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"content": "\u003cp>The U.S. agency charged with caring for unaccompanied migrant children is eyeing California’s Inland Empire as a potential location for a major new shelter facility, according to official records.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposal, which was posted earlier this month on the\u003ca href=\"https://www.fbo.gov/index?s=opportunity&mode=form&id=d9e02f6cf99973cf86f5a9aeaff46edf&tab=core&_cview=0\"> Federal Business Opportunities website\u003c/a>, comes at a time when the number of minors in federal custody has dipped since the beginning of the year but still remains at historic highs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation=\"Katie Mathews, attorney with Disability Rights California\"]‘The sheer size of this facility concerns us.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Office of Refugee Resettlement (ORR) is seeking to lease a 74,000-square-foot facility for 17 years that can house up to 430 children and 143 staff, with a projected opening date of December 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The plan for the shelter includes 215 double bedrooms, 11 children’s bathrooms (with a total of 72 toilets and 43 showers), classrooms, medical exam rooms, a dining room and an outdoor play area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. Rep. Raul Ruiz — a Democrat who represents parts of the Inland Empire and sits on the House subcommittee that oversees ORR — said members of Congress who represent the area were not informed before the solicitation was submitted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s a big problem,” said Ruiz who, along with three other members of Congress from the same region, recently sent a letter to ORR voicing his concerns. “One of our concerns is that if members of Congress were not engaged — especially those whose area and region will be affected — then they definitely did not engage with local stakeholders, agencies, nonprofits and foster care regarding this project.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California currently has at least nine other residential facilities for migrant children run by nonprofit service providers under contract with ORR. Many of them came under fire earlier this year after a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11758308/report-california-immigration-facilities-failing-kids-with-disabilities\">report \u003c/a>from \u003ca href=\"https://www.disabilityrightsca.org/\">Disability Rights California\u003c/a> found that many children in ORR custody who suffered from trauma, post-traumatic stress disorder and other mental health disabilities were not receiving proper counseling or treatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11768405\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11768405 size-medium\" style=\"font-weight: bold;background-color: transparent;color: #767676\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/UAC-shelter-map-1-800x458.png\" alt=\"The proposed location for this new ORR facility that could house 430 unaccompanied children.\" width=\"800\" height=\"458\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/UAC-shelter-map-1-800x458.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/UAC-shelter-map-1-160x92.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/UAC-shelter-map-1-1020x584.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/UAC-shelter-map-1-1200x688.png 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/UAC-shelter-map-1.png 1850w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The proposed location for a new ORR facility near Riverside that could house 430 unaccompanied migrant children. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of the Federal Business Opportunities website)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The California shelters are among roughly 170 facilities nationwide designed to receive migrant children who arrive in the United States without parents or guardians. They are intended to serve as temporary housing while children’s cases are decided in the immigration court system, and until they can be placed with a parent or other approved sponsor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbp.gov/newsroom/stats/sw-border-migration\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">69,000 unaccompanied children and teens\u003c/a> have been apprehended at the U.S.-Mexico border in the last 10 months, nearly 30,000 more than during the same time period the previous year, according to U.S. Customs and Border Protection.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[documentcloud url=\"httsp://www.documentcloud.org/documents/6306685-03-081919-Aguilar-ORR-Facility.html\" responsive=true height=800]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The vast majority of those children have come from the Central American countries of Guatemala, Honduras and El Salvador — a region known as the Northern Triangle — where weak governments have struggled to rein in violent criminal gangs in the wake of civil wars, underdevelopment and corruption.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As of Aug. 5, there were approximately 8,700 children in ORR custody. That’s a sharp decline from as recently as June, when the agency had an average of more than 13,000 kids in its care. But it’s more than double the number of children who were in custody just four years ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=news_11768396,news_11758308]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition to kids traveling without parents, the shelters house thousands of children who were forcibly separated from their parents by border agents, especially during 2018 when the Trump administration attempted a zero tolerance policy of criminally prosecuting all unauthorized adult border-crossers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ORR did not respond to a request for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although the proposed 430-bed Inland Empire facility would not be the nation’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2019/02/13/694138106/inside-the-largest-and-most-controversial-shelter-for-migrant-children-in-the-u-\">largest shelter \u003c/a>for so-called unaccompanied alien children, it would be the biggest in California by far.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“At the moment, the largest group home that the state of California licenses is 184 beds,” said Adam Weintraub, spokesman for the California Department of Social Services. “So this would be more than double the size.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And that has raised alarm among immigrant advocates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The sheer size of this facility concerns us,” Katie Mathews, an attorney with Disability Rights California, said in a statement. “It would be the biggest ORR shelter in all of California and would more than double the statewide capacity for unaccompanied immigrant children. The current largest facility holds fewer than 70 children. The proposed facility would hold almost seven times as many.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The size also goes against California’s \u003ca href=\"http://www.cdss.ca.gov/inforesources/Continuum-of-Care-Reform\">Continuum of Care Reform\u003c/a>, intended to steer the state away from large-scale group home models, in place of placing children in family settings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The idea is that the ideal environment for most children is that single-family home,” said Weintraub.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s an assertion that is shared by immigrant rights advocates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The care of these children draws on the standard that I would apply as the parent of, in my case, a 2-year-old. Would I want to warehouse my daughter in a shelter that has an almost 500-child capacity?” asked Krish O’Mara Vignarajah, president of Lutheran Immigration and Refugee Service. “You can put in case managers, you can try to set educational standards, but the reality is, what you’re setting are standards for an institution – as opposed to, what I think any parent would want for a child, a family setting.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Office of Refugee Resettlement (ORR) is seeking to lease a 74,000-square-foot facility for 17 years that can house up to 430 children and 143 staff, with a projected opening date of December 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The plan for the shelter includes 215 double bedrooms, 11 children’s bathrooms (with a total of 72 toilets and 43 showers), classrooms, medical exam rooms, a dining room and an outdoor play area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. Rep. Raul Ruiz — a Democrat who represents parts of the Inland Empire and sits on the House subcommittee that oversees ORR — said members of Congress who represent the area were not informed before the solicitation was submitted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s a big problem,” said Ruiz who, along with three other members of Congress from the same region, recently sent a letter to ORR voicing his concerns. “One of our concerns is that if members of Congress were not engaged — especially those whose area and region will be affected — then they definitely did not engage with local stakeholders, agencies, nonprofits and foster care regarding this project.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California currently has at least nine other residential facilities for migrant children run by nonprofit service providers under contract with ORR. Many of them came under fire earlier this year after a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11758308/report-california-immigration-facilities-failing-kids-with-disabilities\">report \u003c/a>from \u003ca href=\"https://www.disabilityrightsca.org/\">Disability Rights California\u003c/a> found that many children in ORR custody who suffered from trauma, post-traumatic stress disorder and other mental health disabilities were not receiving proper counseling or treatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11768405\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11768405 size-medium\" style=\"font-weight: bold;background-color: transparent;color: #767676\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/UAC-shelter-map-1-800x458.png\" alt=\"The proposed location for this new ORR facility that could house 430 unaccompanied children.\" width=\"800\" height=\"458\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/UAC-shelter-map-1-800x458.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/UAC-shelter-map-1-160x92.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/UAC-shelter-map-1-1020x584.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/UAC-shelter-map-1-1200x688.png 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/UAC-shelter-map-1.png 1850w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The proposed location for a new ORR facility near Riverside that could house 430 unaccompanied migrant children. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of the Federal Business Opportunities website)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The California shelters are among roughly 170 facilities nationwide designed to receive migrant children who arrive in the United States without parents or guardians. They are intended to serve as temporary housing while children’s cases are decided in the immigration court system, and until they can be placed with a parent or other approved sponsor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbp.gov/newsroom/stats/sw-border-migration\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">69,000 unaccompanied children and teens\u003c/a> have been apprehended at the U.S.-Mexico border in the last 10 months, nearly 30,000 more than during the same time period the previous year, according to U.S. Customs and Border Protection.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The size also goes against California’s \u003ca href=\"http://www.cdss.ca.gov/inforesources/Continuum-of-Care-Reform\">Continuum of Care Reform\u003c/a>, intended to steer the state away from large-scale group home models, in place of placing children in family settings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The idea is that the ideal environment for most children is that single-family home,” said Weintraub.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s an assertion that is shared by immigrant rights advocates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The care of these children draws on the standard that I would apply as the parent of, in my case, a 2-year-old. Would I want to warehouse my daughter in a shelter that has an almost 500-child capacity?” asked Krish O’Mara Vignarajah, president of Lutheran Immigration and Refugee Service. “You can put in case managers, you can try to set educational standards, but the reality is, what you’re setting are standards for an institution – as opposed to, what I think any parent would want for a child, a family setting.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cb>Trump Administration Threatens Endangered Species\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The U.S. Department of Interior announced major revisions to the nation’s premier wildlife conservation law, which is credited with bringing back the bald eagle and grizzly bears, among other species. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The Trump administration says it’s a necessary change to balance economic considerations with the law’s intent to protect endangered wildlife. But science experts say that the new revisions could threaten the already 1 million plant and animal species that are already endangered. California Attorney General Xavier Becerra joined Massachusetts Attorney General Maura Healey in suing the Trump administration over the new changes. The next day California joined 29 states and cities in a lawsuit against another Trump roll-back of environmental regulations the Obama era restrictions on coal-burning power plants. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Guests:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Kevin Stark, reporter, KQED Science\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Dan Kammen, energy professor, UC Berkeley \u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Controversial Mural-Voted to be Hidden not Destroyed\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The San Francisco Unified District School Board voted this week to hide and not destroy the controversial mural at George Washington High School. The mural depicts George Washington’s slaves and white settlers stepping over a dead Native American. In June, the school board was leaning towards painting over the mural. The controversial paintings has caused national uproar, while those against the mural say the images are offensive and should not be seen by students every day and those who are for the mural say there must be preservation of history and art. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Guest:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Chloe Veltman, arts & culture reporter, KQED News\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Arianna Antone-Ramirez\u003c/span>\u003cb>, \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">board member, American Indian Cultural Center \u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Facial Recognition Matching Lawmakers with Mugshots\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">This week, the American Civil Liberties Union revealed that it had ran a test on Amazon’s recognition software. 120 legislators had their faces ran through a public database of 25,000 suspect mugshots, resulting in 26 false matches. Assemblymember Phil Ting was one of the legislators misidentified in the first round of testing. Ting is among the California lawmakers \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">calling for a ban on the use of facial recognition software in body-worn police cameras, warning that embracing such technology could put lives at risk. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> \u003c/span>\u003cb>Guests:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Phil Ting, Assemblymember, D-San Francisco\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Transgender Grads Can Update School Records to Reflect Gender Identity, Under New Bill",
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"content": "\u003cp>California school districts would be required to update their records to reflect the names and genders of graduates who have changed them since getting their diplomas under a bill approved by state lawmakers on Thursday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure lawmakers sent to Gov. Gavin Newsom is intended to particularly help transgender graduates or those who identify themselves as having no gender, said San Francisco Assemblyman David Chiu, co-author of \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB711\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">AB 711\u003c/a>. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside tag='transgender' label='Related Coverage']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those graduates already often face discrimination and their efforts to find jobs can be affected if their student records don’t reflect their legal name, he said. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Old records can also inadvertently reveal that a graduate is transgender when they have not otherwise made their transition public.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California law protects current transgender students from discrimination, but Chiu said some schools have been reluctant to issue new diplomas to graduates who have transitioned or come out as transgender or nonbinary after leaving school.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His bill requires school districts to update those former students’ diplomas, GEDs or transcripts upon request. That would include changing all references to the graduate’s previous name or gender.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“While this is a real problem that can negatively impact transgender and nonbinary Californians when applying for jobs or school, the overall cost of implementing this bill will be relatively minor,” Chiu said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote]The bill requires school districts to update former students’ diplomas, GEDs or transcripts upon request.[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There was no formal opposition to the bill, including from school organizations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Transgender Law Center and Equality California sought the requirement. Equality California Executive Director Rick Zbur said in a statement that requiring academic records to accurately reflect a student’s legal name and gender “is just plain common sense.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill passed both the Senate and Assembly with no negative votes, though Republican lawmakers withheld their votes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Some California schools have been reluctant to issue new diplomas to graduates who have come out as transgender or nonbinary after graduating, said San Francisco Assemblyman David Chiu, the bill's co-author.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>California school districts would be required to update their records to reflect the names and genders of graduates who have changed them since getting their diplomas under a bill approved by state lawmakers on Thursday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure lawmakers sent to Gov. Gavin Newsom is intended to particularly help transgender graduates or those who identify themselves as having no gender, said San Francisco Assemblyman David Chiu, co-author of \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB711\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">AB 711\u003c/a>. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those graduates already often face discrimination and their efforts to find jobs can be affected if their student records don’t reflect their legal name, he said. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Old records can also inadvertently reveal that a graduate is transgender when they have not otherwise made their transition public.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California law protects current transgender students from discrimination, but Chiu said some schools have been reluctant to issue new diplomas to graduates who have transitioned or come out as transgender or nonbinary after leaving school.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His bill requires school districts to update those former students’ diplomas, GEDs or transcripts upon request. That would include changing all references to the graduate’s previous name or gender.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There was no formal opposition to the bill, including from school organizations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Transgender Law Center and Equality California sought the requirement. Equality California Executive Director Rick Zbur said in a statement that requiring academic records to accurately reflect a student’s legal name and gender “is just plain common sense.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill passed both the Senate and Assembly with no negative votes, though Republican lawmakers withheld their votes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "how-mexicos-justice-reform-might-draw-inspiration-from-california",
"title": "How Mexico’s Justice Reform Might Draw Inspiration From California",
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"content": "\u003cp>In a wood-paneled courtroom in San Francisco’s Hall of Justice one recent morning, a young deputy district attorney was pacing the floor and clicking through a slide presentation. The prosecutor was building her final argument to the jury that a young man who had broken into a woman’s home high on meth and left with her laptop should be convicted of burglary.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the audience, Miriam Hernández sat among a dozen or so Mexican law professors, watching the prosecutor in rapt attention. This courtroom staple of the American justice system was something new for them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hernández worked as a prosecutor for 23 years in Puebla, south of Mexico City. But not once in all those years had she stood up in a courtroom and made closing arguments. That’s because, until very recently, Mexico didn’t have courtrooms, and it didn’t have oral trials conducted in public, as the United States does.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Everything used to be done in writing, 100 percent,” Hernández said. “But filing a legal brief is not the same as arguing a case in front of a judge.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As Mexico wrestles with crime and corruption, it is giving its justice system a total overhaul, designed to build accountability and strengthen the rule of law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under the old “inquisitorial” system, prosecutors had outsized power, and defense attorneys had no ability to challenge the evidence put forward by the prosecution. The presumption of innocence was meaningless, in part because people charged with crimes could languish in jail for years before a case was decided. And victims rarely saw justice, since barely one crime out of 100 was prosecuted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The sweeping package of legislative changes and constitutional amendments that aimed to transform the structure of Mexico’s judicial system was enacted in 2008, and it was supposed to be fully operational in the federal courts and all of Mexico’s 32 state court systems by 2016. But three years on, many states are still struggling to adopt the reforms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, Hernández said, even in Puebla, which has lagged other states, the change can already be felt. For example, both victims and the accused are now afforded more rights in the criminal justice system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was common knowledge that our old system had a lot of human rights violations,” she said. “A suspect’s confession was the highest form of proof. [In Spanish, they call it, \u003cem>‘la reina de las pruebas,\u003c/em>’ or ‘the queen of evidence.’] And confessions were sometimes obtained through torture.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today the law explicitly bans torture, and there are safeguards in place to reduce its likelihood: A confession can’t be used in court unless it was obtained in the presence of the suspect’s defense attorney. The reforms have moved Mexico to an “adversarial” legal system, more like that in the United States, in which trials are conducted in open court, before a judge who is a neutral arbiter (Mexico did not adopt a jury system). Lawyers can cross-examine the other side’s witnesses. And defendants have the right to counsel, even if they can’t afford to pay for it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These days, there’s much less room for abuses, Hernández says, now that hearings in Mexico are open to the public, and lawyers can challenge evidence presented by the other side.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition, police are no longer just patrol officers tasked with preventing crime. They have new responsibilities to gather evidence and maintain the integrity of crime scenes. But investigating crimes is a whole new skill set, and training for police is lacking in many parts of Mexico. In Puebla, part of Hernández’s work is to train officers for their new role.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And Hernández and the other professors have already begun teaching their law students in Puebla how to work in the re-made courts. But their visit to San Francisco’s Hall of Justice gave them a first-hand look at how a veteran prosecutor and public defender built their cases. They also spent a day at the UC Berkeley School of Law, where a pair of instructors coached them on how to teach students the soft skills needed for oral trials — to think on their feet, to communicate verbally, to be willing to try something new and fail and try again.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The visits were part of a two-week \u003ca href=\"https://justiceinmexico.org/oasis-program/\">training \u003c/a>course in California, organized by the Justice in Mexico project at the University of San Diego, and funded by the U.S. State Department. The United States has supported Mexico’s justice reforms part of the $3 billion \u003ca href=\"https://fas.org/sgp/crs/row/IF10578.pdf\">Mérida Initiative\u003c/a>, a 12-year-old binational partnership aimed at strengthening security and the rule of law in Mexico, and combating drug trafficking organizations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11767696\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11767696\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/RS38509_alt_880-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/RS38509_alt_880-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/RS38509_alt_880-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/RS38509_alt_880-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/RS38509_alt_880-1200x900.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/RS38509_alt_880-1920x1440.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/RS38509_alt_880-1832x1374.jpg 1832w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/RS38509_alt_880-1376x1032.jpg 1376w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/RS38509_alt_880-1044x783.jpg 1044w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/RS38509_alt_880-632x474.jpg 632w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/RS38509_alt_880-536x402.jpg 536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/RS38509_alt_880.jpg 2048w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Francisco Judge Gerardo Sandoval talks with a Mexican law professor about the American court system on July 23, 2019, as part of a legal training in California for Mexicans helping to overhaul their justice system. \u003ccite>(Tyche Hendricks/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>During a mid-morning break in the San Francisco burglary trial, the judge, Gerardo Sandoval, invited the visitors for a chat in his chambers. Hernández and the other professors filed through a door at the rear of the courtroom and crowded around the judge in his temporary office. They peppered him with questions about the American system and how it resembled their own — or differed from it: Is the defendant required to testify? What happens when a lawyer raises objections? Who pays expert witnesses?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A young defense attorney named Edgar Martínez said he was impressed to see the American lawyers get up and walk around the courtroom and use visual aids in their closing arguments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I wish we could use these techniques in Mexico,” Martínez said. “Mexican courtrooms are rigid. We’re supposed to stay at our desks and speak into microphones, so the proceedings can be recorded. I’ve asked judges to let me stand up, and I’ve asked if I can show slides, but they won’t permit it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sandoval counseled patience. He reminded Martínez that the U.S. legal system of a century ago (or even half that in some southern states) would be unrecognizable today. And it keeps evolving.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You’re just in the first stages of a new system,” he said. “In time, Mexico will find the right balance.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s not the first time Sandoval has met with Mexican lawyers in the California training program. Before he returned to the bench to resume the burglary case, he said this was his way of giving back to the country where his parents were born — to help Mexico build a justice system that can withstand the corrupting influence of cartels.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Sunshine is the best disinfectant,” Sandoval said. “So it can only help things there, with the terrible violence they have and the drug trafficking they have, to have greater transparency and bring greater confidence in the judicial system.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And, Sandoval added, it’s in the best interest of the United States if neighboring Mexico can become a more just and secure country. In the long run, it could even reduce the pressure for Mexicans to migrate north.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside tag=\"immigration\" label=\"Immigration Coverage\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I can only say, not as a judge but as a child of immigrants, nobody leaves home because they want to. People leave because either there’s no work or they feel in danger,” he said. “So having a safer Mexico, having a more stable Mexico, is not only going to make people feel safer but also, I think, encourage economic development, and that will be good ultimately.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But right now, organized crime and drug violence are widespread in Mexico. Police — and many in the public — want the government to be tough on crime. Surprisingly, that means they’re wary, even hostile, to the new system. That’s because stricter standards for evidence — and the idea that defendants are innocent until proven guilty — mean that sometimes the bad guys are acquitted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Historically, though, even before the reforms, \u003ca href=\"http://www.cwagweb.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/08/Justice-Reform-in-Mexico_Woodrow-Wilson.pdf\">criminals routinely escaped justice\u003c/a>. Just one crime out of four was reported, and barely one out of 100 crimes were brought to trial, according to David Shirk, who directs the University of San Diego’s Justice in Mexico project that runs these trainings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you commit a crime in Mexico, even a very serious crime like murder, there’s a very high probability that you’re going to get away with it,” Shirk said. “That’s what the criminal justice reforms are really trying to address. They’re trying to raise the bar for police and prosecutors so that they develop the skills and protocols that are necessary to ensure that they are more effective … . They can’t get away with the kind of evidence tampering and forced confessions that were so prominent throughout the country.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shirk has heard complaints from Mexican politicians and business leaders that the judicial reforms are allowing criminals to walk free.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"news_11735361\" label=\" More Reporting Supported by the Adelante Latin America Reporting Initiative\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s not true,” he said. “Bad prosecutions and ineffective police are allowing criminals to walk free because they’re not following due process. The system now requires that everybody follows due process and you can’t blame the system for setting high expectations.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hernández, the former prosecutor, said the task of building a whole new legal system — and winning over public opinion — is so big it will take generations. But she’s committed to doing her part to get there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I always tell my university students that I won’t live to see it completed,” she said. “It’s my grandchildren — or maybe my great-grandchildren — who will live to see it.”\u003cbr>\n\u003cem>\u003cbr>\nThis story was reported with the support of a fellowship from the \u003ca href=\"https://www.iwmf.org/programs/adelante/\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">Adelante Reporting Initiative\u003c/a> of the International Women’s Media Foundation.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>In a wood-paneled courtroom in San Francisco’s Hall of Justice one recent morning, a young deputy district attorney was pacing the floor and clicking through a slide presentation. The prosecutor was building her final argument to the jury that a young man who had broken into a woman’s home high on meth and left with her laptop should be convicted of burglary.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the audience, Miriam Hernández sat among a dozen or so Mexican law professors, watching the prosecutor in rapt attention. This courtroom staple of the American justice system was something new for them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hernández worked as a prosecutor for 23 years in Puebla, south of Mexico City. But not once in all those years had she stood up in a courtroom and made closing arguments. That’s because, until very recently, Mexico didn’t have courtrooms, and it didn’t have oral trials conducted in public, as the United States does.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Everything used to be done in writing, 100 percent,” Hernández said. “But filing a legal brief is not the same as arguing a case in front of a judge.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As Mexico wrestles with crime and corruption, it is giving its justice system a total overhaul, designed to build accountability and strengthen the rule of law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under the old “inquisitorial” system, prosecutors had outsized power, and defense attorneys had no ability to challenge the evidence put forward by the prosecution. The presumption of innocence was meaningless, in part because people charged with crimes could languish in jail for years before a case was decided. And victims rarely saw justice, since barely one crime out of 100 was prosecuted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The sweeping package of legislative changes and constitutional amendments that aimed to transform the structure of Mexico’s judicial system was enacted in 2008, and it was supposed to be fully operational in the federal courts and all of Mexico’s 32 state court systems by 2016. But three years on, many states are still struggling to adopt the reforms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, Hernández said, even in Puebla, which has lagged other states, the change can already be felt. For example, both victims and the accused are now afforded more rights in the criminal justice system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was common knowledge that our old system had a lot of human rights violations,” she said. “A suspect’s confession was the highest form of proof. [In Spanish, they call it, \u003cem>‘la reina de las pruebas,\u003c/em>’ or ‘the queen of evidence.’] And confessions were sometimes obtained through torture.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today the law explicitly bans torture, and there are safeguards in place to reduce its likelihood: A confession can’t be used in court unless it was obtained in the presence of the suspect’s defense attorney. The reforms have moved Mexico to an “adversarial” legal system, more like that in the United States, in which trials are conducted in open court, before a judge who is a neutral arbiter (Mexico did not adopt a jury system). Lawyers can cross-examine the other side’s witnesses. And defendants have the right to counsel, even if they can’t afford to pay for it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These days, there’s much less room for abuses, Hernández says, now that hearings in Mexico are open to the public, and lawyers can challenge evidence presented by the other side.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition, police are no longer just patrol officers tasked with preventing crime. They have new responsibilities to gather evidence and maintain the integrity of crime scenes. But investigating crimes is a whole new skill set, and training for police is lacking in many parts of Mexico. In Puebla, part of Hernández’s work is to train officers for their new role.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And Hernández and the other professors have already begun teaching their law students in Puebla how to work in the re-made courts. But their visit to San Francisco’s Hall of Justice gave them a first-hand look at how a veteran prosecutor and public defender built their cases. They also spent a day at the UC Berkeley School of Law, where a pair of instructors coached them on how to teach students the soft skills needed for oral trials — to think on their feet, to communicate verbally, to be willing to try something new and fail and try again.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The visits were part of a two-week \u003ca href=\"https://justiceinmexico.org/oasis-program/\">training \u003c/a>course in California, organized by the Justice in Mexico project at the University of San Diego, and funded by the U.S. State Department. The United States has supported Mexico’s justice reforms part of the $3 billion \u003ca href=\"https://fas.org/sgp/crs/row/IF10578.pdf\">Mérida Initiative\u003c/a>, a 12-year-old binational partnership aimed at strengthening security and the rule of law in Mexico, and combating drug trafficking organizations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11767696\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11767696\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/RS38509_alt_880-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/RS38509_alt_880-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/RS38509_alt_880-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/RS38509_alt_880-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/RS38509_alt_880-1200x900.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/RS38509_alt_880-1920x1440.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/RS38509_alt_880-1832x1374.jpg 1832w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/RS38509_alt_880-1376x1032.jpg 1376w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/RS38509_alt_880-1044x783.jpg 1044w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/RS38509_alt_880-632x474.jpg 632w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/RS38509_alt_880-536x402.jpg 536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/RS38509_alt_880.jpg 2048w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Francisco Judge Gerardo Sandoval talks with a Mexican law professor about the American court system on July 23, 2019, as part of a legal training in California for Mexicans helping to overhaul their justice system. \u003ccite>(Tyche Hendricks/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>During a mid-morning break in the San Francisco burglary trial, the judge, Gerardo Sandoval, invited the visitors for a chat in his chambers. Hernández and the other professors filed through a door at the rear of the courtroom and crowded around the judge in his temporary office. They peppered him with questions about the American system and how it resembled their own — or differed from it: Is the defendant required to testify? What happens when a lawyer raises objections? Who pays expert witnesses?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A young defense attorney named Edgar Martínez said he was impressed to see the American lawyers get up and walk around the courtroom and use visual aids in their closing arguments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I wish we could use these techniques in Mexico,” Martínez said. “Mexican courtrooms are rigid. We’re supposed to stay at our desks and speak into microphones, so the proceedings can be recorded. I’ve asked judges to let me stand up, and I’ve asked if I can show slides, but they won’t permit it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sandoval counseled patience. He reminded Martínez that the U.S. legal system of a century ago (or even half that in some southern states) would be unrecognizable today. And it keeps evolving.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You’re just in the first stages of a new system,” he said. “In time, Mexico will find the right balance.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s not the first time Sandoval has met with Mexican lawyers in the California training program. Before he returned to the bench to resume the burglary case, he said this was his way of giving back to the country where his parents were born — to help Mexico build a justice system that can withstand the corrupting influence of cartels.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Sunshine is the best disinfectant,” Sandoval said. “So it can only help things there, with the terrible violence they have and the drug trafficking they have, to have greater transparency and bring greater confidence in the judicial system.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And, Sandoval added, it’s in the best interest of the United States if neighboring Mexico can become a more just and secure country. In the long run, it could even reduce the pressure for Mexicans to migrate north.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I can only say, not as a judge but as a child of immigrants, nobody leaves home because they want to. People leave because either there’s no work or they feel in danger,” he said. “So having a safer Mexico, having a more stable Mexico, is not only going to make people feel safer but also, I think, encourage economic development, and that will be good ultimately.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But right now, organized crime and drug violence are widespread in Mexico. Police — and many in the public — want the government to be tough on crime. Surprisingly, that means they’re wary, even hostile, to the new system. That’s because stricter standards for evidence — and the idea that defendants are innocent until proven guilty — mean that sometimes the bad guys are acquitted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Historically, though, even before the reforms, \u003ca href=\"http://www.cwagweb.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/08/Justice-Reform-in-Mexico_Woodrow-Wilson.pdf\">criminals routinely escaped justice\u003c/a>. Just one crime out of four was reported, and barely one out of 100 crimes were brought to trial, according to David Shirk, who directs the University of San Diego’s Justice in Mexico project that runs these trainings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you commit a crime in Mexico, even a very serious crime like murder, there’s a very high probability that you’re going to get away with it,” Shirk said. “That’s what the criminal justice reforms are really trying to address. They’re trying to raise the bar for police and prosecutors so that they develop the skills and protocols that are necessary to ensure that they are more effective … . They can’t get away with the kind of evidence tampering and forced confessions that were so prominent throughout the country.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shirk has heard complaints from Mexican politicians and business leaders that the judicial reforms are allowing criminals to walk free.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s not true,” he said. “Bad prosecutions and ineffective police are allowing criminals to walk free because they’re not following due process. The system now requires that everybody follows due process and you can’t blame the system for setting high expectations.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hernández, the former prosecutor, said the task of building a whole new legal system — and winning over public opinion — is so big it will take generations. But she’s committed to doing her part to get there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I always tell my university students that I won’t live to see it completed,” she said. “It’s my grandchildren — or maybe my great-grandchildren — who will live to see it.”\u003cbr>\n\u003cem>\u003cbr>\nThis story was reported with the support of a fellowship from the \u003ca href=\"https://www.iwmf.org/programs/adelante/\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">Adelante Reporting Initiative\u003c/a> of the International Women’s Media Foundation.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>The acting head of U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services just rewrote the Statue of Liberty’s poem.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While defending the Trump administration’s new “public charge” \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11766997/trump-administration-rule-would-penalize-immigrants-for-needing-benefits\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">immigration policy\u003c/a>, Ken Cuccinelli \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11767202/immigration-chief-give-me-your-tired-your-poor-who-can-stand-on-their-own-2-feet\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">updated\u003c/a> Emma Lazarus’ \u003ca href=\"https://www.nps.gov/stli/learn/historyculture/colossus.htm\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">famous “New Colossus” poem\u003c/a> during an interview on NPR’s Morning Edition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s worth remembering that this\u003ca href=\"https://www.motherjones.com/politics/2019/08/trump-revives-a-19th-century-scheme-to-block-poor-immigrants/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\"> isn’t the first time\u003c/a> the United States turned a xenophobic streak into a policy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/rachelnpr/status/1161251407569309697\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cp>In recent weeks, protests against Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) have been cropping up all over the Bay Area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Activists rallied \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11761560/on-prime-day-activists-in-san-francisco-demand-amazon-cut-ties-with-ice\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">outside Amazon’s office\u003c/a> and in front of Sen. Dianne Feinstein’s office, but the newest effort is concentrated: 30 days of consistent protest all in one place, the ICE headquarters at 630 Sansome St. in San Francisco. These protests also have another constant: They’ll be waving a long red banner emblazoned with “Close the Camps: Seeking Refuge is Not Illegal.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation='Penny Rosenwasser, protest organizer']‘Caging children, keeping them from having access to basic necessities, from their families, is unacceptable.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The organizers, called Month of Momentum, plan on sending a new set of advocates each day from many different sectors—such as lawyers, teachers and health care workers. They’ll gather almost every day from noon to 1 p.m. for the rest of August.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Thursday, the activists assembled for their first official action to protest the detention of migrant children at camps along the border. The building they gathered in front of is innocuous, blending in with the other high-rise offices in the area. You’d miss it, but for the chanting and banners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11765342\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11765342\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Signs-on-Side-of-the-Road-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"Protestors display signs showing photos of children who died in detention centers to motorists along Sansome Street during the Aug. 1 protests.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Signs-on-Side-of-the-Road-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Signs-on-Side-of-the-Road-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Signs-on-Side-of-the-Road-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Signs-on-Side-of-the-Road-1200x900.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Signs-on-Side-of-the-Road-1920x1440.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Signs-on-Side-of-the-Road-1832x1374.jpg 1832w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Signs-on-Side-of-the-Road-1376x1032.jpg 1376w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Signs-on-Side-of-the-Road-1044x783.jpg 1044w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Signs-on-Side-of-the-Road-632x474.jpg 632w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Signs-on-Side-of-the-Road-536x402.jpg 536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Signs-on-Side-of-the-Road.jpg 2048w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Protesters display signs showing photos of children who died in detention centers. \u003ccite>(Kate Wolffe/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Sixteen people were arrested the night before and cited for illegal camping in front of the building. But there was no trace of that the next day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the beginning of the protest, lead organizer Penny Rosenwasser summed up the group’s goals. “Caging children, keeping them from having access to basic necessities, from their families, is unacceptable,” she said. “We need to close the camps and pressure Pelosi, Kamala Harris, Dianne Feinstein to defund ICE.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation='Penny Rosenwasser, protest organizer']‘Folks said, “Oh, apartheid will never end, the Berlin Wall will never end.” But you have to believe it can happen and have that vision and organize people!’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Rosenwasser, the action is about addressing her helplessness: “I call it ‘activism as therapy.’ ”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She thinks this is why so many different groups have signed up to be part of the monthlong action. Those listed on the roster include people not normally represented at immigration protests: witches, librarians, a medical cannabis action committee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Folks said, ‘Oh, apartheid will never end, the Berlin Wall will never end,’ ” she said. “But you have to believe it can happen and have that vision and organize people!”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Friday, a different group, Bay Area Women in Black, took over leading the protests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11765336\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11765336\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Chizu-Omori-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"Japanese internment camp survivor Chizu Omori speaks on the parallels between the internment of Japanese Americans during World War Two and the detention of migrants today during the August 1, 2019 protests outside of the ICE building in San Francisco.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Chizu-Omori-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Chizu-Omori-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Chizu-Omori-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Chizu-Omori-1200x900.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Chizu-Omori-1920x1440.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Chizu-Omori-1832x1374.jpg 1832w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Chizu-Omori-1376x1032.jpg 1376w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Chizu-Omori-1044x783.jpg 1044w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Chizu-Omori-632x474.jpg 632w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Chizu-Omori-536x402.jpg 536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Chizu-Omori.jpg 2048w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Japanese internment camp survivor Chizu Omori speaks on the parallels between the internment of Japanese Americans during World War II and the detention of migrants today. \u003ccite>(Kate Wolffe/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Robb Godshaw, an adjunct professor at San Francisco State University, decided to come out and join them after hearing about it through friends. He’s now planning on coming every weekday in August.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The presence of racist and unsanitary concentration camps is deeply disturbing to me,” he said, noting some members of his family was persecuted during the Holocaust.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Godshaw brought three co-workers to join him as a way to channel frustrated energy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are so many atrocities brewing, so much outrage on a daily basis, that it kind of fosters this sense of helplessness where people feel extremely disempowered,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside tag='u-s-immigration-and-customs-enforcement' label='More coverage on ICE']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the Month of Momentum will carry on through August, protests against current immigration policies and practice have been cropping around the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Tuesday, a group called Abolish ICE also assembled outside the ICE building. They spent one night at the location and planned to spend a second, but the San Francisco Police Department broke up the group around 2 a.m.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the Abolish ICE organizers, officers were unnecessarily violent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The SFPD declined to comment, saying they don’t comment on police tactics for safety reasons. Officer Adam Lobsinger said one person was booked into county jail and is still there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That action followed a protest in July in front of Feinstein’s office on Post Street. There, protesters were criticizing Feinstein and other local lawmakers for voting for \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11758640/close-the-camps-protesters-in-s-f-call-for-end-to-detention-of-migrant-children-families\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">a $4.6 billion emergency border funding bill. \u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In response to recent protests, ICE has taken additional security measures to ensure employee safety and the security of all offices,” said Paul Prince, a spokesman for Homeland Security, in a statement. “ICE operations across the country have and will continue to proceed as normal despite these events.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>In recent weeks, protests against Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) have been cropping up all over the Bay Area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Activists rallied \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11761560/on-prime-day-activists-in-san-francisco-demand-amazon-cut-ties-with-ice\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">outside Amazon’s office\u003c/a> and in front of Sen. Dianne Feinstein’s office, but the newest effort is concentrated: 30 days of consistent protest all in one place, the ICE headquarters at 630 Sansome St. in San Francisco. These protests also have another constant: They’ll be waving a long red banner emblazoned with “Close the Camps: Seeking Refuge is Not Illegal.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The organizers, called Month of Momentum, plan on sending a new set of advocates each day from many different sectors—such as lawyers, teachers and health care workers. They’ll gather almost every day from noon to 1 p.m. for the rest of August.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Thursday, the activists assembled for their first official action to protest the detention of migrant children at camps along the border. The building they gathered in front of is innocuous, blending in with the other high-rise offices in the area. You’d miss it, but for the chanting and banners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11765342\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11765342\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Signs-on-Side-of-the-Road-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"Protestors display signs showing photos of children who died in detention centers to motorists along Sansome Street during the Aug. 1 protests.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Signs-on-Side-of-the-Road-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Signs-on-Side-of-the-Road-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Signs-on-Side-of-the-Road-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Signs-on-Side-of-the-Road-1200x900.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Signs-on-Side-of-the-Road-1920x1440.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Signs-on-Side-of-the-Road-1832x1374.jpg 1832w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Signs-on-Side-of-the-Road-1376x1032.jpg 1376w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Signs-on-Side-of-the-Road-1044x783.jpg 1044w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Signs-on-Side-of-the-Road-632x474.jpg 632w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Signs-on-Side-of-the-Road-536x402.jpg 536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Signs-on-Side-of-the-Road.jpg 2048w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Protesters display signs showing photos of children who died in detention centers. \u003ccite>(Kate Wolffe/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Sixteen people were arrested the night before and cited for illegal camping in front of the building. But there was no trace of that the next day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the beginning of the protest, lead organizer Penny Rosenwasser summed up the group’s goals. “Caging children, keeping them from having access to basic necessities, from their families, is unacceptable,” she said. “We need to close the camps and pressure Pelosi, Kamala Harris, Dianne Feinstein to defund ICE.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Rosenwasser, the action is about addressing her helplessness: “I call it ‘activism as therapy.’ ”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She thinks this is why so many different groups have signed up to be part of the monthlong action. Those listed on the roster include people not normally represented at immigration protests: witches, librarians, a medical cannabis action committee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Folks said, ‘Oh, apartheid will never end, the Berlin Wall will never end,’ ” she said. “But you have to believe it can happen and have that vision and organize people!”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Friday, a different group, Bay Area Women in Black, took over leading the protests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11765336\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11765336\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Chizu-Omori-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"Japanese internment camp survivor Chizu Omori speaks on the parallels between the internment of Japanese Americans during World War Two and the detention of migrants today during the August 1, 2019 protests outside of the ICE building in San Francisco.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Chizu-Omori-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Chizu-Omori-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Chizu-Omori-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Chizu-Omori-1200x900.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Chizu-Omori-1920x1440.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Chizu-Omori-1832x1374.jpg 1832w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Chizu-Omori-1376x1032.jpg 1376w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Chizu-Omori-1044x783.jpg 1044w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Chizu-Omori-632x474.jpg 632w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Chizu-Omori-536x402.jpg 536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Chizu-Omori.jpg 2048w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Japanese internment camp survivor Chizu Omori speaks on the parallels between the internment of Japanese Americans during World War II and the detention of migrants today. \u003ccite>(Kate Wolffe/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Robb Godshaw, an adjunct professor at San Francisco State University, decided to come out and join them after hearing about it through friends. He’s now planning on coming every weekday in August.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The presence of racist and unsanitary concentration camps is deeply disturbing to me,” he said, noting some members of his family was persecuted during the Holocaust.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Godshaw brought three co-workers to join him as a way to channel frustrated energy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are so many atrocities brewing, so much outrage on a daily basis, that it kind of fosters this sense of helplessness where people feel extremely disempowered,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the Month of Momentum will carry on through August, protests against current immigration policies and practice have been cropping around the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Tuesday, a group called Abolish ICE also assembled outside the ICE building. They spent one night at the location and planned to spend a second, but the San Francisco Police Department broke up the group around 2 a.m.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the Abolish ICE organizers, officers were unnecessarily violent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The SFPD declined to comment, saying they don’t comment on police tactics for safety reasons. Officer Adam Lobsinger said one person was booked into county jail and is still there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That action followed a protest in July in front of Feinstein’s office on Post Street. There, protesters were criticizing Feinstein and other local lawmakers for voting for \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11758640/close-the-camps-protesters-in-s-f-call-for-end-to-detention-of-migrant-children-families\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">a $4.6 billion emergency border funding bill. \u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In response to recent protests, ICE has taken additional security measures to ensure employee safety and the security of all offices,” said Paul Prince, a spokesman for Homeland Security, in a statement. “ICE operations across the country have and will continue to proceed as normal despite these events.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "timeline-the-frustrating-political-history-of-homelessness-in-san-francisco",
"title": "TIMELINE: The Frustrating Political History of Homelessness in San Francisco",
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"headTitle": "TIMELINE: The Frustrating Political History of Homelessness in San Francisco | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>It has vexed San Francisco’s leaders for more than three decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The last seven mayors — from Dianne Feinstein to London Breed — have all tried to tackle the city’s persistent homelessness, introducing scores of different plans and task forces, each of which has ultimately failed to markedly reduce the sheer number of people living on the streets. Consistently ranked among the most pressing concerns for San Francisco’s residents, homelessness has proved to be a political lightning rod in a city known for its progressive views, innovative spirit and enormous income gaps.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There have, of course, been some successes along the way, though progress has often been hard to notice. Over the last 15 years, the city estimates that it has housed more than \u003ca href=\"https://projects.sfchronicle.com/sf-homeless/2018-state-of-homelessness/#\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">26,000 homeless people\u003c/a>. But that’s come at tremendous cost: The city spent more than $300 million on homeless prevention services in 2018, and yet the day-to-day population didn’t dip. It actually grew, to more than 8,000, \u003ca href=\"http://hsh.sfgov.org/research-reports/san-francisco-homeless-point-in-time-count-reports/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">according to city’s latest point-in-time count\u003c/a> (and that didn’t include the nearly 1,800 additional homeless people who were counted in jails, hospitals and rehabilitation facilities).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The following timeline describes the various ways each of the city’s last seven mayors has tried to tackle this intractable issue. View it interactively or in text format below.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Photos used with permission from the \u003ca href=\"http://projects.sfchronicle.com/sf-homeless/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">San Francisco Chronicle\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv style=\"width: 100%;\">\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://cdn.knightlab.com/libs/timeline3/latest/embed/index.html?source=1LbAvhax2McC2llFgIX7zWBHbX2rVDBhPITnNCUhuSBQ&font=Default&lang=en&initial_zoom=2&height=750\" width=\"1300\" height=\"750\" frameborder=\"0\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>1975-1982: A Perfect Storm\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco’s long-term homeless population remained relatively small through the 1970s. “We didn’t even call them homeless people,” recalls journalist Steve Talbot, a longtime city resident. In the early 1980s, though, homelessness became a full-blown crisis throughout the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The crisis was a decade in the making — the result of a combination of massive state and federal cuts to mental health services and public housing, a wave of Vietnam veterans in need of help, skyrocketing home prices and a spike in unemployment caused by the national recession. San Francisco was hit particularly hard, especially in the Tenderloin and other downtown neighborhoods.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>1982-1988: Feinstein’s Muni Bus Shelters\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11765203\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/fidi-2.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11765203\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/fidi-2-800x561.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"561\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/fidi-2-800x561.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/fidi-2-160x112.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/fidi-2-1020x715.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/fidi-2.jpg 1024w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Mayor Dianne Feinstein and members of her administration walk through a shantytown slated to be dismantled, near Seventh and Berry streets, on Jan. 28, 1986. \u003ccite>(Steve Ringman/SF Chronicle)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Mayor Dianne Feinstein approached the homeless issue as a passing phenomenon. Rather than creating permanent housing and long-term services, her administration relied primarily on church-based emergency shelters, soup kitchens and city-funded overnight stays in cheap, private hotels.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The strategy proved costly and ultimately unsuccessful. Many of the shelters were poorly managed and underfunded, and fell quickly into disrepair. In one notorious instance, the city converted a set of old Muni buses into temporary shelters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But after the city failed to provide adequate supervision, the facilities were vandalized and Feinstein ordered them evacuated and towed away. Contrary to the predictions of officials, the city’s homeless population continued to grow.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>1988-1992: ‘Camp Agnos’\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11765137\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/agnos2.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11765137\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/agnos2-800x586.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"586\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/agnos2-800x586.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/agnos2-160x117.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/agnos2.jpg 1000w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Mayor Art Agnos fields questions during a news conference in 1989 announcing the city’s master plan on homelessness. \u003ccite>(Sam Forencich/SF Chronicle)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>During his first year in office, Mayor Art Agnos, a social worker, unveiled his “beyond shelter” strategy, a sweeping initiative to provide services to the city’s homeless that he claimed would be a model for the nation. The plan called for building two centers — the first city-owned shelters — where homeless clients could be assessed and receive health and counseling services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Agnos’s reputation, though, took a hit that summer when hundreds of homeless people set up camp in Civic Center Plaza. The press dubbed it “Camp Agnos.” For months, he allowed the camp and its residents to remain, but under mounting pressure, eventually ordered police to dismantle it. His string of shelters opened hastily in 1990 to accommodate victims of the October 1989 Loma Prieta earthquake, but lacking adequate resources, they soon became overcrowded and understaffed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The following year, Agnos was unseated by Frank Jordan, his former police chief, who pledged to dramatically change tack and deal with homelessness through a law-and-order approach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>1992-1996: Jordan’s ‘Matrix’\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11765136\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/jordan1.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11765136\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/jordan1-800x623.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"623\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/jordan1-800x623.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/jordan1-160x125.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/jordan1.jpg 1000w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Frank Jordan, who was San Francisco’s police chief before becoming mayor, tells a homeless man where he can find shelter for the night. \u003ccite>(Brant Ward/SF Chronicle)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Soon after taking office, Mayor Frank Jordan instituted his Matrix program, an enforcement-based strategy using police to forcibly clear homeless people from the streets and steer them into health and housing services. During the first six months of the program, police issued 6,000 citations for quality-of-life misdemeanors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Critics said the approach criminalized the poor and merely managed homelessness rather than doing anything to prevent it. But many residents and businesses, weary of deteriorating street conditions, supported the plan. In 1994, voters approved Jordan’s measures to ban loitering near ATMs and to replace part of city welfare checks with housing vouchers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Without enough services in place to handle the uptick in numbers, though, little progress was made in preventing the homeless from returning to the streets. Similar to the fate of his predecessor, Jordan’s poorly performing homeless policies — used as ammunition by his challenger, Willie Brown — contributed to his failed re-election bid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>1996-2004: Brown’s Grand Vision\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11765135\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/brown3.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11765135\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/brown3-800x530.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"530\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/brown3-800x530.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/brown3-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/brown3.jpg 1000w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Mayor Willie Brown wields a broom as part of his litter-removal program, while neighborhood youth look on. Brown says his “only option was to manage” homelessness. \u003ccite>(Lea Suzuki/SF Chronicle)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Mayor Willie Brown pledged to bring in outside government funding to expand social services and develop a regional plan with other Bay Area cities. But during the subsequent period of economic expansion and gentrification, fueled by the late 1990s dot-com boom, those plans fell short.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown did lead a successful increase in the city’s affordable housing stock, creating thousands of new units and beds by leasing and renovating cheap residential hotels and heavily subsidizing the rent. But he also took a number of controversial pro-development actions, such as increasing quality-of-life citations and closing the Mission Rock homeless shelter to build a parking lot adjacent to Oracle Park (then called SBC Park).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During his second term, Brown took little leadership on the issue, famously declaring homelessness a problem “that may not be solvable.” In 2002, the San Francisco’s homeless population spiked at more than 8,600, as the city became gripped by a housing shortage and skyrocketing costs amid the economic boom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>2004-2010: Newsom’s Supportive Housing\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11765134\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/newsom1.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11765134\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/newsom1-800x520.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"520\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/newsom1-800x520.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/newsom1-160x104.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/newsom1.jpg 1000w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Mayor Gavin Newsom at the McAllister Hotel on April 30, 2004, where rooms were being made available to the homeless. \u003ccite>(Brant Ward/SF Chronicle)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>As a city supervisor, Gavin Newsom championed the controversial “Care Not Cash” measure, slashing cash payments to the homeless and redirecting funds toward housing. In his first year as mayor, he introduced an ambitious 10-year plan to end chronic homelessness by creating 3,000 housing units with supportive services and replacing emergency shelter beds with 24-hour clinics. Although the plan fell short of its goal, it did move thousands of homeless people off the streets over the next decade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the program’s first year, homelessness in the city dropped by nearly 30% from its 2002 high. But then the numbers froze — at over 6,000 people — through the remainder of his tenure. As mayor, Newsom also sponsored a measure approved by voters in 2010 that restricted sitting or lying on sidewalks. Homelessness, he later claimed, is the “manifestation of complete, abject failure as a society. We’ll never solve this at City Hall.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>2011-2017: Lee’s Department of Homelessness\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11765133\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/lee.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11765133 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/lee-800x573.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"573\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/lee-800x573.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/lee-160x115.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/lee.jpg 920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Mayor Ed Lee stops to talk with residents of the Raman Hotel on Howard Street, a supportive housing facility. \u003ccite>(Brant Ward/SF Chronicle)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Mayor Ed Lee, who was appointed after Newsom became lieutenant governor, initially devoted significantly less attention than his predecessor to homelessness. In an effort to woo major tech companies, Lee cleared areas in the Mid-Market district and nearby neighborhoods, and ordered large homeless camps dismantled. Criticized for avoiding the issue, Lee opened the city’s first navigation center in 2015, a 24-hour multiservice homeless shelter providing housing assistance and drug abuse rehabilitation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A month into his second full term, Lee announced a new citywide homeless department, an effort to group all services under one roof and spend at least $1 billion over the following four years to help thousands of people find supportive housing. The department launched in July 2016. A year later, it reported a double-digit decrease in family and youth homelessness, but a slight rise in the number of single homeless adults.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lee then launched a “coordinated entry” initiative to consolidate the dozens of city-funded homeless service groups under one system and have a shared database. Meanwhile, public complaints about encampments, human waste and needles increased sharply, from about 6,300 in 2011 to more than 44,000 in 2016, according to the \u003ca href=\"http://www.sfchronicle.com/bayarea/article/Despite-money-and-work-homelessness-in-SF-as-bad-11242946.php\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">San Francisco Chronicle\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>2018-Today: Breed’s ‘Housing First’ Push\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11765218\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/breed.jpeg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11765218 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/breed-e1564774445173-800x551.jpeg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"551\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/breed-e1564774445173-800x551.jpeg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/breed-e1564774445173-160x110.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/breed-e1564774445173-1020x703.jpeg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/breed-e1564774445173-1200x827.jpeg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/breed-e1564774445173-1920x1323.jpeg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/breed-e1564774445173.jpeg 1960w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Mayor London Breed, flanked by city officials, at the official groundbreaking on July 9, 2019, of a new Broadway development, which is expected to provide 178 new units of affordable housing for families, seniors and formerly homeless seniors. \u003ccite>(\u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/LondonBreed/status/1148710274699948032\">Courtesy of Mayor Breed's office (via Twitter)\u003c/a>)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Mayor London Breed entered office pledging to further the reach of programs established by her predecessor. Early on, she committed to adding at least 1,000 new shelter beds by 2020 and upheld Lee’s promise of building 5,000 units of housing annually, significantly expanding the city’s affordable housing stock and protecting existing affordable units.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed has also proposed expanding the number of navigation centers throughout the city — including a recent proposal to open a \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/politics/article/SF-proposes-first-safe-parking-lot-for-homeless-14096895.php\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">safe parking site\u003c/a> for people living in their vehicles — and strongly \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/bayarea/heatherknight/article/Breed-says-fight-for-safe-injection-sites-in-SF-13273455.php\">supports safe injection sites \u003c/a>for drug users.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since October 2018, her administration has added nearly 300 shelter beds, with proposals for about 500 more, and helped move \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/politics/article/Mayor-angered-it-takes-so-damn-long-to-14097717.php\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">some 1,500 people off the streets\u003c/a> since she took office, with drops in veteran and youth homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nevertheless, a one-night homeless count in January identified nearly 9,800 homeless people in San Francisco (including those in jails, hospitals and rehabilitation facilities) — \u003ca href=\"http://hsh.sfgov.org/wp-content/uploads/FINAL-PIT-Report-2019-San-Francisco.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">more than half of them unsheltered \u003c/a>— a 30% increase since 2017.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Additionally, some of Breed’s efforts to build new shelters have hit major roadblocks. Most notably, her plan to build a 200-bed navigation center on the Embarcadero this summer is \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11760996/opponents-of-navigation-center-say-city-taking-big-risk-in-starting-to-prep-site\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">now tied up in litigation \u003c/a>after a neighborhood group sued to halt construction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And despite Breed’s ongoing efforts to expedite the construction of affordable housing, the city \u003ca href=\"http://commissions.sfplanning.org/cpcpackets/1996.0013CWP_2018.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">netted just over 2,500 new units\u003c/a> in 2018, a 42% decrease since 2017, marking the lowest gain in five years. Breed is now pushing the \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/bayarea/article/Largest-affordable-housing-bond-in-SF-s-history-14083614.php?psid=6rEnl\">biggest affordable housing bond in San Francisco’s history,\u003c/a> which would yield $600 million and up to 2,800 units if approved by voters in November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed also angered key homeless advocates when she opposed Proposition C, which she said lacked proper accountability provisions. The measure, which voters decisively approved in November 2018, creates a new tax on large corporations, and is expected to bring in as much as $300 million annually for homeless services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "San Francisco's last seven mayors have each pledged, in their own ways, to solve the city's intractable homeless crisis. But to date, each administration has fallen short of its goals.",
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"title": "TIMELINE: The Frustrating Political History of Homelessness in San Francisco | KQED",
"description": "San Francisco's last seven mayors have each pledged, in their own ways, to solve the city's intractable homeless crisis. But to date, each administration has fallen short of its goals.",
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"headline": "TIMELINE: The Frustrating Political History of Homelessness in San Francisco",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>It has vexed San Francisco’s leaders for more than three decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The last seven mayors — from Dianne Feinstein to London Breed — have all tried to tackle the city’s persistent homelessness, introducing scores of different plans and task forces, each of which has ultimately failed to markedly reduce the sheer number of people living on the streets. Consistently ranked among the most pressing concerns for San Francisco’s residents, homelessness has proved to be a political lightning rod in a city known for its progressive views, innovative spirit and enormous income gaps.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There have, of course, been some successes along the way, though progress has often been hard to notice. Over the last 15 years, the city estimates that it has housed more than \u003ca href=\"https://projects.sfchronicle.com/sf-homeless/2018-state-of-homelessness/#\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">26,000 homeless people\u003c/a>. But that’s come at tremendous cost: The city spent more than $300 million on homeless prevention services in 2018, and yet the day-to-day population didn’t dip. It actually grew, to more than 8,000, \u003ca href=\"http://hsh.sfgov.org/research-reports/san-francisco-homeless-point-in-time-count-reports/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">according to city’s latest point-in-time count\u003c/a> (and that didn’t include the nearly 1,800 additional homeless people who were counted in jails, hospitals and rehabilitation facilities).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The following timeline describes the various ways each of the city’s last seven mayors has tried to tackle this intractable issue. View it interactively or in text format below.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Photos used with permission from the \u003ca href=\"http://projects.sfchronicle.com/sf-homeless/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">San Francisco Chronicle\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv style=\"width: 100%;\">\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://cdn.knightlab.com/libs/timeline3/latest/embed/index.html?source=1LbAvhax2McC2llFgIX7zWBHbX2rVDBhPITnNCUhuSBQ&font=Default&lang=en&initial_zoom=2&height=750\" width=\"1300\" height=\"750\" frameborder=\"0\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>1975-1982: A Perfect Storm\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco’s long-term homeless population remained relatively small through the 1970s. “We didn’t even call them homeless people,” recalls journalist Steve Talbot, a longtime city resident. In the early 1980s, though, homelessness became a full-blown crisis throughout the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The crisis was a decade in the making — the result of a combination of massive state and federal cuts to mental health services and public housing, a wave of Vietnam veterans in need of help, skyrocketing home prices and a spike in unemployment caused by the national recession. San Francisco was hit particularly hard, especially in the Tenderloin and other downtown neighborhoods.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>1982-1988: Feinstein’s Muni Bus Shelters\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11765203\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/fidi-2.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11765203\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/fidi-2-800x561.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"561\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/fidi-2-800x561.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/fidi-2-160x112.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/fidi-2-1020x715.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/fidi-2.jpg 1024w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Mayor Dianne Feinstein and members of her administration walk through a shantytown slated to be dismantled, near Seventh and Berry streets, on Jan. 28, 1986. \u003ccite>(Steve Ringman/SF Chronicle)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Mayor Dianne Feinstein approached the homeless issue as a passing phenomenon. Rather than creating permanent housing and long-term services, her administration relied primarily on church-based emergency shelters, soup kitchens and city-funded overnight stays in cheap, private hotels.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The strategy proved costly and ultimately unsuccessful. Many of the shelters were poorly managed and underfunded, and fell quickly into disrepair. In one notorious instance, the city converted a set of old Muni buses into temporary shelters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But after the city failed to provide adequate supervision, the facilities were vandalized and Feinstein ordered them evacuated and towed away. Contrary to the predictions of officials, the city’s homeless population continued to grow.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>1988-1992: ‘Camp Agnos’\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11765137\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/agnos2.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11765137\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/agnos2-800x586.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"586\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/agnos2-800x586.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/agnos2-160x117.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/agnos2.jpg 1000w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Mayor Art Agnos fields questions during a news conference in 1989 announcing the city’s master plan on homelessness. \u003ccite>(Sam Forencich/SF Chronicle)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>During his first year in office, Mayor Art Agnos, a social worker, unveiled his “beyond shelter” strategy, a sweeping initiative to provide services to the city’s homeless that he claimed would be a model for the nation. The plan called for building two centers — the first city-owned shelters — where homeless clients could be assessed and receive health and counseling services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Agnos’s reputation, though, took a hit that summer when hundreds of homeless people set up camp in Civic Center Plaza. The press dubbed it “Camp Agnos.” For months, he allowed the camp and its residents to remain, but under mounting pressure, eventually ordered police to dismantle it. His string of shelters opened hastily in 1990 to accommodate victims of the October 1989 Loma Prieta earthquake, but lacking adequate resources, they soon became overcrowded and understaffed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The following year, Agnos was unseated by Frank Jordan, his former police chief, who pledged to dramatically change tack and deal with homelessness through a law-and-order approach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>1992-1996: Jordan’s ‘Matrix’\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11765136\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/jordan1.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11765136\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/jordan1-800x623.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"623\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/jordan1-800x623.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/jordan1-160x125.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/jordan1.jpg 1000w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Frank Jordan, who was San Francisco’s police chief before becoming mayor, tells a homeless man where he can find shelter for the night. \u003ccite>(Brant Ward/SF Chronicle)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Soon after taking office, Mayor Frank Jordan instituted his Matrix program, an enforcement-based strategy using police to forcibly clear homeless people from the streets and steer them into health and housing services. During the first six months of the program, police issued 6,000 citations for quality-of-life misdemeanors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Critics said the approach criminalized the poor and merely managed homelessness rather than doing anything to prevent it. But many residents and businesses, weary of deteriorating street conditions, supported the plan. In 1994, voters approved Jordan’s measures to ban loitering near ATMs and to replace part of city welfare checks with housing vouchers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Without enough services in place to handle the uptick in numbers, though, little progress was made in preventing the homeless from returning to the streets. Similar to the fate of his predecessor, Jordan’s poorly performing homeless policies — used as ammunition by his challenger, Willie Brown — contributed to his failed re-election bid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>1996-2004: Brown’s Grand Vision\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11765135\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/brown3.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11765135\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/brown3-800x530.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"530\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/brown3-800x530.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/brown3-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/brown3.jpg 1000w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Mayor Willie Brown wields a broom as part of his litter-removal program, while neighborhood youth look on. Brown says his “only option was to manage” homelessness. \u003ccite>(Lea Suzuki/SF Chronicle)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Mayor Willie Brown pledged to bring in outside government funding to expand social services and develop a regional plan with other Bay Area cities. But during the subsequent period of economic expansion and gentrification, fueled by the late 1990s dot-com boom, those plans fell short.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown did lead a successful increase in the city’s affordable housing stock, creating thousands of new units and beds by leasing and renovating cheap residential hotels and heavily subsidizing the rent. But he also took a number of controversial pro-development actions, such as increasing quality-of-life citations and closing the Mission Rock homeless shelter to build a parking lot adjacent to Oracle Park (then called SBC Park).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During his second term, Brown took little leadership on the issue, famously declaring homelessness a problem “that may not be solvable.” In 2002, the San Francisco’s homeless population spiked at more than 8,600, as the city became gripped by a housing shortage and skyrocketing costs amid the economic boom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>2004-2010: Newsom’s Supportive Housing\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11765134\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/newsom1.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11765134\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/newsom1-800x520.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"520\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/newsom1-800x520.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/newsom1-160x104.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/newsom1.jpg 1000w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Mayor Gavin Newsom at the McAllister Hotel on April 30, 2004, where rooms were being made available to the homeless. \u003ccite>(Brant Ward/SF Chronicle)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>As a city supervisor, Gavin Newsom championed the controversial “Care Not Cash” measure, slashing cash payments to the homeless and redirecting funds toward housing. In his first year as mayor, he introduced an ambitious 10-year plan to end chronic homelessness by creating 3,000 housing units with supportive services and replacing emergency shelter beds with 24-hour clinics. Although the plan fell short of its goal, it did move thousands of homeless people off the streets over the next decade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the program’s first year, homelessness in the city dropped by nearly 30% from its 2002 high. But then the numbers froze — at over 6,000 people — through the remainder of his tenure. As mayor, Newsom also sponsored a measure approved by voters in 2010 that restricted sitting or lying on sidewalks. Homelessness, he later claimed, is the “manifestation of complete, abject failure as a society. We’ll never solve this at City Hall.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>2011-2017: Lee’s Department of Homelessness\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11765133\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/lee.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11765133 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/lee-800x573.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"573\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/lee-800x573.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/lee-160x115.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/lee.jpg 920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Mayor Ed Lee stops to talk with residents of the Raman Hotel on Howard Street, a supportive housing facility. \u003ccite>(Brant Ward/SF Chronicle)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Mayor Ed Lee, who was appointed after Newsom became lieutenant governor, initially devoted significantly less attention than his predecessor to homelessness. In an effort to woo major tech companies, Lee cleared areas in the Mid-Market district and nearby neighborhoods, and ordered large homeless camps dismantled. Criticized for avoiding the issue, Lee opened the city’s first navigation center in 2015, a 24-hour multiservice homeless shelter providing housing assistance and drug abuse rehabilitation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A month into his second full term, Lee announced a new citywide homeless department, an effort to group all services under one roof and spend at least $1 billion over the following four years to help thousands of people find supportive housing. The department launched in July 2016. A year later, it reported a double-digit decrease in family and youth homelessness, but a slight rise in the number of single homeless adults.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lee then launched a “coordinated entry” initiative to consolidate the dozens of city-funded homeless service groups under one system and have a shared database. Meanwhile, public complaints about encampments, human waste and needles increased sharply, from about 6,300 in 2011 to more than 44,000 in 2016, according to the \u003ca href=\"http://www.sfchronicle.com/bayarea/article/Despite-money-and-work-homelessness-in-SF-as-bad-11242946.php\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">San Francisco Chronicle\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>2018-Today: Breed’s ‘Housing First’ Push\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11765218\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/breed.jpeg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11765218 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/breed-e1564774445173-800x551.jpeg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"551\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/breed-e1564774445173-800x551.jpeg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/breed-e1564774445173-160x110.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/breed-e1564774445173-1020x703.jpeg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/breed-e1564774445173-1200x827.jpeg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/breed-e1564774445173-1920x1323.jpeg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/breed-e1564774445173.jpeg 1960w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Mayor London Breed, flanked by city officials, at the official groundbreaking on July 9, 2019, of a new Broadway development, which is expected to provide 178 new units of affordable housing for families, seniors and formerly homeless seniors. \u003ccite>(\u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/LondonBreed/status/1148710274699948032\">Courtesy of Mayor Breed's office (via Twitter)\u003c/a>)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Mayor London Breed entered office pledging to further the reach of programs established by her predecessor. Early on, she committed to adding at least 1,000 new shelter beds by 2020 and upheld Lee’s promise of building 5,000 units of housing annually, significantly expanding the city’s affordable housing stock and protecting existing affordable units.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed has also proposed expanding the number of navigation centers throughout the city — including a recent proposal to open a \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/politics/article/SF-proposes-first-safe-parking-lot-for-homeless-14096895.php\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">safe parking site\u003c/a> for people living in their vehicles — and strongly \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/bayarea/heatherknight/article/Breed-says-fight-for-safe-injection-sites-in-SF-13273455.php\">supports safe injection sites \u003c/a>for drug users.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since October 2018, her administration has added nearly 300 shelter beds, with proposals for about 500 more, and helped move \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/politics/article/Mayor-angered-it-takes-so-damn-long-to-14097717.php\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">some 1,500 people off the streets\u003c/a> since she took office, with drops in veteran and youth homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nevertheless, a one-night homeless count in January identified nearly 9,800 homeless people in San Francisco (including those in jails, hospitals and rehabilitation facilities) — \u003ca href=\"http://hsh.sfgov.org/wp-content/uploads/FINAL-PIT-Report-2019-San-Francisco.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">more than half of them unsheltered \u003c/a>— a 30% increase since 2017.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Additionally, some of Breed’s efforts to build new shelters have hit major roadblocks. Most notably, her plan to build a 200-bed navigation center on the Embarcadero this summer is \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11760996/opponents-of-navigation-center-say-city-taking-big-risk-in-starting-to-prep-site\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">now tied up in litigation \u003c/a>after a neighborhood group sued to halt construction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And despite Breed’s ongoing efforts to expedite the construction of affordable housing, the city \u003ca href=\"http://commissions.sfplanning.org/cpcpackets/1996.0013CWP_2018.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">netted just over 2,500 new units\u003c/a> in 2018, a 42% decrease since 2017, marking the lowest gain in five years. Breed is now pushing the \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/bayarea/article/Largest-affordable-housing-bond-in-SF-s-history-14083614.php?psid=6rEnl\">biggest affordable housing bond in San Francisco’s history,\u003c/a> which would yield $600 million and up to 2,800 units if approved by voters in November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed also angered key homeless advocates when she opposed Proposition C, which she said lacked proper accountability provisions. The measure, which voters decisively approved in November 2018, creates a new tax on large corporations, and is expected to bring in as much as $300 million annually for homeless services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "san-jose-state-could-turn-this-building-into-housing-but-who-should-get-to-live-there",
"title": "San Jose State Could Turn This Building Into Housing – But Who Should Get to Live There?",
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"headTitle": "San Jose State Could Turn This Building Into Housing – But Who Should Get to Live There? | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>In the midst of the Bay Area’s housing crisis, San Jose State University may get a gift it could never afford today: an office building near campus, ripe for razing and replacing with apartments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the heart of downtown San Jose, a block from SJSU’s campus, sits the state-owned Alfred E. Alquist Building. From a design standpoint, it’s fair to say few people give it a second look.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation='Charlie Faas, SJSU senior vice president of administration and finance']‘If we don’t solve the faculty staff housing issue, it’s going to be really hard to have classes and educate students.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This building is ugly,” said Charlie Faas, SJSU’s senior vice president of administration and finance. “This building is a three-story concrete pillar-type building that has a lot of open spaces inside, a lot of less-than-good utilization of the space, and it’s short.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state agrees. In fact, California’s real estate division recommended that current tenants — like the Department of Public Health — move elsewhere so that the Alquist Building can be transferred to another state agency free of charge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Jose State wants to be that agency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Housing Help for Faculty Feeling the Squeeze\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Faas has big plans: parking, retail and several new residential towers, with up to 1,000 below-market-rate apartments for faculty and graduate students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation=\"William Armaline, professor of sociology at SJSU\"]‘You work very hard on a professional degree … I’m a tenured professor. You expect at least to not live a fully precarious existence in terms of, you know, housing and food.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If we don’t solve the faculty staff housing issue, it’s going to be really hard to have classes and educate students, and at the end of the day that’s what we’re about,” Faas said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city has been named the hottest housing market in the country by Zillow two years in a row. The median rent is \u003ca href=\"https://www.zillow.com/san-jose-ca/home-values/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">$3,500\u003c/a>. It can be difficult even for tenured professors to compete in that housing market.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You work very hard on a professional degree or a doctorate and you work very hard to establish your career,” said SJSU sociology professor William Armaline. “I’m a tenured professor. You expect at least to not live a fully precarious existence in terms of, you know, housing and food.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Armaline and his wife, who works as a social worker, can’t afford to buy a house in San Jose. They rent a condo about 2 miles from campus. They got a good deal on the rent, and the landlord hasn’t asked for market rate in seven years. But it’s a tight squeeze for the couple, their foster daughter and their foster grandkid. And it’s in need of some serious updates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you’re in the kind of situation that we’re in, and I think many others are in, you basically start fixing everything yourself and seeing which you can live with,” Armaline said. “Because, you know, you’re really only living at the generosity of that landlord, who quite frankly has a great deal more interest in getting rid of you.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>But What About Homeless Students?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>But faculty and staff should not be the school’s only priority, according to Mayra Bernabe of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/shasjsu/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Student Homeless Alliance\u003c/a>. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Student Homelessness\" tag=\"student-homelessness\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www2.calstate.edu/impact-of-the-csu/student-success/basic-needs-initiative/Documents/BasicNeedsStudy_phaseII_withAccessibilityComments.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">A 2018 survey\u003c/a> found that roughly 13 percent of San Jose State students experienced homelessness in the past year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our students cannot go through their four years plus without the basic needs. And that’s, you know, food and housing,” Bernabe said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some homeless students spend the night in San Jose State’s 24-hour library. Juan Marrufo, who just graduated from San Jose State, used to sleep there sometimes between shifts at his part-time job and classes. He says you don’t get good sleep there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I would have my backpack around my arms because I was afraid that somebody might steal my backpack or my information,” Marrufo said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Alliance is asking that 20 percent of Faas’ planned units be affordable for very low-income and extremely low-income students. But even if he agrees, it would be several years before anyone gets a door key.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assemblyman Ash Kalra helped put a $250,000 allocation to San Jose State into the California general budget to help the university create a development plan. It would need to be approved by the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think it’s a win for the state, a win for San Jose State University and certainly a win for the city of San Jose, ultimately benefiting students in need,” Kalra said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What Happens Next?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>San Jose State will deliver its plans for the project to the state. California’s Department of General Services will evaluate SJSU’s plans, and make a decision on the Alquist building’s fate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[The] decision would be guided by what is in the state’s best interest,” said Jennifer Lida, a Dept. of General Services spokesperson in an email to KQED. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But it’s a balance of any number of factors, including: our authority; state needs, such as housing; our fiduciary responsibility; the tenant department’s needs; the constituents of the tenant departments and other state agency needs.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>In the midst of the Bay Area’s housing crisis, San Jose State University may get a gift it could never afford today: an office building near campus, ripe for razing and replacing with apartments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the heart of downtown San Jose, a block from SJSU’s campus, sits the state-owned Alfred E. Alquist Building. From a design standpoint, it’s fair to say few people give it a second look.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This building is ugly,” said Charlie Faas, SJSU’s senior vice president of administration and finance. “This building is a three-story concrete pillar-type building that has a lot of open spaces inside, a lot of less-than-good utilization of the space, and it’s short.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state agrees. In fact, California’s real estate division recommended that current tenants — like the Department of Public Health — move elsewhere so that the Alquist Building can be transferred to another state agency free of charge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Jose State wants to be that agency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘You work very hard on a professional degree … I’m a tenured professor. You expect at least to not live a fully precarious existence in terms of, you know, housing and food.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If we don’t solve the faculty staff housing issue, it’s going to be really hard to have classes and educate students, and at the end of the day that’s what we’re about,” Faas said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city has been named the hottest housing market in the country by Zillow two years in a row. The median rent is \u003ca href=\"https://www.zillow.com/san-jose-ca/home-values/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">$3,500\u003c/a>. It can be difficult even for tenured professors to compete in that housing market.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You work very hard on a professional degree or a doctorate and you work very hard to establish your career,” said SJSU sociology professor William Armaline. “I’m a tenured professor. You expect at least to not live a fully precarious existence in terms of, you know, housing and food.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Armaline and his wife, who works as a social worker, can’t afford to buy a house in San Jose. They rent a condo about 2 miles from campus. They got a good deal on the rent, and the landlord hasn’t asked for market rate in seven years. But it’s a tight squeeze for the couple, their foster daughter and their foster grandkid. And it’s in need of some serious updates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you’re in the kind of situation that we’re in, and I think many others are in, you basically start fixing everything yourself and seeing which you can live with,” Armaline said. “Because, you know, you’re really only living at the generosity of that landlord, who quite frankly has a great deal more interest in getting rid of you.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>But What About Homeless Students?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>But faculty and staff should not be the school’s only priority, according to Mayra Bernabe of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/shasjsu/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Student Homeless Alliance\u003c/a>. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>U.S. Sen. Kamala Harris walked onstage Wednesday night for her second presidential debate with a lot of pressure and high expectations hanging over her head — and she mostly delivered.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size='small' align='right' citation='Former Vice President Joe Biden']‘This is not a Republican talking point; Republicans are trying to kill Obamacare.’[/pullquote]Harris, who is viewed as one of a few frontrunners in the crowded Democratic field, found herself at the center of the stage alongside former Vice President Joe Biden — and at the center of many attacks from her fellow Democrats on issues ranging from health care to her record as a prosecutor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Biden, especially, came out swinging at Harris, a turnaround from his lackluster response to her attacks in the first debate in June.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The senator has had several plans,” Biden said, referring to Harris’ flip-flopping on whether she supports eliminating private insurance coverage. “You can’t beat Donald Trump with double-talk on this.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Harris — whose \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11757814/kamala-harris-swings-at-joe-biden-while-eric-swalwell-strives-to-stand-out-in-democratic-debate\">standout performance\u003c/a> during the first debate boosted her poll numbers and breathed life into her campaign — appeared a bit nervous as the night began, but seemed to pick up steam as the debate wore on.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After greeting Biden casually — “Hey, Joe,” she said, with him responding, “Go easy on me, kid” — Harris quickly pivoted to attacking the vice president.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11764808\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11764808\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/07312019_democratic-primary-debate_detroit_election-2020-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Democratic presidential hopefuls wave from the stage ahead of the second Democratic primary debate of the 2020 presidential campaign season hosted by CNN at the Fox Theatre in Detroit, Michigan, on July 31, 2019.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/07312019_democratic-primary-debate_detroit_election-2020-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/07312019_democratic-primary-debate_detroit_election-2020-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/07312019_democratic-primary-debate_detroit_election-2020-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/07312019_democratic-primary-debate_detroit_election-2020-qut-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/07312019_democratic-primary-debate_detroit_election-2020-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Democratic presidential hopefuls wave from the stage ahead of the second Democratic primary debate of the 2020 presidential campaign season hosted by CNN at the Fox Theatre in Detroit, Michigan, on July 31, 2019. \u003ccite>(Jim Watson/AFP/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The first portion of the debate focused heavily on health care, with Biden and Harris sparring over their competing proposals. But neither candidate seemed as fluent talking about the complicated policy issue as Sens. Elizabeth Warren and Bernie Sanders did Tuesday night.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, Harris did land some punches. She \u003ca href=\"https://www.vox.com/2019/7/29/8933257/kamala-harris-medicare-for-all-bernie-sanders-private-insurance\">unveiled her own health care plan this week\u003c/a> — a proposal she calls “Medicare for All,” but that would still include private insurers — and spent a significant amount of time attacking Biden for his more \u003ca href=\"https://www.vox.com/2019/7/16/20694598/joe-biden-health-care-plan-public-option\">modest proposal,\u003c/a> which would keep the current health care structure in place but let people buy into a public option.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Your plan does not cover everyone in America — by your staff’s, and everyone’s, definition — 10 million people will not have access to health care,” Harris told Biden. “In 2018, in America, for a Democrat to be running on a health care plan that doesn’t cover everyone is without excuse.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size='small' align='right' citation='U.S. Sen. Kamala Harris']‘I think you can judge people by when they are under fire and it’s not about some fancy opinion on a stage, but when they’re in the position to actually make a decision — what do they do.’[/pullquote]Harris, as she did in the last debate, also sought to rise above the rest of the field as they bickered. This time, it was during the health care debate when she told the other candidates, “We cannot keep going with the Republican talking points on this. You gotta stop.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Biden pushed back: “This is not a Republican talking point; Republicans are trying to kill Obamacare.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Harris also found herself on the defensive over her record as a prosecutor and California attorney general, with both Biden and Hawaii Rep. Tulsi Gabbard taking her to task over problems that arose during her tenure — like a \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/crime-lab-scandal-rocked-kamala-harriss-term-as-san-francisco-district-attorney/2019/03/06/825df094-392b-11e9-a06c-3ec8ed509d15_story.html?utm_term=.9b3cfde54ca0\">drug lab scandal\u003c/a> that resulted in hundreds of criminal cases being dismissed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside tag='election-2020' label='Election 2020 Coverage']But it was Gabbard’s accusation that Harris “blocked evidence from being revealed” in a death row case — an apparent reference to the Kevin Cooper appeals — that led the California senator to push back.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Harris said she has been opposed to the death penalty her entire career.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That is my background, that is my work. I am proud of it. 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"title": "Kamala Harris Goes After Joe Biden, Finds Herself on Defensive in Second Debate | KQED",
"description": "Harris found herself defending her record as a prosecutor and state attorney general, with former Vice President Joe Biden and Hawaii Rep. Tulsi Gabbard taking her to task over problems — like a drug lab scandal that resulted in hundreds of criminal cases being dismissed.",
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"content": "‘This is not a Republican talking point; Republicans are trying to kill Obamacare.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Harris, who is viewed as one of a few frontrunners in the crowded Democratic field, found herself at the center of the stage alongside former Vice President Joe Biden — and at the center of many attacks from her fellow Democrats on issues ranging from health care to her record as a prosecutor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Biden, especially, came out swinging at Harris, a turnaround from his lackluster response to her attacks in the first debate in June.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The senator has had several plans,” Biden said, referring to Harris’ flip-flopping on whether she supports eliminating private insurance coverage. “You can’t beat Donald Trump with double-talk on this.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Harris — whose \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11757814/kamala-harris-swings-at-joe-biden-while-eric-swalwell-strives-to-stand-out-in-democratic-debate\">standout performance\u003c/a> during the first debate boosted her poll numbers and breathed life into her campaign — appeared a bit nervous as the night began, but seemed to pick up steam as the debate wore on.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After greeting Biden casually — “Hey, Joe,” she said, with him responding, “Go easy on me, kid” — Harris quickly pivoted to attacking the vice president.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11764808\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11764808\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/07312019_democratic-primary-debate_detroit_election-2020-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Democratic presidential hopefuls wave from the stage ahead of the second Democratic primary debate of the 2020 presidential campaign season hosted by CNN at the Fox Theatre in Detroit, Michigan, on July 31, 2019.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/07312019_democratic-primary-debate_detroit_election-2020-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/07312019_democratic-primary-debate_detroit_election-2020-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/07312019_democratic-primary-debate_detroit_election-2020-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/07312019_democratic-primary-debate_detroit_election-2020-qut-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/07312019_democratic-primary-debate_detroit_election-2020-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Democratic presidential hopefuls wave from the stage ahead of the second Democratic primary debate of the 2020 presidential campaign season hosted by CNN at the Fox Theatre in Detroit, Michigan, on July 31, 2019. \u003ccite>(Jim Watson/AFP/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The first portion of the debate focused heavily on health care, with Biden and Harris sparring over their competing proposals. But neither candidate seemed as fluent talking about the complicated policy issue as Sens. Elizabeth Warren and Bernie Sanders did Tuesday night.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, Harris did land some punches. She \u003ca href=\"https://www.vox.com/2019/7/29/8933257/kamala-harris-medicare-for-all-bernie-sanders-private-insurance\">unveiled her own health care plan this week\u003c/a> — a proposal she calls “Medicare for All,” but that would still include private insurers — and spent a significant amount of time attacking Biden for his more \u003ca href=\"https://www.vox.com/2019/7/16/20694598/joe-biden-health-care-plan-public-option\">modest proposal,\u003c/a> which would keep the current health care structure in place but let people buy into a public option.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Your plan does not cover everyone in America — by your staff’s, and everyone’s, definition — 10 million people will not have access to health care,” Harris told Biden. “In 2018, in America, for a Democrat to be running on a health care plan that doesn’t cover everyone is without excuse.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Harris, as she did in the last debate, also sought to rise above the rest of the field as they bickered. This time, it was during the health care debate when she told the other candidates, “We cannot keep going with the Republican talking points on this. You gotta stop.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Biden pushed back: “This is not a Republican talking point; Republicans are trying to kill Obamacare.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Harris also found herself on the defensive over her record as a prosecutor and California attorney general, with both Biden and Hawaii Rep. Tulsi Gabbard taking her to task over problems that arose during her tenure — like a \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/crime-lab-scandal-rocked-kamala-harriss-term-as-san-francisco-district-attorney/2019/03/06/825df094-392b-11e9-a06c-3ec8ed509d15_story.html?utm_term=.9b3cfde54ca0\">drug lab scandal\u003c/a> that resulted in hundreds of criminal cases being dismissed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>But it was Gabbard’s accusation that Harris “blocked evidence from being revealed” in a death row case — an apparent reference to the Kevin Cooper appeals — that led the California senator to push back.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Harris said she has been opposed to the death penalty her entire career.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That is my background, that is my work. I am proud of it. I think you can judge people by when they are under fire and it’s not about some fancy opinion on a stage, but when they’re in the position to actually make a decision — what do they do,” she said. “When I was in the position of having to decide whether or not to seek a death penalty on cases I prosecuted, I made a very difficult decision that was not popular to not seek the death penalty.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Overall, Harris had a good night, but not a stellar one that could significantly change the tenor of the race in any significant way.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
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"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
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"mindshift": {
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"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
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"order": 12
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"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
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"tagline": "Politics from a personal perspective",
"info": "Political Breakdown is a new series that explores the political intersection of California and the nation. Each week hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos are joined with a new special guest to unpack politics -- with personality — and offer an insider’s glimpse at how politics happens.",
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"possible": {
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"title": "Possible",
"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
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"pri-the-world": {
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"title": "PRI's The World: Latest Edition",
"info": "Each weekday, host Marco Werman and his team of producers bring you the world's most interesting stories in an hour of radio that reminds us just how small our planet really is.",
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"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-World-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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},
"radiolab": {
"id": "radiolab",
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"info": "A two-time Peabody Award-winner, Radiolab is an investigation told through sounds and stories, and centered around one big idea. In the Radiolab world, information sounds like music and science and culture collide. Hosted by Jad Abumrad and Robert Krulwich, the show is designed for listeners who demand skepticism, but appreciate wonder. WNYC Studios is the producer of other leading podcasts including Freakonomics Radio, Death, Sex & Money, On the Media and many more.",
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},
"reveal": {
"id": "reveal",
"title": "Reveal",
"info": "Created by The Center for Investigative Reporting and PRX, Reveal is public radios first one-hour weekly radio show and podcast dedicated to investigative reporting. Credible, fact based and without a partisan agenda, Reveal combines the power and artistry of driveway moment storytelling with data-rich reporting on critically important issues. The result is stories that inform and inspire, arming our listeners with information to right injustices, hold the powerful accountable and improve lives.Reveal is hosted by Al Letson and showcases the award-winning work of CIR and newsrooms large and small across the nation. In a radio and podcast market crowded with choices, Reveal focuses on important and often surprising stories that illuminate the world for our listeners.",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.revealnews.org/episodes/",
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},
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