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"slug": "prop-22-explained-why-gig-companies-are-spending-huge-money-on-an-unprecedented-measure",
"title": "Prop. 22 Explained: Why Gig Companies Are Spending Huge Money on an Unprecedented Measure",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ci data-stringify-type=\"italic\">This story was updated Wednesday, Nov. 4 at 12:40pm\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb data-stringify-type=\"bold\">UPDATE: Proposition 22 was approved by California voters Tuesday, Nov. 3. \u003c/b>\u003cb data-stringify-type=\"bold\">\u003ca class=\"c-link\" href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11844725/proposition-22-passes-locking-in-sub-employee-status-for-gig-workers\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\" data-stringify-link=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11844725/proposition-22-passes-locking-in-sub-employee-status-for-gig-workers\" data-sk=\"tooltip_parent\">Read the full details here\u003c/a>\u003c/b>\u003cb data-stringify-type=\"bold\">.\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci data-stringify-type=\"italic\">Original story:\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The decision California voters face on Proposition 22 boils down to this: should a handful of companies be allowed to create a new gig contractor category for their workers that doesn’t include employee protections and benefits, like unemployment insurance and workers compensation? Or should companies like Uber, Lyft and DoorDash have to follow state labor law and classify their drivers as employees, which could mean directing more revenue to workers, higher prices for consumers and increased requirements for more casual drivers?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s the choice on the ballot. But there’s so much more going on with this unprecedented and far-reaching proposition — a proposition that recent polling indicates will come down to Californians who are still undecided. As of Oct. 26, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11843691/poll-measure-pushed-by-uber-lyft-falling-just-short-of-passage-many-voters-still-undecided\">polling of likely voters\u003c/a> shows 46% in favor, 42% opposed and 12% undecided. Here’s everything you’d need to know about the proposition and its backstory before you vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Skip to:\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#backstory\">The Backstory\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>: How companies like Lyft, Uber and DoorDash have avoided employee classification for eight years despite pressure from workers, labor groups and every branch of state government\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#written\">What’s Actually in Prop. 22?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>: An explanation of the limited worker benefits and why the “7/8ths provision” would make it nearly impossible to change this law in the future\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#money\">Unprecedented Money\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>: Gig companies are spending record amounts of cash to market Prop. 22 — and it’s being framed as a social justice issue\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#surveys\">Those Driver Surveys, and What’s Wrong With Them\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>: What do drivers want? Surveys used to market Prop. 22 are often flawed and don’t tell the full story\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#directtovoter\">Unprecedented Direct-to-Voter Connection\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>: Millions of apps in millions of pockets, workers asked to deliver political ads and pop ups galore — win or lose, a new election playbook is being written\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#ramifications\">The Ramifications\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>: If Prop. 22 passes, what will it mean for gig work, labor protections, election campaigning and local governance?\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003ch1>\u003ca id=\"backstory\">\u003c/a>The Backstory\u003c/h1>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11843145\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11843145\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Lyft-moustache.jpg\" alt=\"Lyft car with mustache\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1250\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Lyft-moustache.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Lyft-moustache-800x521.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Lyft-moustache-1020x664.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Lyft-moustache-160x104.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Lyft-moustache-1536x1000.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A Lyft driver with one of the early fuzzy pink mustaches drives in downtown San Francisco in January, 2014. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>It all began in 2012 with a fuzzy pink mustache and a fist bump. It was Lyft, not Uber, that first started paying drivers to use their own cars to do taxi work. Both companies cast themselves not as taxi companies, but platforms to connect riders to drivers, and tech journalists helped propel this image. \u003ca href=\"https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=3668606\">Here’s the even deeper backstory on how that all went down\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Using the platform argument, the gig companies classified their workers as contractors, which shielded them from liability and allowed them to avoid paying for protections like overtime and unemployment insurance. Regulators and the government at the state and federal levels did not stop Uber and Lyft, and soon, companies like Instacart, DoorDash and Postmates began following suit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But this contractor model was legally suspect from the start. In California, the determination of whether a worker was a contractor or an employee was made by the Borello test, which is a \u003ca href=\"https://caselaw.findlaw.com/ca-supreme-court/1774638.html\">complex set of 11 factors established by a 1989 California Supreme Court case\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Election 2020\" link1=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide,KQED's California Voter Guide\" hero=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45342_001_KQED_SanFrancisco_Election2020_MailinBallot_10122020-qut-1020x680.jpg\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was arguable that under those parameters, gig workers were not independent entrepreneurs running their own businesses on a platform provided by “tech” companies, but instead, employees of a transportation company in the case of Uber and Lyft, a service company in the case of TaskRabbit and a delivery company in the case of Postmates or DoorDash.\u003ca href=\"https://www.reuters.com/article/us-uber-tech-drivers-lawsuit/uber-drivers-granted-class-action-status-in-lawsuit-over-employment-idUSKCN0R14O920150901\"> Lawyers began trying to make the case\u003c/a> with big lawsuits against gig companies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Workers were and still are fighting almost all the battles over employee protections and benefits behind closed doors. That’s because gig companies make workers sign arbitration clauses, which prevent them from taking any grievance to court. That has helped preempt and neutralize class-action lawsuits. Law professor Charlotte Garden \u003ca href=\"https://digitalcommons.law.seattleu.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1794&context=faculty\">wrote a whole academic paper\u003c/a> on how the gig economy relies on mandatory arbitration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2014, as Uber and Lyft began to slash wages in a price war, workers increased their protest, but they could make no headway toward employment status. Gig companies leaned on customer support for political support, and consumers loved these cheap rides, which were kept low by the contractor model and venture capital. It took six years for any notable action from California’s government. And it came first from the judicial branch.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a ruling on a case known as \u003ca href=\"https://scocal.stanford.edu/opinion/dynamex-operations-west-inc-v-superior-court-34584\">Dynamex in 2018\u003c/a>, California’s Supreme Court simplified the Borello test, boiling it down to just three factors, called the ABCs. A worker could now only be classified as a contractor if they:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>A) Were free from the control and direction of the hirer\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>B) Performed work outside the hirer’s normal course of business\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>C) Had their own independently established trade, occupation or business\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>The ruling made it much more difficult for gig companies to deny workers employee benefits and protections. But still, gig companies kept classifying workers as contractors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the state Supreme Court, the Legislature took up the fight. Lawmakers passed \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB5\">Assembly Bill 5\u003c/a>, which went into effect on Jan. 1, 2020. AB 5 codified the Dynamex ruling and was designed with gig companies in mind.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, the new law also affected a number of other industries that have come to rely on contractors. The bill was amended after a backlash, and a number of professions got exemptions, like fine artists, foresters and translators — but not gig workers. Still, gig companies kept classifying workers as contractors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11833598 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/09/09182019_uber-lyft-qut-1020x640.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then in May, several months into the coronavirus pandemic, with tens of thousands of Uber and Lyft drivers seeking unemployment funds that didn’t exist because the companies had never paid into the state unemployment fund, the executive branch got involved. California Attorney General Xavier Becerra, along with a handful of city attorneys, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11816321/california-city-attorneys-sue-uber-and-lyft-over-worker-misclassification\">sued Uber and Lyft for misclassifying workers\u003c/a>. On Oct. 22 Uber and Lyft \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/business/story/2020-10-22/uber-and-lyft-must-comply-with-labor-law-ab-5-appeals-court-orders\">lost an appeal\u003c/a>, and will have to start classifying workers as employees in 30 days — unless Proposition 22 passes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After AB 5 passed, the gig companies started their ballot initiative campaign, hoping that voters would enshrine their gig contractor model into law. Now, with all three branches of California’s government pressuring them to classify workers as employees, they are pouring money into Proposition 22. It’s become \u003ca href=\"https://ballotpedia.org/What_were_the_most_expensive_ballot_measures_in_California\">the most well-funded ballot initiative in California history\u003c/a>. And it’s designed to be a conclusive victory for gig companies.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch1>\u003ca id=\"written\">\u003c/a>What’s Actually in Prop. 22?\u003c/h1>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11843210\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11843210\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45263_001_KQED_ElectionStockPhotos_TikaHall_10062020-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45263_001_KQED_ElectionStockPhotos_TikaHall_10062020-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45263_001_KQED_ElectionStockPhotos_TikaHall_10062020-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45263_001_KQED_ElectionStockPhotos_TikaHall_10062020-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45263_001_KQED_ElectionStockPhotos_TikaHall_10062020-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45263_001_KQED_ElectionStockPhotos_TikaHall_10062020-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A San Francisco resident fills out their mail-in ballot on Oct. 6, 2020. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Proposition 22 is written as an exemption from AB 5 for any company that provides transportation or delivery services through an app. It would enshrine in law a kind of third employment category: the contract gig worker. This has been a goal of gig companies for years. They have pursued it at the federal level, and have already \u003ca href=\"https://www.nelp.org/publication/rights-at-risk-gig-companies-campaign-to-upend-employment-as-we-know-it/\">had success in getting legislation on the books in a number of states\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the measure has several other provisions built around the central premise of exempting gig companies from AB 5.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Limited Employee Benefits\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Prop. 22 would guarantee gig workers some limited benefits and protections. As contractors, they currently have none. But the benefits are not as straightforward as they appear at first read.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The most murky benefit is the guaranteed wage floor. Prop. 22 would ensure 120% of minimum wage and 30 cents per mile for drivers, adjusted for inflation. But there’s a pretty big catch. The guarantee is only for “engaged” driving time, defined as the time between “accepting a service request and completing the request.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Much of gig work is spent waiting for a job in the app. \u003ca href=\"https://laborcenter.berkeley.edu/the-uber-lyft-ballot-initiative-guarantees-only-5-64-an-hour-2/\">UC Berkeley’s Labor Center did a study\u003c/a> where they tried to take time between rides into account, along with wear and tear on the vehicle. Adding those factors in the mix, the study found the wage guarantee drops to just $5.64 an hour, a drastic pay cut from the $13 minimum wage they would be guaranteed as employees in California. Uber and Lyft disputed the findings in the study, and \u003ca href=\"https://ucreconomicforecast.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/08/Prop22_Driver_Earnings_Analysis_August2020.pdf\">they commissioned another study\u003c/a> that put the earnings at between $25 and $27 an hour. That prompted \u003ca href=\"https://laborcenter.berkeley.edu/the-effects-of-proposition-22-on-driver-earnings-response-to-a-lyft-funded-report-by-dr-christopher-thornberg/#_edn5\">a rebuttal from UC Berkeley.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Aside from the wage floor, Prop. 22 includes a number of benefits that are substitutes for protections guaranteed by traditional employment. In each case, these protections are weaker than what workers would get as employees, and some are contingent on driving a certain number of hours.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead of health care, drivers who put in over 25 hours per week of engaged driving time would get health care subsidies. Instead of workers compensation, companies would offer occupational accident insurance for medical expenses, lost income and disability. Companies would also offer accidental death insurance. It is not clear if these insurance plans would be given to workers automatically, or if they would only be guaranteed the opportunity to purchase them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11843841\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11843841\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS41942_005_KQED_Oakland_RideHail_03102020_-qut.jpg\" alt=\"ride-hail driver in Oakland\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS41942_005_KQED_Oakland_RideHail_03102020_-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS41942_005_KQED_Oakland_RideHail_03102020_-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS41942_005_KQED_Oakland_RideHail_03102020_-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS41942_005_KQED_Oakland_RideHail_03102020_-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS41942_005_KQED_Oakland_RideHail_03102020_-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A ride-hail driver in Oakland In March, 2020. Prop. 22 would guarantee gig workers some limited benefits and protections. As contractors, they currently have none. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Prop. 22 also includes provisions to address long-term accountability issues in the gig industry, like discrimination, sexual misconduct, a lack of background checks and drivers working more than 12 hours a day. Gig companies would be required to create anti-discrimination and sexual harassment policies, develop training programs for drivers and require criminal background checks — all things that the companies have been criticized for lacking in the past.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many of the issues these final provisions would address are things that are exacerbated by the contractor status of workers. If these workers were actually employees, gig companies would be far more liable for things like car accidents, sexual misconduct and criminal activity.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Prop. 22 Would Be Nearly Impossible to Change\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>If Proposition 22 passes, it would prevent local governments from passing laws that require companies to provide additional benefits and protections for gig workers not included in Prop. 22. It would also be the hardest statute for the Legislature to alter, aside from a handful of propositions that bar any amendment whatsoever. That’s because of the 7/8ths provision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A single sentence on page 18 of the initiative requires a 7/8ths vote of both the state Assembly and Senate in order to amend Prop. 22 in any way. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/post-it/2020/10/california-amendment-threshold-proposition-22/\">This particular requirement is unprecedented\u003c/a>. Some propositions have required 2/3rds or 3/5s — but never 7/8ths.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If it passes, Prop. 22 would be harder to amend than the state’s Wildlife Protection Act, the Clean Air and Transportation Improvement Act or the Cruelty to Farm Animals Act. Amending it would take eight more votes than are needed to override a governor’s veto or revise the state Constitution, according to data provided to KQED by Alex Vassar, communications manager at the California State Library.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11840343,news_11841547,news_11841059 label='Election 2020 Resources']In California, a proposition can only be undone by another ballot initiative. So why is the threshold for amendment so high on Prop. 22? Part of the reason is that a section of the proposition’s stated purpose is contradictory to the wishes of gig companies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 22 states that it would “require rideshare and delivery network companies to offer new protections and benefits for app-based rideshare and delivery drivers.” That might sound good to voters who want more protections for workers, but it could cause problems for gig companies. The Legislature could, for example, alter Prop. 22 once it becomes statute or pass new laws to increase benefits for workers beyond what gig companies want. The 7/8ths provision presents a very high barrier to that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prop. 22 would also stop local governments from requiring gig companies to increase benefits and protections to gig workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Proposition 22 lops off the top by cutting off the state Legislature’s ability to amend the law, and it lops off the bottom [by] preventing local governments from ever modifying its requirements,” said Rey Fuentes, a fellow at The Partnership for Working Families, an advocacy group for workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cities in California are often where laws that grant the most rigorous worker benefits and protections start: things like the Healthy SF program, or San Francisco’s mandatory sick leave. Cities have also been the most proactive in requiring gig companies to provide additional benefits to workers. San Francisco and San Jose, for instance, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/bayarea/article/Two-Bay-Area-cities-poised-to-approve-paid-sick-15185145.php\">extended COVID-19 emergency benefits to gig workers\u003c/a>. \u003ca href=\"https://www.capitolhillseattle.com/2020/06/seattle-extends-sick-leave-to-gig-workers-including-food-delivery-workers-more-heroes-of-the-covid-19-crisis/\">Seattle passed a similar ordinance\u003c/a>. Prop. 22 has a clause that would preempt future measures like these.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yes on Prop. 22 Spokesperson Geoff Vetter said the issue is consistency for workers who cross city and county lines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Given the cross-jurisdictional nature of the service,” Vetter said, “it would be impossible to allow all 58 counties and 480+ cities to establish separate requirements. Prop. 22 establishes uniform statewide standards for app-based driver scheduling, benefits.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch1>\u003ca id=\"money\">\u003c/a>Unprecedented Money\u003c/h1>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11843334\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11843334\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/UberLyftWindshield.jpg\" alt=\"A driver who drives for both Uber and Lyft\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/UberLyftWindshield.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/UberLyftWindshield-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/UberLyftWindshield-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/UberLyftWindshield-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/UberLyftWindshield-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Uber and Lyft have spent nearly $100 million combined in support of Prop. 22. \u003ccite>(ROBYN BECK/AFP via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Proposition 22 is on track to become the most well-funded ballot initiative in California history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It has already drawn about $200 million, most of it on the pro side. As of 10 days before the election, the anti-side had around $19 million, coming mainly from labor organizations. The pro-side has over $199 million coming from gig companies. As of the beginning of October, Uber had contributed over $50 million; Lyft, $48 million; DoorDash, $47 million; InstaCart, $28 million; and Postmates, $11 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That money is not just being spent on TV and digital advertising. The Yes on Prop. 22 campaign has also contributed to political parties, including $2 million to the California Republican Party. It has spent millions hiring consultants, lobbyists and PR firms like MB Public Affairs, which is known for working with tobacco companies. These firms have launched personal and \u003ca href=\"https://www.cnet.com/features/uber-lyfts-fight-over-gig-worker-status-as-campaign-against-labor-activists-mounts/\">intrusive attacks on academics like Veena Dubal\u003c/a>, a UC Hastings law professor who has been critical of gig companies and Proposition 22.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Yes on Prop. 22 campaign has also sent money to newsrooms in return for digital advertising. By the middle of September, it had sent almost $48,000 to the Sacramento Bee, $13,500 to the San Diego Union Tribune and a little over $36,000 to the San Francisco Chronicle. Both the Tribune and the Chronicle endorsed the measure, but in their endorsements made no mention of the ad revenue they had received.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Marketing Prop. 22 as a Social Justice Measure\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Many workers in the gig economy in California are people of color – a fact reflected in the advertising campaign for Prop. 22, which presents the initiative as a boon for social justice. In the past, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11643681/lyft-gains-on-uber-by-appealing-to-progressive-political-ideals\">Lyft had leaned heavily on social justice messaging\u003c/a> to appeal to liberals and distinguish itself from Uber, especially after Trump was elected. Now, this tactic has become a major thrust of the entire Yes on Prop. 22 campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Rep Barbara Lee\"]‘You have very clearly crossed the line when you try to claim the equity mantle for a campaign that has always been about allowing multi-billion-dollar app companies to write their own law so they can keep exploiting drivers.’[/pullquote]PR firms working for the campaign \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfgate.com/politics/article/Fake-progressive-mailers-urge-yes-on-Uber-Lyft-15635173.php\">have created a number of political mailers\u003c/a> that urge people to vote yes on Prop. 22 and are designed to look like voter guides coming from progressive sources. In small letters at the bottom of these mailers it says the guides are prepared by organizations like “Feel the Bern, Progressive Voter Guide,” “Council of Concerned Women Voters Guide” and “Our Voice, Latino Voter Guide,” which are all fake progressive organizations. They don’t actually exist. After these mailers were reported, Bernie Sanders \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/BernieSanders/status/1315650084567121920?s=20\">came out publicly against\u003c/a> Proposition 22.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many of the ads in the Yes on Prop. 22 campaign feature people of color, like Aisha A. from Los Angeles, who say they need this flexible job to survive. Uber ran an ad campaign this summer with billboards in many major cities that said “If you tolerate racism, delete Uber.” Lyft \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=yImMyOkeaKQ\">created a television ad\u003c/a> using a recording of Maya Angelou reading her poem, “On the Pulse of Morning.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=yImMyOkeaKQ\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Lyft ad begins with a voiceover of Angelou saying “Lift up your eyes upon / This day breaking for you.” You see Black and brown people getting ready for work. And then it transitions to the inside of a Lyft. There’s a montage of drivers, all people of color, picking up passengers. “Each new hour holds new chances / For a new beginning.” Angelou says “Do not be wedded forever / To fear, yoked eternally / To brutishness.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Getting the California NAACP to endorse Proposition 22 was a big win for gig companies. The organization has authored voter guides telling people to vote yes, and Alice Huffman, head of the California NAACP, has been writing editorials in support of the proposition. Huffman also happens to run a consulting firm called AC Public Affairs. That firm has so far received $85,000 from the Yes on Prop. 22 Campaign. Huffman has a history of receiving contributions from corporations to support their ballot initiatives. The Yes on Prop. 22 money \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2020/09/california-naacp-president-helps-corporate-ballot-measure-campaigns/\">is part of $1.2 million her firm has already received this year\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many Black and Latino leaders in California have come out against Proposition 22; Rep. Barbara Lee from Oakland, Stockton Mayor Michael Tubbs and members of both the Latino and Black California Legislative Caucus were part of a group that \u003ca href=\"https://thehill.com/policy/technology/520671-democrats-accuse-tech-companies-of-deceitful-tactics-in-campaign-against\">publicly denounced\u003c/a> Proposition 22 in mid-October.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Addressing the gig companies on the call, Lee said, “You have very clearly crossed the line when you try to claim the equity mantle for a campaign that has always been about allowing multi-billion-dollar app companies to write their own law so they can keep exploiting the drivers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In response, Vetter said “Prop. 22 not only protects the jobs of drivers of color and their freedom to work independently, it would provide drivers an earnings guarantee, access to benefits like health care and provide drivers and passengers alike with new safety protections.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch1>\u003ca id=\"surveys\">\u003c/a>Those Driver Surveys, and What’s Wrong With Them\u003c/h1>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11843323\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11843323\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/YesOn22Driver.jpg\" alt=\"Uber driver Sergei Fyodorov holds a flyer supporting a yes vote on Proposition 22 in Oakland.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1290\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/YesOn22Driver.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/YesOn22Driver-800x538.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/YesOn22Driver-1020x685.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/YesOn22Driver-160x108.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/YesOn22Driver-1536x1032.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Uber driver Sergei Fyodorov, in Oakland, holds a flyer suggesting his riders ask him about why he supports Proposition 22. \u003ccite>(Josh Edelson/AFP via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Many ads from the Yes on Prop. 22 campaign say four out of five drivers prefer being independent contractors. This data comes from a survey done on the blog of \u003ca href=\"https://therideshareguy.com/\">Harry the Rideshare Guy\u003c/a>. It’s one of a slew of surveys the gig companies have been using to advocate for Prop. 22. These surveys are often methodologically flawed, and they never tell the whole story of what drivers want.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the Harry the Rideshare Guy survey has been a central piece of advertising for Proposition 22 and used in legal arguments, it is a non-scientific, informal poll done on a blog. There was no guarantee that respondents were drivers, let alone that there was a representative sample in terms of demographics, hours driven or political leanings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Harry Campbell, CEO of The Rideshare Guy blog, said he believes the site’s survey reflects what he has been hearing from drivers. Yes on Prop. 22 campaign spokesperson Geoff Vetter agreed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Rideshare Guy polled app-based drivers in California and did it without offering payment to the respondents,” Vetter said. “All this makes for a much fuller, more accurate data set and one that correctly demonstrates how drivers feel about Prop. 22 and independent contractor v. employee status.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But The Rideshare Guy survey is indicative of a number of the broader issues that the No on Prop. 22 campaign and scholars studying the gig economy have with how drivers are being surveyed. Juliet Schor, a professor of sociology at Boston College who has spent years studying the gig economy, said these surveys don’t capture the full picture. There is often bias in the sample, flawed and misleading questions and information presented that influences responses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11843775\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 411px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\" wp-image-11843775\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/edelson-survey-800x466.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"411\" height=\"239\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/edelson-survey-800x466.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/edelson-survey-1020x595.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/edelson-survey-160x93.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/edelson-survey.png 1501w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 411px) 100vw, 411px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Drivers got this prompt before being asked if they supported Proposition 22. \u003ccite>(Edelson Survey Screenshot)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>This \u003ca href=\"https://d3n8a8pro7vhmx.cloudfront.net/themes/5ef0e34fc294806719977470/attachments/original/1592866174/cadriversurvey.pdf?1592866174\">survey from Edelman\u003c/a> is a good example. In a question about Prop. 22, the survey included a snippet from a TechCrunch article that cast the proposition in positive light. Given that prompt, 72 percent of respondents said they supported the measure. On August 19, Lyft issued a survey that had a common flaw in the questioning, equating contractor status to freedom. The survey asked if “the freedom of being an independent contractor outweighs the benefits of being an employee.” Conflating freedom with being an independent contractor is misleading. Employees can have autonomy and freedom, and likewise contractors can be constrained and coerced.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Finally, there is the sample issue. The surveys give equal weight to those who drive only a few hours a week with those who drive much more. And the surveys only poll active workers, which could have a distorting effect on the results. There have been tens or even hundreds of thousands of people in California who have done some work for these gig companies and then stopped. These workers represent a large percentage of the labor that has been done for these companies, yet their opinions are being left out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a big methodological weakness of the surveys,” Schor said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Schor and her research team have interviewed hundreds of gig workers over the years, ethnographic data that can capture what a survey doesn’t. She says there is actually a lot of consistency in what drivers want. They want to be autonomous and have flexibility, but they also want to earn enough that they can pay their bills, buy insurance, and have money set aside if something goes wrong. Schor said she thinks a lot of gig workers in California are answering surveys with what they wish they could have: independent status and enough money to truly be their own bosses. \u003ca href=\"https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=3488009\">Veena Dubal wrote an entire academic paper unpacking all of this\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Driver Noemi Torres agreed with Schor’s conclusions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We want to be independent contractors, but Uber doesn’t treat us like independent contractors,” said Torres, who has been driving for seven years outside of North Hollywood. “Initially, we would get paid enough to support ourselves in terms of getting our own health insurance, but since they keep lowering the rates, you don’t have the flexibility.” She opposes Proposition 22.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Drivers who support Proposition 22 often don’t sound that different when it comes to what they want. They just believe the ballot proposition can get it for them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I decided to vote yes on Prop. 22, because it would allow me and my fellow drivers to retain the flexibility we need while ensuring we get the benefits and protections we deserve,” said Dave Thomasson, a driver from West Covina.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch1>\u003ca id=\"directtovoter\">\u003c/a>Unprecedented Direct-to-Voter Connection\u003c/h1>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11843415\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11843415\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/LyftAppProp22Ad.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1317\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/LyftAppProp22Ad.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/LyftAppProp22Ad-800x549.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/LyftAppProp22Ad-1020x700.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/LyftAppProp22Ad-160x110.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/LyftAppProp22Ad-1536x1054.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A Lyft app displays a message asking users to vote yes on Proposition 22. \u003ccite>(JOSH EDELSON/AFP via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Last month, Hector Castellanos started seeing the pop-ups while driving for Uber. Under a dialog box emblazoned with “Prop. 22 is progress,” Castellanos had to click either “Yes on Prop. 22” or “OK” to proceed with his ride. At the same time, his riders were getting pop ups that said their drivers support Prop. 22 and that they should talk with them about it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Castellanos drives full-time, and throughout the day kept seeing the pop up again and again. Castellanos opposes Proposition 22 and he didn’t want to have to click yes or OK, but he had no option. “Drivers have to click ‘yes’ even if they don’t want it,” he said. “They have to click yes or OK.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11842964 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Uber-Driver-1020x701.jpg']Uber spokesperson Davis White said Castellanos’s experience is not the norm, and that drivers should only see the pop up once when signing off the app, and that the pop up has been changed so drivers can just close it without selecting an answer. \u003ca href=\"https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20398520-uber-prop-22-complaint\">Castellanos and another driver are now suing\u003c/a> Uber for allegedly infringing on their right to be free of political coercion at work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Uber’s popups are an example of the unprecedented advantage gig companies have in this ballot campaign: their own apps.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With their apps already used by millions of California workers and consumers, proponents of no other ballot proposition have ever had direct-to-voter connection at this scale — and gig companies are using the opportunity. They’re sending emails, push notifications to phones and using pop-ups to continually send the pro-Prop. 22 message directly to their customers and workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"David McCuan, Sonoma State University\"]‘It is the holy grail of political communication.’[/pullquote]Lyft and Uber have been particularly aggressive in using apps to market Prop. 22 to customers. In the Uber app, riders will see a little blue text bubble coming out of the car image that says “Yes on 22.” Uber is sending push notifications that pop up on phones saying things like “Vote early on Prop. 22. Support drivers and help keep Uber in your city.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11842964/gig-companies-are-making-their-workers-promote-prop-22\">gig companies are also pressuring their workers\u003c/a> to spread pro-Prop. 22 messages to consumers. In October, Instacart asked workers through the app to put pro-Prop. 22 stickers in customers’ orders at a Bay Area store. The sticker said “Yes 22, Save App-Based Jobs and Services.” DoorDash is providing free delivery bags to restaurants that have Prop. 22 ads on their sides. Then workers have to use these bags to bring food to customers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After backlash online, Instacart is no longer asking workers to add stickers to orders. But DoorDash is continuing to send pro-Prop. 22 delivery bags to restaurants. The company says restaurants have requested over 4 million bags.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This widespread use of apps to spread messages is unprecedented in a proposition campaign, and it could prove to be a powerful tactic that other corporations want to emulate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is the holy grail of political communication,” said David McCuan, professor of political science at Sonoma State University who has been studying ballot propositions for decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the gig companies are successful in getting Prop. 22 passed, McCuan said it could change the way ballot initiatives are fought in California. Companies with apps and money to leverage them may see ballot initiatives as a worthwhile way to get their policies enacted if this campaign shows that apps can be used to sway voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch1>\u003ca id=\"ramifications\">\u003c/a>The Ramifications\u003c/h1>\n\u003cp>If Proposition 22 fails, gig companies would have to reclassify workers as employees. That could mean redirecting more revenue to pay for basic employee protections, increasing fares and increased requirements to work on these apps, especially for more casual, part-time drivers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gig companies could be responsible for years of back pay, lost benefits, taxes and unpaid unemployment insurance, which could be an especially big deal for Uber and Lyft. \u003ca href=\"https://laborcenter.berkeley.edu/press-release-what-would-uber-and-lyft-owe-to-the-state-unemployment-insurance-fund/#:~:text=BERKELEY%2C%20CA%20%E2%80%94%20A%20new%20report,Fund%20between%202014%20and%202019.\">A report from UC Berkeley’s Labor Center\u003c/a> estimates they could owe as much as $413 million for the period between 2014 to 2019.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Uber has said prices \u003ca href=\"https://www.businessinsider.com/uber-fares-double-small-cities-if-voters-reject-prop-22-2020-10\">could double in small cities\u003c/a>. The Yes on Prop. 22 campaign has suggested that 80% to 90% of drivers could lose work. Given the lack of data from gig companies, it is hard to know how much each would have to change their prices or operations. Also Uber and Lyft are still not profitable, so some change is bound to happen to their services regardless of what happens with Proposition 22.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gig companies have also said they could leave California temporarily. In the past, Uber and Lyft have left places like Austin in order to urge lawmakers to overturn regulations they didn’t like. The companies have always come back, and they’ve never pulled out of a market as big as California. \u003ca href=\"https://medium.com/tusk-venture-partners/initial-thoughts-on-what-the-2020-election-means-for-you-b7d8200b1bf6\">Bradley Tusk is a former political advisor to Uber, and he assumes\u003c/a> gig companies would use their billions of dollars to continue appealing to the Legislature and to voters to find a way to maintain their gig contractor model if Prop. 22 fails.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If Proposition 22 passes, California would have a third category of worker — the gig contractor — enshrined in law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gig companies like Uber, Lyft, DoorDash, Postmates and Instacart would get a carve out from state labor law and would be allowed to classify workers as gig contractors, thereby denying them basic employee benefits. The door would be open for other companies to develop apps to take advantage of this new gig worker category.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure would become the \u003ca href=\"#written\">hardest statute to amend\u003c/a> in California history, and local governments would have no power to enact laws that provide gig workers with additional benefits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It would \u003ca href=\"#directtovoter\">establish a playbook\u003c/a> for other companies that want to use an app to market a ballot initiative.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A handful of companies will have proven that they can use a ballot initiative to maintain a business practice that has been deemed illegal either directly or indirectly by all three branches of California’s government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There would certainly be lawsuits over things like the 7/8ths provision, but barring a new ballot proposition or a major legal victory, gig workers would have to continue working without basic employee protections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "The state's most expensive ballot measure ever would lock-in a new category of worker in California - and it would be nearly impossible to change.",
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"title": "Prop. 22 Explained: Why Gig Companies Are Spending Huge Money on an Unprecedented Measure | KQED",
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"headline": "Prop. 22 Explained: Why Gig Companies Are Spending Huge Money on an Unprecedented Measure",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ci data-stringify-type=\"italic\">This story was updated Wednesday, Nov. 4 at 12:40pm\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb data-stringify-type=\"bold\">UPDATE: Proposition 22 was approved by California voters Tuesday, Nov. 3. \u003c/b>\u003cb data-stringify-type=\"bold\">\u003ca class=\"c-link\" href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11844725/proposition-22-passes-locking-in-sub-employee-status-for-gig-workers\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\" data-stringify-link=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11844725/proposition-22-passes-locking-in-sub-employee-status-for-gig-workers\" data-sk=\"tooltip_parent\">Read the full details here\u003c/a>\u003c/b>\u003cb data-stringify-type=\"bold\">.\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci data-stringify-type=\"italic\">Original story:\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The decision California voters face on Proposition 22 boils down to this: should a handful of companies be allowed to create a new gig contractor category for their workers that doesn’t include employee protections and benefits, like unemployment insurance and workers compensation? Or should companies like Uber, Lyft and DoorDash have to follow state labor law and classify their drivers as employees, which could mean directing more revenue to workers, higher prices for consumers and increased requirements for more casual drivers?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s the choice on the ballot. But there’s so much more going on with this unprecedented and far-reaching proposition — a proposition that recent polling indicates will come down to Californians who are still undecided. As of Oct. 26, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11843691/poll-measure-pushed-by-uber-lyft-falling-just-short-of-passage-many-voters-still-undecided\">polling of likely voters\u003c/a> shows 46% in favor, 42% opposed and 12% undecided. Here’s everything you’d need to know about the proposition and its backstory before you vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Skip to:\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#backstory\">The Backstory\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>: How companies like Lyft, Uber and DoorDash have avoided employee classification for eight years despite pressure from workers, labor groups and every branch of state government\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#written\">What’s Actually in Prop. 22?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>: An explanation of the limited worker benefits and why the “7/8ths provision” would make it nearly impossible to change this law in the future\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#money\">Unprecedented Money\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>: Gig companies are spending record amounts of cash to market Prop. 22 — and it’s being framed as a social justice issue\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#surveys\">Those Driver Surveys, and What’s Wrong With Them\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>: What do drivers want? Surveys used to market Prop. 22 are often flawed and don’t tell the full story\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#directtovoter\">Unprecedented Direct-to-Voter Connection\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>: Millions of apps in millions of pockets, workers asked to deliver political ads and pop ups galore — win or lose, a new election playbook is being written\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#ramifications\">The Ramifications\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>: If Prop. 22 passes, what will it mean for gig work, labor protections, election campaigning and local governance?\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003ch1>\u003ca id=\"backstory\">\u003c/a>The Backstory\u003c/h1>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11843145\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11843145\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Lyft-moustache.jpg\" alt=\"Lyft car with mustache\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1250\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Lyft-moustache.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Lyft-moustache-800x521.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Lyft-moustache-1020x664.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Lyft-moustache-160x104.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Lyft-moustache-1536x1000.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A Lyft driver with one of the early fuzzy pink mustaches drives in downtown San Francisco in January, 2014. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>It all began in 2012 with a fuzzy pink mustache and a fist bump. It was Lyft, not Uber, that first started paying drivers to use their own cars to do taxi work. Both companies cast themselves not as taxi companies, but platforms to connect riders to drivers, and tech journalists helped propel this image. \u003ca href=\"https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=3668606\">Here’s the even deeper backstory on how that all went down\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Using the platform argument, the gig companies classified their workers as contractors, which shielded them from liability and allowed them to avoid paying for protections like overtime and unemployment insurance. Regulators and the government at the state and federal levels did not stop Uber and Lyft, and soon, companies like Instacart, DoorDash and Postmates began following suit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But this contractor model was legally suspect from the start. In California, the determination of whether a worker was a contractor or an employee was made by the Borello test, which is a \u003ca href=\"https://caselaw.findlaw.com/ca-supreme-court/1774638.html\">complex set of 11 factors established by a 1989 California Supreme Court case\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was arguable that under those parameters, gig workers were not independent entrepreneurs running their own businesses on a platform provided by “tech” companies, but instead, employees of a transportation company in the case of Uber and Lyft, a service company in the case of TaskRabbit and a delivery company in the case of Postmates or DoorDash.\u003ca href=\"https://www.reuters.com/article/us-uber-tech-drivers-lawsuit/uber-drivers-granted-class-action-status-in-lawsuit-over-employment-idUSKCN0R14O920150901\"> Lawyers began trying to make the case\u003c/a> with big lawsuits against gig companies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Workers were and still are fighting almost all the battles over employee protections and benefits behind closed doors. That’s because gig companies make workers sign arbitration clauses, which prevent them from taking any grievance to court. That has helped preempt and neutralize class-action lawsuits. Law professor Charlotte Garden \u003ca href=\"https://digitalcommons.law.seattleu.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1794&context=faculty\">wrote a whole academic paper\u003c/a> on how the gig economy relies on mandatory arbitration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2014, as Uber and Lyft began to slash wages in a price war, workers increased their protest, but they could make no headway toward employment status. Gig companies leaned on customer support for political support, and consumers loved these cheap rides, which were kept low by the contractor model and venture capital. It took six years for any notable action from California’s government. And it came first from the judicial branch.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a ruling on a case known as \u003ca href=\"https://scocal.stanford.edu/opinion/dynamex-operations-west-inc-v-superior-court-34584\">Dynamex in 2018\u003c/a>, California’s Supreme Court simplified the Borello test, boiling it down to just three factors, called the ABCs. A worker could now only be classified as a contractor if they:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>A) Were free from the control and direction of the hirer\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>B) Performed work outside the hirer’s normal course of business\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>C) Had their own independently established trade, occupation or business\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>The ruling made it much more difficult for gig companies to deny workers employee benefits and protections. But still, gig companies kept classifying workers as contractors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the state Supreme Court, the Legislature took up the fight. Lawmakers passed \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB5\">Assembly Bill 5\u003c/a>, which went into effect on Jan. 1, 2020. AB 5 codified the Dynamex ruling and was designed with gig companies in mind.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, the new law also affected a number of other industries that have come to rely on contractors. The bill was amended after a backlash, and a number of professions got exemptions, like fine artists, foresters and translators — but not gig workers. Still, gig companies kept classifying workers as contractors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then in May, several months into the coronavirus pandemic, with tens of thousands of Uber and Lyft drivers seeking unemployment funds that didn’t exist because the companies had never paid into the state unemployment fund, the executive branch got involved. California Attorney General Xavier Becerra, along with a handful of city attorneys, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11816321/california-city-attorneys-sue-uber-and-lyft-over-worker-misclassification\">sued Uber and Lyft for misclassifying workers\u003c/a>. On Oct. 22 Uber and Lyft \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/business/story/2020-10-22/uber-and-lyft-must-comply-with-labor-law-ab-5-appeals-court-orders\">lost an appeal\u003c/a>, and will have to start classifying workers as employees in 30 days — unless Proposition 22 passes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After AB 5 passed, the gig companies started their ballot initiative campaign, hoping that voters would enshrine their gig contractor model into law. Now, with all three branches of California’s government pressuring them to classify workers as employees, they are pouring money into Proposition 22. It’s become \u003ca href=\"https://ballotpedia.org/What_were_the_most_expensive_ballot_measures_in_California\">the most well-funded ballot initiative in California history\u003c/a>. And it’s designed to be a conclusive victory for gig companies.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch1>\u003ca id=\"written\">\u003c/a>What’s Actually in Prop. 22?\u003c/h1>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11843210\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11843210\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45263_001_KQED_ElectionStockPhotos_TikaHall_10062020-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45263_001_KQED_ElectionStockPhotos_TikaHall_10062020-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45263_001_KQED_ElectionStockPhotos_TikaHall_10062020-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45263_001_KQED_ElectionStockPhotos_TikaHall_10062020-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45263_001_KQED_ElectionStockPhotos_TikaHall_10062020-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45263_001_KQED_ElectionStockPhotos_TikaHall_10062020-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A San Francisco resident fills out their mail-in ballot on Oct. 6, 2020. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Proposition 22 is written as an exemption from AB 5 for any company that provides transportation or delivery services through an app. It would enshrine in law a kind of third employment category: the contract gig worker. This has been a goal of gig companies for years. They have pursued it at the federal level, and have already \u003ca href=\"https://www.nelp.org/publication/rights-at-risk-gig-companies-campaign-to-upend-employment-as-we-know-it/\">had success in getting legislation on the books in a number of states\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the measure has several other provisions built around the central premise of exempting gig companies from AB 5.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Limited Employee Benefits\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Prop. 22 would guarantee gig workers some limited benefits and protections. As contractors, they currently have none. But the benefits are not as straightforward as they appear at first read.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The most murky benefit is the guaranteed wage floor. Prop. 22 would ensure 120% of minimum wage and 30 cents per mile for drivers, adjusted for inflation. But there’s a pretty big catch. The guarantee is only for “engaged” driving time, defined as the time between “accepting a service request and completing the request.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Much of gig work is spent waiting for a job in the app. \u003ca href=\"https://laborcenter.berkeley.edu/the-uber-lyft-ballot-initiative-guarantees-only-5-64-an-hour-2/\">UC Berkeley’s Labor Center did a study\u003c/a> where they tried to take time between rides into account, along with wear and tear on the vehicle. Adding those factors in the mix, the study found the wage guarantee drops to just $5.64 an hour, a drastic pay cut from the $13 minimum wage they would be guaranteed as employees in California. Uber and Lyft disputed the findings in the study, and \u003ca href=\"https://ucreconomicforecast.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/08/Prop22_Driver_Earnings_Analysis_August2020.pdf\">they commissioned another study\u003c/a> that put the earnings at between $25 and $27 an hour. That prompted \u003ca href=\"https://laborcenter.berkeley.edu/the-effects-of-proposition-22-on-driver-earnings-response-to-a-lyft-funded-report-by-dr-christopher-thornberg/#_edn5\">a rebuttal from UC Berkeley.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Aside from the wage floor, Prop. 22 includes a number of benefits that are substitutes for protections guaranteed by traditional employment. In each case, these protections are weaker than what workers would get as employees, and some are contingent on driving a certain number of hours.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead of health care, drivers who put in over 25 hours per week of engaged driving time would get health care subsidies. Instead of workers compensation, companies would offer occupational accident insurance for medical expenses, lost income and disability. Companies would also offer accidental death insurance. It is not clear if these insurance plans would be given to workers automatically, or if they would only be guaranteed the opportunity to purchase them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11843841\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11843841\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS41942_005_KQED_Oakland_RideHail_03102020_-qut.jpg\" alt=\"ride-hail driver in Oakland\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS41942_005_KQED_Oakland_RideHail_03102020_-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS41942_005_KQED_Oakland_RideHail_03102020_-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS41942_005_KQED_Oakland_RideHail_03102020_-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS41942_005_KQED_Oakland_RideHail_03102020_-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS41942_005_KQED_Oakland_RideHail_03102020_-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A ride-hail driver in Oakland In March, 2020. Prop. 22 would guarantee gig workers some limited benefits and protections. As contractors, they currently have none. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Prop. 22 also includes provisions to address long-term accountability issues in the gig industry, like discrimination, sexual misconduct, a lack of background checks and drivers working more than 12 hours a day. Gig companies would be required to create anti-discrimination and sexual harassment policies, develop training programs for drivers and require criminal background checks — all things that the companies have been criticized for lacking in the past.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many of the issues these final provisions would address are things that are exacerbated by the contractor status of workers. If these workers were actually employees, gig companies would be far more liable for things like car accidents, sexual misconduct and criminal activity.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Prop. 22 Would Be Nearly Impossible to Change\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>If Proposition 22 passes, it would prevent local governments from passing laws that require companies to provide additional benefits and protections for gig workers not included in Prop. 22. It would also be the hardest statute for the Legislature to alter, aside from a handful of propositions that bar any amendment whatsoever. That’s because of the 7/8ths provision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A single sentence on page 18 of the initiative requires a 7/8ths vote of both the state Assembly and Senate in order to amend Prop. 22 in any way. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/post-it/2020/10/california-amendment-threshold-proposition-22/\">This particular requirement is unprecedented\u003c/a>. Some propositions have required 2/3rds or 3/5s — but never 7/8ths.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If it passes, Prop. 22 would be harder to amend than the state’s Wildlife Protection Act, the Clean Air and Transportation Improvement Act or the Cruelty to Farm Animals Act. Amending it would take eight more votes than are needed to override a governor’s veto or revise the state Constitution, according to data provided to KQED by Alex Vassar, communications manager at the California State Library.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>In California, a proposition can only be undone by another ballot initiative. So why is the threshold for amendment so high on Prop. 22? Part of the reason is that a section of the proposition’s stated purpose is contradictory to the wishes of gig companies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 22 states that it would “require rideshare and delivery network companies to offer new protections and benefits for app-based rideshare and delivery drivers.” That might sound good to voters who want more protections for workers, but it could cause problems for gig companies. The Legislature could, for example, alter Prop. 22 once it becomes statute or pass new laws to increase benefits for workers beyond what gig companies want. The 7/8ths provision presents a very high barrier to that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prop. 22 would also stop local governments from requiring gig companies to increase benefits and protections to gig workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Proposition 22 lops off the top by cutting off the state Legislature’s ability to amend the law, and it lops off the bottom [by] preventing local governments from ever modifying its requirements,” said Rey Fuentes, a fellow at The Partnership for Working Families, an advocacy group for workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cities in California are often where laws that grant the most rigorous worker benefits and protections start: things like the Healthy SF program, or San Francisco’s mandatory sick leave. Cities have also been the most proactive in requiring gig companies to provide additional benefits to workers. San Francisco and San Jose, for instance, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/bayarea/article/Two-Bay-Area-cities-poised-to-approve-paid-sick-15185145.php\">extended COVID-19 emergency benefits to gig workers\u003c/a>. \u003ca href=\"https://www.capitolhillseattle.com/2020/06/seattle-extends-sick-leave-to-gig-workers-including-food-delivery-workers-more-heroes-of-the-covid-19-crisis/\">Seattle passed a similar ordinance\u003c/a>. Prop. 22 has a clause that would preempt future measures like these.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yes on Prop. 22 Spokesperson Geoff Vetter said the issue is consistency for workers who cross city and county lines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Given the cross-jurisdictional nature of the service,” Vetter said, “it would be impossible to allow all 58 counties and 480+ cities to establish separate requirements. Prop. 22 establishes uniform statewide standards for app-based driver scheduling, benefits.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch1>\u003ca id=\"money\">\u003c/a>Unprecedented Money\u003c/h1>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11843334\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11843334\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/UberLyftWindshield.jpg\" alt=\"A driver who drives for both Uber and Lyft\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/UberLyftWindshield.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/UberLyftWindshield-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/UberLyftWindshield-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/UberLyftWindshield-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/UberLyftWindshield-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Uber and Lyft have spent nearly $100 million combined in support of Prop. 22. \u003ccite>(ROBYN BECK/AFP via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Proposition 22 is on track to become the most well-funded ballot initiative in California history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It has already drawn about $200 million, most of it on the pro side. As of 10 days before the election, the anti-side had around $19 million, coming mainly from labor organizations. The pro-side has over $199 million coming from gig companies. As of the beginning of October, Uber had contributed over $50 million; Lyft, $48 million; DoorDash, $47 million; InstaCart, $28 million; and Postmates, $11 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That money is not just being spent on TV and digital advertising. The Yes on Prop. 22 campaign has also contributed to political parties, including $2 million to the California Republican Party. It has spent millions hiring consultants, lobbyists and PR firms like MB Public Affairs, which is known for working with tobacco companies. These firms have launched personal and \u003ca href=\"https://www.cnet.com/features/uber-lyfts-fight-over-gig-worker-status-as-campaign-against-labor-activists-mounts/\">intrusive attacks on academics like Veena Dubal\u003c/a>, a UC Hastings law professor who has been critical of gig companies and Proposition 22.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Yes on Prop. 22 campaign has also sent money to newsrooms in return for digital advertising. By the middle of September, it had sent almost $48,000 to the Sacramento Bee, $13,500 to the San Diego Union Tribune and a little over $36,000 to the San Francisco Chronicle. Both the Tribune and the Chronicle endorsed the measure, but in their endorsements made no mention of the ad revenue they had received.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Marketing Prop. 22 as a Social Justice Measure\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Many workers in the gig economy in California are people of color – a fact reflected in the advertising campaign for Prop. 22, which presents the initiative as a boon for social justice. In the past, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11643681/lyft-gains-on-uber-by-appealing-to-progressive-political-ideals\">Lyft had leaned heavily on social justice messaging\u003c/a> to appeal to liberals and distinguish itself from Uber, especially after Trump was elected. Now, this tactic has become a major thrust of the entire Yes on Prop. 22 campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>PR firms working for the campaign \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfgate.com/politics/article/Fake-progressive-mailers-urge-yes-on-Uber-Lyft-15635173.php\">have created a number of political mailers\u003c/a> that urge people to vote yes on Prop. 22 and are designed to look like voter guides coming from progressive sources. In small letters at the bottom of these mailers it says the guides are prepared by organizations like “Feel the Bern, Progressive Voter Guide,” “Council of Concerned Women Voters Guide” and “Our Voice, Latino Voter Guide,” which are all fake progressive organizations. They don’t actually exist. After these mailers were reported, Bernie Sanders \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/BernieSanders/status/1315650084567121920?s=20\">came out publicly against\u003c/a> Proposition 22.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many of the ads in the Yes on Prop. 22 campaign feature people of color, like Aisha A. from Los Angeles, who say they need this flexible job to survive. Uber ran an ad campaign this summer with billboards in many major cities that said “If you tolerate racism, delete Uber.” Lyft \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=yImMyOkeaKQ\">created a television ad\u003c/a> using a recording of Maya Angelou reading her poem, “On the Pulse of Morning.”\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/yImMyOkeaKQ'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/yImMyOkeaKQ'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>The Lyft ad begins with a voiceover of Angelou saying “Lift up your eyes upon / This day breaking for you.” You see Black and brown people getting ready for work. And then it transitions to the inside of a Lyft. There’s a montage of drivers, all people of color, picking up passengers. “Each new hour holds new chances / For a new beginning.” Angelou says “Do not be wedded forever / To fear, yoked eternally / To brutishness.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Getting the California NAACP to endorse Proposition 22 was a big win for gig companies. The organization has authored voter guides telling people to vote yes, and Alice Huffman, head of the California NAACP, has been writing editorials in support of the proposition. Huffman also happens to run a consulting firm called AC Public Affairs. That firm has so far received $85,000 from the Yes on Prop. 22 Campaign. Huffman has a history of receiving contributions from corporations to support their ballot initiatives. The Yes on Prop. 22 money \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2020/09/california-naacp-president-helps-corporate-ballot-measure-campaigns/\">is part of $1.2 million her firm has already received this year\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many Black and Latino leaders in California have come out against Proposition 22; Rep. Barbara Lee from Oakland, Stockton Mayor Michael Tubbs and members of both the Latino and Black California Legislative Caucus were part of a group that \u003ca href=\"https://thehill.com/policy/technology/520671-democrats-accuse-tech-companies-of-deceitful-tactics-in-campaign-against\">publicly denounced\u003c/a> Proposition 22 in mid-October.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Addressing the gig companies on the call, Lee said, “You have very clearly crossed the line when you try to claim the equity mantle for a campaign that has always been about allowing multi-billion-dollar app companies to write their own law so they can keep exploiting the drivers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In response, Vetter said “Prop. 22 not only protects the jobs of drivers of color and their freedom to work independently, it would provide drivers an earnings guarantee, access to benefits like health care and provide drivers and passengers alike with new safety protections.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch1>\u003ca id=\"surveys\">\u003c/a>Those Driver Surveys, and What’s Wrong With Them\u003c/h1>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11843323\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11843323\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/YesOn22Driver.jpg\" alt=\"Uber driver Sergei Fyodorov holds a flyer supporting a yes vote on Proposition 22 in Oakland.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1290\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/YesOn22Driver.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/YesOn22Driver-800x538.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/YesOn22Driver-1020x685.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/YesOn22Driver-160x108.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/YesOn22Driver-1536x1032.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Uber driver Sergei Fyodorov, in Oakland, holds a flyer suggesting his riders ask him about why he supports Proposition 22. \u003ccite>(Josh Edelson/AFP via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Many ads from the Yes on Prop. 22 campaign say four out of five drivers prefer being independent contractors. This data comes from a survey done on the blog of \u003ca href=\"https://therideshareguy.com/\">Harry the Rideshare Guy\u003c/a>. It’s one of a slew of surveys the gig companies have been using to advocate for Prop. 22. These surveys are often methodologically flawed, and they never tell the whole story of what drivers want.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the Harry the Rideshare Guy survey has been a central piece of advertising for Proposition 22 and used in legal arguments, it is a non-scientific, informal poll done on a blog. There was no guarantee that respondents were drivers, let alone that there was a representative sample in terms of demographics, hours driven or political leanings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Harry Campbell, CEO of The Rideshare Guy blog, said he believes the site’s survey reflects what he has been hearing from drivers. Yes on Prop. 22 campaign spokesperson Geoff Vetter agreed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Rideshare Guy polled app-based drivers in California and did it without offering payment to the respondents,” Vetter said. “All this makes for a much fuller, more accurate data set and one that correctly demonstrates how drivers feel about Prop. 22 and independent contractor v. employee status.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But The Rideshare Guy survey is indicative of a number of the broader issues that the No on Prop. 22 campaign and scholars studying the gig economy have with how drivers are being surveyed. Juliet Schor, a professor of sociology at Boston College who has spent years studying the gig economy, said these surveys don’t capture the full picture. There is often bias in the sample, flawed and misleading questions and information presented that influences responses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11843775\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 411px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\" wp-image-11843775\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/edelson-survey-800x466.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"411\" height=\"239\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/edelson-survey-800x466.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/edelson-survey-1020x595.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/edelson-survey-160x93.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/edelson-survey.png 1501w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 411px) 100vw, 411px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Drivers got this prompt before being asked if they supported Proposition 22. \u003ccite>(Edelson Survey Screenshot)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>This \u003ca href=\"https://d3n8a8pro7vhmx.cloudfront.net/themes/5ef0e34fc294806719977470/attachments/original/1592866174/cadriversurvey.pdf?1592866174\">survey from Edelman\u003c/a> is a good example. In a question about Prop. 22, the survey included a snippet from a TechCrunch article that cast the proposition in positive light. Given that prompt, 72 percent of respondents said they supported the measure. On August 19, Lyft issued a survey that had a common flaw in the questioning, equating contractor status to freedom. The survey asked if “the freedom of being an independent contractor outweighs the benefits of being an employee.” Conflating freedom with being an independent contractor is misleading. Employees can have autonomy and freedom, and likewise contractors can be constrained and coerced.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Finally, there is the sample issue. The surveys give equal weight to those who drive only a few hours a week with those who drive much more. And the surveys only poll active workers, which could have a distorting effect on the results. There have been tens or even hundreds of thousands of people in California who have done some work for these gig companies and then stopped. These workers represent a large percentage of the labor that has been done for these companies, yet their opinions are being left out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a big methodological weakness of the surveys,” Schor said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Schor and her research team have interviewed hundreds of gig workers over the years, ethnographic data that can capture what a survey doesn’t. She says there is actually a lot of consistency in what drivers want. They want to be autonomous and have flexibility, but they also want to earn enough that they can pay their bills, buy insurance, and have money set aside if something goes wrong. Schor said she thinks a lot of gig workers in California are answering surveys with what they wish they could have: independent status and enough money to truly be their own bosses. \u003ca href=\"https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=3488009\">Veena Dubal wrote an entire academic paper unpacking all of this\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Driver Noemi Torres agreed with Schor’s conclusions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We want to be independent contractors, but Uber doesn’t treat us like independent contractors,” said Torres, who has been driving for seven years outside of North Hollywood. “Initially, we would get paid enough to support ourselves in terms of getting our own health insurance, but since they keep lowering the rates, you don’t have the flexibility.” She opposes Proposition 22.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Drivers who support Proposition 22 often don’t sound that different when it comes to what they want. They just believe the ballot proposition can get it for them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I decided to vote yes on Prop. 22, because it would allow me and my fellow drivers to retain the flexibility we need while ensuring we get the benefits and protections we deserve,” said Dave Thomasson, a driver from West Covina.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch1>\u003ca id=\"directtovoter\">\u003c/a>Unprecedented Direct-to-Voter Connection\u003c/h1>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11843415\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11843415\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/LyftAppProp22Ad.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1317\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/LyftAppProp22Ad.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/LyftAppProp22Ad-800x549.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/LyftAppProp22Ad-1020x700.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/LyftAppProp22Ad-160x110.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/LyftAppProp22Ad-1536x1054.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A Lyft app displays a message asking users to vote yes on Proposition 22. \u003ccite>(JOSH EDELSON/AFP via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Last month, Hector Castellanos started seeing the pop-ups while driving for Uber. Under a dialog box emblazoned with “Prop. 22 is progress,” Castellanos had to click either “Yes on Prop. 22” or “OK” to proceed with his ride. At the same time, his riders were getting pop ups that said their drivers support Prop. 22 and that they should talk with them about it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Castellanos drives full-time, and throughout the day kept seeing the pop up again and again. Castellanos opposes Proposition 22 and he didn’t want to have to click yes or OK, but he had no option. “Drivers have to click ‘yes’ even if they don’t want it,” he said. “They have to click yes or OK.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Uber spokesperson Davis White said Castellanos’s experience is not the norm, and that drivers should only see the pop up once when signing off the app, and that the pop up has been changed so drivers can just close it without selecting an answer. \u003ca href=\"https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20398520-uber-prop-22-complaint\">Castellanos and another driver are now suing\u003c/a> Uber for allegedly infringing on their right to be free of political coercion at work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Uber’s popups are an example of the unprecedented advantage gig companies have in this ballot campaign: their own apps.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With their apps already used by millions of California workers and consumers, proponents of no other ballot proposition have ever had direct-to-voter connection at this scale — and gig companies are using the opportunity. They’re sending emails, push notifications to phones and using pop-ups to continually send the pro-Prop. 22 message directly to their customers and workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Lyft and Uber have been particularly aggressive in using apps to market Prop. 22 to customers. In the Uber app, riders will see a little blue text bubble coming out of the car image that says “Yes on 22.” Uber is sending push notifications that pop up on phones saying things like “Vote early on Prop. 22. Support drivers and help keep Uber in your city.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11842964/gig-companies-are-making-their-workers-promote-prop-22\">gig companies are also pressuring their workers\u003c/a> to spread pro-Prop. 22 messages to consumers. In October, Instacart asked workers through the app to put pro-Prop. 22 stickers in customers’ orders at a Bay Area store. The sticker said “Yes 22, Save App-Based Jobs and Services.” DoorDash is providing free delivery bags to restaurants that have Prop. 22 ads on their sides. Then workers have to use these bags to bring food to customers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After backlash online, Instacart is no longer asking workers to add stickers to orders. But DoorDash is continuing to send pro-Prop. 22 delivery bags to restaurants. The company says restaurants have requested over 4 million bags.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This widespread use of apps to spread messages is unprecedented in a proposition campaign, and it could prove to be a powerful tactic that other corporations want to emulate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is the holy grail of political communication,” said David McCuan, professor of political science at Sonoma State University who has been studying ballot propositions for decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the gig companies are successful in getting Prop. 22 passed, McCuan said it could change the way ballot initiatives are fought in California. Companies with apps and money to leverage them may see ballot initiatives as a worthwhile way to get their policies enacted if this campaign shows that apps can be used to sway voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch1>\u003ca id=\"ramifications\">\u003c/a>The Ramifications\u003c/h1>\n\u003cp>If Proposition 22 fails, gig companies would have to reclassify workers as employees. That could mean redirecting more revenue to pay for basic employee protections, increasing fares and increased requirements to work on these apps, especially for more casual, part-time drivers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gig companies could be responsible for years of back pay, lost benefits, taxes and unpaid unemployment insurance, which could be an especially big deal for Uber and Lyft. \u003ca href=\"https://laborcenter.berkeley.edu/press-release-what-would-uber-and-lyft-owe-to-the-state-unemployment-insurance-fund/#:~:text=BERKELEY%2C%20CA%20%E2%80%94%20A%20new%20report,Fund%20between%202014%20and%202019.\">A report from UC Berkeley’s Labor Center\u003c/a> estimates they could owe as much as $413 million for the period between 2014 to 2019.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Uber has said prices \u003ca href=\"https://www.businessinsider.com/uber-fares-double-small-cities-if-voters-reject-prop-22-2020-10\">could double in small cities\u003c/a>. The Yes on Prop. 22 campaign has suggested that 80% to 90% of drivers could lose work. Given the lack of data from gig companies, it is hard to know how much each would have to change their prices or operations. Also Uber and Lyft are still not profitable, so some change is bound to happen to their services regardless of what happens with Proposition 22.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gig companies have also said they could leave California temporarily. In the past, Uber and Lyft have left places like Austin in order to urge lawmakers to overturn regulations they didn’t like. The companies have always come back, and they’ve never pulled out of a market as big as California. \u003ca href=\"https://medium.com/tusk-venture-partners/initial-thoughts-on-what-the-2020-election-means-for-you-b7d8200b1bf6\">Bradley Tusk is a former political advisor to Uber, and he assumes\u003c/a> gig companies would use their billions of dollars to continue appealing to the Legislature and to voters to find a way to maintain their gig contractor model if Prop. 22 fails.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If Proposition 22 passes, California would have a third category of worker — the gig contractor — enshrined in law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gig companies like Uber, Lyft, DoorDash, Postmates and Instacart would get a carve out from state labor law and would be allowed to classify workers as gig contractors, thereby denying them basic employee benefits. The door would be open for other companies to develop apps to take advantage of this new gig worker category.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure would become the \u003ca href=\"#written\">hardest statute to amend\u003c/a> in California history, and local governments would have no power to enact laws that provide gig workers with additional benefits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It would \u003ca href=\"#directtovoter\">establish a playbook\u003c/a> for other companies that want to use an app to market a ballot initiative.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A handful of companies will have proven that they can use a ballot initiative to maintain a business practice that has been deemed illegal either directly or indirectly by all three branches of California’s government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There would certainly be lawsuits over things like the 7/8ths provision, but barring a new ballot proposition or a major legal victory, gig workers would have to continue working without basic employee protections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Misty Masvalo has been living in a retrofitted van for the past few years. She’s added solar panels, a propane stovetop and a sink operated by a foot pump. She’s working on installing a compostable toilet, too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I feel like [the van] is a little beach shack on wheels,” Masvalo said. “I have to make it a little comfortable.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Masvalo wants to find permanent housing, but can’t see how that’s going to happen, unless the price of housing drops substantially — or her wages rise substantially.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her wages as a part-time yoga instructor and preschool teacher have never been enough to make it easy to keep a roof over her head.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Teachers in general don’t make great money, but early childhood educators are especially affected by low wages,” Masvalo said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After moving several times between different apartments in the region, Masvalo decided to cash out her savings and buy the van.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, she’s watching a local measure on Mountain View’s November ballot. Measure C would ban oversized vehicles, or any vehicle “\u003ca href=\"https://www.mountainview.gov/civicax/filebank/blobdload.aspx?BlobID=32778\">which exceeds 22 feet in length or 7 feet in width or 7 feet in height,\u003c/a>” from parking on streets that are 40 feet or narrower, unless the vehicle is parked for short duration activities like loading and unloading.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As more and more people like Masvalo park along major thoroughfares and back roads, the Mountain View City Council has come under pressure from homeowners who complain that oversized vehicles block bike lanes and line of sight for drivers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After years of talking about a “safe parking” program, the city finally \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11782096/after-mountain-view-approves-rv-ban-housing-advocates-vow-to-fight-it-at-ballot-box\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">created one in 2019\u003c/a>. People can park their RVs or oversized vans in sections of dedicated parking lots, as long as they agree to sign up for social services and support to find permanent housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mountain View resident Prody Hazarika supports Measure C, because he thinks people should use the safe parking program instead of parking on the street.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have to encourage the right path,” he said on \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101880303/election-2020-mountain-view-moves-to-keep-a-ban-on-rvs\">KQED Forum\u003c/a>. “That can only be accomplished where you have parking lots where you can get better in life.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hazarika believes that Measure C gives homeowners a voice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[Homeowners] have a right to demand safe streets and good community living,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His sentiments are echoed by Mountain View Mayor Margaret Abe-Koga. She also doesn’t believe RVs are a permanent solution to housing and said Measure C would encourage people to find more stable housing or to use the city-funded safe parking program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What I’m really proud of is the safe lots that we’ve opened,” she said. “They are successful and I’m open to adding more spaces if we can.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.mountainview.gov/depts/comdev/preservation/safe_parking_program.asp\">Mountain View’s Safe Parking program\u003c/a> is the largest of its kind in Santa Clara County, with 75 spots located across the city. But according to a Safe Parking report from September, the city’s homeless population has grown over the years, from 276 in 2015 to about 606 in 2019. \u003ca href=\"https://movemv.org/\">Move Mountain View\u003c/a>, a nonprofit which helps run the safe parking program, says safe parking lots are often filled, leaving many on the waitlist.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside tag=\"election-2020\" label=\"Election 2020 Coverage\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite evidence that most homeless individuals are local, many of Measure C’s supporters hold a widely held belief that those living in vehicles come from elsewhere.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Mountain View has become known for the services that we provide, so other cities are telling folks to come here,” said former mayor Lisa Matichak during a recent forum on housing hosted by the \u003ca href=\"https://mvmha.com/\">Mountain View Mobile Home Alliance\u003c/a>. Matichak is one of four former Mountain View mayors currently running for a city council seat this November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Move Mountain View said participants of the program are asked whether they live in Mountain View before they can qualify for a parking spot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We need reciprocity,” said former mayor Lenny Siegel, who is also running for a city council seat. A long-time affordable housing advocate, he opposes Measure C because he feels it pushes people out before providing an alternative housing option.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We can’t throw people out until there’s a place to go,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Masvalo’s van is eight feet tall, which means she’d be affected by Measure C if it passes. She feels her job is important to the Mountain View community and wants be able to live in the city where she works.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Who is going to take care of your children so that you can work your eight plus hours a day and make your wonderful annual salary?” she asked. “We’re just doing our best to make ends meet.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "Mountain View’s steep housing prices have pushed many to live in oversized vehicles. If passed, Measure C would prohibit these vehicles from parking on streets 40 feet or narrower in width. ",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Misty Masvalo has been living in a retrofitted van for the past few years. She’s added solar panels, a propane stovetop and a sink operated by a foot pump. She’s working on installing a compostable toilet, too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I feel like [the van] is a little beach shack on wheels,” Masvalo said. “I have to make it a little comfortable.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Masvalo wants to find permanent housing, but can’t see how that’s going to happen, unless the price of housing drops substantially — or her wages rise substantially.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her wages as a part-time yoga instructor and preschool teacher have never been enough to make it easy to keep a roof over her head.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Teachers in general don’t make great money, but early childhood educators are especially affected by low wages,” Masvalo said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After moving several times between different apartments in the region, Masvalo decided to cash out her savings and buy the van.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, she’s watching a local measure on Mountain View’s November ballot. Measure C would ban oversized vehicles, or any vehicle “\u003ca href=\"https://www.mountainview.gov/civicax/filebank/blobdload.aspx?BlobID=32778\">which exceeds 22 feet in length or 7 feet in width or 7 feet in height,\u003c/a>” from parking on streets that are 40 feet or narrower, unless the vehicle is parked for short duration activities like loading and unloading.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As more and more people like Masvalo park along major thoroughfares and back roads, the Mountain View City Council has come under pressure from homeowners who complain that oversized vehicles block bike lanes and line of sight for drivers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After years of talking about a “safe parking” program, the city finally \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11782096/after-mountain-view-approves-rv-ban-housing-advocates-vow-to-fight-it-at-ballot-box\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">created one in 2019\u003c/a>. People can park their RVs or oversized vans in sections of dedicated parking lots, as long as they agree to sign up for social services and support to find permanent housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mountain View resident Prody Hazarika supports Measure C, because he thinks people should use the safe parking program instead of parking on the street.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have to encourage the right path,” he said on \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101880303/election-2020-mountain-view-moves-to-keep-a-ban-on-rvs\">KQED Forum\u003c/a>. “That can only be accomplished where you have parking lots where you can get better in life.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hazarika believes that Measure C gives homeowners a voice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[Homeowners] have a right to demand safe streets and good community living,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His sentiments are echoed by Mountain View Mayor Margaret Abe-Koga. She also doesn’t believe RVs are a permanent solution to housing and said Measure C would encourage people to find more stable housing or to use the city-funded safe parking program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What I’m really proud of is the safe lots that we’ve opened,” she said. “They are successful and I’m open to adding more spaces if we can.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.mountainview.gov/depts/comdev/preservation/safe_parking_program.asp\">Mountain View’s Safe Parking program\u003c/a> is the largest of its kind in Santa Clara County, with 75 spots located across the city. But according to a Safe Parking report from September, the city’s homeless population has grown over the years, from 276 in 2015 to about 606 in 2019. \u003ca href=\"https://movemv.org/\">Move Mountain View\u003c/a>, a nonprofit which helps run the safe parking program, says safe parking lots are often filled, leaving many on the waitlist.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite evidence that most homeless individuals are local, many of Measure C’s supporters hold a widely held belief that those living in vehicles come from elsewhere.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Mountain View has become known for the services that we provide, so other cities are telling folks to come here,” said former mayor Lisa Matichak during a recent forum on housing hosted by the \u003ca href=\"https://mvmha.com/\">Mountain View Mobile Home Alliance\u003c/a>. Matichak is one of four former Mountain View mayors currently running for a city council seat this November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Move Mountain View said participants of the program are asked whether they live in Mountain View before they can qualify for a parking spot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We need reciprocity,” said former mayor Lenny Siegel, who is also running for a city council seat. A long-time affordable housing advocate, he opposes Measure C because he feels it pushes people out before providing an alternative housing option.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We can’t throw people out until there’s a place to go,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Masvalo’s van is eight feet tall, which means she’d be affected by Measure C if it passes. She feels her job is important to the Mountain View community and wants be able to live in the city where she works.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Who is going to take care of your children so that you can work your eight plus hours a day and make your wonderful annual salary?” she asked. “We’re just doing our best to make ends meet.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "gig-companies-are-making-their-workers-promote-prop-22",
"title": "Gig Companies Are Making Their Workers Promote Prop. 22",
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"content": "\u003cp>Even as gig companies \u003ca href=\"https://ballotpedia.org/California_Proposition_22,_App-Based_Drivers_as_Contractors_and_Labor_Policies_Initiative_(2020)\">spend a record amount\u003c/a> of advertising money on Proposition 22, they’re making their gig workers help them market the ballot initiative.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 22 would create a carve out from \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB5\">California labor law\u003c/a> to allow a handful of gig companies to continue classifying their workers as contractors, making them ineligible for employee protections and benefits like unemployment insurance and workers compensation. Lyft, Uber, Instacart, DoorDash and Postmates have spent almost $200 million on the pro-Proposition 22 campaign. Where does the money go? Ads, obviously, and political consultants – but it’s also going to in-app messages, flyers and takeout packaging.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"William Gould, Stanford University law professor\"]‘If ever there was compelled speech, and an interference with a right of freedom of speech, which is protected in California for private sector workers, this is it.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you’ve taken a ride with Uber or Lyft recently, you’ve probably seen a pro-Proposition 22 ad in the app. That marketing is also directed at drivers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last month at work, Hector Castellanos started seeing it while he was driving for Uber. Under a dialog box emblazoned with “Prop 22 is progress,” Castellanos had to click either “Yes on Prop 22” or “Okay.” At the same time, his riders were getting pop ups that said their drivers support Proposition 22 and that they should talk with them about it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11843019\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 577px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11843019\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Prop-22-Pop-Up-Drivers-e1603233411510.jpeg\" alt=\"\" width=\"577\" height=\"575\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Prop-22-Pop-Up-Drivers-e1603233411510.jpeg 577w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Prop-22-Pop-Up-Drivers-e1603233411510-160x159.jpeg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 577px) 100vw, 577px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A screenshot from Uber driver Hector Castellanos’ phone. There was no option for him to click ‘no’ to close the pop up. \u003ccite>(Courtesy Hector Castellanos)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Castellanos drives full-time, and throughout the work day, he kept seeing the pop up again and again. “Drivers have to click ‘yes’ even if they don’t want it,” he said. “They have to click yes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This was particularly upsetting to Castellanos because he opposes Proposition 22. A few years ago, he got into an accident while driving for Lyft and needed surgery on his shoulder. He couldn’t work for eight months, and because he is not an employee, he did not get worker’s compensation. His oldest daughter had to drop out of college and go to work to help the family pay the bills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That was something that really got to my heart,” Castellanos says, “I was probably just one case in thousands like me.” He decided drivers like him had to be employees to get basic protections like guaranteed minimum wage and workers compensation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An Uber spokesperson says the company changed the pop up recently to be more informational and give drivers an option to close it. Also, the spokesperson said that the pop up should have only appeared one time when drivers go offline.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">But drivers sometimes log off when they switch between all different apps they work for, which means they could have to click through the pop up repeatedly. Castellanos estimates that he was seeing it 25 or 30 times a day.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/SamWHarnett/status/1318289882347786240?s=20\u003c/p>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Uber isn’t the only company using workers to spread pro-Proposition 22 messages to consumers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last week, \u003ca href=\"https://www.vice.com/en/article/7kp5yq/instacart-asked-its-gig-workers-to-distribute-propaganda-that-would-hurt-them\">Instacart asked workers through the app\u003c/a> to put pro-Proposition 22 stickers in customers’ orders at a Bay Area store. \u003ca href=\"https://sf.eater.com/2020/10/16/21520005/doordash-prop-22-gig-workers-ab5-apps\">DoorDash is providing free pro-Proposition 22 food delivery bags\u003c/a> to restaurants, which workers then have to use to bring food to customers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11842965\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1200px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11842965\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Prop-22-Bags.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1200\" height=\"1200\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Prop-22-Bags.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Prop-22-Bags-800x800.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Prop-22-Bags-1020x1020.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Prop-22-Bags-160x160.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Prop-22-Bags-1104x1104.jpg 1104w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Prop-22-Bags-912x912.jpg 912w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Prop-22-Bags-550x550.jpg 550w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Prop-22-Bags-470x470.jpg 470w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">One of the millions of pro-Proposition 22 delivery bags that DoorDash sent to restaurants, and that gig workers have to use to deliver food to customers. \u003ccite>(DoorDash)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Stanford law professor William Gould says all three of these instances could be violating the protected speech of workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If ever there was compelled speech, and an interference with a right of freedom of speech, which is protected in California for private sector workers, this is it,” Gould said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Federally these workers have little protection. Since the Supreme Court protected the speech of corporations as if they were people in its 2010 Citizens United decision, companies have had far more ability to \u003ca href=\"https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2018/may/07/politics-at-work-employee-mobilization-lobbying\">mobilize their workers toward particular political goals\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However what these gig companies have made workers do “could be in violation of California \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/codes_displaySection.xhtml?sectionNum=1101&lawCode=LAB\">labor code sections 1101 and 1102\u003c/a>,” said David Levine, a law professor at UC Hastings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those sections prevent an employer from attempting to control or direct the political activities or affiliations of their employees. The gig companies contend their workers are actually contractors not employees – which means they would not be protected by these sections of the labor code.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Of course, that very employment status is the central issue at stake with Proposition 22 – and if it passes, gig companies would have a much easier time having workers distribute political materials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In response to the assertion that distributing these materials infringed on freedom of speech, a spokesperson for the Yes on Prop. 22 campaign said “Each company is communicating with their customers in various ways because of the high stakes in this election.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After backlash online, Instacart is no longer asking workers to add stickers to orders. But DoorDash is continuing to send pro-Prop. 22 delivery bags to restaurants. The company says it has sent more than 4 million of the bags to over 600 restaurants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Update: \u003c/em>\u003cem>A spokesperson for DoorDash says more than 4 million bags have been requested by restaurants, but that the company has only sent out around 150 thousand.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Even as gig companies \u003ca href=\"https://ballotpedia.org/California_Proposition_22,_App-Based_Drivers_as_Contractors_and_Labor_Policies_Initiative_(2020)\">spend a record amount\u003c/a> of advertising money on Proposition 22, they’re making their gig workers help them market the ballot initiative.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 22 would create a carve out from \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB5\">California labor law\u003c/a> to allow a handful of gig companies to continue classifying their workers as contractors, making them ineligible for employee protections and benefits like unemployment insurance and workers compensation. Lyft, Uber, Instacart, DoorDash and Postmates have spent almost $200 million on the pro-Proposition 22 campaign. Where does the money go? Ads, obviously, and political consultants – but it’s also going to in-app messages, flyers and takeout packaging.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you’ve taken a ride with Uber or Lyft recently, you’ve probably seen a pro-Proposition 22 ad in the app. That marketing is also directed at drivers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last month at work, Hector Castellanos started seeing it while he was driving for Uber. Under a dialog box emblazoned with “Prop 22 is progress,” Castellanos had to click either “Yes on Prop 22” or “Okay.” At the same time, his riders were getting pop ups that said their drivers support Proposition 22 and that they should talk with them about it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11843019\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 577px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11843019\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Prop-22-Pop-Up-Drivers-e1603233411510.jpeg\" alt=\"\" width=\"577\" height=\"575\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Prop-22-Pop-Up-Drivers-e1603233411510.jpeg 577w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Prop-22-Pop-Up-Drivers-e1603233411510-160x159.jpeg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 577px) 100vw, 577px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A screenshot from Uber driver Hector Castellanos’ phone. There was no option for him to click ‘no’ to close the pop up. \u003ccite>(Courtesy Hector Castellanos)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Castellanos drives full-time, and throughout the work day, he kept seeing the pop up again and again. “Drivers have to click ‘yes’ even if they don’t want it,” he said. “They have to click yes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This was particularly upsetting to Castellanos because he opposes Proposition 22. A few years ago, he got into an accident while driving for Lyft and needed surgery on his shoulder. He couldn’t work for eight months, and because he is not an employee, he did not get worker’s compensation. His oldest daughter had to drop out of college and go to work to help the family pay the bills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That was something that really got to my heart,” Castellanos says, “I was probably just one case in thousands like me.” He decided drivers like him had to be employees to get basic protections like guaranteed minimum wage and workers compensation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An Uber spokesperson says the company changed the pop up recently to be more informational and give drivers an option to close it. Also, the spokesperson said that the pop up should have only appeared one time when drivers go offline.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">But drivers sometimes log off when they switch between all different apps they work for, which means they could have to click through the pop up repeatedly. Castellanos estimates that he was seeing it 25 or 30 times a day.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Uber isn’t the only company using workers to spread pro-Proposition 22 messages to consumers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last week, \u003ca href=\"https://www.vice.com/en/article/7kp5yq/instacart-asked-its-gig-workers-to-distribute-propaganda-that-would-hurt-them\">Instacart asked workers through the app\u003c/a> to put pro-Proposition 22 stickers in customers’ orders at a Bay Area store. \u003ca href=\"https://sf.eater.com/2020/10/16/21520005/doordash-prop-22-gig-workers-ab5-apps\">DoorDash is providing free pro-Proposition 22 food delivery bags\u003c/a> to restaurants, which workers then have to use to bring food to customers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11842965\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1200px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11842965\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Prop-22-Bags.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1200\" height=\"1200\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Prop-22-Bags.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Prop-22-Bags-800x800.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Prop-22-Bags-1020x1020.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Prop-22-Bags-160x160.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Prop-22-Bags-1104x1104.jpg 1104w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Prop-22-Bags-912x912.jpg 912w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Prop-22-Bags-550x550.jpg 550w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Prop-22-Bags-470x470.jpg 470w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">One of the millions of pro-Proposition 22 delivery bags that DoorDash sent to restaurants, and that gig workers have to use to deliver food to customers. \u003ccite>(DoorDash)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Stanford law professor William Gould says all three of these instances could be violating the protected speech of workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If ever there was compelled speech, and an interference with a right of freedom of speech, which is protected in California for private sector workers, this is it,” Gould said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Federally these workers have little protection. Since the Supreme Court protected the speech of corporations as if they were people in its 2010 Citizens United decision, companies have had far more ability to \u003ca href=\"https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2018/may/07/politics-at-work-employee-mobilization-lobbying\">mobilize their workers toward particular political goals\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However what these gig companies have made workers do “could be in violation of California \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/codes_displaySection.xhtml?sectionNum=1101&lawCode=LAB\">labor code sections 1101 and 1102\u003c/a>,” said David Levine, a law professor at UC Hastings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those sections prevent an employer from attempting to control or direct the political activities or affiliations of their employees. The gig companies contend their workers are actually contractors not employees – which means they would not be protected by these sections of the labor code.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Of course, that very employment status is the central issue at stake with Proposition 22 – and if it passes, gig companies would have a much easier time having workers distribute political materials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In response to the assertion that distributing these materials infringed on freedom of speech, a spokesperson for the Yes on Prop. 22 campaign said “Each company is communicating with their customers in various ways because of the high stakes in this election.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After backlash online, Instacart is no longer asking workers to add stickers to orders. But DoorDash is continuing to send pro-Prop. 22 delivery bags to restaurants. The company says it has sent more than 4 million of the bags to over 600 restaurants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Update: \u003c/em>\u003cem>A spokesperson for DoorDash says more than 4 million bags have been requested by restaurants, but that the company has only sent out around 150 thousand.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "In California, Suburban White Women Are Turning Away From Trump",
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"content": "\u003cp>At a recent rally in Pennsylvania, President Trump appealed directly to the voting bloc he knows he needs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Suburban women, will you please like me?” he pleaded as the crowd cheered. “I saved your damn neighborhood!”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump was referring to his efforts to dismantle an Obama-era federal rule \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2020/07/23/894794169/president-trump-to-repeal-obama-era-fair-housing-rule-aimed-to-combat-racial-bia\">meant to combat housing segregation\u003c/a>. Trump said he’s helping to preserve “once thriving” suburbs and help homeowners, both of which are thinly-veiled ways to play up racial and economic divisions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/realDonaldTrump/status/1278136326647406593\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Bonnie Keller, a 64-year-old white woman who lives in a suburban area in Fresno, said she’s not swayed by Trump’s argument. Keller said she’s Christian and leans Republican, but Trump’s crude demeanor turns her off. She didn’t vote for him in 2016 and won’t vote for him now.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I just wasn’t impressed from the get go,” Keller said. “That is just my complete distaste of his behavior. It is not professional in my book. He is not a leader who has qualities I respect and admire.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2016, a lot of suburban, white women supported Trump. \u003ca href=\"https://www.cnn.com/election/2016/results/exit-polls\">Exit polls\u003c/a> from 2016 show that Trump won 49% of suburban voters, and 52% of all votes cast by white women. Historically, white, suburban women have supported the Republican nominee — something former Secretary of State Hillary Clinton \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2016/06/09/481433789/hillary-clinton-fights-to-win-over-her-own-demographic-white-women\">battled against\u003c/a> four years ago — which helps explain why Trump is so desperate to get those voters now.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the numbers look different this time around.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The polling is showing that Trump is losing support among women, period,” said Mindy Romero, director of the Center for Inclusive Democracy at University of Southern California. “Particularly when it comes to his demeanor. Some of the things that he said, the actions he’s taken with regard to the coronavirus, with race relations.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State and national surveys back Romero’s assertion. A \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/wp-content/uploads/ppic-statewide-survey-californians-and-their-government-september-2020.pdf\">September poll\u003c/a> from the Public Policy Institute of California found that 65% of likely women voters support Democrat Joe Biden. And a \u003ca href=\"https://abcnews.go.com/Politics/powered-trust-pandemic-biden-leads-12-points-nationwide/story?id=73528233\">recent national poll\u003c/a> conducted for ABC and the Washington Post found that among likely women voters, 59% support Biden. That result includes 62% of all suburban women, and 54% of suburban white women. \u003ca href=\"https://cawp.rutgers.edu/presidential-poll-tracking-2020#GGN\">Other polls\u003c/a> find similar results.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside tag=\"election-2020\" label=\"MORE ELECTION COVERAGE\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, Trump thinks he’s tapped into what women voters are looking for. At the end of the day, he thinks that could overshadow any issues they have with his personality.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You know what women want? More than anything else? They want safety, security and they want to be able to have their houses,” Trump said at a recent rally in North Carolina.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That message resonated with Chico resident Jenni Schaeffer, who is 56 years old, white and lives alone. She said Trump is a narcissist and drives her crazy. But she’s also worried about her safety and is planning to get a concealed carry permit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When it comes to policies and stuff, I don’t want someone taking my guns away,” Schaeffer said. “As a woman, that’s my only equalizer. And I think Biden and Harris will take that away from me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Schaeffer is also strongly anti-abortion, another policy she aligns with Trump on. So, while she doesn’t like his tweets or the things he says, she’ll likely vote to give him a second term. And as the election draws closer, Trump is hoping there are more women like her who back his policies, if not his persona.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Trump is openly courting the vote of suburban women, but a recent California poll found that 65% of likely women voters support Democrat Joe Biden.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>At a recent rally in Pennsylvania, President Trump appealed directly to the voting bloc he knows he needs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Suburban women, will you please like me?” he pleaded as the crowd cheered. “I saved your damn neighborhood!”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump was referring to his efforts to dismantle an Obama-era federal rule \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2020/07/23/894794169/president-trump-to-repeal-obama-era-fair-housing-rule-aimed-to-combat-racial-bia\">meant to combat housing segregation\u003c/a>. Trump said he’s helping to preserve “once thriving” suburbs and help homeowners, both of which are thinly-veiled ways to play up racial and economic divisions.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>But Bonnie Keller, a 64-year-old white woman who lives in a suburban area in Fresno, said she’s not swayed by Trump’s argument. Keller said she’s Christian and leans Republican, but Trump’s crude demeanor turns her off. She didn’t vote for him in 2016 and won’t vote for him now.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I just wasn’t impressed from the get go,” Keller said. “That is just my complete distaste of his behavior. It is not professional in my book. He is not a leader who has qualities I respect and admire.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2016, a lot of suburban, white women supported Trump. \u003ca href=\"https://www.cnn.com/election/2016/results/exit-polls\">Exit polls\u003c/a> from 2016 show that Trump won 49% of suburban voters, and 52% of all votes cast by white women. Historically, white, suburban women have supported the Republican nominee — something former Secretary of State Hillary Clinton \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2016/06/09/481433789/hillary-clinton-fights-to-win-over-her-own-demographic-white-women\">battled against\u003c/a> four years ago — which helps explain why Trump is so desperate to get those voters now.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the numbers look different this time around.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The polling is showing that Trump is losing support among women, period,” said Mindy Romero, director of the Center for Inclusive Democracy at University of Southern California. “Particularly when it comes to his demeanor. Some of the things that he said, the actions he’s taken with regard to the coronavirus, with race relations.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State and national surveys back Romero’s assertion. A \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/wp-content/uploads/ppic-statewide-survey-californians-and-their-government-september-2020.pdf\">September poll\u003c/a> from the Public Policy Institute of California found that 65% of likely women voters support Democrat Joe Biden. And a \u003ca href=\"https://abcnews.go.com/Politics/powered-trust-pandemic-biden-leads-12-points-nationwide/story?id=73528233\">recent national poll\u003c/a> conducted for ABC and the Washington Post found that among likely women voters, 59% support Biden. That result includes 62% of all suburban women, and 54% of suburban white women. \u003ca href=\"https://cawp.rutgers.edu/presidential-poll-tracking-2020#GGN\">Other polls\u003c/a> find similar results.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, Trump thinks he’s tapped into what women voters are looking for. At the end of the day, he thinks that could overshadow any issues they have with his personality.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You know what women want? More than anything else? They want safety, security and they want to be able to have their houses,” Trump said at a recent rally in North Carolina.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That message resonated with Chico resident Jenni Schaeffer, who is 56 years old, white and lives alone. She said Trump is a narcissist and drives her crazy. But she’s also worried about her safety and is planning to get a concealed carry permit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When it comes to policies and stuff, I don’t want someone taking my guns away,” Schaeffer said. “As a woman, that’s my only equalizer. And I think Biden and Harris will take that away from me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Schaeffer is also strongly anti-abortion, another policy she aligns with Trump on. So, while she doesn’t like his tweets or the things he says, she’ll likely vote to give him a second term. And as the election draws closer, Trump is hoping there are more women like her who back his policies, if not his persona.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>The 2020 U.S. census is ending. Make sure you \u003ca href=\"https://my2020census.gov/\">get counted\u003c/a> before midnight tonight!\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The census count determines \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11842436/census-2020-deadline-count-beset-by-changes-accuracy-fears-ends-today\">how many Congressional seats each state gets\u003c/a> and divides the $1.5 trillion in annual federal spending among the states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In other words, making sure every person in California is counted helps the state in many, many ways.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Minority groups are generally underrepresented in U.S. census counts and, surprise, surprise, the Trump administration has been fighting for months to end the count early.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Update 7:35 p.m. Wednesday:\u003c/strong> An attorney for the California Republican Party sent a \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/7231537-201014-Letter-to-SOS.html\">letter\u003c/a> Wednesday afternoon California to Secretary of State Alex Padilla and Attorney General Xavier Becerra asserting that the party’s ballot drop boxes are perfectly legal under the election laws enacted by Democrats in the state Legislature. The GOP letter says the party has no intention of removing the boxes as the state has ordered.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Original post, 12:30 p.m. Wednesday:\u003c/b> The political battle over the California Republican Party’s installation of unofficial vote-by-mail ballot drop boxes escalated on Wednesday, with Democratic congressional candidates crying foul over the practice, a day after President Trump encouraged the GOP to “fight hard” in court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California Attorney General Xavier Becerra is threatening legal action against the state Republican Party and a handful of county GOP organizations for setting up private ballot collection boxes in some of the state’s most closely contested congressional districts — and labeling some as “official.” It’s the latest legal scuffle between California and its Republican Party over the state’s vote-by-mail rules, leading up to an election in which every Golden State voter has been mailed a ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In response to the expected increase in the number of people voting by mail this year, county election officials have set up thousands of \u003cem>official\u003c/em> ballot drop boxes across the state. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11841059/how-to-find-your-early-voting-site-or-ballot-drop-off-location#find\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Here’s how to find drop-off locations near you.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"More Ballot Coverage\" postID=news_11841201,news_11841547,news_11841059]The latest controversy \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11842066/california-orders-gop-to-remove-unofficial-ballot-boxes\">surfaced over the weekend\u003c/a> after state election officials received reports of the Republican drop boxes at churches, gas stations and gun shops in Fresno, Los Angeles and Orange counties, all areas with very competitive U.S. House races. Democrats have blasted the use of the unofficial boxes as a violation of state law, saying they fear Republicans could use them to gather and discard ballots.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My opponent and the GOP are clearly engaging in heinous and illegal acts of election fraud,” said U.S. Rep. Harley Rouda, D-Laguna Beach, who represents California’s 48th Congressional District, one of the areas where some of the GOP ballot boxes have been installed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two years ago, Rouda flipped the seat, which had been held by Republicans for 30 years, when he defeated longtime Rep. Dana Rohrabacher. He now faces a tight race with Republican challenger Michelle Steel.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rouda spoke at a Wednesday morning press conference organized by the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee, which also featured U.S. Rep. TJ Cox, D-Fresno, and state Assemblywoman Christy Smith, D-Santa Clarita, both running in swing districts where the GOP-operated drop boxes have also appeared.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The way that none of our opponents are willing to stand up and speak out against this scheme is incredibly telling,” said Smith, who is vying to unseat U.S. Rep. Mike Garcia, R-Santa Clarita, in the 25th District, north of Los Angeles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cox is facing a challenge from former Republican Congressman David Valadao, who he narrowly defeated in 2018.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://cookpolitical.com/ratings/house-race-ratings\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Cook Political Report rates\u003c/a> the Cox-Valadao and Garcia-Smith races as “toss ups,” while Rouda’s seat is rated “Lean Democrat.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republicans have argued that their ballot boxes are simply a form of “balloting harvesting” allowed under state law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The only thing heinous here are California Democrats including Harley Rouda, TJ Cox and Christy Smith doing their best to suppress the vote of Christian voters,” said National Republican Congressional Committee spokeswoman Torunn Sinclair, in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]In a Monday letter, California Secretary of State Alex Padilla and state Attorney General Xavier Becerra, both Democrats, accused the GOP of misrepresenting some of the boxes as “official,” even though they were not set up by county election officials and do not adhere to ballot security requirements.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hector Barajas, spokesman for the California Republican Party, acknowledged earlier this week that the party “could have done a better job with the wording,” on the ballot box labels.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the GOP has shown little interest in backing down from the program entirely, arguing that the votes in the private boxes should still be counted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The containers themselves and the boxes themselves still remain legal,” Barajas asserted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California is \u003ca href=\"https://www.ncsl.org/research/elections-and-campaigns/vopp-table-10-who-can-collect-and-return-an-absentee-ballot-other-than-the-voter.aspx\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">among the 26 states\u003c/a> that allow a voter to designate someone else to collect and return their ballot — also referred to as “ballot harvesting” — according to the National Conference of State Legislatures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republicans have opposed California’s ballot collection law, but now say they are only trying to compete on a level playing field.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201520160AB1921\">Assembly Bill 1921\u003c/a>, passed by the state Legislature in 2016, voters can designate anyone they want to collect and deliver their mail-in ballots, an expansion of previous rules — which had only allowed family members or people living in the same household to do so.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State party officials, who have not disclosed how many boxes have been set up statewide and where they are located, argue that ballots left in their private boxes can still be legally counted without the signature of a ballot collector, and say there is little legal daylight between their program and ballot collections that take place face to face.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The party was encouraged on Tuesday evening by President Trump, \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/realDonaldTrump/status/1316181929440366592\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">who tweeted,\u003c/a> “You mean only Democrats are allowed to do this? But haven’t the Dems been doing this for years? See you in court. Fight hard Republicans!”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/realDonaldTrump/status/1316181929440366592\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>DCCC legal counsel Marc Elias said that simply relabeling the boxes, as some have suggested, is not enough.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s not sufficient,” Elias said. “The fact is that California law is clear about the chain of custody that needs to be maintained in order for third-party lawful ballot collection to be undertaken.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state’s \u003ca href=\"https://files.constantcontact.com/c1d64240601/cf61386b-2497-47a3-8556-b5dba186f486.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">cease-and-desist letter\u003c/a> gave the Republican Party a Thursday deadline to respond, and provide the names of voters who left their ballots in the private boxes. The letter said local election officials “will contact these individuals to advise them of their options to verify the return status of their vote-by-mail ballot.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s Scott Shafer contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Update 7:35 p.m. Wednesday:\u003c/strong> An attorney for the California Republican Party sent a \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/7231537-201014-Letter-to-SOS.html\">letter\u003c/a> Wednesday afternoon California to Secretary of State Alex Padilla and Attorney General Xavier Becerra asserting that the party’s ballot drop boxes are perfectly legal under the election laws enacted by Democrats in the state Legislature. The GOP letter says the party has no intention of removing the boxes as the state has ordered.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Original post, 12:30 p.m. Wednesday:\u003c/b> The political battle over the California Republican Party’s installation of unofficial vote-by-mail ballot drop boxes escalated on Wednesday, with Democratic congressional candidates crying foul over the practice, a day after President Trump encouraged the GOP to “fight hard” in court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California Attorney General Xavier Becerra is threatening legal action against the state Republican Party and a handful of county GOP organizations for setting up private ballot collection boxes in some of the state’s most closely contested congressional districts — and labeling some as “official.” It’s the latest legal scuffle between California and its Republican Party over the state’s vote-by-mail rules, leading up to an election in which every Golden State voter has been mailed a ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In response to the expected increase in the number of people voting by mail this year, county election officials have set up thousands of \u003cem>official\u003c/em> ballot drop boxes across the state. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11841059/how-to-find-your-early-voting-site-or-ballot-drop-off-location#find\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Here’s how to find drop-off locations near you.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The latest controversy \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11842066/california-orders-gop-to-remove-unofficial-ballot-boxes\">surfaced over the weekend\u003c/a> after state election officials received reports of the Republican drop boxes at churches, gas stations and gun shops in Fresno, Los Angeles and Orange counties, all areas with very competitive U.S. House races. Democrats have blasted the use of the unofficial boxes as a violation of state law, saying they fear Republicans could use them to gather and discard ballots.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My opponent and the GOP are clearly engaging in heinous and illegal acts of election fraud,” said U.S. Rep. Harley Rouda, D-Laguna Beach, who represents California’s 48th Congressional District, one of the areas where some of the GOP ballot boxes have been installed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two years ago, Rouda flipped the seat, which had been held by Republicans for 30 years, when he defeated longtime Rep. Dana Rohrabacher. He now faces a tight race with Republican challenger Michelle Steel.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rouda spoke at a Wednesday morning press conference organized by the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee, which also featured U.S. Rep. TJ Cox, D-Fresno, and state Assemblywoman Christy Smith, D-Santa Clarita, both running in swing districts where the GOP-operated drop boxes have also appeared.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The way that none of our opponents are willing to stand up and speak out against this scheme is incredibly telling,” said Smith, who is vying to unseat U.S. Rep. Mike Garcia, R-Santa Clarita, in the 25th District, north of Los Angeles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cox is facing a challenge from former Republican Congressman David Valadao, who he narrowly defeated in 2018.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://cookpolitical.com/ratings/house-race-ratings\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Cook Political Report rates\u003c/a> the Cox-Valadao and Garcia-Smith races as “toss ups,” while Rouda’s seat is rated “Lean Democrat.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republicans have argued that their ballot boxes are simply a form of “balloting harvesting” allowed under state law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The only thing heinous here are California Democrats including Harley Rouda, TJ Cox and Christy Smith doing their best to suppress the vote of Christian voters,” said National Republican Congressional Committee spokeswoman Torunn Sinclair, in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>In a Monday letter, California Secretary of State Alex Padilla and state Attorney General Xavier Becerra, both Democrats, accused the GOP of misrepresenting some of the boxes as “official,” even though they were not set up by county election officials and do not adhere to ballot security requirements.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hector Barajas, spokesman for the California Republican Party, acknowledged earlier this week that the party “could have done a better job with the wording,” on the ballot box labels.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the GOP has shown little interest in backing down from the program entirely, arguing that the votes in the private boxes should still be counted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The containers themselves and the boxes themselves still remain legal,” Barajas asserted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California is \u003ca href=\"https://www.ncsl.org/research/elections-and-campaigns/vopp-table-10-who-can-collect-and-return-an-absentee-ballot-other-than-the-voter.aspx\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">among the 26 states\u003c/a> that allow a voter to designate someone else to collect and return their ballot — also referred to as “ballot harvesting” — according to the National Conference of State Legislatures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republicans have opposed California’s ballot collection law, but now say they are only trying to compete on a level playing field.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201520160AB1921\">Assembly Bill 1921\u003c/a>, passed by the state Legislature in 2016, voters can designate anyone they want to collect and deliver their mail-in ballots, an expansion of previous rules — which had only allowed family members or people living in the same household to do so.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State party officials, who have not disclosed how many boxes have been set up statewide and where they are located, argue that ballots left in their private boxes can still be legally counted without the signature of a ballot collector, and say there is little legal daylight between their program and ballot collections that take place face to face.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The party was encouraged on Tuesday evening by President Trump, \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/realDonaldTrump/status/1316181929440366592\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">who tweeted,\u003c/a> “You mean only Democrats are allowed to do this? But haven’t the Dems been doing this for years? See you in court. Fight hard Republicans!”\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>DCCC legal counsel Marc Elias said that simply relabeling the boxes, as some have suggested, is not enough.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s not sufficient,” Elias said. “The fact is that California law is clear about the chain of custody that needs to be maintained in order for third-party lawful ballot collection to be undertaken.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state’s \u003ca href=\"https://files.constantcontact.com/c1d64240601/cf61386b-2497-47a3-8556-b5dba186f486.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">cease-and-desist letter\u003c/a> gave the Republican Party a Thursday deadline to respond, and provide the names of voters who left their ballots in the private boxes. The letter said local election officials “will contact these individuals to advise them of their options to verify the return status of their vote-by-mail ballot.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s Scott Shafer contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>This story includes a correction.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For many Armenians in the Bay Area, the recent outbreak of violence in part of their homeland has sparked grave concerns and painful memories of past conflicts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s been a tense time,” said Oakland resident Greg Nemet, who was among thousands of protesters walking across the Golden Gate Bridge on Saturday in a show of solidarity with the Armenian people. “Everybody is extremely on guard.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Roxanne Makasdjian, executive director of the Genocide Education Project\"]‘It’s very frightening to watch — somewhat helplessly — when your homeland, the very survival is at stake.’[/pullquote]In late September, \u003ca href=\"https://www.vox.com/21507583/armenia-azerbaijan-nagorno-karabakh-explained\">fighting reignited\u003c/a> in the Nagorno-Karabakh region, a territory of roughly 150,000 mostly ethnic Armenians, located in the Caucasus Mountains. Although internationally recognized as part of neighboring Azerbaijan, the region has been governed by Armenians since the fall of the Soviet Union nearly 30 years ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At least 350 people have already been killed in the escalating military conflict over the last few weeks, with Turkish forces backing Azerbaijan, and violence spreading to the civilian population. It’s the worst fighting the region — \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2020/10/08/opinion/nagorno-karabakh-armenia-azerbaijan.html?\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">known to Armenians as Artsakh\u003c/a> — has seen since a\u003ca href=\"https://www.politico.eu/article/the-nagorno-karabakh-conflict-explained-armenia-azerbaijan/\"> bloody ethnic war\u003c/a> in the 1990s that killed upward of 30,000 people, and ended in a ceasefire but no lasting resolution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Armenians in the Bay Area are “praying for a peaceful resolution” and “rallying together to make sure that the world at large understands,” Nemet said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Concern has also risen sharply among the Bay Area’s sizable Armenian community, which includes roughly 50,000 people, following three suspected\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/arts/13886652/shaken-by-three-suspected-hate-crimes-sfs-armenian-community-gathers-hope\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\"> hate crime\u003c/a> incidents last month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/nina_spar/status/1315002813559103488\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many observers also see a disturbing connection between the current conflict and the \u003ca href=\"https://www.ushmm.org/information/exhibitions/online-exhibitions/special-focus/armenia\">Armenian Genocide in 1915\u003c/a>, when more than a million ethnic Armenians were killed or expelled from Turkey by Ottoman authorities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco resident Lena Dakessian Halteh, who attended Saturday’s protest, has been channeling her response into art. “My most recent piece, titled ‘Soaring Cranes,’ was inspired by Diasporan Armenian identity, particularly within the context of the current humanitarian crisis stemming from the attacks,” she wrote in an email.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://www.instagram.com/p/CGIGqYgH4ct/?igshid=1nvy8p6nqe36p\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“After Armenians were expelled from their homeland following the Armenian Genocide, the ‘Krounk’ (Crane) emerged as a Diasporic symbol — one of our displacement and also our call to return,” she wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Halteh says what is happening is personal for her and many Bay Area Armenians because they are descendants of survivors of genocide. “My grandparents were refugees who fled the Genocide and settled in Palestine, Syria and later Lebanon,” she added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11841903\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11841903\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Lena_Nimer-800x1067.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"1067\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Lena Dakessian Halteh’s son holds a ‘Palestinians for Armenia’ sign on the Golden Gate Bridge on Saturday, Oct. 10, 2020. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Lena Dakessian Halteh)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Roxanne Makasdjian, executive director of the Bay Area-based Genocide Education Project, says she has barely slept since the attacks began several weeks ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s very frightening to watch — somewhat helplessly — when your homeland, the very survival is at stake,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like Halteh, Makasdjian’s grandparents survived the Armenian Genocide, and she now helps educators in California teach about the tragedy. “We’re in serious crisis mode,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It wasn’t until 2019 that the U.S. government \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2019/12/12/us/politics/senate-armenian-genocide.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">officially recognized the 1915 Armenian genocide\u003c/a>. “When perpetrators of genocide see that they can get away with it … they keep going,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"news_13886652\"]Makasdjian wants Americans to know that the U.S. government, which she says has supplied weapons to Turkey, is complicit in the current unrest. “Our American friends need to understand that and work with us — we hope to call upon our government to sanction Turkey and stop selling arms to [Azerbaijan],” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Makasdjian is also asking House Speaker Nancy Pelosi to call for a vote on a resolution introduced by U.S. Rep Jackie Speier, D-San Mateo,\u003ca href=\"https://thehill.com/policy/international/519263-lawmakers-introduce-resolution-condemning-azerbaijan-turkey-for-conflict\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\"> that condemns Azerbaijan \u003c/a>for instigating the current conflict in the Nagorno-Karabakh region.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nanor Balabanian, a longtime Bay Area resident and teacher, spoke to KQED by phone from Armenia, where she had relocated just days before this latest conflict began.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The reason this issue is different than other world issues is because this is a repetition of a genocide. … In 1915, the genocide happened because the world was silent,” said Balabanian, who is of Armenian descent, but was born in Syria, raised in Lebanon and moved to California as a teenager. She most recently taught history and English at a high school in East Palo Alto.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I left the Bay to come here [to Armenia] and start a learning center,” she said, speaking from Armenia’s capital. “But now I’m going to focus on rebuilding houses.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Balabanian says the silence from the international community feels personal. She’d like to see social justice movements in the Bay Area, as well as civil society more broadly, show support for her people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve always supported every movement, Black Lives Matter — we were there at the protests. Issues against immigrants and the immigrant community and the deportation centers — we were there protesting,” she said. “Do you know what’s going on here? How many times do I have to tell you how I need your help? I need your advocacy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Correction: The original version of this article stated that hundreds of people participated in the march on Saturday across the Golden Gate Bridge. There were, in fact, thousands of demonstrators — roughly 3,000 by one estimate. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s Nina Sparling and Kate Wolffe contributed to this report. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>“After Armenians were expelled from their homeland following the Armenian Genocide, the ‘Krounk’ (Crane) emerged as a Diasporic symbol — one of our displacement and also our call to return,” she wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Halteh says what is happening is personal for her and many Bay Area Armenians because they are descendants of survivors of genocide. “My grandparents were refugees who fled the Genocide and settled in Palestine, Syria and later Lebanon,” she added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11841903\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11841903\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Lena_Nimer-800x1067.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"1067\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Lena Dakessian Halteh’s son holds a ‘Palestinians for Armenia’ sign on the Golden Gate Bridge on Saturday, Oct. 10, 2020. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Lena Dakessian Halteh)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Roxanne Makasdjian, executive director of the Bay Area-based Genocide Education Project, says she has barely slept since the attacks began several weeks ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s very frightening to watch — somewhat helplessly — when your homeland, the very survival is at stake,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like Halteh, Makasdjian’s grandparents survived the Armenian Genocide, and she now helps educators in California teach about the tragedy. “We’re in serious crisis mode,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It wasn’t until 2019 that the U.S. government \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2019/12/12/us/politics/senate-armenian-genocide.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">officially recognized the 1915 Armenian genocide\u003c/a>. “When perpetrators of genocide see that they can get away with it … they keep going,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nanor Balabanian, a longtime Bay Area resident and teacher, spoke to KQED by phone from Armenia, where she had relocated just days before this latest conflict began.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The reason this issue is different than other world issues is because this is a repetition of a genocide. … In 1915, the genocide happened because the world was silent,” said Balabanian, who is of Armenian descent, but was born in Syria, raised in Lebanon and moved to California as a teenager. She most recently taught history and English at a high school in East Palo Alto.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I left the Bay to come here [to Armenia] and start a learning center,” she said, speaking from Armenia’s capital. “But now I’m going to focus on rebuilding houses.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Balabanian says the silence from the international community feels personal. She’d like to see social justice movements in the Bay Area, as well as civil society more broadly, show support for her people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve always supported every movement, Black Lives Matter — we were there at the protests. Issues against immigrants and the immigrant community and the deportation centers — we were there protesting,” she said. “Do you know what’s going on here? How many times do I have to tell you how I need your help? I need your advocacy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Correction: The original version of this article stated that hundreds of people participated in the march on Saturday across the Golden Gate Bridge. There were, in fact, thousands of demonstrators — roughly 3,000 by one estimate. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s Nina Sparling and Kate Wolffe contributed to this report. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Proposition 22 asks Californians if they want to define app-based transportation and delivery drivers as independent contractors, instead of as employees, as state law currently requires. This is an industry-specific carve-out. This episode is part of our \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/propfest\">Bay Curious Prop Fest\u003c/a> series, which explores the 12 propositions on California’s ballot. The series runs from Oct. 1-16, with new episodes dropping every weekday.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Transcript\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price \u003c/b>[00:00:00] I’m \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/ohubertallen\"> Olivia Allen-Price \u003c/a> . You’re listening to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/propfest\">Bay Curious Prop Fest. \u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price \u003c/b>[00:00:05] It’s the most expensive ballot measure in California history, \u003ca href=\"https://voterguide.sos.ca.gov/propositions/22/\">Proposition 22 \u003c/a>. Or, as you might be calling it, that one about \u003ca href=\"https://www.uber.com/\">Uber \u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.lyft.com/\">Lyft. \u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Lyft driver \u003c/b> [00:00:15] I like the flexibility of driving whenever you want. Having your own schedule.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Uber driver \u003c/b>[00:00:20] We want to be independent contractors, but Uber doesn’t treat us like independent contractors. We’re not able to set our rates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Lyft driver \u003c/b><[00:00:26] Right now, I’m going to school. As my part-time gig to make money I’m doing Lyft.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Uber driver \u003c/b>[00:00:31] We’re not able to work when we want to, we pretty much have to work when we have to, in order to make money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price \u003c/b>[00:00:38] How should app based drivers be classified? As employees or contractors? Prop 22 asks the public to decide. Today in the show we’ll unpack what difference those classifications make and learn how Prop 22 could impact the future of work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price \u003c/b>[00:01:02] KQED reporter \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/samharnett\">Sam Harnett\u003c/a> has been covering these gig apps for years now and is here to walk us through Prop 22. Welcome, Sam.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sam Harnett \u003c/b>[00:01:09] Hello, Olivia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price \u003c/b>[00:01:10] So I know there’s a lot of layers to this one and we’re gonna get into all of those, but give us first a brief break down, what would Prop 22 do? What are we voting on?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sam Harnett \u003c/b>[00:01:19] So at the highest level, Proposition 22 would exempt a handful of gig app companies like Uber, Lyft and \u003ca href=\"https://www.instacart.com/\">Instacart \u003c/a>from California state labor law. And it would allow those companies to continue classifying their drivers as contractors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[baycuriouspodcastinfo]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price \u003c/b>[00:01:33] And the issue of whether app based drivers, you know, should be considered employees or independent contractors, it really goes back to sort of the beginning of when these apps kind of first came out. What’s going on?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sam Harnett \u003c/b>[00:01:45] Sure. So if you go back to the beginning of Uber and Lyft in 2012, they started using this labor model where they, they classified their workers as contractors, which means they don’t pay unemployment insurance, they don’t have to pay overtime, they don’t pay workers comp. They have way less liability if there’s an accident. The whole business model is built on this contractor status, which was legally suspect from the start. So there are lawsuits right in the beginning against these companies, but the companies prevailed and they were able to keep classifying their workers as contractors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sam Harnett \u003c/b>[00:02:11] Then in 2018, the California Supreme Court came in and they issued what’s called \u003ca href=\"https://scocal.stanford.edu/opinion/dynamex-operations-west-inc-v-superior-court-34584\">The Dynamex Decision\u003c/a>, which actually wasn’t about the gig companies, it was about this independent trucking company that was classifying workers as contractors. But anyway, it made it harder for companies to classify workers as contractors. So in 2018, a lot people thought, OK, now these companies are going to change and start classifying workers as employees. But the companies didn’t.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sam Harnett \u003c/b>[00:02:34] So, the legislature in 2019 passed a law called AB 5, which just codified into law the California Supreme Court dynamic’s decision. That became a law in 2020, and a lot people thought, OK, now, Uber, Lyft and InstaCart, they’re going to classify their workers as employees. But the companies didn’t. So then the pandemic happens, suddenly you’ve got tens or hundreds of thousands of workers for these apps that are out of work, but they can’t collect unemployment because the companies never paid into the state unemployment fund. So then you had the California attorney general step in, and a bunch of city attorneys, and they sued Uber and Lyft. This was back in May. And they sued them saying, hey, listen, you’re you’re still misclassifying your workers. Meanwhile, Uber, Lyft, Instacart, \u003ca href=\"https://postmates.com/\">Postmates\u003c/a> and a bunch of the other gig apps put Proposition 22 on the ballot. And they’re betting like, OK, if we can get the voters to pass this proposition, then we can keep operating as, as we were before.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price \u003c/b>[00:03:27] Can you explain a little bit more thoroughly like what is the difference effectively between an employee and an independent contractor?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sam Harnett \u003c/b>[00:03:34] In America the only way to get basic protections like unemployment insurance, guaranteed minimum wage, overtime, workers compensation, is to be an employee. If you’re a contractor, you don’t get any of those protections. That’s essentially the difference. Really, the contractor was supposed to be for kind of professionals who were making a ton of money and were deciding to be a contractor because they wanted to, not because they were being forced to be a contractor. But corporations saw that, hey, with this contractor model, we can get out of paying for all these employee benefits and protections, and it’s way, way cheaper. So over the last, you know, since the late 70s, companies have been pushing more and more workers from employees into contractor status. It’s really just about do you get guaranteed employee protections or not?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price \u003c/b>[00:04:19] OK. And can we get into, like, a little bit the nitty gritty of 22 – what would really change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sam Harnett \u003c/b>[00:04:25] So Proposition 22 is a carve out for select companies. And the carve out is for companies that do transportation or delivery through apps. And if a company fits that description, that means they can classify their workers as contractors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price \u003c/b>[00:04:39] And this isn’t just like Uber and Lyft, which is what I think people immediately think of, but also like delivery, like \u003ca href=\"https://www.doordash.com/en-US\">DoorDash\u003c/a>, Instacart,.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sam Harnett \u003c/b>[00:04:46] PostMates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price \u003c/b>[00:04:47] Anyone who is in a car.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sam Harnett \u003c/b>[00:04:48] Yeah. Through an app, on a car, on a bike, doing delivery or transportation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price \u003c/b>[00:04:53] OK.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sam Harnett \u003c/b>[00:04:53] The proposition then also has a couple increase perks or benefits for contractors. They can get health subsidies if they drive a certain amount. They can get limited insurance. They also, it says Iike a minimum floor for pay, but the minimum pay is calculated based on engaged hours – this is a really important difference. So it’s 120% of minimum wage is going to be guaranteed, but that’s only while you’re actually engaged in the app.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"From KQED's California Voter Guide\" link1='https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/proposition-22-ab-5-gig-workers,Proposition 22: Should so-called gig economy companies such as Uber, Lyft, and Instacart be exempted from state labor law?' hero=https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/2020/10/KQED-Election-2020-Aside-Prop-22.png]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sam Harnett \u003c/b>[00:05:17] So that means if you’re driving for Uber and let’s say you don’t get a ride for an hour, well, you don’t get paid for that hour of driving around even though you were working. So that’s like a really important kind of distinction. And I guess, the thing with Proposition 22 is, it’s all – it all gets very complicated in the details, but basically, if you look at the package, it’s going to guarantee a slight improvement to the benefits and protections for the contractors, but it’s far short of what you’d get in employee status.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price \u003c/b>[00:05:42] Could other industries be impacted if this passes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sam Harnett \u003c/b>[00:05:45] It creates this sort of third category that you can bet that corporations are going to go for because they can see a way to make money. And if you remember, Uber and Lyft, you know, started the gig app trend, but Instacart, PostMates, DoorDash, all these companies followed Uber and Lyft by creating apps to create more jobs that were contractor and not employee. So, you can bet that a lot of other industries, if they can figure out a way, you know, if trucking can get on an app, you know, maybe there’s a way to have warehouse workers work through an app. This opens the door for more companies to try to find ways to fit this model because contractors are way cheaper than employees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price \u003c/b>[00:06:24] Now, what are these companies like Uber, Lyft, Instacart, DoorDash, etc., what are their arguments for why people should vote for 22?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sam Harnett \u003c/b>[00:06:32] I’d say their primary argument is: This will allow us to keep operating as we were operating. It’s basically a pitch to consumers saying, hey, you know, you liked Uber and Lyft and Instacart and DoorSash. The second argument they make is, you know, listen, people need work right now, and so you can get work through these apps. We just want to give people work. And it’s not our fault that America doesn’t have a real safety net. It’s not our fault that it’s really hard to make it in this country, even if you’re working full-time. The anti side is saying, listen, if you allow these corporations to provide this kind of subpar, substandard work, you’re going to erode more of the good jobs that we do have. And you’re going to see more and more companies following Uber, Lyft, Instacart down this app route, which means you’re going to have more inequality and you’re going to have less good jobs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price \u003c/b>[00:07:14] I’ve seen a lot of arguments that these companies will stop operating in California if this law doesn’t pass. Is that a risk here?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sam Harnett \u003c/b>[00:07:22] Well, Uber definitely made it clear that they would temporarily pull out of California. But it’s important to remember that Uber, Lyft and other gig companies have threatened to leave whenever they didn’t like a regulation in multiple cities and states across the country. In Austin, in New York City, in Chicago and Seattle, and they always came back. In all of those cases, Uber and Lyft would temporarily leave until the regulation was changed back in their favor and then they return.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sam Harnett \u003c/b>[00:07:48] Now, if you look at California, you know, I think what, Olivia, we’re like the fifth biggest economy in the world. Right? The idea that they would pull out of California forever, it just doesn’t seem very feasible, given how big of a market that they are now.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price \u003c/b>[00:08:01] Sort of another sort of, I guess, argument that I’ve seen out there is not just, OK, we might pull out of California, but also if we have to make everyone employees, fewer people will be able to drive for us because of the additional cost of making them employees. Could we see drivers potentially lose out on opportunity here if this were to fail?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sam Harnett \u003c/b>[00:08:24] Uber, Lyft, DoorDash, shifting to employee status is definitely gonna force them to change their business model. They’re going to have to do things a little differently, and that might mean they have fewer drivers who then drive more hours. And so some very casual drivers might lose out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price \u003c/b>[00:08:39] Drivers using these apps come down on both sides of Prop 22. Supporters are worried that becoming employees could ultimately take away their flexible work schedules or cause job losses. They also say rates could go up for consumers and service could disappear from lower profit regions. Drivers voting against Prop 22 want the protections that they would get as an employee. They argue a company shouldn’t get to write their own labor laws. They also point out that Prop 22 would be difficult to amend or overturn, requiring a 7/8 vote in the California state legislature or another proposition on a feature ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price \u003c/b>[00:09:19] The campaign financing on this one is bonkers. What does the money situation look like?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sam Harnett \u003c/b>[00:09:23] Right. So on the pro side, I mean, the people who want this proposition, it’s mainly the gig companies. Over 181 million dollars. The most on a California proposition. And if you’re watching TV right now, you’re probably seeing the ads. I mean, they are flooding the airwaves. On the against side, it’s mostly labor, and they’ve got about 10 million dollars. So it’s an 18 to 1 disparity between the funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price \u003c/b>[00:09:47] Well, Sam Harnett, KQED, Silicon Valley reporter, thanks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sam Harnett \u003c/b>[00:09:50] Thanks, Olivia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price \u003c/b>[00:09:52] To put a cap on this one, a vote yes says you think app based driving services should be treated differently from other industries and be allowed to classify their workers as independent contractors rather than employees. A no vote means you think app based driving services should follow the regulations set out by our existing law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price \u003c/b>[00:10:14] Bay Curious Prop Fest is produced by \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/katrinaschwartz\">Katrina Schwartz\u003c/a>, Rob Speight, Katie McMurran and me, Olivia Allen-Price, with a huge assist from the entire KQED newsroom. Our show is made in San Francisco at member supported KQED. We’ll be back tomorrow with an episode on Prop 23, the dialysis prop. See you then.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Proposition 22 asks Californians if they want to define app-based transportation and delivery drivers as independent contractors, instead of as employees, as state law currently requires. This is an industry-specific carve-out. This episode is part of our \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/propfest\">Bay Curious Prop Fest\u003c/a> series, which explores the 12 propositions on California’s ballot. The series runs from Oct. 1-16, with new episodes dropping every weekday.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Transcript\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price \u003c/b>[00:00:00] I’m \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/ohubertallen\"> Olivia Allen-Price \u003c/a> . You’re listening to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/propfest\">Bay Curious Prop Fest. \u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price \u003c/b>[00:00:05] It’s the most expensive ballot measure in California history, \u003ca href=\"https://voterguide.sos.ca.gov/propositions/22/\">Proposition 22 \u003c/a>. Or, as you might be calling it, that one about \u003ca href=\"https://www.uber.com/\">Uber \u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.lyft.com/\">Lyft. \u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Lyft driver \u003c/b> [00:00:15] I like the flexibility of driving whenever you want. Having your own schedule.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Uber driver \u003c/b>[00:00:20] We want to be independent contractors, but Uber doesn’t treat us like independent contractors. We’re not able to set our rates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Lyft driver \u003c/b><[00:00:26] Right now, I’m going to school. As my part-time gig to make money I’m doing Lyft.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Uber driver \u003c/b>[00:00:31] We’re not able to work when we want to, we pretty much have to work when we have to, in order to make money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price \u003c/b>[00:00:38] How should app based drivers be classified? As employees or contractors? Prop 22 asks the public to decide. Today in the show we’ll unpack what difference those classifications make and learn how Prop 22 could impact the future of work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price \u003c/b>[00:01:02] KQED reporter \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/samharnett\">Sam Harnett\u003c/a> has been covering these gig apps for years now and is here to walk us through Prop 22. Welcome, Sam.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sam Harnett \u003c/b>[00:01:09] Hello, Olivia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price \u003c/b>[00:01:10] So I know there’s a lot of layers to this one and we’re gonna get into all of those, but give us first a brief break down, what would Prop 22 do? What are we voting on?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sam Harnett \u003c/b>[00:01:19] So at the highest level, Proposition 22 would exempt a handful of gig app companies like Uber, Lyft and \u003ca href=\"https://www.instacart.com/\">Instacart \u003c/a>from California state labor law. And it would allow those companies to continue classifying their drivers as contractors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003caside class=\"alignleft utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__bayCuriousPodcastShortcode__bayCurious\">\u003cimg src=https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/02/bayCuriousLogo.png alt=\"Bay Curious Podcast\" loading=\"lazy\" />\n \u003ca href=\"/news/series/baycurious\">Bay Curious\u003c/a> is a podcast that answers your questions about the Bay Area.\n Subscribe on \u003ca href=\"https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/bay-curious/id1172473406\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Apple Podcasts\u003c/a>,\n \u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/podcasts/500557090/bay-curious\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">NPR One\u003c/a> or your favorite podcast platform.\u003c/aside>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price \u003c/b>[00:01:33] And the issue of whether app based drivers, you know, should be considered employees or independent contractors, it really goes back to sort of the beginning of when these apps kind of first came out. What’s going on?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sam Harnett \u003c/b>[00:01:45] Sure. So if you go back to the beginning of Uber and Lyft in 2012, they started using this labor model where they, they classified their workers as contractors, which means they don’t pay unemployment insurance, they don’t have to pay overtime, they don’t pay workers comp. They have way less liability if there’s an accident. The whole business model is built on this contractor status, which was legally suspect from the start. So there are lawsuits right in the beginning against these companies, but the companies prevailed and they were able to keep classifying their workers as contractors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sam Harnett \u003c/b>[00:02:11] Then in 2018, the California Supreme Court came in and they issued what’s called \u003ca href=\"https://scocal.stanford.edu/opinion/dynamex-operations-west-inc-v-superior-court-34584\">The Dynamex Decision\u003c/a>, which actually wasn’t about the gig companies, it was about this independent trucking company that was classifying workers as contractors. But anyway, it made it harder for companies to classify workers as contractors. So in 2018, a lot people thought, OK, now these companies are going to change and start classifying workers as employees. But the companies didn’t.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sam Harnett \u003c/b>[00:02:34] So, the legislature in 2019 passed a law called AB 5, which just codified into law the California Supreme Court dynamic’s decision. That became a law in 2020, and a lot people thought, OK, now, Uber, Lyft and InstaCart, they’re going to classify their workers as employees. But the companies didn’t. So then the pandemic happens, suddenly you’ve got tens or hundreds of thousands of workers for these apps that are out of work, but they can’t collect unemployment because the companies never paid into the state unemployment fund. So then you had the California attorney general step in, and a bunch of city attorneys, and they sued Uber and Lyft. This was back in May. And they sued them saying, hey, listen, you’re you’re still misclassifying your workers. Meanwhile, Uber, Lyft, Instacart, \u003ca href=\"https://postmates.com/\">Postmates\u003c/a> and a bunch of the other gig apps put Proposition 22 on the ballot. And they’re betting like, OK, if we can get the voters to pass this proposition, then we can keep operating as, as we were before.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price \u003c/b>[00:03:27] Can you explain a little bit more thoroughly like what is the difference effectively between an employee and an independent contractor?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sam Harnett \u003c/b>[00:03:34] In America the only way to get basic protections like unemployment insurance, guaranteed minimum wage, overtime, workers compensation, is to be an employee. If you’re a contractor, you don’t get any of those protections. That’s essentially the difference. Really, the contractor was supposed to be for kind of professionals who were making a ton of money and were deciding to be a contractor because they wanted to, not because they were being forced to be a contractor. But corporations saw that, hey, with this contractor model, we can get out of paying for all these employee benefits and protections, and it’s way, way cheaper. So over the last, you know, since the late 70s, companies have been pushing more and more workers from employees into contractor status. It’s really just about do you get guaranteed employee protections or not?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price \u003c/b>[00:04:19] OK. And can we get into, like, a little bit the nitty gritty of 22 – what would really change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sam Harnett \u003c/b>[00:04:25] So Proposition 22 is a carve out for select companies. And the carve out is for companies that do transportation or delivery through apps. And if a company fits that description, that means they can classify their workers as contractors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price \u003c/b>[00:04:39] And this isn’t just like Uber and Lyft, which is what I think people immediately think of, but also like delivery, like \u003ca href=\"https://www.doordash.com/en-US\">DoorDash\u003c/a>, Instacart,.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sam Harnett \u003c/b>[00:04:46] PostMates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price \u003c/b>[00:04:47] Anyone who is in a car.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sam Harnett \u003c/b>[00:04:48] Yeah. Through an app, on a car, on a bike, doing delivery or transportation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price \u003c/b>[00:04:53] OK.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sam Harnett \u003c/b>[00:04:53] The proposition then also has a couple increase perks or benefits for contractors. They can get health subsidies if they drive a certain amount. They can get limited insurance. They also, it says Iike a minimum floor for pay, but the minimum pay is calculated based on engaged hours – this is a really important difference. So it’s 120% of minimum wage is going to be guaranteed, but that’s only while you’re actually engaged in the app.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"link1": "https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/proposition-22-ab-5-gig-workers,Proposition 22: Should so-called gig economy companies such as Uber, Lyft, and Instacart be exempted from state labor law?",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sam Harnett \u003c/b>[00:05:17] So that means if you’re driving for Uber and let’s say you don’t get a ride for an hour, well, you don’t get paid for that hour of driving around even though you were working. So that’s like a really important kind of distinction. And I guess, the thing with Proposition 22 is, it’s all – it all gets very complicated in the details, but basically, if you look at the package, it’s going to guarantee a slight improvement to the benefits and protections for the contractors, but it’s far short of what you’d get in employee status.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price \u003c/b>[00:05:42] Could other industries be impacted if this passes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sam Harnett \u003c/b>[00:05:45] It creates this sort of third category that you can bet that corporations are going to go for because they can see a way to make money. And if you remember, Uber and Lyft, you know, started the gig app trend, but Instacart, PostMates, DoorDash, all these companies followed Uber and Lyft by creating apps to create more jobs that were contractor and not employee. So, you can bet that a lot of other industries, if they can figure out a way, you know, if trucking can get on an app, you know, maybe there’s a way to have warehouse workers work through an app. This opens the door for more companies to try to find ways to fit this model because contractors are way cheaper than employees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price \u003c/b>[00:06:24] Now, what are these companies like Uber, Lyft, Instacart, DoorDash, etc., what are their arguments for why people should vote for 22?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sam Harnett \u003c/b>[00:06:32] I’d say their primary argument is: This will allow us to keep operating as we were operating. It’s basically a pitch to consumers saying, hey, you know, you liked Uber and Lyft and Instacart and DoorSash. The second argument they make is, you know, listen, people need work right now, and so you can get work through these apps. We just want to give people work. And it’s not our fault that America doesn’t have a real safety net. It’s not our fault that it’s really hard to make it in this country, even if you’re working full-time. The anti side is saying, listen, if you allow these corporations to provide this kind of subpar, substandard work, you’re going to erode more of the good jobs that we do have. And you’re going to see more and more companies following Uber, Lyft, Instacart down this app route, which means you’re going to have more inequality and you’re going to have less good jobs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price \u003c/b>[00:07:14] I’ve seen a lot of arguments that these companies will stop operating in California if this law doesn’t pass. Is that a risk here?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sam Harnett \u003c/b>[00:07:22] Well, Uber definitely made it clear that they would temporarily pull out of California. But it’s important to remember that Uber, Lyft and other gig companies have threatened to leave whenever they didn’t like a regulation in multiple cities and states across the country. In Austin, in New York City, in Chicago and Seattle, and they always came back. In all of those cases, Uber and Lyft would temporarily leave until the regulation was changed back in their favor and then they return.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sam Harnett \u003c/b>[00:07:48] Now, if you look at California, you know, I think what, Olivia, we’re like the fifth biggest economy in the world. Right? The idea that they would pull out of California forever, it just doesn’t seem very feasible, given how big of a market that they are now.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price \u003c/b>[00:08:01] Sort of another sort of, I guess, argument that I’ve seen out there is not just, OK, we might pull out of California, but also if we have to make everyone employees, fewer people will be able to drive for us because of the additional cost of making them employees. Could we see drivers potentially lose out on opportunity here if this were to fail?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sam Harnett \u003c/b>[00:08:24] Uber, Lyft, DoorDash, shifting to employee status is definitely gonna force them to change their business model. They’re going to have to do things a little differently, and that might mean they have fewer drivers who then drive more hours. And so some very casual drivers might lose out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price \u003c/b>[00:08:39] Drivers using these apps come down on both sides of Prop 22. Supporters are worried that becoming employees could ultimately take away their flexible work schedules or cause job losses. They also say rates could go up for consumers and service could disappear from lower profit regions. Drivers voting against Prop 22 want the protections that they would get as an employee. They argue a company shouldn’t get to write their own labor laws. They also point out that Prop 22 would be difficult to amend or overturn, requiring a 7/8 vote in the California state legislature or another proposition on a feature ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price \u003c/b>[00:09:19] The campaign financing on this one is bonkers. What does the money situation look like?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sam Harnett \u003c/b>[00:09:23] Right. So on the pro side, I mean, the people who want this proposition, it’s mainly the gig companies. Over 181 million dollars. The most on a California proposition. And if you’re watching TV right now, you’re probably seeing the ads. I mean, they are flooding the airwaves. On the against side, it’s mostly labor, and they’ve got about 10 million dollars. So it’s an 18 to 1 disparity between the funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price \u003c/b>[00:09:47] Well, Sam Harnett, KQED, Silicon Valley reporter, thanks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sam Harnett \u003c/b>[00:09:50] Thanks, Olivia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price \u003c/b>[00:09:52] To put a cap on this one, a vote yes says you think app based driving services should be treated differently from other industries and be allowed to classify their workers as independent contractors rather than employees. A no vote means you think app based driving services should follow the regulations set out by our existing law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price \u003c/b>[00:10:14] Bay Curious Prop Fest is produced by \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/katrinaschwartz\">Katrina Schwartz\u003c/a>, Rob Speight, Katie McMurran and me, Olivia Allen-Price, with a huge assist from the entire KQED newsroom. Our show is made in San Francisco at member supported KQED. We’ll be back tomorrow with an episode on Prop 23, the dialysis prop. See you then.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>It’s Indigenous Peoples Day, the holiday that celebrates Native American cultures and peoples – it \u003ca href=\"http://bit.ly/fioreindigenouspeoplesday\">began as a Bay Area protest\u003c/a> to Columbus Day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I grew up learning the sanitized and \u003ca href=\"https://www.mamalisa.com/blog/columbus-day-poem-in-1492-columbus-sailed-the-ocean-blue/\">ahistorical version\u003c/a> of Christopher Columbus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You know, the guy who \u003ca href=\"https://www.csmonitor.com/USA/USA-Update/2015/1011/Columbus-Day-How-did-Christopher-Columbus-become-so-controversial#:~:text=%E2%80%9CColumbus%20later%20wrote%2C%E2%80%9D%20Zinn,who%20discovered%20the%20New%20World.\">wrote\u003c/a>, “let us in the name of the Holy Trinity go on sending all the slaves that can be sold.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s high time we end the reverence for a violent slave-trading killer \u003ca href=\"https://www.teachingforchange.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/09/ZEP_AbolishColumbusDay_Packet.pdf\">once and for all\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cp>Indigenous Peoples Day, the holiday that celebrates Native American cultures and peoples, celebrates its 28th anniversary on Monday, Oct. 12, 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This year, the celebration will take place not in person, but \u003ca href=\"https://www.ipdpowwow.org/\">virtually on Zoom\u003c/a> as a COVID-19 safety measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Indigenous Peoples Day is also a holiday that began as a Bay Area protest of Columbus Day. Here’s how it all unfolded.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Challenging Columbus\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>In the 1980s, then-U.S. President Ronald Reagan created the Christopher Columbus Quincentenary Jubilee Commission.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Its job was to come up with a grand celebration to commemorate the 500th anniversary of the arrival of Columbus in the Americas. The plan was for replicas of Columbus’ three ships to sail along the East Coast and then over to California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They were going to go into the Panama Canal, and sail into the San Francisco Bay as part of this national hoopla,” said John Curl, Berkeley resident and one of the organizers of the first Indigenous Peoples Day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/Native_NewsNet/status/1183550447015092225\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Curl said this idea of having the Bay Area as the centerpiece of Columbus Day celebrations did not sit well with him and a lot of native people. So they formed a group to protest the jubilee. They called themselves Resistance 500.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Bay Area is a pretty progressive place and we did not want to be the center of a national celebration of imperialism and colonialism and genocide,” Curl said. “We tried to turn it into something different, something positive.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/berkeleyside/status/1176668726197796864\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s exactly what they did. In 1992, just weeks before the 500th anniversary of Columbus’ arrival, Curl and other native leaders convinced Berkeley’s City Council to get rid of Columbus Day and instead celebrate Indigenous Peoples Day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11780279,news_11638976,news_11826151]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>‘Profoundly Disrespectful’\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>When the group asked the city to change Columbus Day to Indigenous Peoples Day in 1992, then-Mayor Loni Hancock said it was the first time she understood the negative impact of this holiday on Indigenous people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We had to think about what is this holiday about and who discovered America, and how really profoundly disrespectful it was to say that a European explorer who never actually set foot on the continent did that,” \u003ca href=\"https://www.kcrw.com/news/shows/morning-edition/npr-story/769083847\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Hancock told NPR’s Morning Edition in 2019\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That narrative, she said, is “discounting the Indigenous people who had lived here for centuries with very sophisticated cultures and pretty much in harmony with the earth.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/csmlibrarian/status/1183822292050173952\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Certainly the hundreds and thousands of Italian immigrants who came over in steerage class on the boats at the turn of the 19th century endured a lot of hardships to get here,” she added. “But the discovery of America is something where you want to get your history right.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Oct. 12, 1992, Berkeley became the first city in the U.S. to officially celebrate the holiday.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>A Lasting Legacy\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Now, 28 years later, several other cities have followed suit, including Seattle, Austin, Los Angeles and most recently Washington, D.C.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All we did was plant the seeds for this, and we’ve just tended to it for over 20 years,” Curl said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11621765\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1152px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11621765\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RS27211_IDP-2-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1152\" height=\"892\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RS27211_IDP-2-qut.jpg 1152w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RS27211_IDP-2-qut-160x124.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RS27211_IDP-2-qut-800x619.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RS27211_IDP-2-qut-1020x790.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RS27211_IDP-2-qut-960x743.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RS27211_IDP-2-qut-240x186.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RS27211_IDP-2-qut-375x290.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RS27211_IDP-2-qut-520x403.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1152px) 100vw, 1152px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Festivities at Berkeley’s Indigenous Peoples Day Pow Wow include traditional dancing. \u003ccite>(Christopher Burquez)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>And if you’re wondering what happened to the grand Columbus Day celebration that was planned to end in San Francisco Bay?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That ship never sailed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>A version of this post first published on Oct. 9, 2017\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "More cities are celebrating Indigenous Peoples Day instead of Columbus Day. The City of Berkeley was first.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Indigenous Peoples Day, the holiday that celebrates Native American cultures and peoples, celebrates its 28th anniversary on Monday, Oct. 12, 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This year, the celebration will take place not in person, but \u003ca href=\"https://www.ipdpowwow.org/\">virtually on Zoom\u003c/a> as a COVID-19 safety measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Indigenous Peoples Day is also a holiday that began as a Bay Area protest of Columbus Day. Here’s how it all unfolded.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Challenging Columbus\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>In the 1980s, then-U.S. President Ronald Reagan created the Christopher Columbus Quincentenary Jubilee Commission.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Its job was to come up with a grand celebration to commemorate the 500th anniversary of the arrival of Columbus in the Americas. The plan was for replicas of Columbus’ three ships to sail along the East Coast and then over to California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They were going to go into the Panama Canal, and sail into the San Francisco Bay as part of this national hoopla,” said John Curl, Berkeley resident and one of the organizers of the first Indigenous Peoples Day.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>Curl said this idea of having the Bay Area as the centerpiece of Columbus Day celebrations did not sit well with him and a lot of native people. So they formed a group to protest the jubilee. They called themselves Resistance 500.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Bay Area is a pretty progressive place and we did not want to be the center of a national celebration of imperialism and colonialism and genocide,” Curl said. “We tried to turn it into something different, something positive.”\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>That’s exactly what they did. In 1992, just weeks before the 500th anniversary of Columbus’ arrival, Curl and other native leaders convinced Berkeley’s City Council to get rid of Columbus Day and instead celebrate Indigenous Peoples Day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>‘Profoundly Disrespectful’\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>When the group asked the city to change Columbus Day to Indigenous Peoples Day in 1992, then-Mayor Loni Hancock said it was the first time she understood the negative impact of this holiday on Indigenous people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We had to think about what is this holiday about and who discovered America, and how really profoundly disrespectful it was to say that a European explorer who never actually set foot on the continent did that,” \u003ca href=\"https://www.kcrw.com/news/shows/morning-edition/npr-story/769083847\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Hancock told NPR’s Morning Edition in 2019\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That narrative, she said, is “discounting the Indigenous people who had lived here for centuries with very sophisticated cultures and pretty much in harmony with the earth.”\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>“Certainly the hundreds and thousands of Italian immigrants who came over in steerage class on the boats at the turn of the 19th century endured a lot of hardships to get here,” she added. “But the discovery of America is something where you want to get your history right.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Oct. 12, 1992, Berkeley became the first city in the U.S. to officially celebrate the holiday.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>A Lasting Legacy\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Now, 28 years later, several other cities have followed suit, including Seattle, Austin, Los Angeles and most recently Washington, D.C.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All we did was plant the seeds for this, and we’ve just tended to it for over 20 years,” Curl said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11621765\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1152px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11621765\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RS27211_IDP-2-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1152\" height=\"892\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RS27211_IDP-2-qut.jpg 1152w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RS27211_IDP-2-qut-160x124.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RS27211_IDP-2-qut-800x619.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RS27211_IDP-2-qut-1020x790.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RS27211_IDP-2-qut-960x743.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RS27211_IDP-2-qut-240x186.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RS27211_IDP-2-qut-375x290.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RS27211_IDP-2-qut-520x403.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1152px) 100vw, 1152px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Festivities at Berkeley’s Indigenous Peoples Day Pow Wow include traditional dancing. \u003ccite>(Christopher Burquez)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>And if you’re wondering what happened to the grand Columbus Day celebration that was planned to end in San Francisco Bay?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That ship never sailed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>A version of this post first published on Oct. 9, 2017\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Looking for up-to-date information about correcting a mistake on your ballot for the 2024 presidential election instead? \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12003469/election-2024-how-to-correct-a-mistake-on-your-ballot-correction\">Read our guide to fixing a mistake on your 2024 ballot before Election Day on Nov. 5.\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>It happens to everyone. You were \u003cem>so\u003c/em> excited to fill out your 2020 ballot, ripping open the envelope with glee. You’ve researched the candidates and measures, filling in the ovals on your ballot for your preferred selections. You were ready to put it in the mail or drive it to a ballot drop box and then… it hits you: you accidentally filled in the wrong bubble. Or forgot to sign. Or put the wrong date.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>First off, don’t fret. There are steps you can take — even if you’ve already submitted your ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca style=\"color: #41a62a; outline: 0px;\" href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11843152/me-equivoque-al-llenar-mi-boleta-electoral-como-corrijo-mi-error\">\u003cem>Leer en español\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But importantly, each county is \u003cem>slightly\u003c/em> different on how they’d prefer you address those mistakes. So if you have specific questions about your ballot, you can always \u003ca href=\"#contact\">contact your local Registrar of Voters to get advice and instructions.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>“I filled in the wrong candidate”\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>If you haven’t submitted your ballot yet:\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You have some options. Some counties, like Alameda, ask that you actually contact them first if you make a serious mistake — including voting for the wrong candidate — so they can send you a replacement ballot. So, wherever you live, it’s a good idea to check with your local elections office first to see what \u003cem>they\u003c/em> recommend if you made a mistake.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">[aside postID=news_11841059,news_11839465]\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other county elections officials ask that you cross out the incorrect selection and fill in the correct selection — and make it as clear as possible what you do want to vote for. For example, you could \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11840343/how-to-make-sure-your-mail-in-ballot-isnt-rejected-in-california#mistake\">cross out the selection with a clearly marked X and write a note next to the option you do want.\u003c/a> You could put a “YES” next to the candidate you want and a “NO” next to the candidate you don’t want.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If your ballot has two selections in a category where you can only vote for one candidate, elections officials refer to that as “over-voting.” And when these situations come up, the ballot is flagged for review.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Whenever there’s an over-vote in a contest, those cards are actually removed from the processing, and then we do a manual review,” said John Arntz, director of elections in San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If elections officials can understand what the voter intended, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11840343/how-to-make-sure-your-mail-in-ballot-isnt-rejected-in-california#mistake\">they’ll recreate the marked ballot\u003c/a> on a clean one and submit that one for tallying. If not, they can reach out to you during what’s called an “adjudication” process to ensure they understand what you wanted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>If you \u003cem>have\u003c/em> already submitted your ballot:\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unfortunately, there’s no way to correct a ballot once it has been cast and submitted to elections officials. So you’ll want to get in touch with your county elections office to speak through your specific situation. \u003ca href=\"#contact\">Find out how to contact your county.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11841798\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11841798\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45270_008_KQED_ElectionStockPhotos_TikaHall_10062020-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45270_008_KQED_ElectionStockPhotos_TikaHall_10062020-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45270_008_KQED_ElectionStockPhotos_TikaHall_10062020-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45270_008_KQED_ElectionStockPhotos_TikaHall_10062020-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45270_008_KQED_ElectionStockPhotos_TikaHall_10062020-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45270_008_KQED_ElectionStockPhotos_TikaHall_10062020-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A San Francisco resident drops their mail-in ballot into a mailbox on Oct. 6, 2020. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>“I put the wrong date on my envelope”\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>If you haven’t submitted your ballot yet:\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s easy. Just clearly cross out the incorrect date on the envelope and write in the correct one above it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Remember, it should be the date that you \u003cem>signed\u003c/em> your ballot. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11839299/what-do-you-want-to-know-about-voting-this-year\">Many people have been asking us via our “ask a question” box\u003c/a> if that date is meant to be the voter’s birthdate. It’s not.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>If you \u003cem>have\u003c/em> already submitted your ballot:\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Don’t worry. Elections officials say that the date they’re \u003cem>really\u003c/em> looking for is the date that the ballot is postmarked, to make sure it was submitted on time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We don’t even look at it because we received the ballot prior to the Election Day,” said John Gardner, assistant registrar of voters for Solano County. “It’s when we receive your ballot \u003cem>after\u003c/em> the Election Day, like maybe you mailed it Monday before Election Day. That’s when we have to start looking at postmarks on the ballot, or date that the voter signed the envelope, to determine if we can count the ballot or not.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">[aside postID=news_11840343,news_11841201]\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So: as long as you mail or drop off your ballot on Election Day, and it’s postmarked by Nov. 3 at the latest, you don’t need to worry about the date — because officials already \u003cem>know\u003c/em> they’re on time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>And don’t forget:\u003c/strong> \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11840343/how-to-make-sure-your-mail-in-ballot-isnt-rejected-in-california\">mailing a ballot too late\u003c/a> on Election Day itself — by placing it into a mailbox that’s already had its last collection of the day, or taking it to a post office that’s already closed — will mean that ballot is postmarked on the day \u003cem>after\u003c/em> Election Day, and therefore too late to be counted. Don’t make this mistake.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>“I forgot to sign it”\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>If you haven’t submitted your ballot yet:\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Go ahead and sign it! And remember to date the envelope with the date of signing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We’ve had a lot of questions from our audience about how to find out the “right” signature for your ballot. You can \u003ca href=\"https://voterstatus.sos.ca.gov/\">check the actual name you’re registered to vote with online, \u003c/a>although you can’t check the signature there. However, it’s really likely that your voting signature is the one on your California driver’s license or your state ID. That’s because when you register to vote online, your county elections office electronically requests a copy of the signature the DMV currently has for you, and this information is regularly updated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So the best way to start is to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11840343/how-to-make-sure-your-mail-in-ballot-isnt-rejected-in-california#signature\">take a look at the signature that’s on your driver’s license or state ID\u003c/a>, as it’s likely the one on file.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And if you’re concerned that your signature has changed over the years, here’s something that might reassure you: if you’ve done any business at the DMV between now and when you registered to vote that required your signature, that new signature is \u003cem>also\u003c/em> on file.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Anytime anyone makes a transaction at DMV and signs something, that signature is also on file,” said Evelyn Mendez, public and legislative affairs manager at the Santa Clara County Registrar of Voters. “That’s the most current signature that we have on record.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But if you still don’t think that’s the right one, or if you have physical difficulty signing, there are a few things you can do. You can:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Re-register to vote with your current signature, to be sure that the state now has your most recent one on file\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Have someone watch you making your mark, and sign on the ballot’s “witness” line\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Contact your county elections office for further assistance. You can also call the California Voter Hotline at (800) 345-VOTE (8683).\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>And if you’re worried about whether or not you should include your middle initial? Don’t worry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think sometimes people get confused because they hear about other states where it has to be an exact match, and it’s not an exact match here,” said Lynda Roberts, registrar of voters for Marin County. “The overall signature just has to compare to what we have on file.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In fact, according to the California code of regulations, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sos.ca.gov/administration/regulations/current-regulations/elections/signature-verification-ballot-processing-and-ballot-counting-emergency-regulations\">“exact matches are not required for an elections official to confirm a valid signature.”\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The example I always use is like my name,” said Tim Dupuis, registrar of voters for Alameda County. “I sometimes sign my name as Tim, I sometimes sign that sign it as Timothy … But I make my ‘T’ the same way, and I make the ‘D’ in Dupuis, my last name, the same.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So when they see those things, when they see those points with consistency in the signature, we’re going to err in the favor of the voter and that’s going to we’re going to validate that voter.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>If you \u003cem>have\u003c/em> already submitted your ballot:\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You can contact your county elections office to let them know about the issue. But rest assured, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11840343/how-to-make-sure-your-mail-in-ballot-isnt-rejected-in-california#signature\">there is a whole process for resolving problems with your signature on the ballot\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If your county’s election office detects a signature mismatch on your ballot, they’ll reach back out to you via mail to verify and work with you to correct it so that your ballot can be counted after all. The earlier you vote, the earlier the issue can be resolved. Though there is a long period allowed for this signature “curing process” after the election — about three weeks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You could also sign up to \u003ca href=\"https://california.ballottrax.net/voter/\">track your ballot’s progress online\u003c/a>, and allow for email and phone notifications.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>A Few Other Common Issues…\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>We asked your local elections officials for common issues to watch out for on the ballot. Here’s what they said:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Make sure you’re filling out and signing the ballot with \u003cem>your\u003c/em> name on it\u003c/strong>: It’s common to see partners or roommates accidentally mix up their ballots. So make sure you’re signing the document that bears your name.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Make sure you use a black or blue pen\u003c/strong>: It reads better, and it doesn’t slow workers down when they have to check to see what voter intent was. (Don’t use a felt tip or a Sharpie that bleeds through the paper and marks other pages on your ballot.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>There are many ways to vote\u003c/strong>: If you don’t want to put your ballot in the mail, you can drop it off at a drop box or go in person to a polling place in your county. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11841059/how-to-find-your-early-voting-site-or-ballot-drop-off-location\">Find your closest drop box or voting location\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Don’t rush, but vote as early as you can:\u003c/strong> As soon as your ballot is submitted, election officials can begin processing your ballot and contacting you if there are any issues. And while no ballots will be counted before polls close on Election Day, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11841201/you-mailed-your-ballot-where-does-it-go-and-when-is-it-counted\">submitting your ballot earlier means it’ll be \u003cem>prepared\u003c/em> to be counted earlier\u003c/a>, and makes it more likely that your vote will be included in the first results announced on election night.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So, take your time, but try to get those ballots in as soon as possible.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003ca id=\"contact\">\u003c/a>Contact Your County Direct\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Across the Bay Area, elections officials are encouraging voters to reach out — early — with any questions or concerns. Here’s the contact information for your county:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"https://www.acvote.org/index\">Alameda\u003c/a>:\u003c/strong> For information about voting by mail, registration and polling place lookup, call 510-267-8683.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"https://www.cocovote.us\">Contra Costa\u003c/a>:\u003c/strong> Call 925-335-7800 or email voter.services@vote.cccounty.us\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"https://www.marincounty.org/depts/rv\">Marin\u003c/a>:\u003c/strong> You can call (415) 473-6456 or go to the Marin County elections page to \u003ca href=\"https://www.marincounty.org/depts/rv/contact-us\">send a form email\u003c/a>.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"https://www.countyofnapa.org/396/Elections\">Napa\u003c/a>: \u003c/strong>Call 707-253-4321 or email the Election office at elections@countyofnapa.org\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"https://sfelections.sfgov.org\">San Francisco\u003c/a>: \u003c/strong>You can get in touch with the department by calling (415) 554-4375 or emailing SFVote@sfgov.org\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"https://www.smcacre.org/elections\">San Mateo\u003c/a>: \u003c/strong>Call 888-762-8683 or email registrar@smcacre.org\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.sccgov.org/sites/rov/Pages/Registrar-of-Voters.aspx\">\u003cstrong>Santa Clara\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>: You can call toll-free at 1-866-430-VOTE (8683) or email registrar@rov.sccgov.org\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"https://www.solanocounty.com/depts/rov/default.asp\">Solano\u003c/a>: \u003c/strong>Call 707-784-6675 or (888) 933-VOTE (8683). You can also email elections@solanocounty.com\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"https://sonomacounty.ca.gov/CRA/Registrar-of-Voters/\">Sonoma\u003c/a>: \u003c/strong>Call 707-565-6800 or toll-free at (800) 750-8683.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "If you've made a mistake on your ballot, don't fret. There are steps you can take, even if you've already sent it in. ",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Looking for up-to-date information about correcting a mistake on your ballot for the 2024 presidential election instead? \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12003469/election-2024-how-to-correct-a-mistake-on-your-ballot-correction\">Read our guide to fixing a mistake on your 2024 ballot before Election Day on Nov. 5.\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>It happens to everyone. You were \u003cem>so\u003c/em> excited to fill out your 2020 ballot, ripping open the envelope with glee. You’ve researched the candidates and measures, filling in the ovals on your ballot for your preferred selections. You were ready to put it in the mail or drive it to a ballot drop box and then… it hits you: you accidentally filled in the wrong bubble. Or forgot to sign. Or put the wrong date.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>First off, don’t fret. There are steps you can take — even if you’ve already submitted your ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca style=\"color: #41a62a; outline: 0px;\" href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11843152/me-equivoque-al-llenar-mi-boleta-electoral-como-corrijo-mi-error\">\u003cem>Leer en español\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But importantly, each county is \u003cem>slightly\u003c/em> different on how they’d prefer you address those mistakes. So if you have specific questions about your ballot, you can always \u003ca href=\"#contact\">contact your local Registrar of Voters to get advice and instructions.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>“I filled in the wrong candidate”\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>If you haven’t submitted your ballot yet:\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You have some options. Some counties, like Alameda, ask that you actually contact them first if you make a serious mistake — including voting for the wrong candidate — so they can send you a replacement ballot. So, wherever you live, it’s a good idea to check with your local elections office first to see what \u003cem>they\u003c/em> recommend if you made a mistake.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other county elections officials ask that you cross out the incorrect selection and fill in the correct selection — and make it as clear as possible what you do want to vote for. For example, you could \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11840343/how-to-make-sure-your-mail-in-ballot-isnt-rejected-in-california#mistake\">cross out the selection with a clearly marked X and write a note next to the option you do want.\u003c/a> You could put a “YES” next to the candidate you want and a “NO” next to the candidate you don’t want.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If your ballot has two selections in a category where you can only vote for one candidate, elections officials refer to that as “over-voting.” And when these situations come up, the ballot is flagged for review.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Whenever there’s an over-vote in a contest, those cards are actually removed from the processing, and then we do a manual review,” said John Arntz, director of elections in San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If elections officials can understand what the voter intended, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11840343/how-to-make-sure-your-mail-in-ballot-isnt-rejected-in-california#mistake\">they’ll recreate the marked ballot\u003c/a> on a clean one and submit that one for tallying. If not, they can reach out to you during what’s called an “adjudication” process to ensure they understand what you wanted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>If you \u003cem>have\u003c/em> already submitted your ballot:\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unfortunately, there’s no way to correct a ballot once it has been cast and submitted to elections officials. So you’ll want to get in touch with your county elections office to speak through your specific situation. \u003ca href=\"#contact\">Find out how to contact your county.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11841798\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11841798\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45270_008_KQED_ElectionStockPhotos_TikaHall_10062020-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45270_008_KQED_ElectionStockPhotos_TikaHall_10062020-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45270_008_KQED_ElectionStockPhotos_TikaHall_10062020-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45270_008_KQED_ElectionStockPhotos_TikaHall_10062020-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45270_008_KQED_ElectionStockPhotos_TikaHall_10062020-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45270_008_KQED_ElectionStockPhotos_TikaHall_10062020-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A San Francisco resident drops their mail-in ballot into a mailbox on Oct. 6, 2020. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>“I put the wrong date on my envelope”\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>If you haven’t submitted your ballot yet:\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s easy. Just clearly cross out the incorrect date on the envelope and write in the correct one above it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Remember, it should be the date that you \u003cem>signed\u003c/em> your ballot. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11839299/what-do-you-want-to-know-about-voting-this-year\">Many people have been asking us via our “ask a question” box\u003c/a> if that date is meant to be the voter’s birthdate. It’s not.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>If you \u003cem>have\u003c/em> already submitted your ballot:\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Don’t worry. Elections officials say that the date they’re \u003cem>really\u003c/em> looking for is the date that the ballot is postmarked, to make sure it was submitted on time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We don’t even look at it because we received the ballot prior to the Election Day,” said John Gardner, assistant registrar of voters for Solano County. “It’s when we receive your ballot \u003cem>after\u003c/em> the Election Day, like maybe you mailed it Monday before Election Day. That’s when we have to start looking at postmarks on the ballot, or date that the voter signed the envelope, to determine if we can count the ballot or not.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So: as long as you mail or drop off your ballot on Election Day, and it’s postmarked by Nov. 3 at the latest, you don’t need to worry about the date — because officials already \u003cem>know\u003c/em> they’re on time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>And don’t forget:\u003c/strong> \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11840343/how-to-make-sure-your-mail-in-ballot-isnt-rejected-in-california\">mailing a ballot too late\u003c/a> on Election Day itself — by placing it into a mailbox that’s already had its last collection of the day, or taking it to a post office that’s already closed — will mean that ballot is postmarked on the day \u003cem>after\u003c/em> Election Day, and therefore too late to be counted. Don’t make this mistake.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>“I forgot to sign it”\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>If you haven’t submitted your ballot yet:\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Go ahead and sign it! And remember to date the envelope with the date of signing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We’ve had a lot of questions from our audience about how to find out the “right” signature for your ballot. You can \u003ca href=\"https://voterstatus.sos.ca.gov/\">check the actual name you’re registered to vote with online, \u003c/a>although you can’t check the signature there. However, it’s really likely that your voting signature is the one on your California driver’s license or your state ID. That’s because when you register to vote online, your county elections office electronically requests a copy of the signature the DMV currently has for you, and this information is regularly updated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So the best way to start is to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11840343/how-to-make-sure-your-mail-in-ballot-isnt-rejected-in-california#signature\">take a look at the signature that’s on your driver’s license or state ID\u003c/a>, as it’s likely the one on file.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And if you’re concerned that your signature has changed over the years, here’s something that might reassure you: if you’ve done any business at the DMV between now and when you registered to vote that required your signature, that new signature is \u003cem>also\u003c/em> on file.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Anytime anyone makes a transaction at DMV and signs something, that signature is also on file,” said Evelyn Mendez, public and legislative affairs manager at the Santa Clara County Registrar of Voters. “That’s the most current signature that we have on record.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But if you still don’t think that’s the right one, or if you have physical difficulty signing, there are a few things you can do. You can:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Re-register to vote with your current signature, to be sure that the state now has your most recent one on file\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Have someone watch you making your mark, and sign on the ballot’s “witness” line\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Contact your county elections office for further assistance. You can also call the California Voter Hotline at (800) 345-VOTE (8683).\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>And if you’re worried about whether or not you should include your middle initial? Don’t worry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think sometimes people get confused because they hear about other states where it has to be an exact match, and it’s not an exact match here,” said Lynda Roberts, registrar of voters for Marin County. “The overall signature just has to compare to what we have on file.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In fact, according to the California code of regulations, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sos.ca.gov/administration/regulations/current-regulations/elections/signature-verification-ballot-processing-and-ballot-counting-emergency-regulations\">“exact matches are not required for an elections official to confirm a valid signature.”\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The example I always use is like my name,” said Tim Dupuis, registrar of voters for Alameda County. “I sometimes sign my name as Tim, I sometimes sign that sign it as Timothy … But I make my ‘T’ the same way, and I make the ‘D’ in Dupuis, my last name, the same.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So when they see those things, when they see those points with consistency in the signature, we’re going to err in the favor of the voter and that’s going to we’re going to validate that voter.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>If you \u003cem>have\u003c/em> already submitted your ballot:\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You can contact your county elections office to let them know about the issue. But rest assured, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11840343/how-to-make-sure-your-mail-in-ballot-isnt-rejected-in-california#signature\">there is a whole process for resolving problems with your signature on the ballot\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If your county’s election office detects a signature mismatch on your ballot, they’ll reach back out to you via mail to verify and work with you to correct it so that your ballot can be counted after all. The earlier you vote, the earlier the issue can be resolved. Though there is a long period allowed for this signature “curing process” after the election — about three weeks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You could also sign up to \u003ca href=\"https://california.ballottrax.net/voter/\">track your ballot’s progress online\u003c/a>, and allow for email and phone notifications.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>A Few Other Common Issues…\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>We asked your local elections officials for common issues to watch out for on the ballot. Here’s what they said:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Make sure you’re filling out and signing the ballot with \u003cem>your\u003c/em> name on it\u003c/strong>: It’s common to see partners or roommates accidentally mix up their ballots. So make sure you’re signing the document that bears your name.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Make sure you use a black or blue pen\u003c/strong>: It reads better, and it doesn’t slow workers down when they have to check to see what voter intent was. (Don’t use a felt tip or a Sharpie that bleeds through the paper and marks other pages on your ballot.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>There are many ways to vote\u003c/strong>: If you don’t want to put your ballot in the mail, you can drop it off at a drop box or go in person to a polling place in your county. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11841059/how-to-find-your-early-voting-site-or-ballot-drop-off-location\">Find your closest drop box or voting location\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Don’t rush, but vote as early as you can:\u003c/strong> As soon as your ballot is submitted, election officials can begin processing your ballot and contacting you if there are any issues. And while no ballots will be counted before polls close on Election Day, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11841201/you-mailed-your-ballot-where-does-it-go-and-when-is-it-counted\">submitting your ballot earlier means it’ll be \u003cem>prepared\u003c/em> to be counted earlier\u003c/a>, and makes it more likely that your vote will be included in the first results announced on election night.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So, take your time, but try to get those ballots in as soon as possible.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003ca id=\"contact\">\u003c/a>Contact Your County Direct\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Across the Bay Area, elections officials are encouraging voters to reach out — early — with any questions or concerns. Here’s the contact information for your county:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"https://www.acvote.org/index\">Alameda\u003c/a>:\u003c/strong> For information about voting by mail, registration and polling place lookup, call 510-267-8683.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"https://www.cocovote.us\">Contra Costa\u003c/a>:\u003c/strong> Call 925-335-7800 or email voter.services@vote.cccounty.us\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"https://www.marincounty.org/depts/rv\">Marin\u003c/a>:\u003c/strong> You can call (415) 473-6456 or go to the Marin County elections page to \u003ca href=\"https://www.marincounty.org/depts/rv/contact-us\">send a form email\u003c/a>.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"https://www.countyofnapa.org/396/Elections\">Napa\u003c/a>: \u003c/strong>Call 707-253-4321 or email the Election office at elections@countyofnapa.org\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"https://sfelections.sfgov.org\">San Francisco\u003c/a>: \u003c/strong>You can get in touch with the department by calling (415) 554-4375 or emailing SFVote@sfgov.org\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"https://www.smcacre.org/elections\">San Mateo\u003c/a>: \u003c/strong>Call 888-762-8683 or email registrar@smcacre.org\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.sccgov.org/sites/rov/Pages/Registrar-of-Voters.aspx\">\u003cstrong>Santa Clara\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>: You can call toll-free at 1-866-430-VOTE (8683) or email registrar@rov.sccgov.org\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"https://www.solanocounty.com/depts/rov/default.asp\">Solano\u003c/a>: \u003c/strong>Call 707-784-6675 or (888) 933-VOTE (8683). You can also email elections@solanocounty.com\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"https://sonomacounty.ca.gov/CRA/Registrar-of-Voters/\">Sonoma\u003c/a>: \u003c/strong>Call 707-565-6800 or toll-free at (800) 750-8683.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"tagline": "Where conversation and cultura meet",
"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
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"info": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown brings listeners the wisdom of the former Governor, Mayor, and presidential candidate. Scott Shafer interviewed Brown for more than 40 hours, covering the former governor's life and half-century in the political game – and Brown has some lessons he'd like to share. ",
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"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
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"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
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"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
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"tagline": "Politics from a personal perspective",
"info": "Political Breakdown is a new series that explores the political intersection of California and the nation. Each week hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos are joined with a new special guest to unpack politics -- with personality — and offer an insider’s glimpse at how politics happens.",
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"possible": {
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"title": "Possible",
"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
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"pri-the-world": {
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"radiolab": {
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},
"rightnowish": {
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"title": "Rightnowish",
"tagline": "Art is where you find it",
"info": "Rightnowish digs into life in the Bay Area right now… ish. Journalist Pendarvis Harshaw takes us to galleries painted on the sides of liquor stores in West Oakland. We'll dance in warehouses in the Bayview, make smoothies with kids in South Berkeley, and listen to classical music in a 1984 Cutlass Supreme in Richmond. Every week, Pen talks to movers and shakers about how the Bay Area shapes what they create, and how they shape the place we call home.",
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},
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"info": "Science Friday is a weekly science talk show, broadcast live over public radio stations nationwide. Each week, the show focuses on science topics that are in the news and tries to bring an educated, balanced discussion to bear on the scientific issues at hand. Panels of expert guests join host Ira Flatow, a veteran science journalist, to discuss science and to take questions from listeners during the call-in portion of the program.",
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"title": "Snap Judgment",
"tagline": "Real stories with killer beats",
"info": "The Snap Judgment radio show and podcast mixes real stories with killer beats to produce cinematic, dramatic radio. Snap's musical brand of storytelling dares listeners to see the world through the eyes of another. This is storytelling... with a BEAT!! Snap first aired on public radio stations nationwide in July 2010. Today, Snap Judgment airs on over 450 public radio stations and is brought to the airwaves by KQED & PRX.",
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},
"soldout": {
"id": "soldout",
"title": "SOLD OUT: Rethinking Housing in America",
"tagline": "A new future for housing",
"info": "Sold Out: Rethinking Housing in America",
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