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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 12:35 p.m., Thursday, Nov. 5\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 17, which will restore voting rights to Californians on parole, was passed by voters Tuesday night. The measure had 59% approval as of Nov. 5 at 12:35 p.m.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 17 comes amid a \u003ca href=\"https://www.wlrn.org/2020-09-16/what-is-floridas-amendment-4-the-voter-approval-of-constitutional-amendments\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">national push\u003c/a> to \u003ca href=\"https://www.iowapublicradio.org/2020-08-05/reynolds-signs-executive-order-restoring-voting-rights-to-iowans-with-past-felony-convictions\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">undo laws\u003c/a> that restrict voting for citizens convicted of a felony. In many states, those laws disproportionately affect Black and Latino residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"More on Proposition 17\" link1='https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/proposition-17-parole-vote,Proposition 17: Should Californians on parole have their voting rights restored?' link2='https://www.kqed.org/elections/results#californiapropositions,Proposition 17: election results' hero=https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/2020/10/KQED-Election-2020-Aside-Prop-17.png]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a victory for democracy and justice,” said Taina Vargas-Edmond, executive chair of the Yes on Prop 17 campaign and co-founder and executive director of Initiate Justice. “For far too long, Black and brown Californians have been excluded from our democracy. Today, California voters definitively righted a historic wrong.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11841345/proposition-17-and-the-history-of-voting-rights-for-formerly-incarcerated-californians\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">more than a century of uncertainty over the voting rights of formerly incarcerated Californians\u003c/a>, the state’s voters passed Proposition 10 in 1974. That measure restored voting rights after the completion of a parole term.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The number of parolees in California spiked in the 1980s and 1990s because of the state’s tough-on-crime laws, and Black and Latino Californians remain overrepresented in the parole population.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Recent criminal justice reforms have significantly reduced the number of Californians on parole, and opponents of Proposition 17 argued only those convicted of serious crimes were still left disenfranchised.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Yes on 17 campaign made the case that voting would further a parolee’s reintegration into their community — and current parolees took prominent roles in the campaign. The measure’s passage will restore suffrage to roughly 40,000 parolees.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 12:35 p.m., Thursday, Nov. 5\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 17, which will restore voting rights to Californians on parole, was passed by voters Tuesday night. The measure had 59% approval as of Nov. 5 at 12:35 p.m.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 17 comes amid a \u003ca href=\"https://www.wlrn.org/2020-09-16/what-is-floridas-amendment-4-the-voter-approval-of-constitutional-amendments\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">national push\u003c/a> to \u003ca href=\"https://www.iowapublicradio.org/2020-08-05/reynolds-signs-executive-order-restoring-voting-rights-to-iowans-with-past-felony-convictions\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">undo laws\u003c/a> that restrict voting for citizens convicted of a felony. In many states, those laws disproportionately affect Black and Latino residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a victory for democracy and justice,” said Taina Vargas-Edmond, executive chair of the Yes on Prop 17 campaign and co-founder and executive director of Initiate Justice. “For far too long, Black and brown Californians have been excluded from our democracy. Today, California voters definitively righted a historic wrong.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11841345/proposition-17-and-the-history-of-voting-rights-for-formerly-incarcerated-californians\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">more than a century of uncertainty over the voting rights of formerly incarcerated Californians\u003c/a>, the state’s voters passed Proposition 10 in 1974. That measure restored voting rights after the completion of a parole term.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The number of parolees in California spiked in the 1980s and 1990s because of the state’s tough-on-crime laws, and Black and Latino Californians remain overrepresented in the parole population.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Recent criminal justice reforms have significantly reduced the number of Californians on parole, and opponents of Proposition 17 argued only those convicted of serious crimes were still left disenfranchised.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Yes on 17 campaign made the case that voting would further a parolee’s reintegration into their community — and current parolees took prominent roles in the campaign. The measure’s passage will restore suffrage to roughly 40,000 parolees.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Californians defeated Proposition 23, with 64% of voters saying no to the measure that would have required dialysis clinics to have a doctor on-site at all times.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The loss is not surprising after the opposition, led by the two largest dialysis companies in the country — DaVita and Fresenius — invested more than $104 million into defeating the measure, while proponents, the Service Employees International Union – United Healthcare Workers West (SEIU-UHW), put up roughly $9 million in support.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Proposition 23 was never about anything other than UHW’s political motivations. It wasn’t about improving patient care. It wasn’t about helping patients,” said Kathy Fairbanks, spokesperson for the No on 23 campaign. “It was on the ballot for the wrong reasons and voters saw that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For the last five years, UHW has been trying to unionize workers at dialysis clinics in California, without success. The union has long turned to the ballot box to seek leverage in its labor disputes. It sponsored a similar initiative in 2018, Proposition 8, aimed at limiting profits at dialysis clinics. When that was voted down, the union went to work almost immediately on Proposition 23, according to spokesman Steve Trossman, with the intention of writing an initiative that would be easier for voters to understand.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But dialysis companies waged a fierce opposition campaign, blanketing the state with ads featuring dialysis patients who were either angry, saying that they were being put in the middle of a labor dispute, or scared, arguing that the cost of complying with the measure would bankrupt and close their clinics, leaving them without the three-times-per-week treatments they need to stay alive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the proposition had passed, those mass closures would have been unlikely, as DaVita and Fresenius operate 75% of California’s 600 dialysis clinics and together earned $2 billion in profits last year. However, there is little scientific evidence that the measure would have improved patient health. \u003ca href=\"https://jasn.asnjournals.org/content/29/12/2777\">Research\u003c/a> from a decade-long experiment in the Medicare program found that dialysis patients who saw their doctors four or more times per month had the same health outcomes and mortality rates as patients who saw their doctors once or twice a month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A long list of doctors’ associations and patient groups also opposed the measure. Some argued it was not only unnecessary, but dangerous. The measure did not specify that the doctor on-site needed to be a kidney specialist – any kind of doctor would have been allowed – and that raised \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11842376/kidney-failure-disproportionately-affects-people-of-color-will-proposition-23-improve-care\">concerns among patients\u003c/a> on both sides that a doctor without specialized training in kidney failure and dialysis care could do more harm than good.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The union insists that its efforts were aimed at improving patient health and getting the dialysis industry to reinvest more of its ample profits into improving care. It vowed to continue pursuing these goals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are in this for the long haul until the dialysis industry does the right thing,” said Carmen Cartagena, a dialysis patient with the Yes on 23 campaign. “We intend to continue seeking to hold the dialysis industry accountable through all means, including in the state Legislature and through ballot initiatives. We won’t stop until it is truly reformed and puts patients before profits.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "California voters rejected the measure, which would have required dialysis clinics to have a doctor on-site during all operating hours and to report infection data to the state.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Californians defeated Proposition 23, with 64% of voters saying no to the measure that would have required dialysis clinics to have a doctor on-site at all times.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The loss is not surprising after the opposition, led by the two largest dialysis companies in the country — DaVita and Fresenius — invested more than $104 million into defeating the measure, while proponents, the Service Employees International Union – United Healthcare Workers West (SEIU-UHW), put up roughly $9 million in support.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Proposition 23 was never about anything other than UHW’s political motivations. It wasn’t about improving patient care. It wasn’t about helping patients,” said Kathy Fairbanks, spokesperson for the No on 23 campaign. “It was on the ballot for the wrong reasons and voters saw that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For the last five years, UHW has been trying to unionize workers at dialysis clinics in California, without success. The union has long turned to the ballot box to seek leverage in its labor disputes. It sponsored a similar initiative in 2018, Proposition 8, aimed at limiting profits at dialysis clinics. When that was voted down, the union went to work almost immediately on Proposition 23, according to spokesman Steve Trossman, with the intention of writing an initiative that would be easier for voters to understand.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But dialysis companies waged a fierce opposition campaign, blanketing the state with ads featuring dialysis patients who were either angry, saying that they were being put in the middle of a labor dispute, or scared, arguing that the cost of complying with the measure would bankrupt and close their clinics, leaving them without the three-times-per-week treatments they need to stay alive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the proposition had passed, those mass closures would have been unlikely, as DaVita and Fresenius operate 75% of California’s 600 dialysis clinics and together earned $2 billion in profits last year. However, there is little scientific evidence that the measure would have improved patient health. \u003ca href=\"https://jasn.asnjournals.org/content/29/12/2777\">Research\u003c/a> from a decade-long experiment in the Medicare program found that dialysis patients who saw their doctors four or more times per month had the same health outcomes and mortality rates as patients who saw their doctors once or twice a month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A long list of doctors’ associations and patient groups also opposed the measure. Some argued it was not only unnecessary, but dangerous. The measure did not specify that the doctor on-site needed to be a kidney specialist – any kind of doctor would have been allowed – and that raised \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11842376/kidney-failure-disproportionately-affects-people-of-color-will-proposition-23-improve-care\">concerns among patients\u003c/a> on both sides that a doctor without specialized training in kidney failure and dialysis care could do more harm than good.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The union insists that its efforts were aimed at improving patient health and getting the dialysis industry to reinvest more of its ample profits into improving care. It vowed to continue pursuing these goals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are in this for the long haul until the dialysis industry does the right thing,” said Carmen Cartagena, a dialysis patient with the Yes on 23 campaign. “We intend to continue seeking to hold the dialysis industry accountable through all means, including in the state Legislature and through ballot initiatives. We won’t stop until it is truly reformed and puts patients before profits.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "misinformation-on-wechat-attempts-to-frighten-chinese-americans-out-of-voting",
"title": "Misinformation on WeChat Attempts to Frighten Chinese Americans Out of Voting",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>This article is co-published with \u003ca href=\"https://www.propublica.org/\">ProPublica\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At least two dozen groups on the Chinese-owned social media app WeChat have been circulating misinformation that the U.S. Department of Homeland Security is “preparing to mobilize” the National Guard and “dispatch” the military to quell impending riots, apparently in an attempt to frighten Chinese Americans into staying home on Election Day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The misinformation, which takes the form of a photo of a flyer and is in both English and Chinese, also warns that the government plans to impose a national two-week quarantine and close all businesses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They will announce this as soon as they have troops in place to prevent looters and rioters,” it states. The flyer originally appeared on WeChat during the first surge of the pandemic, and it later spread to other social media. It recently resurfaced on WeChat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m sure thousands of people have seen that. I’m sure that it’s pretty widespread,” said Shaw San Liu, executive director of the Chinese Progressive Association in San Francisco, which has been tracking the flyer and other misinformation on WeChat. “We’re really concerned about making sure we get some good counterinformation, facts out there so that people are not discouraged because this is the last stretch.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Carly Liu, San Francisco\"]‘It makes us feel more scared … I do think if there were (people) who were going to vote in-person on Nov. 3, they may definitely be deterred from going out in person.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nahaku McFadden, a spokesperson for the National Guard, called the flyer “categorically false,” adding that DHS “does not have the authority to mobilize the National Guard,” which is under the control of state governors, and that “there is no discussion of a nationwide quarantine.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ProPublica’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.propublica.org/electionland/\">Electionland\u003c/a> project first received a tip about the flyer from a San Francisco resident whose elderly mother received it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My mother is not proficient in English, but she read the Chinese part and started freaking out,” the woman, who gave her first name as Dora, said. “It is clearly to keep people from the polls.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11844969\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11844969\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/CPA-Flyer-WeChat.jpg\" alt=\"flyer debunking disinformation on WeChat\" width=\"800\" height=\"1200\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/CPA-Flyer-WeChat.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/CPA-Flyer-WeChat-160x240.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">This flyer was created by the Chinese Progressive Association after reporting from KQED and ProPublica to combat misinformation in the Chinese community. \u003ccite>(Chinese Progressive Association)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Although the Trump administration has tried to ban WeChat, a spate of recent misinformation on the app appears aimed at boosting the president’s reelection campaign by deterring Chinese Americans from voting Democratic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Shameful democrats, truly shameful,” runs one frequently shared message, which KQED translated from Chinese. “Without our consent, they made everyone permanent mail in ballot voters. Also, some people’s political registration has been changed to ‘independent’ or ‘democrat.’ ”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another asserts that “90 percent of media is controlled by Democrats, 60 percent of college professors are left wing. That means America’s population, culture, wealth, media, and education are in the hands of Democrats. Trump and Republicans are in a very dangerous situation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Owned by Shenzhen-based Tencent Holdings Ltd, WeChat is among the world’s largest social media apps, boasting more than 1 billion active monthly users, mostly in China. Chinese Americans, who once used it primarily to communicate with family back home, have increasingly formed chat groups on the app for everything from sharing recipes to organizing rent strikes. \u003ca href=\"https://www.nbcnews.com/news/asian-america/how-chinese-language-media-u-s-are-debunking-wechat-coronavirus-n1156621\">During the pandemic\u003c/a> and the presidential campaign, dozens of groups have promulgated misinformation without it being flagged or removed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As of Saturday night, WeChat had received no recent complaints regarding the flyer about the National Guard, though there may have been some when the image first circulated in late March and early April, a person familiar with WeChat’s policies said. Unlike Facebook and Twitter, which have started to crack down on false information, WeChat is almost entirely reliant on individual users to report misinformation, the person said. Users agree on signing up not to post “fraudulent, false, misleading or deceptive” information on the platform.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label='Related Coverage' tag='election-explainers']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The person also said that, unlike some U.S.-based social media companies, WeChat has no specific relationship with the federal government to track or report misinformation. WeChat’s user base in this country is far smaller — “in the low single-digit millions” — than that of Facebook or Twitter. Asian Americans, many of whom reportedly use WeChat, make up 36% of San Francisco’s population. DHS officials said they were unaware of any efforts by WeChat or the federal government to partner to address election misinformation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Trump administration wrote a series of rules \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11834806/wechat-ban-and-sfs-chinatown-how-trumps-plan-could-hurt-housing-rights-campaigns\">that would have effectively banned downloads of WeChat\u003c/a> and the video-sharing app TikTok in the U.S. this fall. On Sept. 20, the day they were to go into effect, a federal judge stayed the ruling, giving WeChat a reprieve. The app can be downloaded for free with no restrictions in the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>DHS officials said that the FBI handles most investigations of domestic misinformation and election interference. The FBI declined to comment on whether it is investigating the flyer or on any other interactions with WeChat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The FBI remains in close touch with all of our interagency partners and social media and technology companies to enable a quick exchange of threat information,” said Sutton Roach, a spokesperson for the bureau.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Misinformation on WeChat is not a new phenomenon. A 2018 study by the Columbia Journalism Review found that political discourse on WeChat is “asymmetrically polarized” and “especially vulnerable to political misinformation” such as unfounded right-wing conspiracy theories. Most of this misinformation \u003ca href=\"https://www.cjr.org/tow_center/wechat-misinformation-china.php\">is spread in large chat rooms\u003c/a>, like the ones the Chinese Progressive Association has observed in San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Shaw San Liu, Chinese Progressive Association\"]‘This conflation of racial justice and Black Lives Matters with riots as a white right-wing talking point, that is very much being brought into the Chinese right-wing analysis.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After similar reports of misinformation in Australia, WeChat blocked Australian users from seeing the content of problematic accounts flagged by the Australian government. WeChat worked with Austrian regulators to help ensure that information on official accounts – which require verification and payment by account owners – complied with local laws banning the dissemination of misinformation.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Stemming the Tide\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Without intervention from WeChat, responsibility for pushing back against misinformation has often fallen on younger members of Chinese American families, said Kitty Fong, a San Francisco resident and president of the Rose Pak Democratic Club.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One evening in October, the 32-year-old Fong walked into her family kitchen to get some water. Her mother was cooking spare ribs and rice, and over the simmering meat she turned to Fong to ask if she’d heard the rumor on WeChat that riots were coming on the heels of the election, and that families should stock up on food and other goods. The flyer warning about mobilizing the National Guard also encourages people to “stock up on whatever you need to make sure you have a two week supply of everything.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Carly Liu, a San Francisco resident who lives in the South of Market neighborhood, said she thinks that misinformation on WeChat has swayed her community. The messages echo claims on right-wing websites that presidential candidate Joe Biden and his son Hunter are corrupt and being investigated, and that there’s a media cover-up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Biden “should be arrested and prosecuted for racketeering charges,” one WeChat message says. “This very serious case is ignored and censored by mainstream media.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Such messages “actually convinced some people to vote for Trump because they weren’t sure they can trust Biden,” Liu said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While she is not a U.S. citizen, Liu helped her parents, who are in their 80s, to vote. But Liu has seen misinformation popping up on WeChat that gave her pause about going outside to help them cast their ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Just Tuesday she saw a photo spreading on WeChat of a local Social Security office with boarded up windows, accompanied by the flyer warning of riots.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It makes us feel more scared,” Liu said in Cantonese. “I do think if there were (people) who were going to vote in-person on Nov. 3, they may definitely be deterred from going out in person.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11844284 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45228_019_KQED_SanFrancisco_VotingCenter_10052020-qut-1020x680.jpg']Shaw San Liu, from the Chinese Progressive Association, said that robberies publicized in Chinese media, racist insults on the rise amid the pandemic and physical attacks have led some in San Francisco’s Chinese American community to feel isolated and unsupported by the government and to be more receptive to right-wing extremism.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So there is this very much deep-seated narrative that has been building in the community around the Chinese community being victimized. The Chinese community being attacked,” Liu said. That has fostered anti-homeless, anti-queer, anti-Black sentiment in the community, she added. “This conflation of racial justice and Black Lives Matters with riots as a white right-wing talking point, that is very much being brought into the Chinese right-wing analysis.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After groups on WeChat first spread the flyer in late March, the National Guard stamped the flyer “FALSE” in a tweet. The hoax resurfaced again in the last few weeks, spurring fears of voter suppression. This past weekend, KQED showed the Guard’s tweet to the Chinese Progressive Association, which translated it into Chinese to warn the community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Liu said she’s worried that the association can’t reach everyone who is exposed to the misinformation on WeChat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“How do we make interventions in the WeChat space?” Liu said. “How do we reach out to our community when they’re sometimes literally bombarded with messages that are untrue, misleading and confusing, causing fear and division?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was produced with the help of a tip reported through \u003ca href=\"https://www.propublica.org/electionland/\">ProPublica’s Electionland project\u003c/a>. If you experience or witness a problem voting, \u003ca href=\"https://www.propublica.org/electionland/\">please let us know\u003c/a>. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"title": "Misinformation on WeChat Attempts to Frighten Chinese Americans Out of Voting | KQED",
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"nprByline": "\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/jrodriguez\">Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/linshannonlin?lang=en\">Shannon Lin\u003c/a>, KQED \u003cbr> \u003ca href=\"https://www.propublica.org/people/jessica-huseman\">Jessica Huseman\u003c/a>, ProPublica",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>This article is co-published with \u003ca href=\"https://www.propublica.org/\">ProPublica\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At least two dozen groups on the Chinese-owned social media app WeChat have been circulating misinformation that the U.S. Department of Homeland Security is “preparing to mobilize” the National Guard and “dispatch” the military to quell impending riots, apparently in an attempt to frighten Chinese Americans into staying home on Election Day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The misinformation, which takes the form of a photo of a flyer and is in both English and Chinese, also warns that the government plans to impose a national two-week quarantine and close all businesses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They will announce this as soon as they have troops in place to prevent looters and rioters,” it states. The flyer originally appeared on WeChat during the first surge of the pandemic, and it later spread to other social media. It recently resurfaced on WeChat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m sure thousands of people have seen that. I’m sure that it’s pretty widespread,” said Shaw San Liu, executive director of the Chinese Progressive Association in San Francisco, which has been tracking the flyer and other misinformation on WeChat. “We’re really concerned about making sure we get some good counterinformation, facts out there so that people are not discouraged because this is the last stretch.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘It makes us feel more scared … I do think if there were (people) who were going to vote in-person on Nov. 3, they may definitely be deterred from going out in person.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nahaku McFadden, a spokesperson for the National Guard, called the flyer “categorically false,” adding that DHS “does not have the authority to mobilize the National Guard,” which is under the control of state governors, and that “there is no discussion of a nationwide quarantine.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ProPublica’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.propublica.org/electionland/\">Electionland\u003c/a> project first received a tip about the flyer from a San Francisco resident whose elderly mother received it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My mother is not proficient in English, but she read the Chinese part and started freaking out,” the woman, who gave her first name as Dora, said. “It is clearly to keep people from the polls.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11844969\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11844969\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/CPA-Flyer-WeChat.jpg\" alt=\"flyer debunking disinformation on WeChat\" width=\"800\" height=\"1200\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/CPA-Flyer-WeChat.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/CPA-Flyer-WeChat-160x240.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">This flyer was created by the Chinese Progressive Association after reporting from KQED and ProPublica to combat misinformation in the Chinese community. \u003ccite>(Chinese Progressive Association)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Although the Trump administration has tried to ban WeChat, a spate of recent misinformation on the app appears aimed at boosting the president’s reelection campaign by deterring Chinese Americans from voting Democratic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Shameful democrats, truly shameful,” runs one frequently shared message, which KQED translated from Chinese. “Without our consent, they made everyone permanent mail in ballot voters. Also, some people’s political registration has been changed to ‘independent’ or ‘democrat.’ ”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another asserts that “90 percent of media is controlled by Democrats, 60 percent of college professors are left wing. That means America’s population, culture, wealth, media, and education are in the hands of Democrats. Trump and Republicans are in a very dangerous situation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Owned by Shenzhen-based Tencent Holdings Ltd, WeChat is among the world’s largest social media apps, boasting more than 1 billion active monthly users, mostly in China. Chinese Americans, who once used it primarily to communicate with family back home, have increasingly formed chat groups on the app for everything from sharing recipes to organizing rent strikes. \u003ca href=\"https://www.nbcnews.com/news/asian-america/how-chinese-language-media-u-s-are-debunking-wechat-coronavirus-n1156621\">During the pandemic\u003c/a> and the presidential campaign, dozens of groups have promulgated misinformation without it being flagged or removed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As of Saturday night, WeChat had received no recent complaints regarding the flyer about the National Guard, though there may have been some when the image first circulated in late March and early April, a person familiar with WeChat’s policies said. Unlike Facebook and Twitter, which have started to crack down on false information, WeChat is almost entirely reliant on individual users to report misinformation, the person said. Users agree on signing up not to post “fraudulent, false, misleading or deceptive” information on the platform.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The person also said that, unlike some U.S.-based social media companies, WeChat has no specific relationship with the federal government to track or report misinformation. WeChat’s user base in this country is far smaller — “in the low single-digit millions” — than that of Facebook or Twitter. Asian Americans, many of whom reportedly use WeChat, make up 36% of San Francisco’s population. DHS officials said they were unaware of any efforts by WeChat or the federal government to partner to address election misinformation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Trump administration wrote a series of rules \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11834806/wechat-ban-and-sfs-chinatown-how-trumps-plan-could-hurt-housing-rights-campaigns\">that would have effectively banned downloads of WeChat\u003c/a> and the video-sharing app TikTok in the U.S. this fall. On Sept. 20, the day they were to go into effect, a federal judge stayed the ruling, giving WeChat a reprieve. The app can be downloaded for free with no restrictions in the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>DHS officials said that the FBI handles most investigations of domestic misinformation and election interference. The FBI declined to comment on whether it is investigating the flyer or on any other interactions with WeChat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The FBI remains in close touch with all of our interagency partners and social media and technology companies to enable a quick exchange of threat information,” said Sutton Roach, a spokesperson for the bureau.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Misinformation on WeChat is not a new phenomenon. A 2018 study by the Columbia Journalism Review found that political discourse on WeChat is “asymmetrically polarized” and “especially vulnerable to political misinformation” such as unfounded right-wing conspiracy theories. Most of this misinformation \u003ca href=\"https://www.cjr.org/tow_center/wechat-misinformation-china.php\">is spread in large chat rooms\u003c/a>, like the ones the Chinese Progressive Association has observed in San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After similar reports of misinformation in Australia, WeChat blocked Australian users from seeing the content of problematic accounts flagged by the Australian government. WeChat worked with Austrian regulators to help ensure that information on official accounts – which require verification and payment by account owners – complied with local laws banning the dissemination of misinformation.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Stemming the Tide\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Without intervention from WeChat, responsibility for pushing back against misinformation has often fallen on younger members of Chinese American families, said Kitty Fong, a San Francisco resident and president of the Rose Pak Democratic Club.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One evening in October, the 32-year-old Fong walked into her family kitchen to get some water. Her mother was cooking spare ribs and rice, and over the simmering meat she turned to Fong to ask if she’d heard the rumor on WeChat that riots were coming on the heels of the election, and that families should stock up on food and other goods. The flyer warning about mobilizing the National Guard also encourages people to “stock up on whatever you need to make sure you have a two week supply of everything.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Carly Liu, a San Francisco resident who lives in the South of Market neighborhood, said she thinks that misinformation on WeChat has swayed her community. The messages echo claims on right-wing websites that presidential candidate Joe Biden and his son Hunter are corrupt and being investigated, and that there’s a media cover-up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Biden “should be arrested and prosecuted for racketeering charges,” one WeChat message says. “This very serious case is ignored and censored by mainstream media.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Such messages “actually convinced some people to vote for Trump because they weren’t sure they can trust Biden,” Liu said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While she is not a U.S. citizen, Liu helped her parents, who are in their 80s, to vote. But Liu has seen misinformation popping up on WeChat that gave her pause about going outside to help them cast their ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Just Tuesday she saw a photo spreading on WeChat of a local Social Security office with boarded up windows, accompanied by the flyer warning of riots.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It makes us feel more scared,” Liu said in Cantonese. “I do think if there were (people) who were going to vote in-person on Nov. 3, they may definitely be deterred from going out in person.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Shaw San Liu, from the Chinese Progressive Association, said that robberies publicized in Chinese media, racist insults on the rise amid the pandemic and physical attacks have led some in San Francisco’s Chinese American community to feel isolated and unsupported by the government and to be more receptive to right-wing extremism.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So there is this very much deep-seated narrative that has been building in the community around the Chinese community being victimized. The Chinese community being attacked,” Liu said. That has fostered anti-homeless, anti-queer, anti-Black sentiment in the community, she added. “This conflation of racial justice and Black Lives Matters with riots as a white right-wing talking point, that is very much being brought into the Chinese right-wing analysis.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After groups on WeChat first spread the flyer in late March, the National Guard stamped the flyer “FALSE” in a tweet. The hoax resurfaced again in the last few weeks, spurring fears of voter suppression. This past weekend, KQED showed the Guard’s tweet to the Chinese Progressive Association, which translated it into Chinese to warn the community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Liu said she’s worried that the association can’t reach everyone who is exposed to the misinformation on WeChat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“How do we make interventions in the WeChat space?” Liu said. “How do we reach out to our community when they’re sometimes literally bombarded with messages that are untrue, misleading and confusing, causing fear and division?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was produced with the help of a tip reported through \u003ca href=\"https://www.propublica.org/electionland/\">ProPublica’s Electionland project\u003c/a>. If you experience or witness a problem voting, \u003ca href=\"https://www.propublica.org/electionland/\">please let us know\u003c/a>. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "Proposition 20: Law and Order Proponents Soften Rhetoric to Pick Up Votes",
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"content": "\u003cp>Among the dozen ballot measures facing California voters this year is \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/proposition-20-crime-prosecutors-law-enforcement\">Proposition 20\u003c/a>, which seeks to roll back a series of criminal justice reforms passed over the last decade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 20 would increase penalties on some theft and fraud crimes and require people convicted of some misdemeanors to submit their DNA to a state database. It would also add more than a dozen new crimes to the list of what’s considered “violent” in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You could call it a “tough-on-crime” measure, but proponents of it are avoiding that rhetoric.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This initiative does not increase the prison population,” said Richard Temple, a political consultant for Proposition 20.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s because the way Californians talk — and think — about criminal justice has shifted dramatically in the past few decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Fernando Guerra, Loyola Marymount University political science professor\"]‘It used to be, even in California, that an effective campaign was to talk about law and order — that you were really, really for it as a Republican or that you weren’t against it as a Democrat.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the 1990s, California led the nation in passing a spate of strict sentencing laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of the harshest and most recognizable laws of that era was the 1994 three strikes law. The law put people in state prisons for decades after committing a third offense, even if it was a nonviolent crime. It passed with bipartisan support.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It used to be, even in California, that an effective campaign was to talk about law and order — that you were really, really for it as a Republican or that you weren’t against it as a Democrat,” said Fernando Guerra, a political science professor at Loyola Marymount University.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the state packed its prisons and spending ballooned, however, public sentiment slowly began to change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2011, when the U.S. Supreme Court ruled that prisons were so overcrowded that conditions inside were unconstitutional, the state finally acted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>First, lawmakers passed a bill mandating jail, instead of prison time, for most nonviolent crimes. Then in 2014, voters passed Proposition 47, decreasing penalties for drug use and petty theft.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two years later, voters passed Proposition 57, letting thousands of prisoners qualify for early parole.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All of the changes were approved over the objections of law enforcement, who warned they’d lead to spikes in crime. Supporters of those measures say that never happened.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You’re in the midst right now of monumental decline in crime here in California,” said Maureen Washburn, a policy analyst at the Center on Juvenile and Criminal Justice, which advocates for less incarceration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In 2019, we actually reached the lowest level of crime in California in 50 years,” she added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, those pushing a rollback of the reforms say there’s at least one area where crime has continued to climb: theft.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 20 consultant Temple said theft has increased by 30% since Proposition 47 passed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 20 would make it easier to charge someone with felony theft and easier to send someone back to jail for violating their probation. And adding crimes such as domestic violence and rape of an unconscious person to the list of violent crimes would prevent thousands of prisoners from being considered for early parole.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Temple said it’s a simple concept: People who have committed violent crimes shouldn’t be eligible for early release.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, in this moment of racial reckoning and amid calls for more oversight of police and prisons, Temple and other Proposition 20 proponents are quick to contend that the measure won’t send any new people to prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s written there that no matter what your theft, nobody goes to prison for stealing in a store, for shoplifting,” he said. “They won’t go to prison. That’s in the initiative. It cannot happen, and it won’t.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Technically, he’s right: Proposition 20 would likely send more people to county jails, not state prisons, while keeping some people in prison longer. However, for a ballot measure backed by prosecutors and police, the emphasis on keeping people out of prison is a noticeable shift away from “lock them up and throw away the key.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Temple also says Proposition 20 would help people with drug and mental health problems that are falling through the cracks. Many critics of Proposition 47 have complained for years that after the measure passed, prosecutors and courts lost leverage to push people into treatment. That’s because without the threat of jail time, some offenders would just take a misdemeanor conviction instead of agreeing to participate in rehabilitation programs to avoid jail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“How is this taking care of them — by letting them over and over steal and not get treatment?” Temple said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside tag=\"election-2020\" label=\"election 2020 coverage\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Guerra said this shift in language reflects the evolution that the state has gone through — voters aren’t willing to simply take law enforcement’s word for it that harsher laws are necessary.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You say ‘law and order’ now, people ask, ‘OK, what does that mean?’ ” Guerra said. “In California and many progressive states, we’re not going to accept the slogan ‘law and order’ without some meat on it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Opponents of Proposition 20 argue that despite the softer rhetoric from the other side, this is just the same playbook with a different script. They contend that the measure would likely undercut rehabilitation by redirecting money from community-based programs back to locking people up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Now is the time to go further with reform. But what Prop. 20 does is seek to send us back,” said Lenore Anderson, who helped to write some of the reforms that Proposition 20 is seeking to roll back. “Prop. 20 is an effort to return California to its tough-on-crime, mass incarceration past.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ultimately, it’ll be up to the voters to decide whether California has become too lenient, but Guerra said that if Proposition 20 passes, it will send an important message.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Clearly, there’s been tremendous momentum from the criminal justice proponents,” he said. But if Proposition 20 passes, Guerra said, it would indicate that voters think the reforms have gone too far.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If Proposition 20 fails, it could be that the criminal justice reforms are here to stay.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Among the dozen ballot measures facing California voters this year is \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/proposition-20-crime-prosecutors-law-enforcement\">Proposition 20\u003c/a>, which seeks to roll back a series of criminal justice reforms passed over the last decade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 20 would increase penalties on some theft and fraud crimes and require people convicted of some misdemeanors to submit their DNA to a state database. It would also add more than a dozen new crimes to the list of what’s considered “violent” in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You could call it a “tough-on-crime” measure, but proponents of it are avoiding that rhetoric.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This initiative does not increase the prison population,” said Richard Temple, a political consultant for Proposition 20.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s because the way Californians talk — and think — about criminal justice has shifted dramatically in the past few decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the 1990s, California led the nation in passing a spate of strict sentencing laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of the harshest and most recognizable laws of that era was the 1994 three strikes law. The law put people in state prisons for decades after committing a third offense, even if it was a nonviolent crime. It passed with bipartisan support.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It used to be, even in California, that an effective campaign was to talk about law and order — that you were really, really for it as a Republican or that you weren’t against it as a Democrat,” said Fernando Guerra, a political science professor at Loyola Marymount University.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the state packed its prisons and spending ballooned, however, public sentiment slowly began to change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2011, when the U.S. Supreme Court ruled that prisons were so overcrowded that conditions inside were unconstitutional, the state finally acted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>First, lawmakers passed a bill mandating jail, instead of prison time, for most nonviolent crimes. Then in 2014, voters passed Proposition 47, decreasing penalties for drug use and petty theft.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two years later, voters passed Proposition 57, letting thousands of prisoners qualify for early parole.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All of the changes were approved over the objections of law enforcement, who warned they’d lead to spikes in crime. Supporters of those measures say that never happened.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You’re in the midst right now of monumental decline in crime here in California,” said Maureen Washburn, a policy analyst at the Center on Juvenile and Criminal Justice, which advocates for less incarceration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In 2019, we actually reached the lowest level of crime in California in 50 years,” she added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, those pushing a rollback of the reforms say there’s at least one area where crime has continued to climb: theft.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 20 consultant Temple said theft has increased by 30% since Proposition 47 passed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 20 would make it easier to charge someone with felony theft and easier to send someone back to jail for violating their probation. And adding crimes such as domestic violence and rape of an unconscious person to the list of violent crimes would prevent thousands of prisoners from being considered for early parole.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Temple said it’s a simple concept: People who have committed violent crimes shouldn’t be eligible for early release.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, in this moment of racial reckoning and amid calls for more oversight of police and prisons, Temple and other Proposition 20 proponents are quick to contend that the measure won’t send any new people to prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s written there that no matter what your theft, nobody goes to prison for stealing in a store, for shoplifting,” he said. “They won’t go to prison. That’s in the initiative. It cannot happen, and it won’t.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Technically, he’s right: Proposition 20 would likely send more people to county jails, not state prisons, while keeping some people in prison longer. However, for a ballot measure backed by prosecutors and police, the emphasis on keeping people out of prison is a noticeable shift away from “lock them up and throw away the key.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Temple also says Proposition 20 would help people with drug and mental health problems that are falling through the cracks. Many critics of Proposition 47 have complained for years that after the measure passed, prosecutors and courts lost leverage to push people into treatment. That’s because without the threat of jail time, some offenders would just take a misdemeanor conviction instead of agreeing to participate in rehabilitation programs to avoid jail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“How is this taking care of them — by letting them over and over steal and not get treatment?” Temple said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Guerra said this shift in language reflects the evolution that the state has gone through — voters aren’t willing to simply take law enforcement’s word for it that harsher laws are necessary.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You say ‘law and order’ now, people ask, ‘OK, what does that mean?’ ” Guerra said. “In California and many progressive states, we’re not going to accept the slogan ‘law and order’ without some meat on it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Opponents of Proposition 20 argue that despite the softer rhetoric from the other side, this is just the same playbook with a different script. They contend that the measure would likely undercut rehabilitation by redirecting money from community-based programs back to locking people up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Now is the time to go further with reform. But what Prop. 20 does is seek to send us back,” said Lenore Anderson, who helped to write some of the reforms that Proposition 20 is seeking to roll back. “Prop. 20 is an effort to return California to its tough-on-crime, mass incarceration past.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ultimately, it’ll be up to the voters to decide whether California has become too lenient, but Guerra said that if Proposition 20 passes, it will send an important message.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Clearly, there’s been tremendous momentum from the criminal justice proponents,” he said. But if Proposition 20 passes, Guerra said, it would indicate that voters think the reforms have gone too far.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Former Uber engineer Eddy Hernandez said it started with the yes on Proposition 22 Zoom backgrounds that began appearing around the onset of the coronavirus pandemic. Then employees were offered free Proposition 22 T-shirts, managers and executives talked about the proposition in meetings and Hernandez got the sense that bonuses and promotions would go to people who worked on projects related to promoting the proposition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hernandez said he felt a constant push to support the proposition at work. He didn’t like feeling that kind of political pressure on the job. On top of that, Hernandez opposes the ballot initiative, and he did not feel comfortable having that viewpoint. If the proposition passes, so-called gig economy companies such as Uber, Lyft and Instacart would be exempted from state labor law and allowed to continue classifying workers as contractors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I felt like I was stripped of my voice because if I said anything there would be a conflict of interest or it would affect the financials of the company. That’s a weird place to be in. It’s something I didn’t want to normalize,” he said.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Eddy Hernandez, former Uber engineer\"]‘I felt like I was stripped of my voice because if I said anything there would be a conflict of interest or it would affect the financials of the company … It’s something I didn’t want to normalize.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Finally, in the middle of the pandemic and without another job, he decided he would quit. At the end of September, he handed in his resignation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hernandez, \u003ca href=\"https://news.techworkerscoalition.org/2020/10/30/issue-13/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">who has since written a public letter about leaving Uber\u003c/a> and his opposition to Proposition 22, is not the first employee to speak out about this kind of pressure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Drivers at Uber tried, unsuccessfully, to sue the company over the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11842964/gig-companies-are-making-their-workers-promote-prop-22\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">in-app pop-ups soliciting their support\u003c/a>. Current Uber employee Kurt Nelson also wrote an \u003ca href=\"https://techcrunch.com/2020/10/06/im-a-software-engineer-at-uber-im-voting-against-prop-22/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">op-ed in TechCrunch\u003c/a> about opposing Proposition 22, and later described yes on Proposition 22 pressure at the company, similar to what Hernandez experienced.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hernandez said he only started working there in 2019 because the team that was hiring said the company was really changing its culture. He was apprehensive, but eventually took the job.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the last year, Hernandez said he realized the company has not changed from its past, and that there was no real interest for social good — just economic gain for the company and those who worked there. [ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hernandez said he was alarmed by an email he said he received from Uber asking him to tell his family and friends why he supported Proposition 22.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Uber spokesperson Davis White said there were only two company-wide emails related to Proposition 22. White said that the second email said: “As always, lending your voice, your vote, or your time to Prop. 22 is entirely up to you. With that being said, here are some ways to pitch in, if you choose.” [aside postID=\"news_11843123\" label=\"More on Proposition 22\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During the coronavirus, Hernandez said the pressure to support Proposition 22 grew. He saw more and more managers start putting the yes on Proposition 22 backgrounds on Zoom, and the company offered to give a free “yes-on-prop-22” T-shirt to any employee who wanted one and many employees started working on yes on Proposition 22 products, like pop-ups urging drivers to vote yes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There is an internal wiki page at Uber with company initiatives and priorities that employees look at to know what is important to talk about in performance review meetings, Hernandez said. He saw Proposition 22 listed there, which he felt meant that employees who did work on Proposition 22-related projects would have an easier chance of being rewarded with bonuses and promotions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These materials are not what managers use as a guide for performance reviews. There is a lot displayed on the site that is not relevant to everyone,” Uber spokesperson White wrote in an email. “It is simply a general sense of what’s important to the company as a whole, which Prop. 22 obviously is.” \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He added, “an employee’s position on Prop. 22 has never and in no way will factor into performance reviews.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Former Uber engineer Eddy Hernandez said it started with the yes on Proposition 22 Zoom backgrounds that began appearing around the onset of the coronavirus pandemic. Then employees were offered free Proposition 22 T-shirts, managers and executives talked about the proposition in meetings and Hernandez got the sense that bonuses and promotions would go to people who worked on projects related to promoting the proposition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hernandez said he felt a constant push to support the proposition at work. He didn’t like feeling that kind of political pressure on the job. On top of that, Hernandez opposes the ballot initiative, and he did not feel comfortable having that viewpoint. If the proposition passes, so-called gig economy companies such as Uber, Lyft and Instacart would be exempted from state labor law and allowed to continue classifying workers as contractors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I felt like I was stripped of my voice because if I said anything there would be a conflict of interest or it would affect the financials of the company. That’s a weird place to be in. It’s something I didn’t want to normalize,” he said.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Finally, in the middle of the pandemic and without another job, he decided he would quit. At the end of September, he handed in his resignation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hernandez, \u003ca href=\"https://news.techworkerscoalition.org/2020/10/30/issue-13/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">who has since written a public letter about leaving Uber\u003c/a> and his opposition to Proposition 22, is not the first employee to speak out about this kind of pressure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Drivers at Uber tried, unsuccessfully, to sue the company over the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11842964/gig-companies-are-making-their-workers-promote-prop-22\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">in-app pop-ups soliciting their support\u003c/a>. Current Uber employee Kurt Nelson also wrote an \u003ca href=\"https://techcrunch.com/2020/10/06/im-a-software-engineer-at-uber-im-voting-against-prop-22/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">op-ed in TechCrunch\u003c/a> about opposing Proposition 22, and later described yes on Proposition 22 pressure at the company, similar to what Hernandez experienced.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hernandez said he only started working there in 2019 because the team that was hiring said the company was really changing its culture. He was apprehensive, but eventually took the job.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the last year, Hernandez said he realized the company has not changed from its past, and that there was no real interest for social good — just economic gain for the company and those who worked there. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During the coronavirus, Hernandez said the pressure to support Proposition 22 grew. He saw more and more managers start putting the yes on Proposition 22 backgrounds on Zoom, and the company offered to give a free “yes-on-prop-22” T-shirt to any employee who wanted one and many employees started working on yes on Proposition 22 products, like pop-ups urging drivers to vote yes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There is an internal wiki page at Uber with company initiatives and priorities that employees look at to know what is important to talk about in performance review meetings, Hernandez said. He saw Proposition 22 listed there, which he felt meant that employees who did work on Proposition 22-related projects would have an easier chance of being rewarded with bonuses and promotions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These materials are not what managers use as a guide for performance reviews. There is a lot displayed on the site that is not relevant to everyone,” Uber spokesperson White wrote in an email. “It is simply a general sense of what’s important to the company as a whole, which Prop. 22 obviously is.” \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He added, “an employee’s position on Prop. 22 has never and in no way will factor into performance reviews.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cb>Election 2020: Final Stretch, Voting Challenges, Prop 21\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">With Election Day just five days away, the campaigns of President Trump and Democratic rival Joe Biden are making their closing pitches to the electorate in an election season upended by the pandemic. Roughly 80 million voters have already cast their ballots by mail as coronavirus cases spike throughout much of the U.S., including Wisconsin, Iowa and other electoral battlegrounds. Hundreds of lawsuits have been filed to challenge changes spurred by the public health crisis to how Americans are voting this year. This week, the Supreme Court gave conflicting decisions on accepting mail-in ballots that arrive after Nov. 3 in the swing states of Wisconsin, Pennsylvania and North Carolina. Meanwhile, in California, a poll released this week by UC Berkeley’s Institute of Governmental Studies surveyed opinions on the dozen statewide ballot measures, including Proposition 16, which would lift a ban on affirmative action, and Proposition 21, an effort to expand rent control in the state. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Guests:\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Scott Shafer, KQED politics and government senior editor \u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Marisa Lagos, KQED politics and government correspondent \u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>‘Lost in a Gallup’\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">We hear from W. Joseph Campbell, an academic and author of the new book “Lost in a Gallup,” which reveals the fraught history of polling in U.S. elections including, most notably, the 2016 presidential race, when seasoned pollsters and media outlets wrongly predicted a Hillary Clinton victory. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Guest:\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">W. Joseph Campbell, author, “Lost in a Gallup,” and professor, American University School of Communication\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Dating and Politics\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">A new national poll conducted by the Associated Press shows that 85% of registered voters describe Americans as being greatly divided in their values. As political partisanship has grown, studies also show the number of marriages between people in different political parties shrinking significantly. Popular dating sites such as Bumble, Tinder and Hinge allow users to prominently display their political beliefs and filter prospective dates according to political affiliation or stances such as allyship with Black Lives Matter, for example. But what happens when two young people with opposing political views meet for a first date, socially distanced, over Zoom? The podcast Dateable recently conducted this social experiment and learned how a political discussion can change perceptions between two people seeking romantic connection. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> \u003c/span>\u003cb>Guests:\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Julie Krafchick, co-host, Dateable Podcast\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Yue Xu, co-host, Dateable Podcast\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Something Beautiful: Pumpkin Patch Treat\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">We end the show this week with the autumnal sights and sounds of a pumpkin patch — a beloved, seasonal ritual that evokes memories of russet leaves, a bracing breeze, kids clambering up towers of haystacks and scooping up plump gourds to take home and transform into spooky jack-o’-lanterns. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cb>Election 2020: Final Stretch, Voting Challenges, Prop 21\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">With Election Day just five days away, the campaigns of President Trump and Democratic rival Joe Biden are making their closing pitches to the electorate in an election season upended by the pandemic. Roughly 80 million voters have already cast their ballots by mail as coronavirus cases spike throughout much of the U.S., including Wisconsin, Iowa and other electoral battlegrounds. Hundreds of lawsuits have been filed to challenge changes spurred by the public health crisis to how Americans are voting this year. This week, the Supreme Court gave conflicting decisions on accepting mail-in ballots that arrive after Nov. 3 in the swing states of Wisconsin, Pennsylvania and North Carolina. Meanwhile, in California, a poll released this week by UC Berkeley’s Institute of Governmental Studies surveyed opinions on the dozen statewide ballot measures, including Proposition 16, which would lift a ban on affirmative action, and Proposition 21, an effort to expand rent control in the state. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Guests:\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Scott Shafer, KQED politics and government senior editor \u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Marisa Lagos, KQED politics and government correspondent \u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>‘Lost in a Gallup’\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">We hear from W. Joseph Campbell, an academic and author of the new book “Lost in a Gallup,” which reveals the fraught history of polling in U.S. elections including, most notably, the 2016 presidential race, when seasoned pollsters and media outlets wrongly predicted a Hillary Clinton victory. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Guest:\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">W. Joseph Campbell, author, “Lost in a Gallup,” and professor, American University School of Communication\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Dating and Politics\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">A new national poll conducted by the Associated Press shows that 85% of registered voters describe Americans as being greatly divided in their values. As political partisanship has grown, studies also show the number of marriages between people in different political parties shrinking significantly. Popular dating sites such as Bumble, Tinder and Hinge allow users to prominently display their political beliefs and filter prospective dates according to political affiliation or stances such as allyship with Black Lives Matter, for example. But what happens when two young people with opposing political views meet for a first date, socially distanced, over Zoom? The podcast Dateable recently conducted this social experiment and learned how a political discussion can change perceptions between two people seeking romantic connection. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Political action committees (PACs) spent more than $3 million on the city council race in Santa Clara, a city of roughly 130,000 people in the heart of Silicon Valley. That outlay of cash is raising eyebrows among voters — and even the candidates themselves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It appears that one is trying to gain some private benefit from [those donations] and put private interests ahead of the public interests,” said John Pelissero, a senior fellow at Santa Clara University’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.scu.edu/ethics/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Markkula Center for Applied Ethics\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The money, most of it from Jed York, the owner of the San Francisco 49ers football team, highlights an ongoing conflict between the team and the Santa Clara City Council. York’s money is flowing to a block of city council candidates that largely come from outside of politics and are challenging incumbents or candidates backed by the current council.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Beginning in late September, York began donating money to a PAC founded by former Congressman Mike Honda, called the \u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/CEGFVR/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Citizens for Efficient Government and Full Voting Rights\u003c/a>. Independent expenditure documents show that York donated $250,000 on Sept. 30, $800,000 on Oct. 1, $300,000 on Oct. 6, $950,000 on Oct. 13 and $600,000 on Oct. 19.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All that money is going towards campaign mailers and television ads supporting four candidates: Suds Jain, Harbir Bhatia, Kevin Park and Anthony Becker. The PAC is also spending on ads attacking incumbent candidates Kathy Watanabe and Teresa O’Neill as well as Robert Mezzetti and Bob O’Keefe.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since 2014, York and the City Council have been at odds over the management of Levi’s Stadium, which was built for the 49ers to play in. The two parties have fought over a number of issues, including curfews for events held at the stadium, changes in management agreements, the payment of stadium employees and late rent payments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As these disagreements escalated, York has become increasingly involved in local politics. During the March elections, York started a PAC called No on C-Santa Clarans for Full Voting Rights, which worked towards defeating the local \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11803793/santa-claras-measure-c-a-fight-over-dark-money-and-district-lines\">Measure C\u003c/a>, which would have condensed the city’s six voting districts into three. York donated $330,000 to defeat the measure, and it eventually failed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This fall, with nearly $3 million in donations, York’s involvement has risen to a whole new scale.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>49ers spokesman Rahul Chandhok said the team wants to support candidates that represent diversity and will uphold voting rights in the city the football team calls home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Park, who is running for a council seat in District 4, has raised about $16,000 on his own. Honda’s PAC — funded by York — spent more than $370,000 on mailers and ads supporting his run.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"election 2020 coverage\" tag=\"election-2020\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Park thinks that the candidates who are benefiting from York’s support are increasingly being grouped together in the minds of voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re running individual campaigns,” said Park. “But people understand there is a fight between the incumbent-backed candidates and the independent candidates. It is a little bit of a battle of one team versus another.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Park said he was surprised to learn that York backed his campaign, especially since he was opposed to the football team’s moving to Santa Clara back in 2014. But over the past few years, Park has felt the city hasn’t cooperated with the 49ers and has failed to talk to them reasonably. He figures Jed York supports his run because he can be more understanding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The 49ers are more willing to work with a group of people that opposes them but is willing to talk, as opposed to a group of people, like the current city council, that opposes them but doesn’t want to talk,” Park said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But O’Neill, the incumbent who is running against Park, is suspicious of York’s motives. She has been on the city council since 2007 and feels that the 49ers are a behemoth and that it requires skill, patience and skepticism to handle their complicated contract. She said that she has tried to cooperate and “play nice” with the football team, but got “steamrolled” in the process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m scared — not for myself — I will be fine,” O’Neill said. “But I’m scared for Santa Clara because I don’t think some of these people that are running, I don’t think they realize what they’re up against.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\" Jessica Levinson, Loyola Marymount Law School professor\"]‘The concern is that candidates are overly responsive to monied interests and if it doesn’t change the way they vote, [then] it might change the way they listen or talk.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She’s not alone in her skepticism. \u003ca href=\"https://scpoapac.com/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">The Santa Clara Police Association PAC\u003c/a> has spent a little more than $70,000 on a campaign supporting the incumbent and city council-backed candidates and opposing the political newcomers. In early October, the association created a \u003ca href=\"https://youtu.be/d9BiyOFwPrw\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">satirical video\u003c/a> mocking York’s expenditures on his candidates of choice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bhatia is running for the District 1 seat and, like Park, was confused by York’s support. She is nervous of what voters will think of all this money backing her campaign and resents the idea that she is bought and paid for.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I believe all the PACs just should have stayed out,” Bhatia said. “We had such a great grassroots campaign. It’s not like we waited until [the 49ers] got involved. We’ve been working our butts off for the last five months.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bhatia said she wishes that money had gone towards building affordable housing in the city or towards education. Before York started donating millions to support her run, she felt she was able to discuss the issues that face her city with voters. Now, she said, all anyone wants to talk about is the money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Loyola Law School professor Jessica Levinson said that voters and candidates can only speculate about the true motivations of donors who give large sums of money towards political campaigns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t think there’s anything inherently evil about spending large sums of independent expenditures,” Levinson said. “I think it raises a whole host of questions about the influence of money in politics and the best way to run elections.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Levinson pointed out that since the Supreme Court’s ruling in the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/lowdown/1017/when-money-became-speech-the-rise-of-the-super-pac\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Citizens United \u003c/a>case, independent expenditures, or money spent by a political organization without guidance from candidates, are considered a form of free speech.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In terms of [York’s] goal of diversifying the city council, I think most people would view that as a laudable goal, and we can ask ourselves whether the ends justify the means,” she said. “The concern is that candidates are overly responsive to monied interests and if it doesn’t change the way they vote, [then] it might change the way they listen or talk.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Political action committees (PACs) spent more than $3 million on the city council race in Santa Clara, a city of roughly 130,000 people in the heart of Silicon Valley. That outlay of cash is raising eyebrows among voters — and even the candidates themselves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It appears that one is trying to gain some private benefit from [those donations] and put private interests ahead of the public interests,” said John Pelissero, a senior fellow at Santa Clara University’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.scu.edu/ethics/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Markkula Center for Applied Ethics\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The money, most of it from Jed York, the owner of the San Francisco 49ers football team, highlights an ongoing conflict between the team and the Santa Clara City Council. York’s money is flowing to a block of city council candidates that largely come from outside of politics and are challenging incumbents or candidates backed by the current council.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Beginning in late September, York began donating money to a PAC founded by former Congressman Mike Honda, called the \u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/CEGFVR/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Citizens for Efficient Government and Full Voting Rights\u003c/a>. Independent expenditure documents show that York donated $250,000 on Sept. 30, $800,000 on Oct. 1, $300,000 on Oct. 6, $950,000 on Oct. 13 and $600,000 on Oct. 19.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All that money is going towards campaign mailers and television ads supporting four candidates: Suds Jain, Harbir Bhatia, Kevin Park and Anthony Becker. The PAC is also spending on ads attacking incumbent candidates Kathy Watanabe and Teresa O’Neill as well as Robert Mezzetti and Bob O’Keefe.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since 2014, York and the City Council have been at odds over the management of Levi’s Stadium, which was built for the 49ers to play in. The two parties have fought over a number of issues, including curfews for events held at the stadium, changes in management agreements, the payment of stadium employees and late rent payments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As these disagreements escalated, York has become increasingly involved in local politics. During the March elections, York started a PAC called No on C-Santa Clarans for Full Voting Rights, which worked towards defeating the local \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11803793/santa-claras-measure-c-a-fight-over-dark-money-and-district-lines\">Measure C\u003c/a>, which would have condensed the city’s six voting districts into three. York donated $330,000 to defeat the measure, and it eventually failed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This fall, with nearly $3 million in donations, York’s involvement has risen to a whole new scale.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>49ers spokesman Rahul Chandhok said the team wants to support candidates that represent diversity and will uphold voting rights in the city the football team calls home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Park, who is running for a council seat in District 4, has raised about $16,000 on his own. Honda’s PAC — funded by York — spent more than $370,000 on mailers and ads supporting his run.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Park thinks that the candidates who are benefiting from York’s support are increasingly being grouped together in the minds of voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re running individual campaigns,” said Park. “But people understand there is a fight between the incumbent-backed candidates and the independent candidates. It is a little bit of a battle of one team versus another.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Park said he was surprised to learn that York backed his campaign, especially since he was opposed to the football team’s moving to Santa Clara back in 2014. But over the past few years, Park has felt the city hasn’t cooperated with the 49ers and has failed to talk to them reasonably. He figures Jed York supports his run because he can be more understanding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The 49ers are more willing to work with a group of people that opposes them but is willing to talk, as opposed to a group of people, like the current city council, that opposes them but doesn’t want to talk,” Park said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But O’Neill, the incumbent who is running against Park, is suspicious of York’s motives. She has been on the city council since 2007 and feels that the 49ers are a behemoth and that it requires skill, patience and skepticism to handle their complicated contract. She said that she has tried to cooperate and “play nice” with the football team, but got “steamrolled” in the process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m scared — not for myself — I will be fine,” O’Neill said. “But I’m scared for Santa Clara because I don’t think some of these people that are running, I don’t think they realize what they’re up against.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘The concern is that candidates are overly responsive to monied interests and if it doesn’t change the way they vote, [then] it might change the way they listen or talk.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She’s not alone in her skepticism. \u003ca href=\"https://scpoapac.com/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">The Santa Clara Police Association PAC\u003c/a> has spent a little more than $70,000 on a campaign supporting the incumbent and city council-backed candidates and opposing the political newcomers. In early October, the association created a \u003ca href=\"https://youtu.be/d9BiyOFwPrw\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">satirical video\u003c/a> mocking York’s expenditures on his candidates of choice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bhatia is running for the District 1 seat and, like Park, was confused by York’s support. She is nervous of what voters will think of all this money backing her campaign and resents the idea that she is bought and paid for.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I believe all the PACs just should have stayed out,” Bhatia said. “We had such a great grassroots campaign. It’s not like we waited until [the 49ers] got involved. We’ve been working our butts off for the last five months.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bhatia said she wishes that money had gone towards building affordable housing in the city or towards education. Before York started donating millions to support her run, she felt she was able to discuss the issues that face her city with voters. Now, she said, all anyone wants to talk about is the money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Loyola Law School professor Jessica Levinson said that voters and candidates can only speculate about the true motivations of donors who give large sums of money towards political campaigns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t think there’s anything inherently evil about spending large sums of independent expenditures,” Levinson said. “I think it raises a whole host of questions about the influence of money in politics and the best way to run elections.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Levinson pointed out that since the Supreme Court’s ruling in the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/lowdown/1017/when-money-became-speech-the-rise-of-the-super-pac\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Citizens United \u003c/a>case, independent expenditures, or money spent by a political organization without guidance from candidates, are considered a form of free speech.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In terms of [York’s] goal of diversifying the city council, I think most people would view that as a laudable goal, and we can ask ourselves whether the ends justify the means,” she said. “The concern is that candidates are overly responsive to monied interests and if it doesn’t change the way they vote, [then] it might change the way they listen or talk.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>The Trump administration’s family separation policy was marked by “reckless incompetence and intentional cruelty,” according to a \u003ca href=\"https://assets.documentcloud.org/documents/20400755/the_trump_administration_family_separation_policy_trauma_destruction_and_chaos.pdf\">report\u003c/a> released Thursday by the U.S. House Judiciary Committee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new report, released as the result of a 21-month investigation, shows that the administration’s plan to separate families at the U.S.-Mexico border began much earlier than many knew: within weeks of President Trump’s inauguration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s an outrageous, shameful chapter in America’s history,” said Rep. Zoe Lofgren, D-San Jose, who serves on the Judiciary Committee and chairs the House Immigration Subcommittee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Rep. Zoe Lofgren\"]‘Either it was an intentional human rights abuse or it was [done] with such a reckless disregard that it might as well have been an intentional human rights abuse.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The report also found that while a formal process of separations didn’t start until the summer of 2017, that spring saw a spike in family separations. The percentage of children in the custody of the Office of Refugee Resettlement (ORR) as a result of family separation jumped from 0.3% in November 2016 to 2.6% in March 2017.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While much of the report details information that has been widespread in the more than three years since separations began, it highlights the lack of communication between agencies under the Department of Homeland Security; particularly U.S. Customs and Border Protection, U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement and ORR.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One example of this disorganization happened in July 2018, according to the report, after U.S. District Judge Dana Sabraw in San Diego ordered the youngest group of separated children to be reunified with their parents. On July 16, 2018, “37 ‘tender age’ children were approved for reunification with their parents at an ICE detention facility.” But, after waiting eight hours at the facility, “ICE still had not processed any of the parents.” ORR officials then took the children back to the buses, where they waited until late in the evening.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11844497\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1802px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11844497\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Screen-Shot-2020-10-29-at-11.20.29-PM.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"1802\" height=\"758\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Screen-Shot-2020-10-29-at-11.20.29-PM.png 1802w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Screen-Shot-2020-10-29-at-11.20.29-PM-800x337.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Screen-Shot-2020-10-29-at-11.20.29-PM-1020x429.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Screen-Shot-2020-10-29-at-11.20.29-PM-160x67.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Screen-Shot-2020-10-29-at-11.20.29-PM-1536x646.png 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1802px) 100vw, 1802px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">According to the report, inconsistent guidance — as displayed here — made the separation process “chaotic and even more cruel than necessary.” \u003ccite>(House Judiciary Committee)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Lofgren said she was struck by the widespread knowledge of the program and the complicity of people within the administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All the way from the secretary of Homeland Security to the attorney general to the head of the Border Patrol: They knew that they were taking these children away and they lacked the capacity to track them with their parents or to ever reunite them,” Lofgren said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this month, court documents detailed that lawyers and advocates were \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11843100/parents-of-545-children-separated-at-u-s-mexico-border-still-cant-be-found\">unable to find the parents of hundreds of children\u003c/a> who’d been separated in 2017.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the committee’s report, during that initial five-month pilot program in El Paso, Texas, where many of those 545 families were separated, Trump administration officials “discovered that the government was unable to track separated family members in a way that allowed for later reunification of children with their parents.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And, knowing that, they went ahead and took thousands of children away from their parents anyway,” Lofgren said. “Either it was an intentional human rights abuse or it was [done] with such a reckless disregard that it might as well have been an intentional human rights abuse.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label='Related Coverage' tag='family-separation']This week, a group of doctors \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11843880/us-treatment-of-migrant-children-falls-under-un-definition-of-torture-doctors-say\">published a paper in the medical journal Pediatrics\u003c/a> alleging that the federal government’s treatment of separated families amounts to torture under international law. Lofgren said she agrees with that assessment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Children were taken from their parents without even being told what was going on. They never had a chance to even say goodbye to their parents. They were traumatized and removed to remote locations. Really there’s no excuse for it, and it really is torture in some cases,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an effort to redress the policy of family separation, and numerous other issues at the border, Lofgren said she’s working on a comprehensive rewrite of the country’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.uscis.gov/laws-and-policy/legislation/immigration-and-nationality-act\">Immigration and Nationality Act\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The act hasn’t really been rewritten in its entirety since 1965, and it doesn’t well-serve the United States at this point,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lofgren plans to release the new version before the end of the year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The report also found that while a formal process of separations didn’t start until the summer of 2017, that spring saw a spike in family separations. The percentage of children in the custody of the Office of Refugee Resettlement (ORR) as a result of family separation jumped from 0.3% in November 2016 to 2.6% in March 2017.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While much of the report details information that has been widespread in the more than three years since separations began, it highlights the lack of communication between agencies under the Department of Homeland Security; particularly U.S. Customs and Border Protection, U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement and ORR.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One example of this disorganization happened in July 2018, according to the report, after U.S. District Judge Dana Sabraw in San Diego ordered the youngest group of separated children to be reunified with their parents. On July 16, 2018, “37 ‘tender age’ children were approved for reunification with their parents at an ICE detention facility.” But, after waiting eight hours at the facility, “ICE still had not processed any of the parents.” ORR officials then took the children back to the buses, where they waited until late in the evening.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11844497\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1802px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11844497\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Screen-Shot-2020-10-29-at-11.20.29-PM.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"1802\" height=\"758\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Screen-Shot-2020-10-29-at-11.20.29-PM.png 1802w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Screen-Shot-2020-10-29-at-11.20.29-PM-800x337.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Screen-Shot-2020-10-29-at-11.20.29-PM-1020x429.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Screen-Shot-2020-10-29-at-11.20.29-PM-160x67.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Screen-Shot-2020-10-29-at-11.20.29-PM-1536x646.png 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1802px) 100vw, 1802px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">According to the report, inconsistent guidance — as displayed here — made the separation process “chaotic and even more cruel than necessary.” \u003ccite>(House Judiciary Committee)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Lofgren said she was struck by the widespread knowledge of the program and the complicity of people within the administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All the way from the secretary of Homeland Security to the attorney general to the head of the Border Patrol: They knew that they were taking these children away and they lacked the capacity to track them with their parents or to ever reunite them,” Lofgren said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this month, court documents detailed that lawyers and advocates were \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11843100/parents-of-545-children-separated-at-u-s-mexico-border-still-cant-be-found\">unable to find the parents of hundreds of children\u003c/a> who’d been separated in 2017.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>With just five days to go before Election Day, Brianna Noble mounted up, put her ballot in her saddle bag and rode out. She was joined by several dozen people and two other riders in a “Ride Out to Vote” event that traveled from Laney College to a designated ballot drop box in front of the Alameda County Superior Courthouse in Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Voting is important,” Noble said simply, when asked why she organized the event. “Just vote.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11844482\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11844482\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45523_026_KQED_Oakland_RideOuttoVote_10292020-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Brianna Noble (front), Dale Johnson (L) and Rachel Royce (R) ride their horses to the Alameda County Courthouse in Oakland to drop off their mail-in ballots as part of a Ride Out to Vote event on Oct. 29, 2020.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45523_026_KQED_Oakland_RideOuttoVote_10292020-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45523_026_KQED_Oakland_RideOuttoVote_10292020-qut-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45523_026_KQED_Oakland_RideOuttoVote_10292020-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45523_026_KQED_Oakland_RideOuttoVote_10292020-qut-1536x1022.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45523_026_KQED_Oakland_RideOuttoVote_10292020-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Brianna Noble (front), Dale Johnson (L), and Rachel Royce (R) ride their horses to the Alameda County Superior Courthouse in Oakland to drop off their mail-in ballots as part of a Ride Out to Vote event on Oct. 29, 2020. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Noble, the founder of the nonprofit \u003ca href=\"https://www.mulattomeadows.com/humble\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Humble\u003c/a>, which mentors youth through horseback riding, said she especially wanted to get out the vote in her own community, among “people that look like me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Rachel Royce, president of Metropolitan Horsemen's Association\"]‘If you want to have some change, you have to step up.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Any time you bring horses around to do anything, people pay attention,” Noble said. “I’m going to try to use that ‘Look, a horse!’ moment as much as I can, to influence my community.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There were certainly plenty of people who said, “Look a horse!” when Noble rode through the streets of Oakland during a Black Lives Matter protest in June. As the nation was roiled with anger and anguish over the death of George Floyd at the hands of Minneapolis police, Noble’s image quickly became a beacon of strength. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11822227/oaklands-protest-rider-on-why-she-took-to-horseback-for-george-floyd\">Photos of her\u003c/a> astride her Appaloosa, Dapper Dan, with her fist raised in the air, went viral.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11844475\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11844475\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45551_058_KQED_Oakland_RideOuttoVote_10292020-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45551_058_KQED_Oakland_RideOuttoVote_10292020-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45551_058_KQED_Oakland_RideOuttoVote_10292020-qut-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45551_058_KQED_Oakland_RideOuttoVote_10292020-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45551_058_KQED_Oakland_RideOuttoVote_10292020-qut-1536x1022.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45551_058_KQED_Oakland_RideOuttoVote_10292020-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Elka Karl and her son Uli ride their bikes to the Alameda County Superior Courthouse in Oakland during a Ride Out to Vote event on Oct. 29, 2020. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“There was such power in that image for me, especially in the context of the protest and especially in the context of all these images of police officers with their knees on the necks of Black men,“ said Molly Gore, one of the coordinators of Thursday’s ride to the ballot box. “To see Brianna on her horse evoked such power and such hope and such courage at a time that felt so disempowering.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thursday’s ride included people strolling along on foot and pedaling bicycles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s very important in this day and age, if you want to have some change, you have to step up,” said Rachel Royce, one of the equestrians at the march and the president of the Metropolitan Horsemen’s Association. “That’s why I’m here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think everybody should just go out and exercise their right to vote,” said Dale Johnson, who said his grandparents were born in the segregated South in the early 1900s. “No matter where you fall on the spectrum, I think it’s important that everyone get their voice out.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside tag=\"election-2020\" label=\"Election 2020 Coverage\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The riders didn’t need a permit for the day’s event, said Gore, because the city of Oakland considers horses similar to vehicles — as long as they ride responsibly and observe traffic rules.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Oakland march was one of several similar events taking place around the country, including in Maryland and Pennsylvania, as part of “\u003ca href=\"https://www.fucktalkinggovote.com/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Fuck Talking. Go Vote\u003c/a>,” a project of the Compton Cowboys.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With stables located in the heart of the city of Compton, the Cowboys’ mission is to “provide a positive influence on inner-city youth and to combat negative stereotypes about African-Americans.” When the \u003ca href=\"https://c4aa.org/2020/10/unstoppable-voters-projects\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Unstoppable Voters Project\u003c/a> offered funding to support creative ways to get people to the polls, Compton Cowboys co-founder Randy Savvy had an idea.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11844476\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11844476\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45546_054_KQED_Oakland_RideOuttoVote_10292020-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Brianna Noble's horse, Dapper Dan, wears her 'I Voted' sticker after she dropped off her mail-in ballot at the Alameda County Courthouse during a Ride Out to Vote event on Oct. 29, 2020.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45546_054_KQED_Oakland_RideOuttoVote_10292020-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45546_054_KQED_Oakland_RideOuttoVote_10292020-qut-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45546_054_KQED_Oakland_RideOuttoVote_10292020-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45546_054_KQED_Oakland_RideOuttoVote_10292020-qut-1536x1022.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45546_054_KQED_Oakland_RideOuttoVote_10292020-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Brianna Noble’s horse Dapper Dan wears her ‘I Voted’ sticker after she dropped off her mail-in ballot at the Alameda County Superior Courthouse during a Ride Out to Vote event on Oct. 29, 2020. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We wanted it to be loud and very different and something that will create shock value,” Savvy said, who is also known by the last name Hook. “It’s all about getting people out and community and civic engagement and participating in the democratic process.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In their video, the Cowboys make a powerful pitch for voting: “The future of our country is at stake.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I always felt like the cowboy represents being a force for some type of change, like a trailblazer,” Savvy says in the video. “Somebody who, when there wasn’t a way, they made one.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://youtu.be/RNcjxuXuZcI\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People have a lot of reason to feel that their vote doesn’t matter right now and to be disillusioned by what we’re calling a democracy that isn’t actually serving the people,” said co-coordinator Gore. “It points to this idea that your vote is your voice and you can talk as much as you want … but the way we effect change in the system is through voting.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Noble’s nonprofit Humble also filmed a video, “Ride Out to Vote,” featuring riders galloping across the Bay Area, from Fort Funston in San Francisco to Wildcat Canyon Regional Park in Richmond to Gilroy. The video plays on a Pony Express theme.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://youtu.be/n-p0d4URc_4\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Every vote counts. Get yours in by Nov. 3,” the video concludes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Equestrians, bicyclists and pedestrians marched through Oakland Thursday to deliver their ballots in person and raise awareness for the importance of voting.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>With just five days to go before Election Day, Brianna Noble mounted up, put her ballot in her saddle bag and rode out. She was joined by several dozen people and two other riders in a “Ride Out to Vote” event that traveled from Laney College to a designated ballot drop box in front of the Alameda County Superior Courthouse in Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Voting is important,” Noble said simply, when asked why she organized the event. “Just vote.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11844482\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11844482\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45523_026_KQED_Oakland_RideOuttoVote_10292020-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Brianna Noble (front), Dale Johnson (L) and Rachel Royce (R) ride their horses to the Alameda County Courthouse in Oakland to drop off their mail-in ballots as part of a Ride Out to Vote event on Oct. 29, 2020.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45523_026_KQED_Oakland_RideOuttoVote_10292020-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45523_026_KQED_Oakland_RideOuttoVote_10292020-qut-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45523_026_KQED_Oakland_RideOuttoVote_10292020-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45523_026_KQED_Oakland_RideOuttoVote_10292020-qut-1536x1022.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45523_026_KQED_Oakland_RideOuttoVote_10292020-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Brianna Noble (front), Dale Johnson (L), and Rachel Royce (R) ride their horses to the Alameda County Superior Courthouse in Oakland to drop off their mail-in ballots as part of a Ride Out to Vote event on Oct. 29, 2020. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Noble, the founder of the nonprofit \u003ca href=\"https://www.mulattomeadows.com/humble\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Humble\u003c/a>, which mentors youth through horseback riding, said she especially wanted to get out the vote in her own community, among “people that look like me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Any time you bring horses around to do anything, people pay attention,” Noble said. “I’m going to try to use that ‘Look, a horse!’ moment as much as I can, to influence my community.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There were certainly plenty of people who said, “Look a horse!” when Noble rode through the streets of Oakland during a Black Lives Matter protest in June. As the nation was roiled with anger and anguish over the death of George Floyd at the hands of Minneapolis police, Noble’s image quickly became a beacon of strength. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11822227/oaklands-protest-rider-on-why-she-took-to-horseback-for-george-floyd\">Photos of her\u003c/a> astride her Appaloosa, Dapper Dan, with her fist raised in the air, went viral.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11844475\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11844475\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45551_058_KQED_Oakland_RideOuttoVote_10292020-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45551_058_KQED_Oakland_RideOuttoVote_10292020-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45551_058_KQED_Oakland_RideOuttoVote_10292020-qut-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45551_058_KQED_Oakland_RideOuttoVote_10292020-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45551_058_KQED_Oakland_RideOuttoVote_10292020-qut-1536x1022.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45551_058_KQED_Oakland_RideOuttoVote_10292020-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Elka Karl and her son Uli ride their bikes to the Alameda County Superior Courthouse in Oakland during a Ride Out to Vote event on Oct. 29, 2020. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“There was such power in that image for me, especially in the context of the protest and especially in the context of all these images of police officers with their knees on the necks of Black men,“ said Molly Gore, one of the coordinators of Thursday’s ride to the ballot box. “To see Brianna on her horse evoked such power and such hope and such courage at a time that felt so disempowering.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thursday’s ride included people strolling along on foot and pedaling bicycles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s very important in this day and age, if you want to have some change, you have to step up,” said Rachel Royce, one of the equestrians at the march and the president of the Metropolitan Horsemen’s Association. “That’s why I’m here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think everybody should just go out and exercise their right to vote,” said Dale Johnson, who said his grandparents were born in the segregated South in the early 1900s. “No matter where you fall on the spectrum, I think it’s important that everyone get their voice out.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The riders didn’t need a permit for the day’s event, said Gore, because the city of Oakland considers horses similar to vehicles — as long as they ride responsibly and observe traffic rules.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Oakland march was one of several similar events taking place around the country, including in Maryland and Pennsylvania, as part of “\u003ca href=\"https://www.fucktalkinggovote.com/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Fuck Talking. Go Vote\u003c/a>,” a project of the Compton Cowboys.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With stables located in the heart of the city of Compton, the Cowboys’ mission is to “provide a positive influence on inner-city youth and to combat negative stereotypes about African-Americans.” When the \u003ca href=\"https://c4aa.org/2020/10/unstoppable-voters-projects\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Unstoppable Voters Project\u003c/a> offered funding to support creative ways to get people to the polls, Compton Cowboys co-founder Randy Savvy had an idea.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11844476\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11844476\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45546_054_KQED_Oakland_RideOuttoVote_10292020-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Brianna Noble's horse, Dapper Dan, wears her 'I Voted' sticker after she dropped off her mail-in ballot at the Alameda County Courthouse during a Ride Out to Vote event on Oct. 29, 2020.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45546_054_KQED_Oakland_RideOuttoVote_10292020-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45546_054_KQED_Oakland_RideOuttoVote_10292020-qut-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45546_054_KQED_Oakland_RideOuttoVote_10292020-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45546_054_KQED_Oakland_RideOuttoVote_10292020-qut-1536x1022.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45546_054_KQED_Oakland_RideOuttoVote_10292020-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Brianna Noble’s horse Dapper Dan wears her ‘I Voted’ sticker after she dropped off her mail-in ballot at the Alameda County Superior Courthouse during a Ride Out to Vote event on Oct. 29, 2020. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We wanted it to be loud and very different and something that will create shock value,” Savvy said, who is also known by the last name Hook. “It’s all about getting people out and community and civic engagement and participating in the democratic process.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In their video, the Cowboys make a powerful pitch for voting: “The future of our country is at stake.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I always felt like the cowboy represents being a force for some type of change, like a trailblazer,” Savvy says in the video. “Somebody who, when there wasn’t a way, they made one.”\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/RNcjxuXuZcI'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/RNcjxuXuZcI'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>“People have a lot of reason to feel that their vote doesn’t matter right now and to be disillusioned by what we’re calling a democracy that isn’t actually serving the people,” said co-coordinator Gore. “It points to this idea that your vote is your voice and you can talk as much as you want … but the way we effect change in the system is through voting.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Noble’s nonprofit Humble also filmed a video, “Ride Out to Vote,” featuring riders galloping across the Bay Area, from Fort Funston in San Francisco to Wildcat Canyon Regional Park in Richmond to Gilroy. The video plays on a Pony Express theme.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/n-p0d4URc_4'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/n-p0d4URc_4'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>“Every vote counts. Get yours in by Nov. 3,” the video concludes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Contra Costa County election officials have confirmed that ballots deposited into a drop box located at Richmond City Hall on Oct. 12 have gone missing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Scott Konopasek, Contra Costa’s assistant registrar of voters, said Thursday that county officials do not know why “dozens, max” of ballots that were placed in the drop box at Richmond City Hall cannot be accounted for.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Konopasek said a two-person team from his office collected 84 ballots from that drop box on Oct. 12, a pick-up that happens six days a week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Scott Konopasek, assistant registrar of voters for Contra Costa County\"]‘I suspect there’s some sort of handling error, but we don’t know where that is.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are aware of reports by dozens of voters, and claims on social media, that they deposited their ballot into the Richmond City Hall drop box on Oct. 12 and the county has not been able to confirm receipt of the ballot,” Konopasek said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said the ballots could have been improperly processed and are not showing up as having been received.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is something that happened and we don’t know why it happened … but we’re making sure the voters get to vote,” Konopasek said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His office found about 40 of those voters through “sleuthing” phone numbers and Nextdoor social media posts, he said. Those voters were able to take advantage of various ways to recast their ballots. “We’ve re-mailed ballots to most of them, and then others we’ve told how to vote in person between now and Election Day.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Konopasek said he does not know if all the voters whose ballots may have disappeared from that drop box on Oct. 12 know their ballot went missing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Contra Costa County Elections Department has 37 drop boxes stationed throughout the county; the Richmond City Hall box is one of three in that city. Nearly 150,000 ballots had been returned from those drop boxes as of Thursday morning, Konopasek said, who stressed that this one Richmond box is the only one with which problems have arisen. About 370,000 total ballots have been returned in Contra Costa County so far.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I just think that [it] feeds into whole narrative of discrediting our election processes in the country,” he said. “Yeah something happened, something that shouldn’t happen, but you can’t extrapolate that to the whole system being corrupt or broken or that there’s any kind of systemic problem.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An internal investigation turned up no evidence of physical tampering with the drop box, Konopasek said, nor evidence of nefarious actions by elections workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I suspect there’s some sort of handling error, but we don’t know where that is,” said Konopasek, who said the investigation will continue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11835370,news_11841059,news_11841201 label='Voting Resources']But there’s a “glass half full” element to this, as Konopasek put it. It’s thanks to an online ballot-tracking tool the county is using for the first time that voters could see there was a problem in the first place. The missing ballots were also cast early enough for those problems to be discovered, and for those voters to be offered a second opportunity to cast a ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Konopasek said discussions have already taken place about installing electronic surveillance covering the drop boxes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Contra Costa County voters who want to verify receipt of their ballot can \u003ca href=\"https://www.cocovote.us/\">use the county’s “Track My Vote by Mail” feature\u003c/a> or call the Elections Department at (925) 335-7800.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Konopasek said the 150,000 drop box ballots are among 370,000 overall ballots returned by Contra Costa voters as of Thursday morning — representing 52% of the county’s registered voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The voters in Contra Costa are voting early, and are paying attention to what’s going on,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Bay City News and KQED’s Tara Siler contributed to this story.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Contra Costa County election officials have confirmed that ballots deposited into a drop box located at Richmond City Hall on Oct. 12 have gone missing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Scott Konopasek, Contra Costa’s assistant registrar of voters, said Thursday that county officials do not know why “dozens, max” of ballots that were placed in the drop box at Richmond City Hall cannot be accounted for.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Konopasek said a two-person team from his office collected 84 ballots from that drop box on Oct. 12, a pick-up that happens six days a week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are aware of reports by dozens of voters, and claims on social media, that they deposited their ballot into the Richmond City Hall drop box on Oct. 12 and the county has not been able to confirm receipt of the ballot,” Konopasek said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said the ballots could have been improperly processed and are not showing up as having been received.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is something that happened and we don’t know why it happened … but we’re making sure the voters get to vote,” Konopasek said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His office found about 40 of those voters through “sleuthing” phone numbers and Nextdoor social media posts, he said. Those voters were able to take advantage of various ways to recast their ballots. “We’ve re-mailed ballots to most of them, and then others we’ve told how to vote in person between now and Election Day.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Konopasek said he does not know if all the voters whose ballots may have disappeared from that drop box on Oct. 12 know their ballot went missing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Contra Costa County Elections Department has 37 drop boxes stationed throughout the county; the Richmond City Hall box is one of three in that city. Nearly 150,000 ballots had been returned from those drop boxes as of Thursday morning, Konopasek said, who stressed that this one Richmond box is the only one with which problems have arisen. About 370,000 total ballots have been returned in Contra Costa County so far.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I just think that [it] feeds into whole narrative of discrediting our election processes in the country,” he said. “Yeah something happened, something that shouldn’t happen, but you can’t extrapolate that to the whole system being corrupt or broken or that there’s any kind of systemic problem.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An internal investigation turned up no evidence of physical tampering with the drop box, Konopasek said, nor evidence of nefarious actions by elections workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I suspect there’s some sort of handling error, but we don’t know where that is,” said Konopasek, who said the investigation will continue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>But there’s a “glass half full” element to this, as Konopasek put it. It’s thanks to an online ballot-tracking tool the county is using for the first time that voters could see there was a problem in the first place. The missing ballots were also cast early enough for those problems to be discovered, and for those voters to be offered a second opportunity to cast a ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Konopasek said discussions have already taken place about installing electronic surveillance covering the drop boxes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Contra Costa County voters who want to verify receipt of their ballot can \u003ca href=\"https://www.cocovote.us/\">use the county’s “Track My Vote by Mail” feature\u003c/a> or call the Elections Department at (925) 335-7800.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Konopasek said the 150,000 drop box ballots are among 370,000 overall ballots returned by Contra Costa voters as of Thursday morning — representing 52% of the county’s registered voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The voters in Contra Costa are voting early, and are paying attention to what’s going on,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Bay City News and KQED’s Tara Siler contributed to this story.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>In northern Los Angeles County, a natural political experiment is playing out in one of the state’s fiercest electoral battlegrounds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A pair of Santa Clarita Republicans, freshman Congressman Mike Garcia and state Sen. Scott Wilk, are charting different political paths as they try to defend seats in two overlapping swing districts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wilk is seeking a second term in the state Senate after two terms in the Assembly. He’s among the most moderate members of the legislature and crossed over to vote with Democrats on a number of high profile bills during the last legislative session.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Garcia is running for election to a full term in the House of Representatives. He won a special House election in May, flipping a newly Democratic seat back to Republican control. Buoyed by an endorsement from President Donald Trump, Garcia has stood by the president and largely aligned himself with the GOP minority in the House.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">[ad fullwidth]\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The shared territory between the 25th Congressional district and the 21st state Senate district, and the differences between Garcia and Wilk’s campaigns could create a “ticket-splitting” scenario, in which voters choose Wilk, but not Garcia, or vice versa, said Republican strategist Rob Stutzman.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“It will be interesting to see what happens,” he said. “If Garcia were to lose and Wilk were to win, with Wilk outperforming Garcia within the overlaying area … it could be an indication of the more veteran and better known politician who has had more chance to deliver constituent services, like Wilk, outperforming a new federal candidate.” \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“It also may indicate that voters are looking at how the state is governed separately from how they’re looking at national politics,” Stutzman said. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Antelope and Santa Clarita valleys are going through a political transition. These exurbs of Los Angeles have grown and diversified, and transplants from the city of Los Angeles have helped turn the traditionally conservative High Desert into an electoral battleground — home to more liberal cities like Lancaster and Palmdale and purple suburbs like Santa Clarita.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 25th Congressional District and 21st State Senate District cover both valleys, with the congressional district map stretching west into Ventura County, and the senate district spanning east to cover parts of the Apple Valley. Democrats now hold a roughly seven-point registration advantage over Republicans in both districts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The leftward shifts were evident in 2018, when Democrats claimed the 25th Congressional District as part of the “Blue Wave,” with Katie Hill knocking off incumbent Republican Steve Knight.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, Hill \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11783343/democratic-congresswoman-katie-hill-resigns-over-inappropriate-relationships\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">resigned from the seat\u003c/a> amid a sex scandal, and in a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11814835/campaigning-from-home-how-the-pandemic-is-shaping-californias-first-coronavirus-era-election\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">May special election held to fill the seat\u003c/a>, Republican businessman \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101877508/republicans-win-closely-watched-california-special-election-to-fill-katie-hills-house-seat\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Mike Garcia defeated Democratic Assemblywoman Christy Smith\u003c/a> by an \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11818072/republicans-win-back-socal-congressional-seat-democrats-flipped-in-2018\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">impressive ten-point margin\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Garcia was bolstered in that race by late support from President Donald Trump, who tweeted multiple endorsements of the former Navy fighter pilot in the closing days of the campaign. And despite the headwinds facing Trump and the Republican Party in his district, Garcia has done little to break with party orthodoxy during his five months in Washington.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to \u003ca href=\"https://projects.fivethirtyeight.com/congress-trump-score/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">FiveThirtyEight’s tracker of key votes in Congress\u003c/a>, Garcia has sided with Trump on 10 of 11 major votes during his brief time in the House, including votes against Democratic-led bills on \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2020/06/25/883263263/house-approves-police-reform-bill-but-issue-stalled-amid-partisan-standoff\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">police reform\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2020/07/01/us/house-infrastructure-package-coronavirus.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">infrastructure funding\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/health/house-democrats-push-through-first-bill-in-a-decade-expanding-affordable-care-act/2020/06/29/350d3046-ba0f-11ea-8cf5-9c1b8d7f84c6_story.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">health care subsidies\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Based on Trump’s performance in the 25th district during the 2016 election, the model expects Garcia to side with Trump’s position on just 9% of votes. The difference between Garcia’s expected and actual alignment with Trump (which FiveThirtyEight calls the “Trump plus-minus”) comes out to 81.8% — the highest mark of any Congressmember during Trump’s time in the White House.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Beyond his votes, Garcia has avoided the kind of \u003ca href=\"https://www.cnbc.com/2018/10/11/gop-rep-steve-knight-distances-himself-from-trump-in-tight-ca-race.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">delicate criticism of the president\u003c/a> voiced by Steve Knight, the Republican who held the seat from 2015-2019.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“I would say a candidate like Garcia has committed to a strategy that his reelection becomes reliant upon the president likely winning that congressional district,” Stutzman said. “He has decided not only does he have nowhere to hide from the president, but let’s go all in and try to optimize and basically run a base election strategy.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the only general election debate between Garcia and Smith, held last week by the Santa Clarita Valley Chamber of Commerce, Garcia defended his independence and votes on legislation like the $1.5 billion infrastructure bill, which he said “would have raised our taxes and made our lives more painful.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">I’m loyal to my country,” Garcia said. “\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">I don’t have loyalties to my party, I don’t have loyalties to any individuals.” \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though he represents many of the same communities as Garcia, Scott Wilk has positioned himself as a moderate in the California State Senate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An analysis conducted by CalMatters at the start of the legislative session in 2019 found that Wilk had \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2019/03/most-popular-bill-california-legislature-bipartisan-coauthors/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">the highest percentage of bills co-authored with a member of the opposing party\u003c/a> of any legislator in the Capitol.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He continued to work across the aisle this year, voting with Democrats to ban police officers from using chokeholds and carotid restraints, and casting the Senate’s only Republican vote in favor of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11826042/california-voters-to-decide-on-restoring-affirmative-action-allowing-parolees-to-vote\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">placing Proposition 16 and Proposition 17 on the ballot\u003c/a>, which would end California’s ban on affirmative action and restore voting rights for parolees, respectively.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2019, Wilk received the highest rating given to a Republican on legislative scorecards published by the \u003ca href=\"https://www.calafscme.org/legislator-scores-2019\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">American Federation of State, County and Municipal Employees\u003c/a>, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.cft.org/sites/main/files/file-attachments/cft_2019_legislative_scorecard_0.pdf?1570824278\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">California Federation of Teachers\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.plannedparenthoodaction.org/uploads/filer_public/e6/93/e6938d55-bd42-46dc-97d6-6f1267960b43/2019_scorecard.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Planned Parenthood\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wilk described his style as working “to try to get to yes,” in an \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=WGrEV4n7Ff4\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">interview last month with KHTS\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I work with the majority party when they’re right and I oppose or try to get things amended when they’re wrong to bring better policies to Sacramento,” Wilk said. “Because honestly I think bipartisan solutions are the best and the longest lasting.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11843856\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11843856\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Mike-Garcia-1020x610-1-800x478.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"478\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Mike-Garcia-1020x610-1-800x478.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Mike-Garcia-1020x610-1-160x96.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Mike-Garcia-1020x610-1.jpg 1020w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Mike Garcia is running for Congress in the 25th District. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Wikimedia Commons)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The differences between the political climate in Congress and the state Legislature could rationalize the approaches of Wilk and Garcia for voters, said Mark Hershey, a Republican activist in Santa Clarita, who says he fully supports both candidates. [aside tag=\"election-2020\" label=\"More Related Coverage\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Garcia does align himself with Trump, but I think it’s mostly that he aligns himself with the principles that the president has: protect the border, smaller taxes, strong military,” said Hershey, who chairs the GOP’s 38th Assembly District Central Committee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“To get stuff done Wilk has got to reach across because it’s a [Democratic] supermajority,” Hershey said. “So he has to kind of blend with them and he’s very good at it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Wilk’s bipartisan efforts haven’t shielded him from a fierce challenge from Democratic candidate Kipp Mueller, who has called out Wilk’s past opposition to gun control legislation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And the very same groups that gave Wilk a positive rating for his votes, including the California Federation of Teachers and Planned Parenthood, have donated to Mueller’s campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>In northern Los Angeles County, a natural political experiment is playing out in one of the state’s fiercest electoral battlegrounds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A pair of Santa Clarita Republicans, freshman Congressman Mike Garcia and state Sen. Scott Wilk, are charting different political paths as they try to defend seats in two overlapping swing districts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wilk is seeking a second term in the state Senate after two terms in the Assembly. He’s among the most moderate members of the legislature and crossed over to vote with Democrats on a number of high profile bills during the last legislative session.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Garcia is running for election to a full term in the House of Representatives. He won a special House election in May, flipping a newly Democratic seat back to Republican control. Buoyed by an endorsement from President Donald Trump, Garcia has stood by the president and largely aligned himself with the GOP minority in the House.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The shared territory between the 25th Congressional district and the 21st state Senate district, and the differences between Garcia and Wilk’s campaigns could create a “ticket-splitting” scenario, in which voters choose Wilk, but not Garcia, or vice versa, said Republican strategist Rob Stutzman.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“It will be interesting to see what happens,” he said. “If Garcia were to lose and Wilk were to win, with Wilk outperforming Garcia within the overlaying area … it could be an indication of the more veteran and better known politician who has had more chance to deliver constituent services, like Wilk, outperforming a new federal candidate.” \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“It also may indicate that voters are looking at how the state is governed separately from how they’re looking at national politics,” Stutzman said. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Antelope and Santa Clarita valleys are going through a political transition. These exurbs of Los Angeles have grown and diversified, and transplants from the city of Los Angeles have helped turn the traditionally conservative High Desert into an electoral battleground — home to more liberal cities like Lancaster and Palmdale and purple suburbs like Santa Clarita.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 25th Congressional District and 21st State Senate District cover both valleys, with the congressional district map stretching west into Ventura County, and the senate district spanning east to cover parts of the Apple Valley. Democrats now hold a roughly seven-point registration advantage over Republicans in both districts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The leftward shifts were evident in 2018, when Democrats claimed the 25th Congressional District as part of the “Blue Wave,” with Katie Hill knocking off incumbent Republican Steve Knight.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, Hill \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11783343/democratic-congresswoman-katie-hill-resigns-over-inappropriate-relationships\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">resigned from the seat\u003c/a> amid a sex scandal, and in a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11814835/campaigning-from-home-how-the-pandemic-is-shaping-californias-first-coronavirus-era-election\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">May special election held to fill the seat\u003c/a>, Republican businessman \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101877508/republicans-win-closely-watched-california-special-election-to-fill-katie-hills-house-seat\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Mike Garcia defeated Democratic Assemblywoman Christy Smith\u003c/a> by an \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11818072/republicans-win-back-socal-congressional-seat-democrats-flipped-in-2018\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">impressive ten-point margin\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Garcia was bolstered in that race by late support from President Donald Trump, who tweeted multiple endorsements of the former Navy fighter pilot in the closing days of the campaign. And despite the headwinds facing Trump and the Republican Party in his district, Garcia has done little to break with party orthodoxy during his five months in Washington.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to \u003ca href=\"https://projects.fivethirtyeight.com/congress-trump-score/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">FiveThirtyEight’s tracker of key votes in Congress\u003c/a>, Garcia has sided with Trump on 10 of 11 major votes during his brief time in the House, including votes against Democratic-led bills on \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2020/06/25/883263263/house-approves-police-reform-bill-but-issue-stalled-amid-partisan-standoff\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">police reform\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2020/07/01/us/house-infrastructure-package-coronavirus.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">infrastructure funding\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/health/house-democrats-push-through-first-bill-in-a-decade-expanding-affordable-care-act/2020/06/29/350d3046-ba0f-11ea-8cf5-9c1b8d7f84c6_story.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">health care subsidies\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Based on Trump’s performance in the 25th district during the 2016 election, the model expects Garcia to side with Trump’s position on just 9% of votes. The difference between Garcia’s expected and actual alignment with Trump (which FiveThirtyEight calls the “Trump plus-minus”) comes out to 81.8% — the highest mark of any Congressmember during Trump’s time in the White House.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Beyond his votes, Garcia has avoided the kind of \u003ca href=\"https://www.cnbc.com/2018/10/11/gop-rep-steve-knight-distances-himself-from-trump-in-tight-ca-race.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">delicate criticism of the president\u003c/a> voiced by Steve Knight, the Republican who held the seat from 2015-2019.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“I would say a candidate like Garcia has committed to a strategy that his reelection becomes reliant upon the president likely winning that congressional district,” Stutzman said. “He has decided not only does he have nowhere to hide from the president, but let’s go all in and try to optimize and basically run a base election strategy.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the only general election debate between Garcia and Smith, held last week by the Santa Clarita Valley Chamber of Commerce, Garcia defended his independence and votes on legislation like the $1.5 billion infrastructure bill, which he said “would have raised our taxes and made our lives more painful.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">I’m loyal to my country,” Garcia said. “\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">I don’t have loyalties to my party, I don’t have loyalties to any individuals.” \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though he represents many of the same communities as Garcia, Scott Wilk has positioned himself as a moderate in the California State Senate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An analysis conducted by CalMatters at the start of the legislative session in 2019 found that Wilk had \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2019/03/most-popular-bill-california-legislature-bipartisan-coauthors/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">the highest percentage of bills co-authored with a member of the opposing party\u003c/a> of any legislator in the Capitol.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He continued to work across the aisle this year, voting with Democrats to ban police officers from using chokeholds and carotid restraints, and casting the Senate’s only Republican vote in favor of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11826042/california-voters-to-decide-on-restoring-affirmative-action-allowing-parolees-to-vote\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">placing Proposition 16 and Proposition 17 on the ballot\u003c/a>, which would end California’s ban on affirmative action and restore voting rights for parolees, respectively.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2019, Wilk received the highest rating given to a Republican on legislative scorecards published by the \u003ca href=\"https://www.calafscme.org/legislator-scores-2019\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">American Federation of State, County and Municipal Employees\u003c/a>, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.cft.org/sites/main/files/file-attachments/cft_2019_legislative_scorecard_0.pdf?1570824278\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">California Federation of Teachers\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.plannedparenthoodaction.org/uploads/filer_public/e6/93/e6938d55-bd42-46dc-97d6-6f1267960b43/2019_scorecard.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Planned Parenthood\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wilk described his style as working “to try to get to yes,” in an \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=WGrEV4n7Ff4\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">interview last month with KHTS\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I work with the majority party when they’re right and I oppose or try to get things amended when they’re wrong to bring better policies to Sacramento,” Wilk said. “Because honestly I think bipartisan solutions are the best and the longest lasting.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11843856\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11843856\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Mike-Garcia-1020x610-1-800x478.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"478\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Mike-Garcia-1020x610-1-800x478.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Mike-Garcia-1020x610-1-160x96.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Mike-Garcia-1020x610-1.jpg 1020w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Mike Garcia is running for Congress in the 25th District. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Wikimedia Commons)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The differences between the political climate in Congress and the state Legislature could rationalize the approaches of Wilk and Garcia for voters, said Mark Hershey, a Republican activist in Santa Clarita, who says he fully supports both candidates. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Garcia does align himself with Trump, but I think it’s mostly that he aligns himself with the principles that the president has: protect the border, smaller taxes, strong military,” said Hershey, who chairs the GOP’s 38th Assembly District Central Committee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“To get stuff done Wilk has got to reach across because it’s a [Democratic] supermajority,” Hershey said. “So he has to kind of blend with them and he’s very good at it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Wilk’s bipartisan efforts haven’t shielded him from a fierce challenge from Democratic candidate Kipp Mueller, who has called out Wilk’s past opposition to gun control legislation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And the very same groups that gave Wilk a positive rating for his votes, including the California Federation of Teachers and Planned Parenthood, have donated to Mueller’s campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
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"info": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown brings listeners the wisdom of the former Governor, Mayor, and presidential candidate. Scott Shafer interviewed Brown for more than 40 hours, covering the former governor's life and half-century in the political game – and Brown has some lessons he'd like to share. ",
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"marketplace": {
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"title": "Marketplace",
"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 4pm-4:30pm, MON-WED 6:30pm-7pm",
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"source": "American Public Media"
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"masters-of-scale": {
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},
"mindshift": {
"id": "mindshift",
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"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
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"order": 12
},
"link": "/podcasts/mindshift",
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM1NzY0NjAwNDI5",
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"morning-edition": {
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"info": "\u003cem>Morning Edition\u003c/em> takes listeners around the country and the world with multi-faceted stories and commentaries every weekday. Hosts Steve Inskeep, David Greene and Rachel Martin bring you the latest breaking news and features to prepare you for the day.",
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"onourwatch": {
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"tagline": "Deeply-reported investigative journalism",
"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
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"on-the-media": {
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"title": "On The Media",
"info": "Our weekly podcast explores how the media 'sausage' is made, casts an incisive eye on fluctuations in the marketplace of ideas, and examines threats to the freedom of information and expression in America and abroad. For one hour a week, the show tries to lift the veil from the process of \"making media,\" especially news media, because it's through that lens that we see the world and the world sees us",
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},
"link": "/radio/program/on-the-media",
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},
"pbs-newshour": {
"id": "pbs-newshour",
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"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/PBS-News-Hour-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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},
"link": "/radio/program/pbs-newshour",
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"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/radio/PBS-NewsHour---Full-Show-p425698/",
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},
"perspectives": {
"id": "perspectives",
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"order": 14
},
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"planet-money": {
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"info": "The economy explained. Imagine you could call up a friend and say, Meet me at the bar and tell me what's going on with the economy. Now imagine that's actually a fun evening.",
"airtime": "SUN 3pm-4pm",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/planetmoney.jpg",
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},
"link": "/radio/program/planet-money",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/planet-money/id290783428?mt=2",
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},
"politicalbreakdown": {
"id": "politicalbreakdown",
"title": "Political Breakdown",
"tagline": "Politics from a personal perspective",
"info": "Political Breakdown is a new series that explores the political intersection of California and the nation. Each week hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos are joined with a new special guest to unpack politics -- with personality — and offer an insider’s glimpse at how politics happens.",
"airtime": "THU 6:30pm-7pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Political-Breakdown-2024-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
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"order": 5
},
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"possible": {
"id": "possible",
"title": "Possible",
"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
"airtime": "SUN 2pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Possible-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.possible.fm/",
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"source": "Possible"
},
"link": "/radio/program/possible",
"subscribe": {
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"spotify": "https://open.spotify.com/show/730YpdUSNlMyPQwNnyjp4k"
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},
"pri-the-world": {
"id": "pri-the-world",
"title": "PRI's The World: Latest Edition",
"info": "Each weekday, host Marco Werman and his team of producers bring you the world's most interesting stories in an hour of radio that reminds us just how small our planet really is.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 2pm-3pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-World-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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"source": "PRI"
},
"link": "/radio/program/pri-the-world",
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"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/podcasts/News--Politics-Podcasts/PRIs-The-World-p24/",
"rss": "http://feeds.feedburner.com/pri/theworld"
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},
"radiolab": {
"id": "radiolab",
"title": "Radiolab",
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