lot of students claiming their political power,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Forty percent of young people surveyed said their political engagement had increased over the past two years. “It’s been really empowering for me to hear my fellow students getting politically engaged and being the ones that are educating me,” Jenks said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Parkland shooting was the top reason they gave for becoming active, and school shootings were the biggest concern youth voters listed, followed by gun control and racism.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was really scared at school and so I had all these emotions and I didn’t know how to deal with them,” Berkeley High School student Kira Galbraith said of the weeks after the Florida shooting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said she turned to political organizing as a way to cope with those emotions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Galbraith and other students have been working together across the Bay Area this year. They held school walkouts to demand stricter gun laws and planned a lobbying trip to Sacramento. Most of them can’t vote yet, but that hasn’t stopped them from finding ways to participate in the election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11702663\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11702663\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-6-800x519.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"519\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-6-800x519.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-6-160x104.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-6-1020x662.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-6-1200x779.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-6-1920x1247.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-6-1180x766.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-6-960x623.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-6-240x156.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-6-375x243.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-6-520x338.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Students collected questions for candidates at the Bay Area Student Activists voter forum. \u003ccite>(Vanessa Rancaño/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“The frustration that I feel that I can’t really have my voice heard in the government right now, that drives me more to get other people as a way to have my voice heard,” said French American International High School senior Zoe Benjamin, who helped found the group Bay Area Student Activists to advocate for gun reform.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The group has grown to include students from more than 30 schools in the area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last month they put on a voter forum at Berkeley High School with candidates for local and state offices.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11702664\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11702664\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-7-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-7-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-7-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-7-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-7-1200x900.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-7.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-7-1180x885.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-7-960x720.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-7-240x180.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-7-375x281.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-7-520x390.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Berkeley High School auditorium before the voter forum. \u003ccite>(Vanessa Rancaño/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>High schoolers Alden O’Rafferty and Kate Sippey, both 17, are pre-registered to vote. They showed up at the forum to press the candidates for specifics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s a lot of big, grand change the world statements, like buzzwords,” Sippey said, “but not actually like this is what I’m endorsing to do this, and this is how we’re going to fix the housing crisis and stuff like that.” O’Rafferty nodded along. “I just want to know how,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The\u003ca href=\"https://www.sos.ca.gov/elections/report-registration/15-day-gen-2018/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\"> latest report\u003c/a> from the California Secretary of State’s office shows more than 260,000 16 and 17-year-olds have pre-registered to vote since September 2016. At least \u003ca href=\"https://www.sos.ca.gov/administration/news-releases-and-advisories/2018-news-releases-and-advisories/secretary-padilla-announces-200000-california-16-and-17-year-olds-have-pre-registered-vote/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">100,000 of them\u003c/a> have turned 18 and are eligible to vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As of September, close to 10,000 young people had pre-registered in Alameda County, nearly 3,000 in San Francisco County and over 6,000 in Contra Costa County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With their recent voter forum, Zoe and the other organizers hoped to help people headed to the ballot box make informed decisions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11702660\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-3-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-3-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-3-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-3-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-3-1200x900.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-3.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-3-1180x885.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-3-960x720.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-3-240x180.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-3-375x281.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-3-520x390.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assembly District 15 candidate Buffy Wicks and a representative from Jovanka Beckles campaign speaking at the forum. But only a few dozen voters showed up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When I talk to my friends and stuff, some of them are like I don’t really want to vote because it feels like a lot of work,” Benjamin said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To make things easier for them she put together a crash course on everything there is to vote on in San Francisco County. She presented it to all the 18-year-olds at her school.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The energy these Bay Area students have put into the election remains atypical. The student survey found nationwide almost half of young people couldn’t name a single candidate running for office.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"title": "Most Young People Don't Vote. Could This Year Be Different? | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.census.gov/newsroom/blogs/random-samplings/2017/05/voting_in_america.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Less than half\u003c/a> of 18 to 29-year-olds went to the polls last presidential election. But this isn’t a typical year. This year a school shooting sparked a political awakening for youth around the country, and Bay Area students have tried to translate that energy to the voting booth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A week before the election, a group of high school students came together on the steps of San Francisco City Hall. Lick-Wilmerding High School student Harry yelled out to the crowd, “Everyone excited to vote today?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11702661\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11702661\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-4-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-4-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-4-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-4-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-4-1200x900.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-4.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-4-1180x885.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-4-960x720.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-4-240x180.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-4-375x281.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-4-520x390.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Some Bay Area students have been working for months to register voters and pre-register those who are not yet old enough to vote. \u003ccite>(Vanessa Rancaño/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>He helped organize the event, hoping to turn voting into a group event that would get other young people excited.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Young people know what is at stake here,” he told the crowd. “We know that at the local level, at the state level and at the national level there are issues that we can make a difference on.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the rally the group went into the voting center to cast their ballots early. Harry and his classmates spent the last few months doing voter registration drives to get young people to the poles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11702665\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11702665\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-8-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-8-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-8-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-8-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-8-1200x900.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-8.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-8-1180x885.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-8-960x720.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-8-240x180.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-8-375x281.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-8-520x390.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Signs outside the Berkeley High School auditorium \u003ccite>(Vanessa Rancaño/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Usually what I say is ‘Do you really want your grandparents choosing who your representatives are,’” Harry said. “Because we as young people have the biggest investment in the future of our country.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Turnout is historically lowest among young voters compared to other age groups, but a \u003ca href=\"https://www.ewa.org/webinar/survey-teen-voters-whats-their-minds-election-nears\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">new national survey\u003c/a> from the Education Writers Association found young voters are unusually engaged this year: 63 percent of 18 and 19-year-olds said they plan to vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Harry is voting for the first time this year and he’s all in. He even signed up to work the polls. “I’m so excited,” he said. “I’ve been waiting for this moment for years.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The survey found young people who plan to vote are more likely to identify as liberal, and one of the top reasons they gave for casting their ballots this year is to weigh-in on the direction of the Trump administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The latest \u003ca href=\"http://iop.harvard.edu/spring-2018-national-youth-poll\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Harvard Institute of Politics Youth Poll\u003c/a> of 18 to 29-year-olds found heightened interest among young Democrats, with young Republicans becoming more engaged in the weeks leading up to the election. Looking ahead to 2020, it found 59 percent of young voters say they will never vote to reelect President Trump.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11702666\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11702666\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-9-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-9-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-9-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-9-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-9-1200x900.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-9.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-9-1180x885.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-9-960x720.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-9-240x180.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-9-375x281.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-9-520x390.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Students arriving at the voter forum put on by Bay Area Student Activists a few weeks before the election. \u003ccite>(Vanessa Rancaño/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The school shooting in Parkland Florida is still helping to energize students around the election, including Harry’s classmate Liv Jenks. “You’ve seen a lot of students claiming their political power,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Forty percent of young people surveyed said their political engagement had increased over the past two years. “It’s been really empowering for me to hear my fellow students getting politically engaged and being the ones that are educating me,” Jenks said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Parkland shooting was the top reason they gave for becoming active, and school shootings were the biggest concern youth voters listed, followed by gun control and racism.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was really scared at school and so I had all these emotions and I didn’t know how to deal with them,” Berkeley High School student Kira Galbraith said of the weeks after the Florida shooting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said she turned to political organizing as a way to cope with those emotions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Galbraith and other students have been working together across the Bay Area this year. They held school walkouts to demand stricter gun laws and planned a lobbying trip to Sacramento. Most of them can’t vote yet, but that hasn’t stopped them from finding ways to participate in the election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11702663\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11702663\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-6-800x519.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"519\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-6-800x519.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-6-160x104.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-6-1020x662.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-6-1200x779.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-6-1920x1247.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-6-1180x766.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-6-960x623.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-6-240x156.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-6-375x243.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-6-520x338.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Students collected questions for candidates at the Bay Area Student Activists voter forum. \u003ccite>(Vanessa Rancaño/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“The frustration that I feel that I can’t really have my voice heard in the government right now, that drives me more to get other people as a way to have my voice heard,” said French American International High School senior Zoe Benjamin, who helped found the group Bay Area Student Activists to advocate for gun reform.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The group has grown to include students from more than 30 schools in the area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last month they put on a voter forum at Berkeley High School with candidates for local and state offices.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11702664\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11702664\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-7-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-7-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-7-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-7-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-7-1200x900.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-7.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-7-1180x885.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-7-960x720.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-7-240x180.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-7-375x281.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-7-520x390.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Berkeley High School auditorium before the voter forum. \u003ccite>(Vanessa Rancaño/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>High schoolers Alden O’Rafferty and Kate Sippey, both 17, are pre-registered to vote. They showed up at the forum to press the candidates for specifics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s a lot of big, grand change the world statements, like buzzwords,” Sippey said, “but not actually like this is what I’m endorsing to do this, and this is how we’re going to fix the housing crisis and stuff like that.” O’Rafferty nodded along. “I just want to know how,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The\u003ca href=\"https://www.sos.ca.gov/elections/report-registration/15-day-gen-2018/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\"> latest report\u003c/a> from the California Secretary of State’s office shows more than 260,000 16 and 17-year-olds have pre-registered to vote since September 2016. At least \u003ca href=\"https://www.sos.ca.gov/administration/news-releases-and-advisories/2018-news-releases-and-advisories/secretary-padilla-announces-200000-california-16-and-17-year-olds-have-pre-registered-vote/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">100,000 of them\u003c/a> have turned 18 and are eligible to vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As of September, close to 10,000 young people had pre-registered in Alameda County, nearly 3,000 in San Francisco County and over 6,000 in Contra Costa County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With their recent voter forum, Zoe and the other organizers hoped to help people headed to the ballot box make informed decisions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11702660\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-3-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-3-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-3-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-3-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-3-1200x900.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-3.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-3-1180x885.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-3-960x720.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-3-240x180.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-3-375x281.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-3-520x390.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assembly District 15 candidate Buffy Wicks and a representative from Jovanka Beckles campaign speaking at the forum. But only a few dozen voters showed up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When I talk to my friends and stuff, some of them are like I don’t really want to vote because it feels like a lot of work,” Benjamin said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To make things easier for them she put together a crash course on everything there is to vote on in San Francisco County. She presented it to all the 18-year-olds at her school.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The energy these Bay Area students have put into the election remains atypical. The student survey found nationwide almost half of young people couldn’t name a single candidate running for office.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "record-spending-as-huge-money-flows-into-industry-fights-on-the-california-ballot",
"title": "Record Spending as Huge Money Flows Into Industry Fights on the California Ballot",
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"headTitle": "Record Spending as Huge Money Flows Into Industry Fights on the California Ballot | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>It wouldn’t be election season without a bunch of big-money interests trying to tell you how to vote. This year, with hundreds of millions of dollars rolling into initiative campaigns over housing and health care, California has hit a new record.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The $111 million campaign against Proposition 8 on kidney dialysis clinics amounts to the most money poured into a single side of a ballot measure in the United States—at least since electronic record-keeping began in 2002, and possibly ever.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here are three industries spending huge sums to influence your vote:\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Landlords and real estate agents outraising rent-control advocates 3-to-1\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Landlords are largely bankrolling the campaign against \u003ca href=\"https://elections.calmatters.org/2018/california-ballot-measures/proposition-10-rent-control/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Proposition 10\u003c/a>, which would allow local governments to expand rent control.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They don’t want to see their property values decline, it’s that simple,” said Steve Maviglio, spokesman for the No on Prop. 10 campaign, which has raised $74.7 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prop. 10 would repeal a 1995 state law that forbids cities from applying rent control to single-family houses, or any type of home built after 1995, and allows landlords to raise apartment rent any time a tenant moves out. Instead the ballot measure would give cities the option to expand rent control to cover more homes—making it harder for landlords to turn a profit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s about their future, their bottom line. That’s why they’re spending so much,” said Charly Norton, spokeswoman for the Yes on prop. 10 campaign, which has raised $25.9 million, mostly from the AIDS Healthcare Foundation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters say Prop. 10 is necessary because homelessness is \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/homelessness-data-housing-charts/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">on the rise\u003c/a> and a growing share of Californians spend \u003ca href=\"http://www.latimes.com/business/la-fi-rising-rents-affordable-housing-20171203-story.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">more than half\u003c/a> their income on rent. Opponents say it will worsen the state’s housing shortage by discouraging developers from building more homes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Donors against Prop. 10 include corporate property owners like Blackstone, Essex and Equity Residential, as well as many individual landlords. The biggest donor is the California Association of Realtors, which has given $8 million to the campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"aligncenter size-full wp-image-11703583\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/prop-10-dollars.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"550\" height=\"333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/prop-10-dollars.jpg 550w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/prop-10-dollars-160x97.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/prop-10-dollars-240x145.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/prop-10-dollars-375x227.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/prop-10-dollars-520x315.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 550px) 100vw, 550px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Realtors association also has poured $13.2 million into the campaign for \u003ca href=\"https://elections.calmatters.org/2018/california-ballot-measures/proposition-5-portable-real-estate-tax-break/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Proposition 5\u003c/a>, making it the sole funder of that push to change California’s property tax law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Californians now generally pay much higher property taxes if they buy a new home after selling a house they’ve owned for many years. That’s because property taxes are based on the sales price of a house, not how much it’s worth as it appreciates over time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This initiative would allow three categories of homeowners—those over 55, disabled or who lost their homes in natural disasters—would keep the property tax levels of the home they sold if they buy a new home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Real estate agents say it would encourage older Californians to sell their homes, making more houses available in our tight market. (Experts \u003ca href=\"http://www.latimes.com/business/la-fi-proposition-5-market-20181024-story.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">disagree\u003c/a>.) Of course, it also would boost their commissions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It will give a huge windfall to the real estate industry,” said Mike Roth, spokesman for the campaign against Prop. 5, which has raised about $3.2 million, largely from public employee unions that could see cuts if the government loses tax revenue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Steve White, president of the California Association of Realtors, insisted it’s about “meeting a need. The unaffordability of housing in California…is largely dictated by lack of availability,” he said. “We have tens of thousands of homes that could be waiting for all those tens of thousands of younger families.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"aligncenter size-full wp-image-11703582\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/prop-5-dollars.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"550\" height=\"333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/prop-5-dollars.jpg 550w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/prop-5-dollars-160x97.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/prop-5-dollars-240x145.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/prop-5-dollars-375x227.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/prop-5-dollars-520x315.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 550px) 100vw, 550px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003ch1>Dialysis clinics outraising labor opponents 5-to-1\u003c/h1>\n\u003cp>The most expensive fight on the California ballot this year is over \u003ca href=\"https://elections.calmatters.org/2018/california-ballot-measures/proposition-8-dialysis-clinic-profit-pruning/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Proposition 8\u003c/a>, which would limit profits for dialysis companies. The businesses are fighting back, pouring $111 million into the campaign against Prop. 8—most of it from two dialysis companies, DaVita and Fresenius.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Prop. 8 was designed to have a negative impact on dialysis clinics in California, and that’s why the groups that are opposed are fighting it so heavily,” said Kathy Fairbanks, spokeswoman for the No Prop. 8 campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said the measure wouldn’t allow dialysis clinics to be reimbursed by insurance companies for many routine business expenses. Ultimately, that would cause companies to close clinics, Fairbanks said, giving patients fewer places to seek treatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Workers at dialysis clinics are not unionized. A labor group that represents other health care workers has had its sights on organizing dialysis workers, and put Prop. 8 on the ballot as part of a much \u003ca href=\"http://www.latimes.com/politics/la-pol-ca-proposition-8-dialysis-industry-20181029-story.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">larger feud\u003c/a> within the industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This record amount of (campaign) spending speaks to the priorities of the dialysis corporations which is to protect their profits,” said Sean Wherley, spokesman Service Employees International Union –United Healthcare Workers, the sponsor of Prop. 8.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Prop. 8 campaign has raised $20.3 million, most of it from SEIU United Healthcare Workers. The union argues that dialysis clinic companies are netting huge profits while allowing shoddy health and safety conditions at some clinics. Limiting the companies’ profits to 15 percent, as Prop. 8 calls for, would encourage the clinics to put more money into improving patient care, the union argues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"aligncenter size-full wp-image-11703581\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/prop-8-dollars.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"550\" height=\"333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/prop-8-dollars.jpg 550w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/prop-8-dollars-160x97.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/prop-8-dollars-240x145.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/prop-8-dollars-375x227.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/prop-8-dollars-520x315.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 550px) 100vw, 550px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Ambulance companies outraising labor opponents more than 600-to-1\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Colorado-based company American Medical Response put \u003ca href=\"https://elections.calmatters.org/2018/california-ballot-measures/proposition-11-paramedic-break-time/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Proposition 11\u003c/a> on the ballot and contributed most of the $29.9 million raised to support it. The measure would allow private ambulance companies to require workers to remain on-call during breaks, so they can respond to an emergency even if it comes while they’re eating lunch. That’s already the common practice, but this measure comes in response to a court ruling that security guards cannot be required to stay on-call while they’re on breaks. Ambulance companies don’t want to be held to the same standard.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If applied to the ambulance industry, it would have a significant public safety risk,” said Marie Brichetto, spokeswoman for the Yes on Prop. 11 campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Opponents, the emergency responders who work on ambulances, aren’t raising much money—the American Federation of State, County & Municipal Employees union \u003ca href=\"http://cal-access.sos.ca.gov/Campaign/Committees/Detail.aspx?id=1254555&view=contributions\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">contributed\u003c/a> just $47,000 to oppose Prop. 11.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a classic ‘big corporation against its own employees,’” said Jason Brollini, president of the United EMS Workers union that is affiliated with AFSCME.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He contends the ambulance companies’ real motive with Prop. 11 is to eliminate any liability they could face from employees who sue over not getting the extra pay they’re supposed to receive when their breaks are interrupted by an emergency call.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"aligncenter size-full wp-image-11703584\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/prop-11-dollars.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"550\" height=\"357\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/prop-11-dollars.jpg 550w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/prop-11-dollars-160x104.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/prop-11-dollars-240x156.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/prop-11-dollars-375x243.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/prop-11-dollars-520x338.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 550px) 100vw, 550px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">CALmatters.org\u003c/a> is a nonprofit, nonpartisan media venture explaining California’s policies and politics.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "This year, with hundreds of millions of dollars rolling into initiative campaigns over housing and health care, California has hit a new record.",
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"title": "Record Spending as Huge Money Flows Into Industry Fights on the California Ballot | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>It wouldn’t be election season without a bunch of big-money interests trying to tell you how to vote. This year, with hundreds of millions of dollars rolling into initiative campaigns over housing and health care, California has hit a new record.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The $111 million campaign against Proposition 8 on kidney dialysis clinics amounts to the most money poured into a single side of a ballot measure in the United States—at least since electronic record-keeping began in 2002, and possibly ever.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here are three industries spending huge sums to influence your vote:\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Landlords and real estate agents outraising rent-control advocates 3-to-1\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Landlords are largely bankrolling the campaign against \u003ca href=\"https://elections.calmatters.org/2018/california-ballot-measures/proposition-10-rent-control/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Proposition 10\u003c/a>, which would allow local governments to expand rent control.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They don’t want to see their property values decline, it’s that simple,” said Steve Maviglio, spokesman for the No on Prop. 10 campaign, which has raised $74.7 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prop. 10 would repeal a 1995 state law that forbids cities from applying rent control to single-family houses, or any type of home built after 1995, and allows landlords to raise apartment rent any time a tenant moves out. Instead the ballot measure would give cities the option to expand rent control to cover more homes—making it harder for landlords to turn a profit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s about their future, their bottom line. That’s why they’re spending so much,” said Charly Norton, spokeswoman for the Yes on prop. 10 campaign, which has raised $25.9 million, mostly from the AIDS Healthcare Foundation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters say Prop. 10 is necessary because homelessness is \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/homelessness-data-housing-charts/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">on the rise\u003c/a> and a growing share of Californians spend \u003ca href=\"http://www.latimes.com/business/la-fi-rising-rents-affordable-housing-20171203-story.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">more than half\u003c/a> their income on rent. Opponents say it will worsen the state’s housing shortage by discouraging developers from building more homes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Donors against Prop. 10 include corporate property owners like Blackstone, Essex and Equity Residential, as well as many individual landlords. The biggest donor is the California Association of Realtors, which has given $8 million to the campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"aligncenter size-full wp-image-11703583\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/prop-10-dollars.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"550\" height=\"333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/prop-10-dollars.jpg 550w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/prop-10-dollars-160x97.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/prop-10-dollars-240x145.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/prop-10-dollars-375x227.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/prop-10-dollars-520x315.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 550px) 100vw, 550px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Realtors association also has poured $13.2 million into the campaign for \u003ca href=\"https://elections.calmatters.org/2018/california-ballot-measures/proposition-5-portable-real-estate-tax-break/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Proposition 5\u003c/a>, making it the sole funder of that push to change California’s property tax law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Californians now generally pay much higher property taxes if they buy a new home after selling a house they’ve owned for many years. That’s because property taxes are based on the sales price of a house, not how much it’s worth as it appreciates over time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This initiative would allow three categories of homeowners—those over 55, disabled or who lost their homes in natural disasters—would keep the property tax levels of the home they sold if they buy a new home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Real estate agents say it would encourage older Californians to sell their homes, making more houses available in our tight market. (Experts \u003ca href=\"http://www.latimes.com/business/la-fi-proposition-5-market-20181024-story.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">disagree\u003c/a>.) Of course, it also would boost their commissions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It will give a huge windfall to the real estate industry,” said Mike Roth, spokesman for the campaign against Prop. 5, which has raised about $3.2 million, largely from public employee unions that could see cuts if the government loses tax revenue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Steve White, president of the California Association of Realtors, insisted it’s about “meeting a need. The unaffordability of housing in California…is largely dictated by lack of availability,” he said. “We have tens of thousands of homes that could be waiting for all those tens of thousands of younger families.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"aligncenter size-full wp-image-11703582\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/prop-5-dollars.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"550\" height=\"333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/prop-5-dollars.jpg 550w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/prop-5-dollars-160x97.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/prop-5-dollars-240x145.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/prop-5-dollars-375x227.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/prop-5-dollars-520x315.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 550px) 100vw, 550px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003ch1>Dialysis clinics outraising labor opponents 5-to-1\u003c/h1>\n\u003cp>The most expensive fight on the California ballot this year is over \u003ca href=\"https://elections.calmatters.org/2018/california-ballot-measures/proposition-8-dialysis-clinic-profit-pruning/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Proposition 8\u003c/a>, which would limit profits for dialysis companies. The businesses are fighting back, pouring $111 million into the campaign against Prop. 8—most of it from two dialysis companies, DaVita and Fresenius.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Prop. 8 was designed to have a negative impact on dialysis clinics in California, and that’s why the groups that are opposed are fighting it so heavily,” said Kathy Fairbanks, spokeswoman for the No Prop. 8 campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said the measure wouldn’t allow dialysis clinics to be reimbursed by insurance companies for many routine business expenses. Ultimately, that would cause companies to close clinics, Fairbanks said, giving patients fewer places to seek treatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Workers at dialysis clinics are not unionized. A labor group that represents other health care workers has had its sights on organizing dialysis workers, and put Prop. 8 on the ballot as part of a much \u003ca href=\"http://www.latimes.com/politics/la-pol-ca-proposition-8-dialysis-industry-20181029-story.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">larger feud\u003c/a> within the industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This record amount of (campaign) spending speaks to the priorities of the dialysis corporations which is to protect their profits,” said Sean Wherley, spokesman Service Employees International Union –United Healthcare Workers, the sponsor of Prop. 8.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Prop. 8 campaign has raised $20.3 million, most of it from SEIU United Healthcare Workers. The union argues that dialysis clinic companies are netting huge profits while allowing shoddy health and safety conditions at some clinics. Limiting the companies’ profits to 15 percent, as Prop. 8 calls for, would encourage the clinics to put more money into improving patient care, the union argues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"aligncenter size-full wp-image-11703581\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/prop-8-dollars.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"550\" height=\"333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/prop-8-dollars.jpg 550w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/prop-8-dollars-160x97.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/prop-8-dollars-240x145.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/prop-8-dollars-375x227.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/prop-8-dollars-520x315.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 550px) 100vw, 550px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Ambulance companies outraising labor opponents more than 600-to-1\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Colorado-based company American Medical Response put \u003ca href=\"https://elections.calmatters.org/2018/california-ballot-measures/proposition-11-paramedic-break-time/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Proposition 11\u003c/a> on the ballot and contributed most of the $29.9 million raised to support it. The measure would allow private ambulance companies to require workers to remain on-call during breaks, so they can respond to an emergency even if it comes while they’re eating lunch. That’s already the common practice, but this measure comes in response to a court ruling that security guards cannot be required to stay on-call while they’re on breaks. Ambulance companies don’t want to be held to the same standard.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If applied to the ambulance industry, it would have a significant public safety risk,” said Marie Brichetto, spokeswoman for the Yes on Prop. 11 campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Opponents, the emergency responders who work on ambulances, aren’t raising much money—the American Federation of State, County & Municipal Employees union \u003ca href=\"http://cal-access.sos.ca.gov/Campaign/Committees/Detail.aspx?id=1254555&view=contributions\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">contributed\u003c/a> just $47,000 to oppose Prop. 11.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a classic ‘big corporation against its own employees,’” said Jason Brollini, president of the United EMS Workers union that is affiliated with AFSCME.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He contends the ambulance companies’ real motive with Prop. 11 is to eliminate any liability they could face from employees who sue over not getting the extra pay they’re supposed to receive when their breaks are interrupted by an emergency call.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"aligncenter size-full wp-image-11703584\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/prop-11-dollars.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"550\" height=\"357\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/prop-11-dollars.jpg 550w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/prop-11-dollars-160x104.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/prop-11-dollars-240x156.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/prop-11-dollars-375x243.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/prop-11-dollars-520x338.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 550px) 100vw, 550px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">CALmatters.org\u003c/a> is a nonprofit, nonpartisan media venture explaining California’s policies and politics.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "why-is-californias-rent-control-initiative-tanking-so-badly",
"title": "Why is California’s Rent Control Initiative Tanking so Badly?",
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"headTitle": "Why is California’s Rent Control Initiative Tanking so Badly? | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>A California initiative to allow more rent control appears to be \u003ca href=\"http://www.ppic.org/wp-content/uploads/ppic-statewide-survey-october-2018.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">failing\u003c/a> overwhelmingly, despite the state’s exploding housing costs and ever-rising rents, and its sponsors are already talking about trying again in 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tenant-rights groups and other backers of Prop. 10 always knew they had an uphill fight. Landlords, developers, realtors and a handful of Wall Street real estate investors have predictably poured tens of millions of dollars into defeating the measure. As of five days before the election, the No on 10 side had raised upward of $75 million and the Yes side, $26 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Backers of Prop. 10 point out the obvious: A disparity like that is hard to overcome.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What the opposition has done with the money they’re using gouging renters is to confuse people,” said Damien Goodmon, director of the Yes on 10 campaign. “They can only win by using their money to confuse voters, and there’s a lot of confusion out there.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The median price of a two-bedroom apartment in California has increased more than 20 percent over the past \u003ca href=\"https://www.apartmentlist.com/rentonomics/rental-price-data/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">five years\u003c/a>. A recent USC Dornsife/Los Angeles Times \u003ca href=\"http://www.latimes.com/politics/la-pol-ca-residents-housing-polling-20181021-story.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">poll\u003c/a> found that “lack of rent control” was the No. 1 reason people believed housing had become unaffordable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you’re running a ‘yes’ campaign, you have the burden of proof to show both the problem and that the solution will help the problem,” said one veteran manager of initiative campaigns, who is unaffiliated with Prop. 10 but requested anonymity because of concerns over publicly criticizing professional colleagues at election time. “Here everyone already agreed on the problem, which is helpful for the Yes side.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"alignright size-medium wp-image-11703565\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-oct-ppic-800x1149.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"1149\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-oct-ppic-800x1149.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-oct-ppic-160x230.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-oct-ppic-1020x1465.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-oct-ppic-835x1200.jpg 835w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-oct-ppic-1920x2758.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-oct-ppic-1180x1695.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-oct-ppic-960x1379.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-oct-ppic-240x345.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-oct-ppic-375x539.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-oct-ppic-520x747.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here’s a further breakdown, including what lies ahead for the rent control movement. It’s not all about the money.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Even if the “blue wave” turns into a blue tsunami, Prop. 10 is still in trouble\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In some corners of the rent control movement, supporters argue that the polls don’t consider the possibility of a “blue wave” bigger than predicted, one including many left-leaning renters or Democrats sympathetic to the cause. They say national polls weren’t accurate in the 2016 presidential election—why should we assume they’re right today?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A recent poll by the Public Policy Institute of California, a nonprofit research organization, used a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/blog/california-polls-right-or-wrong/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">model\u003c/a> for who is likely to vote that seems to tilt heavily against renters: About two-thirds of their sample is homeowners. But that’s roughly the same percentage of registered voters who are homeowners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Public Policy Institute of California research associate Dean Bonner says he can’t remember any initiative polling as low as Prop. 10 this close to an election that actually ended up winning, even if the electorate looked wildly different from what was predicted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bonner says that if turnout looks like it did in 2016, a presidential election year in which California went overwhelmingly for a Democratic candidate, the Yes side could get more votes than predicted. But that would likely just trim the margin of defeat, not make Prop. 10 a winner.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several other credible polling outlets also have the initiative trailing by double digits, with the brightest spot a Los Angeles Times/USC Dornsife poll with approval at 41 percent. Much of that polling preceded the avalanche of negative advertising that the No on 10 side unleashed.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Confusing ballot language\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Prop. 10’s ballot title and summary apparently confuse voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure would repeal a state law called Costa-Hawkins, passed in 1995. That law bars local governments from expanding rent control in several ways: No rent control is allowed for units built after 1995, nor for single-family homes, and landlords have the right to raise rents after a tenant leaves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://www.voterguide.sos.ca.gov/propositions/10/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">The text\u003c/a> on the ballot is complicated, and it invokes the prospect of state and local revenue losses of tens of millions of dollars a year. That’s actually not much in the grand scheme of things, but it sounds like a lot to the average voter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Because this repeals existing law and has the word repeal, there was a lot of confusion….Was this repealing rent control or was this actually rent control?” said Joe Trippi, a media consultant for Yes on 10 and a veteran of many high-profile campaigns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Indeed, a PPIC survey in September found that 52 percent of likely voters said rent control was a good thing, though only 36 percent planned to vote yes on Prop 10. That gap was even higher for surveyed renters: 67 percent liked rent control, but less than half favored Prop. 10.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And there’s uncertainty about what cities would be allowed to do if Prop. 10 passed. They could apply it to new construction, which would dilute the incentive to build more houses. They could conceivably apply it to single-family home rentals. The latter uncertainty has aided the No campaign, which targets homeowners with advertising about diminished property values.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"alignright size-medium wp-image-11703561\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-vs-rent-control-800x1219.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"1219\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-vs-rent-control-800x1219.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-vs-rent-control-160x244.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-vs-rent-control-1020x1554.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-vs-rent-control-788x1200.png 788w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-vs-rent-control-1920x2925.png 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-vs-rent-control-1180x1798.png 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-vs-rent-control-960x1463.png 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-vs-rent-control-240x366.png 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-vs-rent-control-375x571.png 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-vs-rent-control-520x792.png 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposal is flawed in its lack of exemptions for such things as new buildings, said Steve Maviglio, spokesman for the No campaign. “Writing a blank-check initiative is always potentially bad because there’s a million holes you can poke in it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The wrong message?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>On the other hand, allowing cities to do whatever they want with rent control comes with an attractive advantage: telling voters they can have more local control over housing policy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Yes on 10 campaign has emphasized the allure of local control, the human cost of the state’s housing crisis and Wall Street donations to the No side, anchoring its message in a “Rent is too damn high!” tag line.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But two words are conspicuously absent from most Prop. 10 advertisements: “rent control.” Although the phrase “limits on rent increases” is included in some ads, emphasizing “rent control” might have helped, especially with the concept of rent control outpolling Prop. 10.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some strategists have said they would have featured the words “rent control” prominently. Trippi, who joined the Yes on 10 campaign over the summer, said he understood their criticism.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I wouldn’t necessarily argue with that,” said Trippi. “Once we understood how badly we would be outspent, we made the decision that a lot of the messaging was going towards building a movement or coalition aimed at the housing crisis.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Almost all the money from one organization\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>California pollsters and campaign consultants will tell you that if you want your initiative to pass, it better be polling high—at least in the high 50s—well before the election. That’s especially true if your opponent is going to outspend you.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A Public Policy Institute of California \u003ca href=\"http://www.ppic.org/wp-content/uploads/ppic-statewide-survey-september-2018.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">poll\u003c/a> published in September found that only 36 percent of likely voters liked Prop. 10. That poll was conducted mostly before the avalanche of negative advertising began.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those early poll numbers may help explain why the vast majority of the money on the Yes side has come from just one source.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The AIDS Healthcare Foundation has contributed roughly $21 million of the $26 million raised in support of Prop. 10. The nonprofit organization is headed by Michael Weinstein, a fiery and divisive Bernie Sanders-style progressive who has spent tens of millions on other state and local ballot initiatives in recent years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"aligncenter size-medium wp-image-11703562\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/copy-prop-10-dollar-800x484.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"484\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/copy-prop-10-dollar-800x484.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/copy-prop-10-dollar-160x97.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/copy-prop-10-dollar-1020x618.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/copy-prop-10-dollar-1200x727.png 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/copy-prop-10-dollar-1920x1162.png 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/copy-prop-10-dollar-1180x714.png 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/copy-prop-10-dollar-960x581.png 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/copy-prop-10-dollar-240x145.png 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/copy-prop-10-dollar-375x227.png 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/copy-prop-10-dollar-520x315.png 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some powerful labor unions have chipped in on the Yes campaign and provided grassroots help, but few have thrown big money behind it. Amy Schur, state campaign director for the Alliance of Californians for Community Empowerment, a group pushing the measure, said some unions probably had to save resources for other causes on a busy ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We did hope we would raise more money,” Schur said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The beginning of a stronger movement, or new leverage for landlords?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Backers of Prop. 10 say that even if the initiative loses, they’ve organized and strengthened a social movement that will continue to push the rent control issue forward. And that might come as soon as 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If we’re not successful on Tuesday, legitimate conversations are going to take place around this state…about whether statewide rent control on the 2020 ballot is appropriate,” said the Yes side’s Goodmon.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But a loss on the magnitude of what the polls predict means landlords and their partners can say Californians have rejected an expansion of rent control in decisive fashion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s powerful leverage for any future negotiations on the issue–negotiations that Democratic gubernatorial front-runner Gavin Newsom has \u003ca href=\"https://www.sacbee.com/news/politics-government/capitol-alert/article220536525.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">pledged\u003c/a> to facilitate if he’s elected governor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/blog/california-rent-control-initiative-proposition-10/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">CALmatters.org\u003c/a> is a nonprofit, nonpartisan media venture explaining California policies and politics.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "We break down the reasons Prop. 10 appears to be failing, and what lies ahead for the rent control movement. It’s not all about the money.",
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"title": "Why is California’s Rent Control Initiative Tanking so Badly? | KQED",
"description": "We break down the reasons Prop. 10 appears to be failing, and what lies ahead for the rent control movement. It’s not all about the money.",
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"headline": "Why is California’s Rent Control Initiative Tanking so Badly?",
"datePublished": "2018-11-04T11:31:40-08:00",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A California initiative to allow more rent control appears to be \u003ca href=\"http://www.ppic.org/wp-content/uploads/ppic-statewide-survey-october-2018.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">failing\u003c/a> overwhelmingly, despite the state’s exploding housing costs and ever-rising rents, and its sponsors are already talking about trying again in 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tenant-rights groups and other backers of Prop. 10 always knew they had an uphill fight. Landlords, developers, realtors and a handful of Wall Street real estate investors have predictably poured tens of millions of dollars into defeating the measure. As of five days before the election, the No on 10 side had raised upward of $75 million and the Yes side, $26 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Backers of Prop. 10 point out the obvious: A disparity like that is hard to overcome.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What the opposition has done with the money they’re using gouging renters is to confuse people,” said Damien Goodmon, director of the Yes on 10 campaign. “They can only win by using their money to confuse voters, and there’s a lot of confusion out there.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The median price of a two-bedroom apartment in California has increased more than 20 percent over the past \u003ca href=\"https://www.apartmentlist.com/rentonomics/rental-price-data/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">five years\u003c/a>. A recent USC Dornsife/Los Angeles Times \u003ca href=\"http://www.latimes.com/politics/la-pol-ca-residents-housing-polling-20181021-story.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">poll\u003c/a> found that “lack of rent control” was the No. 1 reason people believed housing had become unaffordable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you’re running a ‘yes’ campaign, you have the burden of proof to show both the problem and that the solution will help the problem,” said one veteran manager of initiative campaigns, who is unaffiliated with Prop. 10 but requested anonymity because of concerns over publicly criticizing professional colleagues at election time. “Here everyone already agreed on the problem, which is helpful for the Yes side.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"alignright size-medium wp-image-11703565\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-oct-ppic-800x1149.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"1149\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-oct-ppic-800x1149.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-oct-ppic-160x230.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-oct-ppic-1020x1465.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-oct-ppic-835x1200.jpg 835w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-oct-ppic-1920x2758.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-oct-ppic-1180x1695.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-oct-ppic-960x1379.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-oct-ppic-240x345.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-oct-ppic-375x539.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-oct-ppic-520x747.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here’s a further breakdown, including what lies ahead for the rent control movement. It’s not all about the money.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Even if the “blue wave” turns into a blue tsunami, Prop. 10 is still in trouble\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In some corners of the rent control movement, supporters argue that the polls don’t consider the possibility of a “blue wave” bigger than predicted, one including many left-leaning renters or Democrats sympathetic to the cause. They say national polls weren’t accurate in the 2016 presidential election—why should we assume they’re right today?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A recent poll by the Public Policy Institute of California, a nonprofit research organization, used a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/blog/california-polls-right-or-wrong/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">model\u003c/a> for who is likely to vote that seems to tilt heavily against renters: About two-thirds of their sample is homeowners. But that’s roughly the same percentage of registered voters who are homeowners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Public Policy Institute of California research associate Dean Bonner says he can’t remember any initiative polling as low as Prop. 10 this close to an election that actually ended up winning, even if the electorate looked wildly different from what was predicted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bonner says that if turnout looks like it did in 2016, a presidential election year in which California went overwhelmingly for a Democratic candidate, the Yes side could get more votes than predicted. But that would likely just trim the margin of defeat, not make Prop. 10 a winner.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several other credible polling outlets also have the initiative trailing by double digits, with the brightest spot a Los Angeles Times/USC Dornsife poll with approval at 41 percent. Much of that polling preceded the avalanche of negative advertising that the No on 10 side unleashed.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Confusing ballot language\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Prop. 10’s ballot title and summary apparently confuse voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure would repeal a state law called Costa-Hawkins, passed in 1995. That law bars local governments from expanding rent control in several ways: No rent control is allowed for units built after 1995, nor for single-family homes, and landlords have the right to raise rents after a tenant leaves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://www.voterguide.sos.ca.gov/propositions/10/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">The text\u003c/a> on the ballot is complicated, and it invokes the prospect of state and local revenue losses of tens of millions of dollars a year. That’s actually not much in the grand scheme of things, but it sounds like a lot to the average voter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Because this repeals existing law and has the word repeal, there was a lot of confusion….Was this repealing rent control or was this actually rent control?” said Joe Trippi, a media consultant for Yes on 10 and a veteran of many high-profile campaigns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Indeed, a PPIC survey in September found that 52 percent of likely voters said rent control was a good thing, though only 36 percent planned to vote yes on Prop 10. That gap was even higher for surveyed renters: 67 percent liked rent control, but less than half favored Prop. 10.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And there’s uncertainty about what cities would be allowed to do if Prop. 10 passed. They could apply it to new construction, which would dilute the incentive to build more houses. They could conceivably apply it to single-family home rentals. The latter uncertainty has aided the No campaign, which targets homeowners with advertising about diminished property values.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"alignright size-medium wp-image-11703561\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-vs-rent-control-800x1219.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"1219\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-vs-rent-control-800x1219.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-vs-rent-control-160x244.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-vs-rent-control-1020x1554.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-vs-rent-control-788x1200.png 788w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-vs-rent-control-1920x2925.png 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-vs-rent-control-1180x1798.png 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-vs-rent-control-960x1463.png 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-vs-rent-control-240x366.png 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-vs-rent-control-375x571.png 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-vs-rent-control-520x792.png 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposal is flawed in its lack of exemptions for such things as new buildings, said Steve Maviglio, spokesman for the No campaign. “Writing a blank-check initiative is always potentially bad because there’s a million holes you can poke in it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The wrong message?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>On the other hand, allowing cities to do whatever they want with rent control comes with an attractive advantage: telling voters they can have more local control over housing policy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Yes on 10 campaign has emphasized the allure of local control, the human cost of the state’s housing crisis and Wall Street donations to the No side, anchoring its message in a “Rent is too damn high!” tag line.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But two words are conspicuously absent from most Prop. 10 advertisements: “rent control.” Although the phrase “limits on rent increases” is included in some ads, emphasizing “rent control” might have helped, especially with the concept of rent control outpolling Prop. 10.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some strategists have said they would have featured the words “rent control” prominently. Trippi, who joined the Yes on 10 campaign over the summer, said he understood their criticism.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I wouldn’t necessarily argue with that,” said Trippi. “Once we understood how badly we would be outspent, we made the decision that a lot of the messaging was going towards building a movement or coalition aimed at the housing crisis.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Almost all the money from one organization\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>California pollsters and campaign consultants will tell you that if you want your initiative to pass, it better be polling high—at least in the high 50s—well before the election. That’s especially true if your opponent is going to outspend you.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A Public Policy Institute of California \u003ca href=\"http://www.ppic.org/wp-content/uploads/ppic-statewide-survey-september-2018.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">poll\u003c/a> published in September found that only 36 percent of likely voters liked Prop. 10. That poll was conducted mostly before the avalanche of negative advertising began.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those early poll numbers may help explain why the vast majority of the money on the Yes side has come from just one source.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The AIDS Healthcare Foundation has contributed roughly $21 million of the $26 million raised in support of Prop. 10. The nonprofit organization is headed by Michael Weinstein, a fiery and divisive Bernie Sanders-style progressive who has spent tens of millions on other state and local ballot initiatives in recent years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"aligncenter size-medium wp-image-11703562\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/copy-prop-10-dollar-800x484.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"484\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/copy-prop-10-dollar-800x484.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/copy-prop-10-dollar-160x97.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/copy-prop-10-dollar-1020x618.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/copy-prop-10-dollar-1200x727.png 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/copy-prop-10-dollar-1920x1162.png 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/copy-prop-10-dollar-1180x714.png 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/copy-prop-10-dollar-960x581.png 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/copy-prop-10-dollar-240x145.png 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/copy-prop-10-dollar-375x227.png 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/copy-prop-10-dollar-520x315.png 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some powerful labor unions have chipped in on the Yes campaign and provided grassroots help, but few have thrown big money behind it. Amy Schur, state campaign director for the Alliance of Californians for Community Empowerment, a group pushing the measure, said some unions probably had to save resources for other causes on a busy ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We did hope we would raise more money,” Schur said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The beginning of a stronger movement, or new leverage for landlords?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Backers of Prop. 10 say that even if the initiative loses, they’ve organized and strengthened a social movement that will continue to push the rent control issue forward. And that might come as soon as 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If we’re not successful on Tuesday, legitimate conversations are going to take place around this state…about whether statewide rent control on the 2020 ballot is appropriate,” said the Yes side’s Goodmon.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But a loss on the magnitude of what the polls predict means landlords and their partners can say Californians have rejected an expansion of rent control in decisive fashion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s powerful leverage for any future negotiations on the issue–negotiations that Democratic gubernatorial front-runner Gavin Newsom has \u003ca href=\"https://www.sacbee.com/news/politics-government/capitol-alert/article220536525.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">pledged\u003c/a> to facilitate if he’s elected governor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/blog/california-rent-control-initiative-proposition-10/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">CALmatters.org\u003c/a> is a nonprofit, nonpartisan media venture explaining California policies and politics.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>In one respect, this is a typical midterm election — a race shaped as a referendum on the president and the party in power.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But there are so many ways in which this election is anything but typical. We’ve seen a surge in first-time candidates, especially women and minorities. In the past several midterms, the party in power was relatively complacent compared with the party hoping to be in power. Heading into Election Day, Democrats have an enthusiasm edge, but Republicans have been getting steadily amped up, too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Plus, President Trump has embraced the referendum on himself in a way other presidents have not.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s a sign of tribal divisions that are driving much of what has happened in the 2018 campaign, and voters will resolve what remains to be seen — the outcome.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here are five questions that could be answered on election night. They will determine not just who controls Congress, but how American politics changes after these consequential midterms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>1. It’s probably a blue wave, but how big and wide?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Every indicator says that Democrats have the advantage going into Election Day in the fight for the House. What’s unclear is whether the blue wave will be big enough to get Democrats the 23-seat net pickup they need to take back the House majority.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The gender gap is huge and working in their favor. Independent voters have broken strongly for the Democrats, and Democrats are raising tremendous amounts of money — in both small contributions to individual candidates and from big outside donors, like billionaire Michael Bloomberg. The size of this “green wave” of cash has surprised and worried Republicans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in order to make changes moving forward, Democrats must do more than just take back the House, they must do well in gubernatorial races and in the battle for state legislatures across the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This is key because 2020 is a census year, and redistricting is right around the corner. So Democrats want to be able to exercise some control over the state-based process of drawing congressional and state legislative district boundaries — a process they’ve been effectively shut out of in many crucial states since their big losses in 2010. That has provided a big structural advantage to the GOP ever since.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>2. Can Democrats effectively navigate the \u003c/strong>\u003cem>\u003cstrong>very \u003c/strong>\u003c/em>\u003cstrong>different House and Senate landscapes?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In midterm elections, the House and Senate races tend to move in tandem, but this year, they’re heading in two very different directions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Senate battleground couldn’t be worse for Democrats — it’s a group of red states like Montana, North Dakota, Missouri, Indiana and West Virginia, where Trump won by double digits in 2016. The president has been campaigning plenty in those places.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In those states, where incumbent Democratic senators are fighting for their political lives, the key voter is a blue-collar white man. In the battlegrounds for the House — which are in mostly affluent, highly-educated suburbs — the key voter is an angry, college-educated white woman.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When the cycle started, Republicans hoped they would pick up as many as five Senate seats, but most of these races are still very close. In only one, North Dakota, do polls show the Democrat, Heidi Heitkamp, consistently trailing by a significant margin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Democrats have also struggled to pull ahead in states where they had hoped to pick up seats — Nevada, the only state that Hillary Clinton won in 2016 that has an incumbent Republican senator up for re-election, is still within the margin of error, as is the open seat in Arizona.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Tennessee, Democrats had been hopeful about Phil Bredesen, a moderate, pro-business former governor. But Bredesen has fallen behind his Republican opponent, Rep. Marsha Blackburn, in the most recent polls. Texas Sen. Ted Cruz also remains the favorite for re-election, despite the energetic and well-funded campaign of Democratic Rep. Beto O’Rourke.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Democrats’ goal is to hold their own if they can, limiting their losses, so they’re not out of striking distance in the next two cycles, when more Republican senators are up for re-election in more purple states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>3. Can Republicans hold in the Midwest, and will young people and Latinos turn out for Democrats?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After 2016, it looked as if Trump was going to turn the battleground states of Iowa and Ohio red. But Republicans are now worrying about the Midwest — once a source of Trump’s greatest strength. GOP candidates are struggling in races up and down the ballot in those two states. And in the states that vaulted Trump to the White House — Michigan, Wisconsin and Pennsylvania — they’re not doing much better and often worse. For now, Republicans’ hopes of turning Minnesota red have been put on hold.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democrats also have plenty to worry about. Polls show a decided lack of enthusiasm among Hispanics. That’s not a problem everywhere, but it really matters in places like Arizona, Nevada, Florida and Texas. If Democrats can’t fire up Latino voters with a nativist president in the White House doubling down on immigration, they really have some work to do.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democrats are also concerned that young people, who polls show disapprove of Trump and his party by huge margins, may stay home (as they usually do in midterm elections) despite the surge of activism among young people after the Parkland, Fla., school shooting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>4. Can Trump transfer his popularity with his base to his party?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Every midterm is a referendum on the president and his party, and Trump has embraced that dynamic more enthusiastically than any previous president. He tells his supporters that even though he’s not on the ballot, they should vote as though he is.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the past, presidents have had trouble transferring their popularity in midterm elections — it’s usually a president’s \u003cem>unpopularity\u003c/em> that motivates the other side’s voters. Trump had no problem boosting the fortunes of the Republican candidates whom he endorsed in GOP primaries, but it remains to be seen whether he can heave any Republican general election candidate over the finish line his fall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>5. What about Florida, Florida, Florida? \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The single most important race this fall is … the \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2018/10/23/659634372/governor-race-in-florida-nation-s-largest-swing-state-may-be-a-test-of-the-presi\">Florida governor’s race\u003c/a>. Florida is the mother of all swing states, and Trump realistically can’t be re-elected without it. He needs to get GOP Rep. Ron DeSantis elected governor so that all the political power that comes with that office can be used on Trump’s behalf in 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democrat Andrew Gillum has had a small, but consistent lead in that race — and Gillum may even be helping incumbent Democratic Sen. Bill Nelson in his Senate race against Rick Scott, the current GOP governor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Once again, it’s the state to watch on election night.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2018 NPR. To see more, visit \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org\">http://www.npr.org/\u003c/a>.\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=Key+Questions+The+2018+Election+Will+Answer&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>In one respect, this is a typical midterm election — a race shaped as a referendum on the president and the party in power.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But there are so many ways in which this election is anything but typical. We’ve seen a surge in first-time candidates, especially women and minorities. In the past several midterms, the party in power was relatively complacent compared with the party hoping to be in power. Heading into Election Day, Democrats have an enthusiasm edge, but Republicans have been getting steadily amped up, too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Plus, President Trump has embraced the referendum on himself in a way other presidents have not.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s a sign of tribal divisions that are driving much of what has happened in the 2018 campaign, and voters will resolve what remains to be seen — the outcome.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here are five questions that could be answered on election night. They will determine not just who controls Congress, but how American politics changes after these consequential midterms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>1. It’s probably a blue wave, but how big and wide?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Every indicator says that Democrats have the advantage going into Election Day in the fight for the House. What’s unclear is whether the blue wave will be big enough to get Democrats the 23-seat net pickup they need to take back the House majority.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The gender gap is huge and working in their favor. Independent voters have broken strongly for the Democrats, and Democrats are raising tremendous amounts of money — in both small contributions to individual candidates and from big outside donors, like billionaire Michael Bloomberg. The size of this “green wave” of cash has surprised and worried Republicans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in order to make changes moving forward, Democrats must do more than just take back the House, they must do well in gubernatorial races and in the battle for state legislatures across the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This is key because 2020 is a census year, and redistricting is right around the corner. So Democrats want to be able to exercise some control over the state-based process of drawing congressional and state legislative district boundaries — a process they’ve been effectively shut out of in many crucial states since their big losses in 2010. That has provided a big structural advantage to the GOP ever since.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>2. Can Democrats effectively navigate the \u003c/strong>\u003cem>\u003cstrong>very \u003c/strong>\u003c/em>\u003cstrong>different House and Senate landscapes?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In midterm elections, the House and Senate races tend to move in tandem, but this year, they’re heading in two very different directions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Senate battleground couldn’t be worse for Democrats — it’s a group of red states like Montana, North Dakota, Missouri, Indiana and West Virginia, where Trump won by double digits in 2016. The president has been campaigning plenty in those places.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In those states, where incumbent Democratic senators are fighting for their political lives, the key voter is a blue-collar white man. In the battlegrounds for the House — which are in mostly affluent, highly-educated suburbs — the key voter is an angry, college-educated white woman.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When the cycle started, Republicans hoped they would pick up as many as five Senate seats, but most of these races are still very close. In only one, North Dakota, do polls show the Democrat, Heidi Heitkamp, consistently trailing by a significant margin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Democrats have also struggled to pull ahead in states where they had hoped to pick up seats — Nevada, the only state that Hillary Clinton won in 2016 that has an incumbent Republican senator up for re-election, is still within the margin of error, as is the open seat in Arizona.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Tennessee, Democrats had been hopeful about Phil Bredesen, a moderate, pro-business former governor. But Bredesen has fallen behind his Republican opponent, Rep. Marsha Blackburn, in the most recent polls. Texas Sen. Ted Cruz also remains the favorite for re-election, despite the energetic and well-funded campaign of Democratic Rep. Beto O’Rourke.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Democrats’ goal is to hold their own if they can, limiting their losses, so they’re not out of striking distance in the next two cycles, when more Republican senators are up for re-election in more purple states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>3. Can Republicans hold in the Midwest, and will young people and Latinos turn out for Democrats?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After 2016, it looked as if Trump was going to turn the battleground states of Iowa and Ohio red. But Republicans are now worrying about the Midwest — once a source of Trump’s greatest strength. GOP candidates are struggling in races up and down the ballot in those two states. And in the states that vaulted Trump to the White House — Michigan, Wisconsin and Pennsylvania — they’re not doing much better and often worse. For now, Republicans’ hopes of turning Minnesota red have been put on hold.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democrats also have plenty to worry about. Polls show a decided lack of enthusiasm among Hispanics. That’s not a problem everywhere, but it really matters in places like Arizona, Nevada, Florida and Texas. If Democrats can’t fire up Latino voters with a nativist president in the White House doubling down on immigration, they really have some work to do.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democrats are also concerned that young people, who polls show disapprove of Trump and his party by huge margins, may stay home (as they usually do in midterm elections) despite the surge of activism among young people after the Parkland, Fla., school shooting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>4. Can Trump transfer his popularity with his base to his party?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Every midterm is a referendum on the president and his party, and Trump has embraced that dynamic more enthusiastically than any previous president. He tells his supporters that even though he’s not on the ballot, they should vote as though he is.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the past, presidents have had trouble transferring their popularity in midterm elections — it’s usually a president’s \u003cem>unpopularity\u003c/em> that motivates the other side’s voters. Trump had no problem boosting the fortunes of the Republican candidates whom he endorsed in GOP primaries, but it remains to be seen whether he can heave any Republican general election candidate over the finish line his fall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>5. What about Florida, Florida, Florida? \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The single most important race this fall is … the \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2018/10/23/659634372/governor-race-in-florida-nation-s-largest-swing-state-may-be-a-test-of-the-presi\">Florida governor’s race\u003c/a>. Florida is the mother of all swing states, and Trump realistically can’t be re-elected without it. He needs to get GOP Rep. Ron DeSantis elected governor so that all the political power that comes with that office can be used on Trump’s behalf in 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democrat Andrew Gillum has had a small, but consistent lead in that race — and Gillum may even be helping incumbent Democratic Sen. Bill Nelson in his Senate race against Rick Scott, the current GOP governor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Once again, it’s the state to watch on election night.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2018 NPR. To see more, visit \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org\">http://www.npr.org/\u003c/a>.\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=Key+Questions+The+2018+Election+Will+Answer&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>With days to go before the midterm elections, President Trump continues to ratchet up his rhetoric on immigration. The president’s latest target is asylum-seekers, whom he accuses of exploiting “loopholes” in U.S. immigration laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a televised speech from the White House on Thursday, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2018/11/01/663012881/in-broad-attack-on-asylum-seekers-trump-takes-campaign-message-to-white-house\">Trump threatened to close the Southwest border to asylum-seekers\u003c/a> — including the latest group of Central American migrants making their way through Mexico — unless they present themselves at official ports of entry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But refugee and asylum experts say his plan would violate \u003ca href=\"https://www.uscis.gov/ilink/docView/SLB/HTML/SLB/0-0-0-1/0-0-0-29/0-0-0-1687.html#0-0-0-192\">U.S. law\u003c/a>. They say the president’s remarks about asylum were riddled with inaccuracies and misleading statements intended to stoke fear of immigrants and drive the president’s supporters to the polls.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We’ll focus here on five statements President Trump made Thursday in the Roosevelt Room.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>1. An overwhelming influx\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>“The current influx, if not halted, threatens to overwhelm our immigration system and our communities, and poses unacceptable dangers to the entire nation.”\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>The total number of migrants apprehended at the Southwest border was actually down slightly last year, to about 521,000, and remains far below the kind of apprehension numbers that were routine in the 1990s and 2000s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the Trump administration argues that the current “crisis” is the result of a major shift in who is showing up at the border.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A generation ago, migrants apprehended at the border were largely single adults, mostly from Mexico, who could be deported relatively quickly after they were caught. Today migrants are much more likely to be coming from Central America.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2018/10/23/660010173/u-s-apprehended-record-number-of-migrant-families-at-southwest-border\">a record number of apprehended migrants were part of family units\u003c/a>. That means they have greater protections under U.S. law. In practice, many of these asylum-seekers are released into the U.S. to await their day in court, which can take months or years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>2. No more “catch and release”\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>“These policies lead to the release of illegal aliens into our communities after they’ve been apprehended. But we’re not releasing anymore. Big change, as of a couple of days ago. We’re going to no longer release. We’re going to catch; we’re not going to release. They’re going to stay with us until the deportation hearing or the asylum hearing takes place. So we’re not releasing them into the community.”\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>In fact, under U.S. law, migrant families who have requested asylum are not considered illegal immigrants. And they are being released in large numbers up and down the border. In El Paso, Texas, Ruben Garcia, director of a local shelter called Annunciation House, told reporter Mallory Falk of member station KRWG the shelter had received 332 people Thursday released from immigration custody and are expecting 225 more Friday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Arizona, Matthew Casey of member station KJZZ spoke with an official at Capellania Cristiana Llamados Para Servir, an organization working with churches in metropolitan Phoenix. The official confirmed the organization expects 90 families at two different churches on Friday and 400 more migrants from Yuma to start arriving in Phoenix late this weekend.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These migrant families are generally released to join relatives in other parts of the country and will be issued a Notice to Appear in immigration court for their asylum hearing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>3. They never show up\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>“Then they never show up, almost. It’s like a level of 3 percent. They never show up for the trial. So by the time their trial comes, they’re gone. Nobody knows where they are.”\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>Actually, the majority of asylum-seekers do show up to court. According to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/eoir/page/file/fysb16/download\">Department of Justice statistics for the 2016 fiscal year\u003c/a>, only about 2 in 5 cases were decided in absentia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Immigrant-rights advocates say the number of asylum-seekers who do show up would be even higher if they had attorneys and more support from court staff to let them know when and where to show up. They point to a pilot program that was \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2018/07/18/629496174/alternatives-to-detention-are-cheaper-than-jails-but-cases-take-far-longer\">highly successful at getting immigrants to show up in court\u003c/a> before it was canceled by the Trump administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>4. Abusing asylum\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>“This endemic abuse of the asylum system makes a mockery of our immigration system, displacing legitimate asylum-seekers — and there are legitimate asylum-seekers — while rewarding those who abuse or defraud our system, which is almost everybody. Everybody is abusing it.”\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>Immigration lawyers say this is a wild exaggeration. It’s true that only a fraction of all asylum claims are actually successful. Last year, \u003ca href=\"http://trac.syr.edu/immigration/reports/491/\">immigration courts rejected more than 60 percent of asylum claims\u003c/a>, a number that has been steadily rising since 2012.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The administration argues that rejection rate is itself evidence of fraud. But immigrants-rights advocates dispute that. They say immigration courts are supposed to decide each asylum case on its own merits and that the low acceptance rate is simply evidence that the system is working — and that asylum cases are not easy to win.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>5. It’s an invasion\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>“Some people call it an invasion. It’s like an invasion. … These are tough people, in many cases. A lot of young men, strong men.”\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>The president has claimed repeatedly, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2018/10/23/659917659/fact-check-president-trumps-false-claims-on-migrant-caravan-tax-cuts\">without evidence\u003c/a>, that the migrants include dangerous criminals and “unknown Middle Easterners.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But reporters on the ground say the migrants comprise mainly women and children who are fleeing from violence and extreme poverty in Central America. Refugee and asylum experts accuse the president of fearmongering to rally his political base for the midterm elections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There’s a “tragic irony” in portraying the asylum-seekers as a marauding army, said Karen Musalo, director of the Center for Gender and Refugee Studies at U.C. Hastings College of the Law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Individuals have come together to walk north in a caravan because the journey north for asylum-seekers has been so dangerous,” Musalo said in an interview. “These are very vulnerable individuals, desperately fleeing violence, who have come together as a group to have the protection and solidarity of each other.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2018 NPR. To see more, visit \u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/\">http://www.npr.org/\u003c/a>.\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=FACT+CHECK%3A+Migrants+Are+Not+Overwhelming+The+Southwest+Border+&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\u003cdiv>\u003c/div>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "Days before the midterm elections, President Trump threatened to close the Southwest border to asylum-seekers. Immigration experts say his remarks were filled with false and misleading statements.",
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"title": "FACT CHECK: Migrants Are Not Overwhelming the Southwest Border | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>With days to go before the midterm elections, President Trump continues to ratchet up his rhetoric on immigration. The president’s latest target is asylum-seekers, whom he accuses of exploiting “loopholes” in U.S. immigration laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a televised speech from the White House on Thursday, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2018/11/01/663012881/in-broad-attack-on-asylum-seekers-trump-takes-campaign-message-to-white-house\">Trump threatened to close the Southwest border to asylum-seekers\u003c/a> — including the latest group of Central American migrants making their way through Mexico — unless they present themselves at official ports of entry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But refugee and asylum experts say his plan would violate \u003ca href=\"https://www.uscis.gov/ilink/docView/SLB/HTML/SLB/0-0-0-1/0-0-0-29/0-0-0-1687.html#0-0-0-192\">U.S. law\u003c/a>. They say the president’s remarks about asylum were riddled with inaccuracies and misleading statements intended to stoke fear of immigrants and drive the president’s supporters to the polls.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We’ll focus here on five statements President Trump made Thursday in the Roosevelt Room.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>1. An overwhelming influx\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>“The current influx, if not halted, threatens to overwhelm our immigration system and our communities, and poses unacceptable dangers to the entire nation.”\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>The total number of migrants apprehended at the Southwest border was actually down slightly last year, to about 521,000, and remains far below the kind of apprehension numbers that were routine in the 1990s and 2000s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the Trump administration argues that the current “crisis” is the result of a major shift in who is showing up at the border.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A generation ago, migrants apprehended at the border were largely single adults, mostly from Mexico, who could be deported relatively quickly after they were caught. Today migrants are much more likely to be coming from Central America.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2018/10/23/660010173/u-s-apprehended-record-number-of-migrant-families-at-southwest-border\">a record number of apprehended migrants were part of family units\u003c/a>. That means they have greater protections under U.S. law. In practice, many of these asylum-seekers are released into the U.S. to await their day in court, which can take months or years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>2. No more “catch and release”\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>“These policies lead to the release of illegal aliens into our communities after they’ve been apprehended. But we’re not releasing anymore. Big change, as of a couple of days ago. We’re going to no longer release. We’re going to catch; we’re not going to release. They’re going to stay with us until the deportation hearing or the asylum hearing takes place. So we’re not releasing them into the community.”\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>In fact, under U.S. law, migrant families who have requested asylum are not considered illegal immigrants. And they are being released in large numbers up and down the border. In El Paso, Texas, Ruben Garcia, director of a local shelter called Annunciation House, told reporter Mallory Falk of member station KRWG the shelter had received 332 people Thursday released from immigration custody and are expecting 225 more Friday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Arizona, Matthew Casey of member station KJZZ spoke with an official at Capellania Cristiana Llamados Para Servir, an organization working with churches in metropolitan Phoenix. The official confirmed the organization expects 90 families at two different churches on Friday and 400 more migrants from Yuma to start arriving in Phoenix late this weekend.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These migrant families are generally released to join relatives in other parts of the country and will be issued a Notice to Appear in immigration court for their asylum hearing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>3. They never show up\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>“Then they never show up, almost. It’s like a level of 3 percent. They never show up for the trial. So by the time their trial comes, they’re gone. Nobody knows where they are.”\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>Actually, the majority of asylum-seekers do show up to court. According to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/eoir/page/file/fysb16/download\">Department of Justice statistics for the 2016 fiscal year\u003c/a>, only about 2 in 5 cases were decided in absentia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Immigrant-rights advocates say the number of asylum-seekers who do show up would be even higher if they had attorneys and more support from court staff to let them know when and where to show up. They point to a pilot program that was \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2018/07/18/629496174/alternatives-to-detention-are-cheaper-than-jails-but-cases-take-far-longer\">highly successful at getting immigrants to show up in court\u003c/a> before it was canceled by the Trump administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>4. Abusing asylum\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>“This endemic abuse of the asylum system makes a mockery of our immigration system, displacing legitimate asylum-seekers — and there are legitimate asylum-seekers — while rewarding those who abuse or defraud our system, which is almost everybody. Everybody is abusing it.”\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>Immigration lawyers say this is a wild exaggeration. It’s true that only a fraction of all asylum claims are actually successful. Last year, \u003ca href=\"http://trac.syr.edu/immigration/reports/491/\">immigration courts rejected more than 60 percent of asylum claims\u003c/a>, a number that has been steadily rising since 2012.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The administration argues that rejection rate is itself evidence of fraud. But immigrants-rights advocates dispute that. They say immigration courts are supposed to decide each asylum case on its own merits and that the low acceptance rate is simply evidence that the system is working — and that asylum cases are not easy to win.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>5. It’s an invasion\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>“Some people call it an invasion. It’s like an invasion. … These are tough people, in many cases. A lot of young men, strong men.”\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>The president has claimed repeatedly, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2018/10/23/659917659/fact-check-president-trumps-false-claims-on-migrant-caravan-tax-cuts\">without evidence\u003c/a>, that the migrants include dangerous criminals and “unknown Middle Easterners.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But reporters on the ground say the migrants comprise mainly women and children who are fleeing from violence and extreme poverty in Central America. Refugee and asylum experts accuse the president of fearmongering to rally his political base for the midterm elections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There’s a “tragic irony” in portraying the asylum-seekers as a marauding army, said Karen Musalo, director of the Center for Gender and Refugee Studies at U.C. Hastings College of the Law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Individuals have come together to walk north in a caravan because the journey north for asylum-seekers has been so dangerous,” Musalo said in an interview. “These are very vulnerable individuals, desperately fleeing violence, who have come together as a group to have the protection and solidarity of each other.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2018 NPR. To see more, visit \u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/\">http://www.npr.org/\u003c/a>.\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=FACT+CHECK%3A+Migrants+Are+Not+Overwhelming+The+Southwest+Border+&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\u003cdiv>\u003c/div>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "marriott-ceo-slams-hotel-workers-union-refuses-to-attend-s-f-hearing",
"title": "Marriott CEO Slams Hotel Workers Union, Refuses to Attend S.F. Hearing",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was updated 11/1/18 at 10:45 a.m.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The chief executive of Marriott International issued a blistering critique of the union representing thousands of workers who’ve been striking at seven of the chain’s hotels in San Francisco for close to a month, in a letter sent to a city supervisor on Wednesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Marriott CEO Arne Sorenson rejected an invitation from Supervisor Hillary Ronen to attend a Board of Supervisors meeting aimed at resolving the company’s ongoing dispute with Unite Here Local 2, and claimed the union was more interested in coordinating a national labor action instead of settling local contract issues at the bargaining table.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The union has attempted to portray Marriott as a company that has both disregarded its bargaining obligations and denied its employees fair wages and benefits,” Sorenson wrote in a letter obtained by KQED. “That could not be further from the truth.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Oct. 4, more than 2,000 housekeepers, kitchen workers, bartenders, bellmen and others represented by Local 2 \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11696561/marriott-hotel-workers-in-san-francisco-walk-off-the-job\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">walked off the job\u003c/a> at the Courtyard Marriott Downtown, the Marriott Marquis, the Marriott Union Square, the Palace Hotel, the St. Regis, the W and the Westin St. Francis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Similar strikes, involving other Unite Here local unions, have been taking place in Oakland, San Jose and other several cities around the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The workers, who have been pushing for higher wages and better job protections, have not only been picketing outside of local hotels, but have also held marches and protests, in some cases leading to arrests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Until now, Marriott has not spoken out extensively about the labor dispute.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Although we have generally stayed silent, opting not to negotiate with Unite Here Local 2 in the press or on social media, please don’t interpret this silence as confirmation of the union’s claims,” Sorenson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11702827\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11702827\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/ArneS-800x534.jpg\" alt=\"Arne Sorenson, President and CEO Marriott International, pictured in 2016.\" width=\"800\" height=\"534\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/ArneS-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/ArneS-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/ArneS-1020x681.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/ArneS-1200x801.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/ArneS.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/ArneS-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/ArneS-960x641.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/ArneS-240x160.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/ArneS-375x250.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/ArneS-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Arne Sorenson, President and CEO Marriott International, pictured in 2016. \u003ccite>(BRENDAN SMIALOWSKI/AFP/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>His letter is in response to Ronen’s invitation for the Marriott CEO to speak before a special board meeting set for Friday to discuss the strike.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The hotel industry is a cornerstone of our economy,” Ronen wrote to Sorenson last week. “As head of the largest employer in San Francisco’s hotel industry, you play a critical role in all of this,” Ronen wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Wednesday, shortly after Sorenson rejected the invitation, Ronen did not mince words.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11698707/san-francisco-mayor-jumps-into-marriott-hotel-labor-dispute\">S.F. Mayor Breed Meets With Union, Expresses Support for Striking Hotel Workers\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11698707/san-francisco-mayor-jumps-into-marriott-hotel-labor-dispute\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/Breed-1200x773.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>“I’m very disappointed that the CEO of a company that makes so much money by operating in San Francisco and who could settle this strike today, won’t take the time to attend this important hearing,” Ronen said in a text to KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It sends the message that our city is just one more profit center, rather than a home for thousands of workers who are struggling every day,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An aide to Ronen’s office says her office expects nearly a thousand rank and file workers to show up at Friday’s hearing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ronen, several other supervisors and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11698707/san-francisco-mayor-jumps-into-marriott-hotel-labor-dispute\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Mayor London Breed\u003c/a>, as well as the city’s labor community, have all showed support for the striking employees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city’s travel and hotel industry have stayed, for the most part, silent on developments in the labor dispute.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Not only does the letter represent Sorenson’s first public comments about the San Francisco strike, it signaled a more aggressive tone from the company.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We hoped to reach an agreement months ago. Unfortunately, the union seemed more interested in participating in a long planned, multi-city, 23-hotel strike against Marriott than they were in engaging in any meaningful negotiations,” Sorenson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The strike that has encompassed eight cities, including San Francisco, was not the result of a bargaining impasse in any city, but rather, it seems, part of the union’s bargaining strategy from the outset,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sorenson says the company’s employees are well-compensated, receiving strong wages, medical coverage and a pension fund, among other benefits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Union officials declined to comment on Sorenson’s letter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Supervisor Ronen’s response says it all,” said Unite Here press secretary Rachel Gumpert.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the past, union leaders have said the strike \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11698130/san-francisco-marriott-hotel-strike-far-from-resolution\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">would not end\u003c/a> until the workers it represents don’t need to work several jobs just to make ends meet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was updated 11/1/18 at 10:45 a.m.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The chief executive of Marriott International issued a blistering critique of the union representing thousands of workers who’ve been striking at seven of the chain’s hotels in San Francisco for close to a month, in a letter sent to a city supervisor on Wednesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Marriott CEO Arne Sorenson rejected an invitation from Supervisor Hillary Ronen to attend a Board of Supervisors meeting aimed at resolving the company’s ongoing dispute with Unite Here Local 2, and claimed the union was more interested in coordinating a national labor action instead of settling local contract issues at the bargaining table.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The union has attempted to portray Marriott as a company that has both disregarded its bargaining obligations and denied its employees fair wages and benefits,” Sorenson wrote in a letter obtained by KQED. “That could not be further from the truth.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Oct. 4, more than 2,000 housekeepers, kitchen workers, bartenders, bellmen and others represented by Local 2 \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11696561/marriott-hotel-workers-in-san-francisco-walk-off-the-job\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">walked off the job\u003c/a> at the Courtyard Marriott Downtown, the Marriott Marquis, the Marriott Union Square, the Palace Hotel, the St. Regis, the W and the Westin St. Francis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Similar strikes, involving other Unite Here local unions, have been taking place in Oakland, San Jose and other several cities around the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The workers, who have been pushing for higher wages and better job protections, have not only been picketing outside of local hotels, but have also held marches and protests, in some cases leading to arrests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Until now, Marriott has not spoken out extensively about the labor dispute.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Although we have generally stayed silent, opting not to negotiate with Unite Here Local 2 in the press or on social media, please don’t interpret this silence as confirmation of the union’s claims,” Sorenson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11702827\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11702827\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/ArneS-800x534.jpg\" alt=\"Arne Sorenson, President and CEO Marriott International, pictured in 2016.\" width=\"800\" height=\"534\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/ArneS-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/ArneS-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/ArneS-1020x681.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/ArneS-1200x801.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/ArneS.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/ArneS-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/ArneS-960x641.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/ArneS-240x160.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/ArneS-375x250.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/ArneS-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Arne Sorenson, President and CEO Marriott International, pictured in 2016. \u003ccite>(BRENDAN SMIALOWSKI/AFP/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>His letter is in response to Ronen’s invitation for the Marriott CEO to speak before a special board meeting set for Friday to discuss the strike.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The hotel industry is a cornerstone of our economy,” Ronen wrote to Sorenson last week. “As head of the largest employer in San Francisco’s hotel industry, you play a critical role in all of this,” Ronen wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Wednesday, shortly after Sorenson rejected the invitation, Ronen did not mince words.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11698707/san-francisco-mayor-jumps-into-marriott-hotel-labor-dispute\">S.F. Mayor Breed Meets With Union, Expresses Support for Striking Hotel Workers\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11698707/san-francisco-mayor-jumps-into-marriott-hotel-labor-dispute\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/Breed-1200x773.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>“I’m very disappointed that the CEO of a company that makes so much money by operating in San Francisco and who could settle this strike today, won’t take the time to attend this important hearing,” Ronen said in a text to KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It sends the message that our city is just one more profit center, rather than a home for thousands of workers who are struggling every day,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An aide to Ronen’s office says her office expects nearly a thousand rank and file workers to show up at Friday’s hearing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ronen, several other supervisors and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11698707/san-francisco-mayor-jumps-into-marriott-hotel-labor-dispute\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Mayor London Breed\u003c/a>, as well as the city’s labor community, have all showed support for the striking employees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city’s travel and hotel industry have stayed, for the most part, silent on developments in the labor dispute.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Not only does the letter represent Sorenson’s first public comments about the San Francisco strike, it signaled a more aggressive tone from the company.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We hoped to reach an agreement months ago. Unfortunately, the union seemed more interested in participating in a long planned, multi-city, 23-hotel strike against Marriott than they were in engaging in any meaningful negotiations,” Sorenson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The strike that has encompassed eight cities, including San Francisco, was not the result of a bargaining impasse in any city, but rather, it seems, part of the union’s bargaining strategy from the outset,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sorenson says the company’s employees are well-compensated, receiving strong wages, medical coverage and a pension fund, among other benefits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Union officials declined to comment on Sorenson’s letter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Supervisor Ronen’s response says it all,” said Unite Here press secretary Rachel Gumpert.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the past, union leaders have said the strike \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11698130/san-francisco-marriott-hotel-strike-far-from-resolution\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">would not end\u003c/a> until the workers it represents don’t need to work several jobs just to make ends meet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>After years of economic boom, voters in San Francisco, East Palo Alto and Mountain View will decide this November if big corporations should be taxed to help pay for issues that have only gotten worse as business has grown: housing and transportation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Business groups against the tax hikes argue the measures would give companies a reason to expand in other cities, or even worse, leave the region altogether.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters however, counter that corporate philanthropy has been insufficient to take on the Bay Area’s problems like homelessness and transportation. They argue that a steady funding stream must be created to pay for services.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">‘There’s two kinds of people in San Francisco. There’s people who are willing to give and always opening their hearts and their wallets to support whatever society needs. And there’s those who won’t give at all no matter what.’\u003ccite>Salesforce CEO Marc Benioff\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>“With all of these business taxes right now, there’s certainly an inspiration to take advantage of the enormous prosperity we have in the region, while we have it,” said Molly Turner, a lecturer at the UC Berkeley Haas School of Business.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The debate has touched a nerve in San Francisco, where a proposed tax hike has sparked a clash of tech titans, divided political allies and led the city’s new mayor to make the most controversial decision of her tenure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition C would double the city’s homeless services budget by raising the gross receipts tax on annual revenue above $50 million that companies bring in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The average half-percent increase in the tax would raise roughly $300 million annually to help get homeless San Franciscans off of the street. Half of the money would go toward long-term fixes, like supportive housing, while the other half would go toward more immediate assistance, like shelters, mental health services and rental assistance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We just got this massive tax break from [President] Trump. The corporate rate went from 35 percent all the way down to 21 percent,” said Jennifer Friedenbach, executive director of the Coalition on Homelessness, which sponsored the measure. “In order to address the systemic crises we need ongoing revenue.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As thousands of people sleep on the street each night, most San Franciscans would be quick to name homelessness as a top issue facing the city. Less clear is what voters are willing to do to address the problem.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The last two ballot measures that proposed a tax hike to raise money for the homeless — a 2016 sales tax increase and a real estate tax on the ballot last June — both failed. Proposition C differs because it would dedicate all the revenue it raises to homeless programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What we’ve seen in the past is tinkering, and I don’t think voters have a lot of patience for that,” said Friedenbach. “They want to see big change.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=JYKxFrMkzKA\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s estimated that 300 to 400 companies would pay the Proposition C tax hike. These corporations already pay 57 percent of the business taxes collected by San Francisco, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://sfcontroller.org/sites/default/files/Documents/Economic%20Analysis/hgrt_economic_impact_final.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">report\u003c/a> from the Office of Economic Analysis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s on top of the increased costs necessary to recruit and retain workers in the region, said Jim Lazarus, senior vice president of public policy at the San Francisco Chamber of Commerce.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“At some point the straw breaks the camel’s back and some chief financial officer says, ‘When the lease comes up we’re leaving town,’ ” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Similar warnings from Amazon pushed Seattle’s City Council to abandon a newly enacted business tax earlier this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But San Francisco’s largest private employer, Salesforce, has taken a markedly different stance on Proposition C. The cloud computing giant has donated $4.7 million to the Yes on C campaign, with another $1 million coming from CEO Marc Benioff. This despite Benioff’s assertion that the company stands to pay millions more under the tax proposal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10467228\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-10467228\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/457215846-800x528.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"528\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/457215846-800x528.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/457215846-400x264.jpg 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/457215846-1440x950.jpg 1440w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/457215846-1180x779.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/457215846-768x507.jpg 768w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/457215846-320x211.jpg 320w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Salesforce CEO Marc Benioff pictured at company conference in October 2014. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>To Benioff, the debate over Proposition C is black and white, and CEOs who aren’t for the measure aren’t being socially responsible.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What I’ve found is there’s two kinds of people in San Francisco,” he told KQED. “There’s people who are willing to give and always opening their hearts and their wallets to support whatever society needs. And there’s those who won’t give at all no matter what.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Implied in that second group was Twitter CEO Jack Dorsey, who Benioff traded jabs with over Proposition C. Dorsey argued that his company Square will be hurt more by the tax increase than Salesforce.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/jack/status/1053312148317716480\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last week, Lyft and Macy’s joined Square to donate to the No on Prop. C campaign. It didn’t make much of a dent. Thanks to Benioff, the “yes” side has raked in four times as much in contributions, according to \u003ca href=\"https://sfethics.org/ethics/2018/03/campaign-finance-dashboards-june-5-2018-and-november-6-2018-elections.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">data\u003c/a> from the San Francisco Department of Elections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Benioff’s stance on Proposition C has also caused a fissure with a political ally: San Francisco Mayor London Breed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Benioff said the need for sustained homeless funding is best illustrated by a call he recently got from the mayor. Breed was looking for a donation of $8 million to acquire a site that could be used for affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She’s out of money. Her budget was fully maxed,” Benioff said. “The city has these shovel-ready projects ready to go and we can directly address these homeless people if we have more directed funding.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed disagrees, not only with the nature of the call — she said she asked Benioff for the immediate donation because a budget supplemental would have taken too long to secure the units — but with the idea that San Francisco can hike taxes for homeless services without consequences.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Can big business pay more to support this? Yes, they can,” Breed told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But things like a ballot measure need to be handled more responsibly,” she added. “Making sure that as we try and tax, that there aren’t the unintended consequences of job loss for middle-income residents. I mean manufacturing, retail, those are things that are important to San Francisco.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11690711\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11690711\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/LondonBreed-800x552.jpg\" alt=\"San Francisco Mayor London Breed.\" width=\"800\" height=\"552\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/LondonBreed-800x552.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/LondonBreed-160x110.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/LondonBreed-1020x704.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/LondonBreed-1200x828.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/LondonBreed.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/LondonBreed-1180x814.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/LondonBreed-960x663.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/LondonBreed-240x166.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/LondonBreed-375x259.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/LondonBreed-520x359.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Francisco Mayor London Breed. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The city’s economic analysis of Proposition C finds that retail would be the sector most at risk of job loss, but that the tax’s overall impact on jobs would be insignificant: an estimated loss of 0.1 percent of all jobs in the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brimming beneath Breed’s warning of job flight, and her stated desire for the city to get a better handle on how it spends the $300 million already dedicated to homelessness, seems to be a political frustration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The mayor was elected in June on a promise to address the crisis. If Proposition C passes and doubles the city’s homeless budget, it will likely be Breed — not Benioff or the homeless advocates who wrote the measure — who will be judged for its results.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I want to make sure that I’m being held accountable for the decisions I make,” she said. “Not the decisions that other people are making.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And there’s a chance the heated debate over Proposition C could actually stretch past November. Supporters are hoping that a recent state Supreme Court ruling will allow the citizens’ initiative to pass with a majority vote. Historically, local measures that directed funding to a specific source, like homeless services, required a two-thirds vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The tax measures in Mountain View and East Palo Alto have come with significantly fewer political fireworks, but also reflect a shift toward demanding greater corporate responsibility to take on the Bay Area’s vexing housing and transportation problems.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11647955\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11647955 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS378_Google_082411-800x504.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"504\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A sign is posted outside Google headquarters Jan. 21, 2010, in Mountain View, California. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Measure HH in East Palo Alto would tax large commercial office space at a rate of $2.50 per square foot to pay for affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters are hoping to capitalize on the recent growth of Amazon in the city, and Facebook’s expansion in nearby Menlo Park.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re just trying to protect our community and have a fair share that will improve the lives of more people,” said Mayor Ruben Abrica. “We’re also trying to be proactive because we know that other development is going to take place.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mountain View’s tax is more heavily directed toward a single company: Google.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposed “head tax” in Measure P would tax companies for each employee, with larger companies paying higher rates. Revenue from the tax will go to the general fund, with the promise that it will be used for transportation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The tax is expected to raise $6 million annually, with more than half coming from Google.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Google is not opposing the tax increase, and Mountain View Mayor Lenny Siegel said the search giant has been quick to assist with issues like homelessness in the past.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’re a good corporate citizen but we can’t bond against their donations,” he told \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101866893/election-2018-bay-area-cities-to-vote-on-taxing-big-business\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">KQED’s Forum\u003c/a>. “So the tax will allow us to bond so that we can build the infrastructure that allows Google employees to get from Caltrain to the Googleplex.”\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11700919/sen-feinstein-calls-out-s-f-tech-ceos-for-lack-of-civic-engagement\">Sen. Dianne Feinstein Calls Out S.F. Tech CEOs for Lack of Civic Engagement\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11700919/sen-feinstein-calls-out-s-f-tech-ceos-for-lack-of-civic-engagement\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/RS33368_102318_AW_DianeFeinstein_03-1180x787.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>The demand for more investment from big business, and in particular the region’s thriving tech companies, is a reversal from the policy conversations that took place in Bay Area cities at the beginning of the decade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then, San Francisco \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/22623/watch-live-sf-supervisors-vote-on-twitter-tax-break\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">changed its tax code\u003c/a> to attract and retain businesses, with particular incentives for growing tech companies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many supporters of the Bay Area business taxes claim that those thriving corporations did not reciprocate the friendly policies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t see tech as very civically involved, and I think they have to be,” said Sen. Dianne Feinstein, who told KQED \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11700919/sen-feinstein-calls-out-s-f-tech-ceos-for-lack-of-civic-engagement\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">she supports Proposition C\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Like when I was mayor, the CEOs of the big banks — I could go in and ask them to help with any civic cause. Cross my heart. I never got a ‘no.’ Bank of America, Wells [Fargo], all of them said ‘yes.’ ”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So instead of asking, the tax measures hope to compel Bay Area corporations to put a greater amount of skin in the game toward local problems.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The question remains whether a push like Proposition C has come too late, and is simply setting the stage for a fleeting victory.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There is certainly a risk if we rely on this one tax to fund a huge part of our homeless services,” said Molly Turner of the UC Berkeley Haas School of Business. “If we have a correction or a recession in the near future, that’s going to cut significantly to our ability to fund those programs.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Proposition C in San Francisco, Measure P in Mountain View and Measure HH in East Palo Alto would all raise taxes on businesses.",
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"title": "Should Big Business Pay to Fight Homelessness, Transportation Woes? Voters Will Decide | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>After years of economic boom, voters in San Francisco, East Palo Alto and Mountain View will decide this November if big corporations should be taxed to help pay for issues that have only gotten worse as business has grown: housing and transportation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Business groups against the tax hikes argue the measures would give companies a reason to expand in other cities, or even worse, leave the region altogether.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters however, counter that corporate philanthropy has been insufficient to take on the Bay Area’s problems like homelessness and transportation. They argue that a steady funding stream must be created to pay for services.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">‘There’s two kinds of people in San Francisco. There’s people who are willing to give and always opening their hearts and their wallets to support whatever society needs. And there’s those who won’t give at all no matter what.’\u003ccite>Salesforce CEO Marc Benioff\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>“With all of these business taxes right now, there’s certainly an inspiration to take advantage of the enormous prosperity we have in the region, while we have it,” said Molly Turner, a lecturer at the UC Berkeley Haas School of Business.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The debate has touched a nerve in San Francisco, where a proposed tax hike has sparked a clash of tech titans, divided political allies and led the city’s new mayor to make the most controversial decision of her tenure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition C would double the city’s homeless services budget by raising the gross receipts tax on annual revenue above $50 million that companies bring in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The average half-percent increase in the tax would raise roughly $300 million annually to help get homeless San Franciscans off of the street. Half of the money would go toward long-term fixes, like supportive housing, while the other half would go toward more immediate assistance, like shelters, mental health services and rental assistance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We just got this massive tax break from [President] Trump. The corporate rate went from 35 percent all the way down to 21 percent,” said Jennifer Friedenbach, executive director of the Coalition on Homelessness, which sponsored the measure. “In order to address the systemic crises we need ongoing revenue.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As thousands of people sleep on the street each night, most San Franciscans would be quick to name homelessness as a top issue facing the city. Less clear is what voters are willing to do to address the problem.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The last two ballot measures that proposed a tax hike to raise money for the homeless — a 2016 sales tax increase and a real estate tax on the ballot last June — both failed. Proposition C differs because it would dedicate all the revenue it raises to homeless programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What we’ve seen in the past is tinkering, and I don’t think voters have a lot of patience for that,” said Friedenbach. “They want to see big change.”\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/JYKxFrMkzKA'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/JYKxFrMkzKA'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>It’s estimated that 300 to 400 companies would pay the Proposition C tax hike. These corporations already pay 57 percent of the business taxes collected by San Francisco, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://sfcontroller.org/sites/default/files/Documents/Economic%20Analysis/hgrt_economic_impact_final.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">report\u003c/a> from the Office of Economic Analysis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s on top of the increased costs necessary to recruit and retain workers in the region, said Jim Lazarus, senior vice president of public policy at the San Francisco Chamber of Commerce.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“At some point the straw breaks the camel’s back and some chief financial officer says, ‘When the lease comes up we’re leaving town,’ ” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Similar warnings from Amazon pushed Seattle’s City Council to abandon a newly enacted business tax earlier this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But San Francisco’s largest private employer, Salesforce, has taken a markedly different stance on Proposition C. The cloud computing giant has donated $4.7 million to the Yes on C campaign, with another $1 million coming from CEO Marc Benioff. This despite Benioff’s assertion that the company stands to pay millions more under the tax proposal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10467228\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-10467228\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/457215846-800x528.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"528\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/457215846-800x528.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/457215846-400x264.jpg 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/457215846-1440x950.jpg 1440w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/457215846-1180x779.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/457215846-768x507.jpg 768w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/457215846-320x211.jpg 320w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Salesforce CEO Marc Benioff pictured at company conference in October 2014. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>To Benioff, the debate over Proposition C is black and white, and CEOs who aren’t for the measure aren’t being socially responsible.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What I’ve found is there’s two kinds of people in San Francisco,” he told KQED. “There’s people who are willing to give and always opening their hearts and their wallets to support whatever society needs. And there’s those who won’t give at all no matter what.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Implied in that second group was Twitter CEO Jack Dorsey, who Benioff traded jabs with over Proposition C. Dorsey argued that his company Square will be hurt more by the tax increase than Salesforce.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>Last week, Lyft and Macy’s joined Square to donate to the No on Prop. C campaign. It didn’t make much of a dent. Thanks to Benioff, the “yes” side has raked in four times as much in contributions, according to \u003ca href=\"https://sfethics.org/ethics/2018/03/campaign-finance-dashboards-june-5-2018-and-november-6-2018-elections.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">data\u003c/a> from the San Francisco Department of Elections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Benioff’s stance on Proposition C has also caused a fissure with a political ally: San Francisco Mayor London Breed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Benioff said the need for sustained homeless funding is best illustrated by a call he recently got from the mayor. Breed was looking for a donation of $8 million to acquire a site that could be used for affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She’s out of money. Her budget was fully maxed,” Benioff said. “The city has these shovel-ready projects ready to go and we can directly address these homeless people if we have more directed funding.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed disagrees, not only with the nature of the call — she said she asked Benioff for the immediate donation because a budget supplemental would have taken too long to secure the units — but with the idea that San Francisco can hike taxes for homeless services without consequences.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Can big business pay more to support this? Yes, they can,” Breed told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But things like a ballot measure need to be handled more responsibly,” she added. “Making sure that as we try and tax, that there aren’t the unintended consequences of job loss for middle-income residents. I mean manufacturing, retail, those are things that are important to San Francisco.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11690711\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11690711\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/LondonBreed-800x552.jpg\" alt=\"San Francisco Mayor London Breed.\" width=\"800\" height=\"552\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/LondonBreed-800x552.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/LondonBreed-160x110.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/LondonBreed-1020x704.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/LondonBreed-1200x828.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/LondonBreed.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/LondonBreed-1180x814.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/LondonBreed-960x663.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/LondonBreed-240x166.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/LondonBreed-375x259.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/LondonBreed-520x359.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Francisco Mayor London Breed. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The city’s economic analysis of Proposition C finds that retail would be the sector most at risk of job loss, but that the tax’s overall impact on jobs would be insignificant: an estimated loss of 0.1 percent of all jobs in the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brimming beneath Breed’s warning of job flight, and her stated desire for the city to get a better handle on how it spends the $300 million already dedicated to homelessness, seems to be a political frustration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The mayor was elected in June on a promise to address the crisis. If Proposition C passes and doubles the city’s homeless budget, it will likely be Breed — not Benioff or the homeless advocates who wrote the measure — who will be judged for its results.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I want to make sure that I’m being held accountable for the decisions I make,” she said. “Not the decisions that other people are making.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And there’s a chance the heated debate over Proposition C could actually stretch past November. Supporters are hoping that a recent state Supreme Court ruling will allow the citizens’ initiative to pass with a majority vote. Historically, local measures that directed funding to a specific source, like homeless services, required a two-thirds vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The tax measures in Mountain View and East Palo Alto have come with significantly fewer political fireworks, but also reflect a shift toward demanding greater corporate responsibility to take on the Bay Area’s vexing housing and transportation problems.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11647955\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11647955 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS378_Google_082411-800x504.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"504\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A sign is posted outside Google headquarters Jan. 21, 2010, in Mountain View, California. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Measure HH in East Palo Alto would tax large commercial office space at a rate of $2.50 per square foot to pay for affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters are hoping to capitalize on the recent growth of Amazon in the city, and Facebook’s expansion in nearby Menlo Park.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re just trying to protect our community and have a fair share that will improve the lives of more people,” said Mayor Ruben Abrica. “We’re also trying to be proactive because we know that other development is going to take place.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mountain View’s tax is more heavily directed toward a single company: Google.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposed “head tax” in Measure P would tax companies for each employee, with larger companies paying higher rates. Revenue from the tax will go to the general fund, with the promise that it will be used for transportation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The tax is expected to raise $6 million annually, with more than half coming from Google.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Google is not opposing the tax increase, and Mountain View Mayor Lenny Siegel said the search giant has been quick to assist with issues like homelessness in the past.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’re a good corporate citizen but we can’t bond against their donations,” he told \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101866893/election-2018-bay-area-cities-to-vote-on-taxing-big-business\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">KQED’s Forum\u003c/a>. “So the tax will allow us to bond so that we can build the infrastructure that allows Google employees to get from Caltrain to the Googleplex.”\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11700919/sen-feinstein-calls-out-s-f-tech-ceos-for-lack-of-civic-engagement\">Sen. Dianne Feinstein Calls Out S.F. Tech CEOs for Lack of Civic Engagement\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11700919/sen-feinstein-calls-out-s-f-tech-ceos-for-lack-of-civic-engagement\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/RS33368_102318_AW_DianeFeinstein_03-1180x787.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>The demand for more investment from big business, and in particular the region’s thriving tech companies, is a reversal from the policy conversations that took place in Bay Area cities at the beginning of the decade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then, San Francisco \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/22623/watch-live-sf-supervisors-vote-on-twitter-tax-break\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">changed its tax code\u003c/a> to attract and retain businesses, with particular incentives for growing tech companies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many supporters of the Bay Area business taxes claim that those thriving corporations did not reciprocate the friendly policies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t see tech as very civically involved, and I think they have to be,” said Sen. Dianne Feinstein, who told KQED \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11700919/sen-feinstein-calls-out-s-f-tech-ceos-for-lack-of-civic-engagement\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">she supports Proposition C\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Like when I was mayor, the CEOs of the big banks — I could go in and ask them to help with any civic cause. Cross my heart. 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"info": "\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em>, which listeners will hear in the first part of the hour, has fearless and much-needed conversations about race. Hosted by journalists of color, the show tackles the subject of race head-on, exploring how it impacts every part of society — from politics and pop culture to history, sports and more.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em>, which will be in the second part of the hour, guides you through spaces and feelings no one prepares you for — from finances to mental health, from workplace microaggressions to imposter syndrome, from relationships to parenting. The show features experts with real world experience and shares their knowledge. Because everyone needs a little help being human.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/podcasts/510312/codeswitch\">\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/lifekit\">\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />",
"airtime": "SUN 9pm-10pm",
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"meta": {
"site": "radio",
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"id": "commonwealth-club",
"title": "Commonwealth Club of California Podcast",
"info": "The Commonwealth Club of California is the nation's oldest and largest public affairs forum. As a non-partisan forum, The Club brings to the public airwaves diverse viewpoints on important topics. The Club's weekly radio broadcast - the oldest in the U.S., dating back to 1924 - is carried across the nation on public radio stations and is now podcasting. Our website archive features audio of our recent programs, as well as selected speeches from our long and distinguished history. This podcast feed is usually updated twice a week and is always un-edited.",
"airtime": "THU 10pm, FRI 1am",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Commonwealth-Club-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.commonwealthclub.org/podcasts",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "Commonwealth Club of California"
},
"link": "/radio/program/commonwealth-club",
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cDovL3d3dy5jb21tb253ZWFsdGhjbHViLm9yZy9hdWRpby9wb2RjYXN0L3dlZWtseS54bWw",
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}
},
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"id": "forum",
"title": "Forum",
"tagline": "The conversation starts here",
"info": "KQED’s live call-in program discussing local, state, national and international issues, as well as in-depth interviews.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 9am-11am, 10pm-11pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Forum-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED Forum with Mina Kim and Alexis Madrigal",
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 9
},
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM5NTU3MzgxNjMz",
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"id": "freakonomics-radio",
"title": "Freakonomics Radio",
"info": "Freakonomics Radio is a one-hour award-winning podcast and public-radio project hosted by Stephen Dubner, with co-author Steve Levitt as a regular guest. It is produced in partnership with WNYC.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/freakonomicsRadio.png",
"officialWebsiteLink": "http://freakonomics.com/",
"airtime": "SUN 1am-2am, SAT 3pm-4pm",
"meta": {
"site": "radio",
"source": "WNYC"
},
"link": "/radio/program/freakonomics-radio",
"subscribe": {
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/freakonomics-radio/id354668519",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/podcasts/WNYC-Podcasts/Freakonomics-Radio-p272293/",
"rss": "https://feeds.feedburner.com/freakonomicsradio"
}
},
"fresh-air": {
"id": "fresh-air",
"title": "Fresh Air",
"info": "Hosted by Terry Gross, \u003cem>Fresh Air from WHYY\u003c/em> is the Peabody Award-winning weekday magazine of contemporary arts and issues. One of public radio's most popular programs, Fresh Air features intimate conversations with today's biggest luminaries.",
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"link": "/radio/program/fresh-air",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/WebObjects/MZStore.woa/wa/viewPodcast?s=143441&mt=2&id=214089682&at=11l79Y&ct=nprdirectory",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/381444908/podcast.xml"
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"id": "here-and-now",
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"info": "A live production of NPR and WBUR Boston, in collaboration with stations across the country, Here & Now reflects the fluid world of news as it's happening in the middle of the day, with timely, in-depth news, interviews and conversation. Hosted by Robin Young, Jeremy Hobson and Tonya Mosley.",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510051/podcast.xml"
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},
"hidden-brain": {
"id": "hidden-brain",
"title": "Hidden Brain",
"info": "Shankar Vedantam uses science and storytelling to reveal the unconscious patterns that drive human behavior, shape our choices and direct our relationships.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/05/hiddenbrain.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/series/423302056/hidden-brain",
"airtime": "SUN 7pm-8pm",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "NPR"
},
"link": "/radio/program/hidden-brain",
"subscribe": {
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"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/podcasts/Science-Podcasts/Hidden-Brain-p787503/",
"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510308/podcast.xml"
}
},
"how-i-built-this": {
"id": "how-i-built-this",
"title": "How I Built This with Guy Raz",
"info": "Guy Raz dives into the stories behind some of the world's best known companies. How I Built This weaves a narrative journey about innovators, entrepreneurs and idealists—and the movements they built.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/howIBuiltThis.png",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/podcasts/510313/how-i-built-this",
"airtime": "SUN 7:30pm-8pm",
"meta": {
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"source": "npr"
},
"link": "/radio/program/how-i-built-this",
"subscribe": {
"npr": "https://rpb3r.app.goo.gl/3zxy",
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/how-i-built-this-with-guy-raz/id1150510297?mt=2",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510313/podcast.xml"
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},
"hyphenacion": {
"id": "hyphenacion",
"title": "Hyphenación",
"tagline": "Where conversation and cultura meet",
"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/03/Hyphenacion_FinalAssets_PodcastTile.png",
"imageAlt": "KQED Hyphenación",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/hyphenacion",
"meta": {
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"order": 15
},
"link": "/podcasts/hyphenacion",
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"spotify": "https://open.spotify.com/show/2p3Fifq96nw9BPcmFdIq0o?si=39209f7b25774f38",
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"amazon": "https://music.amazon.com/podcasts/6c3dd23c-93fb-4aab-97ba-1725fa6315f1/hyphenaci%C3%B3n",
"rss": "https://feeds.megaphone.fm/KQINC2275451163"
}
},
"jerrybrown": {
"id": "jerrybrown",
"title": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown",
"tagline": "Lessons from a lifetime in politics",
"info": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown brings listeners the wisdom of the former Governor, Mayor, and presidential candidate. Scott Shafer interviewed Brown for more than 40 hours, covering the former governor's life and half-century in the political game – and Brown has some lessons he'd like to share. ",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-Political-Mind-of-Jerry-Brown-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED The Political Mind of Jerry Brown",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/jerrybrown",
"meta": {
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"order": 18
},
"link": "/podcasts/jerrybrown",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/id1492194549",
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}
},
"latino-usa": {
"id": "latino-usa",
"title": "Latino USA",
"airtime": "MON 1am-2am, SUN 6pm-7pm",
"info": "Latino USA, the radio journal of news and culture, is the only national, English-language radio program produced from a Latino perspective.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/latinoUsa.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "http://latinousa.org/",
"meta": {
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"source": "npr"
},
"link": "/radio/program/latino-usa",
"subscribe": {
"npr": "https://rpb3r.app.goo.gl/xtTd",
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/WebObjects/MZStore.woa/wa/viewPodcast?s=143441&mt=2&id=79681317&at=11l79Y&ct=nprdirectory",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510016/podcast.xml"
}
},
"marketplace": {
"id": "marketplace",
"title": "Marketplace",
"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 4pm-4:30pm, MON-WED 6:30pm-7pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Marketplace-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.marketplace.org/",
"meta": {
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"source": "American Public Media"
},
"link": "/radio/program/marketplace",
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"rss": "https://feeds.publicradio.org/public_feeds/marketplace-pm/rss/rss"
}
},
"masters-of-scale": {
"id": "masters-of-scale",
"title": "Masters of Scale",
"info": "Masters of Scale is an original podcast in which LinkedIn co-founder and Greylock Partner Reid Hoffman sets out to describe and prove theories that explain how great entrepreneurs take their companies from zero to a gazillion in ingenious fashion.",
"airtime": "Every other Wednesday June 12 through October 16 at 8pm (repeats Thursdays at 2am)",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Masters-of-Scale-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://mastersofscale.com/",
"meta": {
"site": "radio",
"source": "WaitWhat"
},
"link": "/radio/program/masters-of-scale",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "http://mastersofscale.app.link/",
"rss": "https://rss.art19.com/masters-of-scale"
}
},
"mindshift": {
"id": "mindshift",
"title": "MindShift",
"tagline": "A podcast about the future of learning and how we raise our kids",
"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Mindshift-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED MindShift: How We Will Learn",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/mindshift/",
"meta": {
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 12
},
"link": "/podcasts/mindshift",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/mindshift-podcast/id1078765985",
"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM1NzY0NjAwNDI5",
"npr": "https://www.npr.org/podcasts/464615685/mind-shift-podcast",
"stitcher": "https://www.stitcher.com/podcast/kqed/stories-teachers-share",
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}
},
"morning-edition": {
"id": "morning-edition",
"title": "Morning Edition",
"info": "\u003cem>Morning Edition\u003c/em> takes listeners around the country and the world with multi-faceted stories and commentaries every weekday. Hosts Steve Inskeep, David Greene and Rachel Martin bring you the latest breaking news and features to prepare you for the day.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 3am-9am",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Morning-Edition-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/programs/morning-edition/",
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"link": "/radio/program/morning-edition"
},
"onourwatch": {
"id": "onourwatch",
"title": "On Our Watch",
"tagline": "Deeply-reported investigative journalism",
"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/On-Our-Watch-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "On Our Watch from NPR and KQED",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/onourwatch",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "kqed",
"order": 11
},
"link": "/podcasts/onourwatch",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "https://podcasts.apple.com/podcast/id1567098962",
"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5ucHIub3JnLzUxMDM2MC9wb2RjYXN0LnhtbD9zYz1nb29nbGVwb2RjYXN0cw",
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"stitcher": "https://www.stitcher.com/show/on-our-watch",
"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510360/podcast.xml"
}
},
"on-the-media": {
"id": "on-the-media",
"title": "On The Media",
"info": "Our weekly podcast explores how the media 'sausage' is made, casts an incisive eye on fluctuations in the marketplace of ideas, and examines threats to the freedom of information and expression in America and abroad. For one hour a week, the show tries to lift the veil from the process of \"making media,\" especially news media, because it's through that lens that we see the world and the world sees us",
"airtime": "SUN 2pm-3pm, MON 12am-1am",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/onTheMedia.png",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.wnycstudios.org/shows/otm",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "wnyc"
},
"link": "/radio/program/on-the-media",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/on-the-media/id73330715?mt=2",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/radio/On-the-Media-p69/",
"rss": "http://feeds.wnyc.org/onthemedia"
}
},
"pbs-newshour": {
"id": "pbs-newshour",
"title": "PBS NewsHour",
"info": "Analysis, background reports and updates from the PBS NewsHour putting today's news in context.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 3pm-4pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/PBS-News-Hour-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.pbs.org/newshour/",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "pbs"
},
"link": "/radio/program/pbs-newshour",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/pbs-newshour-full-show/id394432287?mt=2",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/radio/PBS-NewsHour---Full-Show-p425698/",
"rss": "https://www.pbs.org/newshour/feeds/rss/podcasts/show"
}
},
"perspectives": {
"id": "perspectives",
"title": "Perspectives",
"tagline": "KQED's series of daily listener commentaries since 1991",
"info": "KQED's series of daily listener commentaries since 1991.",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/01/Perspectives_Tile_Final.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED Perspectives",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/perspectives/",
"meta": {
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 14
},
"link": "/perspectives",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/id73801135",
"npr": "https://www.npr.org/podcasts/432309616/perspectives",
"rss": "https://ww2.kqed.org/perspectives/category/perspectives/feed/",
"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly93dzIua3FlZC5vcmcvcGVyc3BlY3RpdmVzL2NhdGVnb3J5L3BlcnNwZWN0aXZlcy9mZWVkLw"
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},
"planet-money": {
"id": "planet-money",
"title": "Planet Money",
"info": "The economy explained. Imagine you could call up a friend and say, Meet me at the bar and tell me what's going on with the economy. Now imagine that's actually a fun evening.",
"airtime": "SUN 3pm-4pm",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/planetmoney.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/sections/money/",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "npr"
},
"link": "/radio/program/planet-money",
"subscribe": {
"npr": "https://rpb3r.app.goo.gl/M4f5",
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/planet-money/id290783428?mt=2",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/podcasts/Business--Economics-Podcasts/Planet-Money-p164680/",
"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510289/podcast.xml"
}
},
"politicalbreakdown": {
"id": "politicalbreakdown",
"title": "Political Breakdown",
"tagline": "Politics from a personal perspective",
"info": "Political Breakdown is a new series that explores the political intersection of California and the nation. Each week hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos are joined with a new special guest to unpack politics -- with personality — and offer an insider’s glimpse at how politics happens.",
"airtime": "THU 6:30pm-7pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Political-Breakdown-2024-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED Political Breakdown",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/politicalbreakdown",
"meta": {
"site": "radio",
"source": "kqed",
"order": 5
},
"link": "/podcasts/politicalbreakdown",
"subscribe": {
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"amazon": "https://music.amazon.com/podcasts/e0c2d153-ad36-4c8d-901d-f1da6a724824/political-breakdown",
"npr": "https://www.npr.org/podcasts/572155894/political-breakdown",
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