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"content": "\u003cp>Two years ago, investigative journalist Ronan Farrow published a story in The New Yorker about \u003ca href=\"https://www.newyorker.com/news/news-desk/from-aggressive-overtures-to-sexual-assault-harvey-weinsteins-accusers-tell-their-stories\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">Harvey Weinstein’s serial sexual assaults of actors and employees\u003c/a>. Farrow joined \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101873980/ronan-farrow-on-the-lies-spies-and-conspiracy-that-blocked-reporting-on-weinstein-scandal\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">KQED’s Michael Krasny on Forum on Monday\u003c/a> to talk about his new book, “Catch and Kill: Lies, Spies, and a Conspiracy to Protect Predators,” which chronicles the lengths Weinstein took to suppress this story, going so far as to hire former Mossad agents and Ukrainian operatives to obstruct and intimidate the reporting being done. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Portions of this interview have been edited for length and clarity. Listen to the full episode on Forum \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101873980/ronan-farrow-on-the-lies-spies-and-conspiracy-that-blocked-reporting-on-weinstein-scandal\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">here\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Interview Highlights\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>On the concept of ‘catch and kill’\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Catch and kill” is an old term in the tabloid world. It refers to acquiring the rights to a story, not in order to publish it, but in order to prevent its publication. Very often this happens with sort of mundane celebrity dirt. The National Enquirer has been doing it for years where they’d have something unflattering about an affair someone had and then withhold publication and scoop up the rights to whatever person’s story was gonna be told and on behalf of that person, kill the story, usually in exchange for such and such celebrity will appear on the cover of The National Enquirer or another AMI publication or some other transactional exchange of that nature. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size='medium' align='right']‘It’s the lifeblood of our democracy to have free access to information that can’t be fettered by the most connected and wealthy people in this country.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What I uncover in the events that unravel in “Catch and Kill” is the way in which The Enquirer was engaged in this practice for Harvey Weinstein, which is a story I was able to break later in The New Yorker. And how ultimately that trail of clues led to the top, if you will, to the president’s collaborations with The National Enquirer, which were very much of a piece with that. In this book, I reveal several new cases in which there was pretty deep and substantial collaboration between Trump associates and the Enquirer. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>On the connection between Weinstein and Matt Lauer\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The book is about bigger patterns than any one media organization, although it does focus on AMI, the parent company of The National Enquirer, which was one attack dog collaborating with Harvey Weinstein to suppress these allegations. And on NBC News, which also became something of an instrument of suppression on his behalf. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s really about our profession, and the ways in which corporate and legal practices designed to sweep harassment and abuse under the rug, rather than confront it, can create a situation where serial abusers stay in power and where people potentially get hurt. And the democracy suffers because you end up with a situation where news organizations are working at the behest of powerful interests and the truth gets distorted. I talk about how that has ramifications for our political future as well. Obviously, that collaboration between Trump and the National Enquirer wound up being a significant factor in 2016. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>On being followed, and other tactics Weinstein used on journalists\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>People kind of make the observation that it reads like a spy thriller. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In one sense, that can sound like it’s a glamorizing characterization, in retrospect. But in another, it’s a reminder of how these exotic and underhanded tactics should be reserved for the realm of, you know, John Grisham novels. They should not be directed at real-life reporters trying to break stories. We have the protections of the First Amendment in this country and of our criminal laws. Therefore, I’m careful to have a sense of perspective and note that I was not in the situation that so many journalists in Pakistan or Russia or many other parts of the world are in, where they just wind up dead if they’re reporting on powerful interests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I feel it is an important story to tell, to look at the threats that get thrown at not just me, but a whole range of journalists in this plot. And to try to galvanize us all, to say, “no, enough.” Powerful people should not be able to manipulate the press in this way and to intimidate journalists in this way. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>On the stories about Donald Trump that were caught and killed\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Donald Trump is a significant subject of the reporting in the book. There’s new revelations about the tactics that he used to subvert the press and turn it into an arm of his campaign, essentially.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AMI has, since all of these events I’ve reported on, signed a non-prosecution agreement where they have admitted that this was taking place, that they were collaborating with Trump associates to kill stories, and it is all emblematic of a wider moment of urgency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Where, as you say, we have authoritarian rhetoric weaponized against the press. This characterization of us as the enemy of the people where, in fact, journalism is the only explicitly constitutionally protected profession for a reason. And it’s the lifeblood of our democracy to have free access to information that can’t be fettered by the most connected and wealthy people in this country. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The book is a tribute to, and a love letter to, all the reporters who stand up in the face of that and stay strong, and all the sources who refused to stop talking in the face of that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth] \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>On Hillary Clinton’s lack of support\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I’m very measured about Hillary Clinton’s role in the plot of “Catch and Kill,” as I am in each aspect of the book. And you know as well as I that anytime you mention Hillary Clinton, it quickly gets transported into partisan headlines and sensationalized a fair bit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The reality of her role is quite minimal. She was part of a series of interviews that I was doing with every living secretary of state for my previous book, “War on Peace.” It is about the chaos at the State Department and the militarization of American foreign policy and the consequences of that around the world. And Hillary Clinton had been extremely supportive of that project and had known about it since I had worked at the State Department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There is a portion of the plot of this book in which the walls are kind of closing in, in a whole number of ways. And I include an anecdote about Hillary Clinton attempting to back out of that interview. It comes after her flak, her spokesperson, Nick Merrill, calling to say, “We’re concerned about this big story you’re working on.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And that really is the totality of the facts, that there’s a strange conversation where her team is concerned and has learned at a time when it is supposed to be secret that I’m working on this, that I am working on the story. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Related Coverage\" tag=\"harvey-weinstein\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>On being an investigative journalist\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I do think that good investigative journalism is at the heart of what can break through those conspiracies of silence and that hegemony …. of powerful interests that mutually protect and suppress. And every time I break a story, I’m very moved to say that brave sources continue to come forward. And in the wake of this book coming out, I’ve been inundated with leads of all sorts of types, including ones that, you know, directly reinforce the reporting in this book. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And it’s never just about me, it’s a whole community of reporters that are refusing to stop here. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>On putting himself in the book\u003c/strong> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was uncomfortable. And I’m very forthright in the book about the struggle over not wanting to do that, wanting for the story to stand its own on its own. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I think particularly because of my own background, which was very much, you know, in the shadow of celebrity and scandal, I write in the book about wanting desperately for the substantive work that I do to not be subject to those distractions, and to stand independently. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The nature of the plot was that my personal life, and who I was and my background, were thrown at me and all of that was used as a cudgel. So like it or not, you know, Harvey Weinstein and others who I go up against in this book really used myself in my past against me.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What I uncover in the events that unravel in “Catch and Kill” is the way in which The Enquirer was engaged in this practice for Harvey Weinstein, which is a story I was able to break later in The New Yorker. And how ultimately that trail of clues led to the top, if you will, to the president’s collaborations with The National Enquirer, which were very much of a piece with that. In this book, I reveal several new cases in which there was pretty deep and substantial collaboration between Trump associates and the Enquirer. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>On the connection between Weinstein and Matt Lauer\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The book is about bigger patterns than any one media organization, although it does focus on AMI, the parent company of The National Enquirer, which was one attack dog collaborating with Harvey Weinstein to suppress these allegations. And on NBC News, which also became something of an instrument of suppression on his behalf. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s really about our profession, and the ways in which corporate and legal practices designed to sweep harassment and abuse under the rug, rather than confront it, can create a situation where serial abusers stay in power and where people potentially get hurt. And the democracy suffers because you end up with a situation where news organizations are working at the behest of powerful interests and the truth gets distorted. I talk about how that has ramifications for our political future as well. Obviously, that collaboration between Trump and the National Enquirer wound up being a significant factor in 2016. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>On being followed, and other tactics Weinstein used on journalists\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>People kind of make the observation that it reads like a spy thriller. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In one sense, that can sound like it’s a glamorizing characterization, in retrospect. But in another, it’s a reminder of how these exotic and underhanded tactics should be reserved for the realm of, you know, John Grisham novels. They should not be directed at real-life reporters trying to break stories. We have the protections of the First Amendment in this country and of our criminal laws. Therefore, I’m careful to have a sense of perspective and note that I was not in the situation that so many journalists in Pakistan or Russia or many other parts of the world are in, where they just wind up dead if they’re reporting on powerful interests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I feel it is an important story to tell, to look at the threats that get thrown at not just me, but a whole range of journalists in this plot. And to try to galvanize us all, to say, “no, enough.” Powerful people should not be able to manipulate the press in this way and to intimidate journalists in this way. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>On the stories about Donald Trump that were caught and killed\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Donald Trump is a significant subject of the reporting in the book. There’s new revelations about the tactics that he used to subvert the press and turn it into an arm of his campaign, essentially.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AMI has, since all of these events I’ve reported on, signed a non-prosecution agreement where they have admitted that this was taking place, that they were collaborating with Trump associates to kill stories, and it is all emblematic of a wider moment of urgency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Where, as you say, we have authoritarian rhetoric weaponized against the press. This characterization of us as the enemy of the people where, in fact, journalism is the only explicitly constitutionally protected profession for a reason. And it’s the lifeblood of our democracy to have free access to information that can’t be fettered by the most connected and wealthy people in this country. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The book is a tribute to, and a love letter to, all the reporters who stand up in the face of that and stay strong, and all the sources who refused to stop talking in the face of that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>A desperate letter a teen wrote in 2015 shows that, despite denials, San Francisco juvenile justice officials \u003ca href=\"http://bit.ly/fioreglenmills\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">knew of widespread abuse\u003c/a> at a reform school where the city sent teenage boys.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco’s juvenile probation department received a heart-wrenching letter from a teen who was a “client” of Pennsylvania’s now notorious \u003ca href=\"https://www.inquirer.com/crime/a/glen-mills-schools-pa-abuse-juvenile-investigation-20190220.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Glen Mills reform school\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even though the department notified state investigators, Allen Nance – who heads the juvenile probation department – said, “we were fortunate to not have had any bad experiences with Glen Mills.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Call me crazy, but getting punched in the chest and neck and fearing for your life sound like very bad experiences.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cp>A San Francisco teenager claimed in late 2015 that counselors at a now shuttered Pennsylvania reform school assaulted kids at the facility, allegations that were substantiated by California regulators and that contradict statements made by San Francisco’s top juvenile justice official.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Unidentified San Francisco Teen\"]‘Some body have to do something about this tell them I don’t feel safe here. And that staff is threat me. I love you mom.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The staff in here be fighting the kids up in here. Some of them be jumping us,” the unidentified juvenile wrote in the letter postmarked Sept. 11, 2015, to his mother about his experience at the Glen Mills Schools in suburban Philadelphia. The letter is transcribed in California investigative reports obtained by KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Today the P.M. Senior Counselor was punching me in my chest and neck. He told me he was going to throw me down a flight of stairs and that he could kill me and get away with it,” the teen wrote. “He constantly threats us that he go beat us up.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In February, a Philadelphia Inquirer \u003ca href=\"https://www.inquirer.com/crime/a/glen-mills-schools-pa-abuse-juvenile-investigation-20190220.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">investigation\u003c/a> revealed allegations of extreme physical abuse by some staff at Glen Mills, which was considered the nation’s oldest “reform school” for male youth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The newspaper’s reporting, which also pointed to efforts by the schools’ officials to cover up the allegations, led Pennsylvania regulators to close the school’s campus, revoke its licenses and pull out juveniles housed there. Glen Mills is appealing the closure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11742455/how-california-teens-wound-up-at-pennsylvania-school-accused-of-battering-students\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">For years California counties sent scores of teenage boys in trouble with the law to Glen Mills\u003c/a>, one of a number of facilities outside California used for juvenile placement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Allen Nance, San Francisco’s top juvenile probation official, told KQED in April that he had never heard of problems from any of the some 30 boys the city had sent to Glen Mills over the last decade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nance, who recently lost a political battle to stop the closure — in late 2021 — of the juvenile hall he runs, said then that his department was “very fond” of the school.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11742455 hero=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/04/Glenn-Mills-Presser.jpg\"]“In fact, among our juvenile justice practitioners, Glen Mills was one of the more popular placement sites for some our most difficult-to-place youth,” Nance said then. “We were fortunate to not have had any bad experiences with Glen Mills.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That contradicts documents obtained from the California Department of Social Services through a California Public Records Act request that show San Francisco officials were aware of the boy’s claim of widespread abuse at Glen Mills and kept in the loop on the department’s investigation into them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In response to questions last week about the state investigation omitted from his previous answers, Nance said he has requested that his staff research the matter and he would respond when he had more information. He failed to provide an explanation in time for a Monday deadline.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The allegations came to the attention of state regulators after the boy’s mother called Dorothy Ellis, a deputy probation officer in San Francisco’s Juvenile Probation Department, the records show. Ellis then referred the information to the state Department of Social Services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Hello Carol and Ron I am sending this email to report an allegation of abuse at Glen Mills,” Ellis wrote in a Sept. 16, 2015, email.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The boy’s letter prompted an investigations by California social services officials, who are required to certify out-of-state facilities where juveniles are placed and investigate allegations of abuse at those places.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11781578\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11781578\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/GM-2-800x322.jpg\" alt=\"An excerpt from investigatory records provided by the California Department of Social Services quoting a September 2015 letter a San Francisco boy housed at the Glen Mills Schools in Pennsylvania wrote alleging abuse at the hands of staff.\" width=\"800\" height=\"322\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/GM-2-800x322.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/GM-2-160x64.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/GM-2-1020x410.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/GM-2.jpg 1157w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">An excerpt from investigatory records provided by the California Department of Social Services quoting a September 2015 letter a San Francisco boy housed at the Glen Mills Schools in Pennsylvania wrote alleging abuse at the hands of staff. \u003ccite>(Via California Department of Social Services)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The teen’s letter recounts abuse toward him and others at the reform school.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The other staff pair up and try to fight the kids. Nobody does a thing about it and the kids to scared to say anything about it. He beat up three other kids giving one of them a black eye,” the San Francisco boy wrote to his mother.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The boy asked her to call his probation officer or the officer’s supervisor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Some body have to do something about this tell them I don’t feel safe here. And that staff is threat me. I love you mom,” he wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A California Department of Social Services analyst investigated the accusations, which included interviewing the boy and other kids at Glen Mills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California officials sent their findings to the Pennsylvania Department of Human Services on Oct. 12, 2015, naming the staff member accused of abuse, and substantiating the teen’s claims.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is our stance that staff Eric Adams is indeed conducting acts of physical pain including punching resulting in client injury and fear,” the analyst, Ronald Leslie, wrote. “As a result, we do not feel California youth are safe in his presence.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Glen Mills placed Adams on administrative leave the next day. A week later he was fired, representing the only case in which an investigation from California regulators led to the termination of an employee at the Pennsylvania reform school, according to Adam Weintraub, a spokesman for the state Department of Social Services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jeff Jubelirer, a spokesman for Glen Mills, would not provide more details about the case other than to confirm that Adams was fired in a move prompted by California’s review.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Mr. Adams was terminated surrounding allegations of abuse that were substantiated by the state of California,” Jubelirer said in an email.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to his LinkedIn page, Adams worked at Glen Mills for close to three years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Adams declined to comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco stopped sending juveniles to Glen Mills in 2016, San Francisco juvenile probation chief Nance said last spring. He said then that the decision to halt the relationship with the reform school had nothing to do with concerns about abuse there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the weeks after the Inquirer published its investigation into Glen Mills, Pennsylvania regulators closed the campus and revoked its licenses, a move that Glen Mills has appealed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>You can find more on the Inquirer’s investigation into Glen Mills and its aftermath by visiting the \u003ca href=\"https://www.inquirer.com/author/gartner_lisa/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">author page\u003c/a> of the reporter who broke the story, \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/lisagartner\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Lisa Gartner\u003c/a>. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“In fact, among our juvenile justice practitioners, Glen Mills was one of the more popular placement sites for some our most difficult-to-place youth,” Nance said then. “We were fortunate to not have had any bad experiences with Glen Mills.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That contradicts documents obtained from the California Department of Social Services through a California Public Records Act request that show San Francisco officials were aware of the boy’s claim of widespread abuse at Glen Mills and kept in the loop on the department’s investigation into them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In response to questions last week about the state investigation omitted from his previous answers, Nance said he has requested that his staff research the matter and he would respond when he had more information. He failed to provide an explanation in time for a Monday deadline.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The allegations came to the attention of state regulators after the boy’s mother called Dorothy Ellis, a deputy probation officer in San Francisco’s Juvenile Probation Department, the records show. Ellis then referred the information to the state Department of Social Services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Hello Carol and Ron I am sending this email to report an allegation of abuse at Glen Mills,” Ellis wrote in a Sept. 16, 2015, email.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The boy’s letter prompted an investigations by California social services officials, who are required to certify out-of-state facilities where juveniles are placed and investigate allegations of abuse at those places.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11781578\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11781578\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/GM-2-800x322.jpg\" alt=\"An excerpt from investigatory records provided by the California Department of Social Services quoting a September 2015 letter a San Francisco boy housed at the Glen Mills Schools in Pennsylvania wrote alleging abuse at the hands of staff.\" width=\"800\" height=\"322\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/GM-2-800x322.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/GM-2-160x64.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/GM-2-1020x410.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/GM-2.jpg 1157w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">An excerpt from investigatory records provided by the California Department of Social Services quoting a September 2015 letter a San Francisco boy housed at the Glen Mills Schools in Pennsylvania wrote alleging abuse at the hands of staff. \u003ccite>(Via California Department of Social Services)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The teen’s letter recounts abuse toward him and others at the reform school.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The other staff pair up and try to fight the kids. Nobody does a thing about it and the kids to scared to say anything about it. He beat up three other kids giving one of them a black eye,” the San Francisco boy wrote to his mother.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The boy asked her to call his probation officer or the officer’s supervisor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Some body have to do something about this tell them I don’t feel safe here. And that staff is threat me. I love you mom,” he wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A California Department of Social Services analyst investigated the accusations, which included interviewing the boy and other kids at Glen Mills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California officials sent their findings to the Pennsylvania Department of Human Services on Oct. 12, 2015, naming the staff member accused of abuse, and substantiating the teen’s claims.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is our stance that staff Eric Adams is indeed conducting acts of physical pain including punching resulting in client injury and fear,” the analyst, Ronald Leslie, wrote. “As a result, we do not feel California youth are safe in his presence.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Glen Mills placed Adams on administrative leave the next day. A week later he was fired, representing the only case in which an investigation from California regulators led to the termination of an employee at the Pennsylvania reform school, according to Adam Weintraub, a spokesman for the state Department of Social Services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jeff Jubelirer, a spokesman for Glen Mills, would not provide more details about the case other than to confirm that Adams was fired in a move prompted by California’s review.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Mr. Adams was terminated surrounding allegations of abuse that were substantiated by the state of California,” Jubelirer said in an email.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to his LinkedIn page, Adams worked at Glen Mills for close to three years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Adams declined to comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco stopped sending juveniles to Glen Mills in 2016, San Francisco juvenile probation chief Nance said last spring. He said then that the decision to halt the relationship with the reform school had nothing to do with concerns about abuse there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the weeks after the Inquirer published its investigation into Glen Mills, Pennsylvania regulators closed the campus and revoked its licenses, a move that Glen Mills has appealed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>You can find more on the Inquirer’s investigation into Glen Mills and its aftermath by visiting the \u003ca href=\"https://www.inquirer.com/author/gartner_lisa/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">author page\u003c/a> of the reporter who broke the story, \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/lisagartner\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Lisa Gartner\u003c/a>. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>BOSTON — Four parents from California have pleaded guilty in the college admissions bribery scandal, and a Texas man accused of helping to orchestrate the scheme has also agreed to a plea deal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Parent Douglas Hodge of Laguna Beach entered his guilty plea in Boston's federal court Monday after previously pleading not guilty in April. Also reversing their pleas on Monday were parents Michelle Janavs of Newport Coast, and Manuel and Elizabeth Henriquez of Atherton. Each faces charges of fraud and money laundering.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Martin Fox, the president of a private tennis club in Houston, also agreed to plead guilty in a deal that prosecutors announced Monday. He is charged with a single count of racketeering.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Authorities say Fox brokered bribes to help wealthy parents cheat on their children's college entrance exams at a Houston testing site. He's also accused of arranging bribes to get two students admitted to the University of San Diego as recruited athletes, and one student to the University of Texas. He will return the $245,000 he received through the scheme, according to his plea deal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The four parents join 15 others who have pleaded guilty in the case, while 15 other parents are fighting the charges. Out of 10 parents sentenced so far, nine have been dealt prison time, with terms ranging from two weeks to five months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hodge was accused of paying more than $500,000 in bribes to get two of his children into the University of Southern California. Authorities say he paid $200,000 to get his daughter admitted as a soccer recruit in 2013, and $325,000 to get his son in as a football recruit in 2015. Neither played on those sports teams.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside tag='college-admissions-scandal' label='Related Coverage']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hodge, a former CEO of the Pacific Investment Management Co., is scheduled to be sentenced in January 2020. He apologized in a statement Monday, saying he takes full responsibility for his conduct.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I have always prided myself on leading by example, and I am ashamed of the decisions I made,\" he said. \"I acted out of love for my children, but I know that this explanation for my actions is not an excuse.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Janavs is accused of paying $400,000 to get her son admitted to Georgetown University as a fake tennis recruit in 2017. She separately paid $100,000 to help two of her daughters cheat on the ACT exam in 2017 and 2019, prosecutors said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Janavs is a former executive of Chef America Inc., a food producer that created the Hot Pocket frozen snack.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Manuel and Elizabeth Henriquez are accused of paying $400,000 in bribes to get their oldest daughter into Georgetown as a fake tennis recruit in 2016. They're also accused of paying to help two of their daughters cheat on college entrance exams a total of four times.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Manuel Henriquez is the founder and former CEO of Hercules Capital, a finance firm in Palo Alto.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>BOSTON — Four parents from California have pleaded guilty in the college admissions bribery scandal, and a Texas man accused of helping to orchestrate the scheme has also agreed to a plea deal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Parent Douglas Hodge of Laguna Beach entered his guilty plea in Boston's federal court Monday after previously pleading not guilty in April. Also reversing their pleas on Monday were parents Michelle Janavs of Newport Coast, and Manuel and Elizabeth Henriquez of Atherton. Each faces charges of fraud and money laundering.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Martin Fox, the president of a private tennis club in Houston, also agreed to plead guilty in a deal that prosecutors announced Monday. He is charged with a single count of racketeering.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Authorities say Fox brokered bribes to help wealthy parents cheat on their children's college entrance exams at a Houston testing site. He's also accused of arranging bribes to get two students admitted to the University of San Diego as recruited athletes, and one student to the University of Texas. He will return the $245,000 he received through the scheme, according to his plea deal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The four parents join 15 others who have pleaded guilty in the case, while 15 other parents are fighting the charges. Out of 10 parents sentenced so far, nine have been dealt prison time, with terms ranging from two weeks to five months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hodge, a former CEO of the Pacific Investment Management Co., is scheduled to be sentenced in January 2020. He apologized in a statement Monday, saying he takes full responsibility for his conduct.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I have always prided myself on leading by example, and I am ashamed of the decisions I made,\" he said. \"I acted out of love for my children, but I know that this explanation for my actions is not an excuse.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Janavs is accused of paying $400,000 to get her son admitted to Georgetown University as a fake tennis recruit in 2017. She separately paid $100,000 to help two of her daughters cheat on the ACT exam in 2017 and 2019, prosecutors said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Janavs is a former executive of Chef America Inc., a food producer that created the Hot Pocket frozen snack.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Manuel and Elizabeth Henriquez are accused of paying $400,000 in bribes to get their oldest daughter into Georgetown as a fake tennis recruit in 2016. They're also accused of paying to help two of their daughters cheat on college entrance exams a total of four times.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Manuel Henriquez is the founder and former CEO of Hercules Capital, a finance firm in Palo Alto.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Justice Department Announces Plan to Collect DNA From Migrants Crossing the Border",
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"content": "\u003cp>The Justice Department is proposing to begin collecting DNA samples from hundreds of thousands of immigrants crossing the border, creating an enormous database of asylum-seekers and other migrants that federal officials say will be used to help authorities fight crime.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Attorney General William Barr issued \u003ca href=\"https://s3.amazonaws.com/public-inspection.federalregister.gov/2019-22877.pdf\">the rule\u003c/a>, which is set to be published in the Federal Register on Tuesday, with the expectation that federal authorities will gather DNA information on about 748,000 immigrants annually, including asylum-seekers presenting themselves at legal ports of entries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation=\"Naureen Shah, ACLU\"]'It's the most intimate information that you can take from someone ... And we're going to be taking it from people against their will.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the proposed regulation, Barr describes the DNA sample as a \"genetic fingerprint\" that can uniquely identify a person, \"but they do not disclose the individual's traits, disorders, or dispositions.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Legal permanent residents and those seeking to enter the country legally won't be affected by the new regulation. The rule will now be subject to a 20-day comment period.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But already, immigrant advocates have denounced the proposal, arguing that collecting genetic information from those crossing the border could have implications for family members residing in the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It's the most intimate information that you can take from someone. It is information you can use to find their family members, to know their histories,\" Naureen Shah, senior advocacy and policy counsel at the American Civil Liberties Union, told NPR. \"And we're going to be taking it from people against their will.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other lawyers who work with immigrants also slammed the proposal, saying it raises alarming privacy concerns and will not deter migrants from entering the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It's hard for me to believe that a woman who is on a journey of 1,000 miles in broken flip-flops with a 2-year-old on her hip, doing everything she can and sacrificing everything ... is going to be deterred by DNA collection,\" said Henry Sias, a Philadelphia-based civil rights lawyer who represents asylum-seekers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Federal authorities \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbp.gov/newsroom/stats/sw-border-migration\">say nearly 1 million migrants\u003c/a> were taken into custody after crossing the southern border in the last fiscal year, but the number of migrants taken into custody in recent months has been \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2019/10/08/768436273/apprehensions-at-the-u-s-mexico-border-decline-for-the-fourth-consecutive-month\">steadily declining\u003c/a>, which the Trump administration attributes to the crackdown on the border.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Collecting DNA information on criminal suspects is permitted under federal law and \u003ca href=\"http://www.ncsl.org/Documents/cj/ArresteeDNALaws.pdf\">nearly 30 states\u003c/a> allow taking a forensic profile from someone before conviction. The plan to implement mandatory DNA testing for hundreds of thousands of border-crossers was \u003ca href=\"https://www.buzzfeednews.com/article/hamedaleaziz/trump-administration-dna-samples-immigrants\">first reported\u003c/a> by BuzzFeed in October.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Related Coverage\" tag=\"immigration\"]Justice Department officials hope to send the DNA information from migrants to an FBI database known as the Combined DNA Index System, which \u003ca href=\"https://www.fbi.gov/services/laboratory/biometric-analysis/codis/ndis-statistics\">already contains\u003c/a> nearly 14 million people who have been convicted of a crime and an additional 3.7 million people who have been arrested. Migrants' names and other personal data would not be stored with their DNA information to protect privacy, and the FBI would get the identification only if the sample matched a crime.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Officials estimate the price of implementing the policy to be around $13 million for three years. That figure includes additional work hours for Customs and Border Protection and the cost of providing DNA sample collection kits to border agents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Trump administration says a massive database of biometric information on migrants will lead to more crimes being solved. But immigrant advocates counter that the initiative demonizes migrants, and they point to \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2018/05/02/607652253/studies-say-illegal-immigration-does-not-increase-violent-crime\">multiple studies\u003c/a> showing that increasing the flow of undocumented immigrants does not create a spike in violent crime.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, more than 25,000 migrants were charged with felony illegal re-entry and more than 80,000 were charged with misdemeanor improper entry, the highest number of immigration-related offenses on record since federal authorities began keeping track, \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/opa/pr/department-justice-prosecuted-record-breaking-number-immigration-related-cases-fiscal-year\">Justice Department officials say\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Sias, the Philadelphia immigration lawyer, argues that taking a person's DNA information before they are convicted of crossing the border illegally is a privacy violation that turns the criminal justice system on its head.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It's a conflation of immigration status with criminal activity, which is contributing to a guilty until proven innocent atmosphere,\" Sias said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2019 NPR. To see more, visit \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">NPR.org\u003c/a>.\u003cimg src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=Justice+Department+Announces+Plan+To+Collect+DNA+From+Migrants+Crossing+The+Border&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the proposed regulation, Barr describes the DNA sample as a \"genetic fingerprint\" that can uniquely identify a person, \"but they do not disclose the individual's traits, disorders, or dispositions.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Legal permanent residents and those seeking to enter the country legally won't be affected by the new regulation. The rule will now be subject to a 20-day comment period.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But already, immigrant advocates have denounced the proposal, arguing that collecting genetic information from those crossing the border could have implications for family members residing in the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It's the most intimate information that you can take from someone. It is information you can use to find their family members, to know their histories,\" Naureen Shah, senior advocacy and policy counsel at the American Civil Liberties Union, told NPR. \"And we're going to be taking it from people against their will.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other lawyers who work with immigrants also slammed the proposal, saying it raises alarming privacy concerns and will not deter migrants from entering the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It's hard for me to believe that a woman who is on a journey of 1,000 miles in broken flip-flops with a 2-year-old on her hip, doing everything she can and sacrificing everything ... is going to be deterred by DNA collection,\" said Henry Sias, a Philadelphia-based civil rights lawyer who represents asylum-seekers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Federal authorities \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbp.gov/newsroom/stats/sw-border-migration\">say nearly 1 million migrants\u003c/a> were taken into custody after crossing the southern border in the last fiscal year, but the number of migrants taken into custody in recent months has been \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2019/10/08/768436273/apprehensions-at-the-u-s-mexico-border-decline-for-the-fourth-consecutive-month\">steadily declining\u003c/a>, which the Trump administration attributes to the crackdown on the border.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Collecting DNA information on criminal suspects is permitted under federal law and \u003ca href=\"http://www.ncsl.org/Documents/cj/ArresteeDNALaws.pdf\">nearly 30 states\u003c/a> allow taking a forensic profile from someone before conviction. The plan to implement mandatory DNA testing for hundreds of thousands of border-crossers was \u003ca href=\"https://www.buzzfeednews.com/article/hamedaleaziz/trump-administration-dna-samples-immigrants\">first reported\u003c/a> by BuzzFeed in October.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Justice Department officials hope to send the DNA information from migrants to an FBI database known as the Combined DNA Index System, which \u003ca href=\"https://www.fbi.gov/services/laboratory/biometric-analysis/codis/ndis-statistics\">already contains\u003c/a> nearly 14 million people who have been convicted of a crime and an additional 3.7 million people who have been arrested. Migrants' names and other personal data would not be stored with their DNA information to protect privacy, and the FBI would get the identification only if the sample matched a crime.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Officials estimate the price of implementing the policy to be around $13 million for three years. That figure includes additional work hours for Customs and Border Protection and the cost of providing DNA sample collection kits to border agents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Trump administration says a massive database of biometric information on migrants will lead to more crimes being solved. But immigrant advocates counter that the initiative demonizes migrants, and they point to \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2018/05/02/607652253/studies-say-illegal-immigration-does-not-increase-violent-crime\">multiple studies\u003c/a> showing that increasing the flow of undocumented immigrants does not create a spike in violent crime.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, more than 25,000 migrants were charged with felony illegal re-entry and more than 80,000 were charged with misdemeanor improper entry, the highest number of immigration-related offenses on record since federal authorities began keeping track, \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/opa/pr/department-justice-prosecuted-record-breaking-number-immigration-related-cases-fiscal-year\">Justice Department officials say\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Sias, the Philadelphia immigration lawyer, argues that taking a person's DNA information before they are convicted of crossing the border illegally is a privacy violation that turns the criminal justice system on its head.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It's a conflation of immigration status with criminal activity, which is contributing to a guilty until proven innocent atmosphere,\" Sias said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2019 NPR. To see more, visit \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">NPR.org\u003c/a>.\u003cimg src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=Justice+Department+Announces+Plan+To+Collect+DNA+From+Migrants+Crossing+The+Border&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Time to get used to power shutoffs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>PG&E CEO and President Bill Johnson said Friday it \u003ca href=\"http://bit.ly/fiorepgecpuc\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">could take up to 10 years\u003c/a> to improve the utility’s system enough to not have to rely on power shutoffs during high fire danger.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the same emergency meeting of the California Public Utilities Commission, the vice president of PG&E’s community wildfire safety program said that updating the utility’s power lines could take 10 to 14 years and improving vegetation management could take eight years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the more near-term forecast, hot and dry weather headed to the Bay Area this week may mean PG&E will begin shutting off power \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11781415/with-new-fire-threat-looming-pge-issues-alert-for-possible-midweek-blackouts\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">again later this week\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fingers crossed that California wildfires are on the same schedule as PG&E wildfire safety.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Time to get used to power shutoffs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>PG&E CEO and President Bill Johnson said Friday it \u003ca href=\"http://bit.ly/fiorepgecpuc\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">could take up to 10 years\u003c/a> to improve the utility’s system enough to not have to rely on power shutoffs during high fire danger.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the same emergency meeting of the California Public Utilities Commission, the vice president of PG&E’s community wildfire safety program said that updating the utility’s power lines could take 10 to 14 years and improving vegetation management could take eight years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the more near-term forecast, hot and dry weather headed to the Bay Area this week may mean PG&E will begin shutting off power \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11781415/with-new-fire-threat-looming-pge-issues-alert-for-possible-midweek-blackouts\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">again later this week\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fingers crossed that California wildfires are on the same schedule as PG&E wildfire safety.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "bay-area-activists-demonstrate-against-turkish-invasion-in-syria",
"title": "Bay Area Activists Demonstrate Against Turkish Invasion in Syria",
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"content": "\u003cp>Around 100 people from across the Bay Area gathered on Saturday to protest in solidarity with the Kurdish community. The event came as a response to President Trump’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2019/10/09/768490136/turkish-forces-launch-military-operation-against-kurds-at-syrian-border\">withdrawal\u003c/a> of American troops from the Kurdish area of northern Syria (called Rojava by the Kurds) resulting in an invasion by Turkey.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The demonstration began in Union Square, then moved to the Bay Bridge and blocked the entrance for about 10 minutes before concluding in front of the Ferry Building. Protestors chanted “long live Rojava” and “Turkey terrorist, Erdogan terrorist,” as they marched through the streets of San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/adrianamorgao/status/1185991627577286656?s=21\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The protest was part of an international campaign called “\u003ca href=\"https://riseup4rojava.org/call-international-call-riseup-defend-rojava/?fbclid=IwAR3ET2yTGLPNZTIJhEOCXI2xuvpf4J11K_EkYu1fCZUcOLvDOB8h2x1JWIM\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Rise Up 4 Rojava\u003c/a>.” The action in the Bay Area was organized by the Solidarity Against Fascism East Bay \u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/pg/solidarityagainstfascismeastbay/about/?ref=page_internal\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">coalition\u003c/a> and the Bay Area Mesopotamia Solidarity Committee, a committee against fascism and capitalism.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11781292\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11781292\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39626_Rojava_Protest_002-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39626_Rojava_Protest_002-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39626_Rojava_Protest_002-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39626_Rojava_Protest_002-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39626_Rojava_Protest_002-qut-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39626_Rojava_Protest_002-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Protesters stopped traffic for approximately 10 minutes in the Bay Bridge. \u003ccite>(Adriana Morga/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We are here for two reasons: to condemn the genocidal attack that Turkey is perpetrating in northeastern Syria on Rojava, on the Kurdish people and all other people that are living in Rojava,” said Cameron Anarres, one of the speakers at the protest. “We are here today to see and say in the most profound possible terms that we stand with Rojava.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11781290\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11781290\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Kurdish_Protest-800x557.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"557\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Kurdish_Protest-800x557.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Kurdish_Protest-160x111.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Kurdish_Protest-1020x710.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Kurdish_Protest-1200x836.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Kurdish_Protest.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">“They betrayed us. We want them (the U.S. government) to do something,” said Ozer, a Kurd born in Turkey, “Kurdish people are dying there.” Left to right, Yerrie Choo, Deniz Ozer, Baran Yardima and Evin Bay. \u003ccite>(Adriana Morga/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“I have so many friends that are fighting against ISIS, some of them [have been] killed by ISIS. And today, this movement makes me so sad because these people didn’t deserve that, nobody deserves that genocide,” said Baran Yardima, a Kurd born in Turkey and residing in the Bay Area. “So I am here to support them, to do something for them. Maybe I am so far from home I cannot fight against ISIS right now, but at least I am here for them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Kurds are one of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2019/10/20/771688491/an-introduction-to-the-kurds\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">largest ethnic groups\u003c/a> in the Middle East without a country of their own. Kurdish-led forces have been part of a \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2019/10/10/769044811/a-look-at-the-history-of-the-u-s-alliance-with-the-kurds\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">military alliance\u003c/a> with the United States since the Obama administration, and provided \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2019/10/13/us/politics/mark-esper-syria-kurds-turkey.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">essential assistance\u003c/a> in the fight against ISIS.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this month, President Trump \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2019/10/13/us/politics/mark-esper-syria-kurds-turkey.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">ordered the withdrawal\u003c/a> of U.S. troops in northern Syria. Shortly after the order, Turkish forces began to \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2019/10/13/world/middleeast/syria-turkey-invasion-isis.html?module=inline\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">invade the area\u003c/a>, resulting in widespread violence, displacement and the escape of \u003ca href=\"https://www.nbcnews.com/news/world/two-belgian-isis-fighters-escape-kurdish-prison-officials-say-n1068016\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">captured ISIS fighters\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There has been \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2019/10/16/us/politics/house-vote-trump-syria.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">bipartisan\u003c/a> backlash to the withdrawal decision. And despite the cease-fire announced by Vice President Mike Pence on Thursday, reports show attacks \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/45cc25e071f944f5b80b7bde201780ba\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">have not stopped\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11781297\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11781297 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Rojava_veteran-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Rojava_veteran-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Rojava_veteran-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Rojava_veteran-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Rojava_veteran-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Rojava_veteran.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Olie Valenzuela, a U.S. veteran who served in Northern Iraq in 2003, holds a sign that reads ‘Veterans for Rojava,” as he walks with the rest of the group (Adriana Morga/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We put them (the Kurdish community) in danger for our interest, they help us and then we left them there,” said Olie Valenzuela, a U.S. veteran who served in Northern Iraq in 2003. “They (have) been promised their own state so many times, I just feel my heart hurts for them and I wish there could be something else I can do than stand here with a sign.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11781291\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11781291\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Flag_Rojava-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Flag_Rojava-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Flag_Rojava-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Flag_Rojava-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Flag_Rojava-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Flag_Rojava.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Protesters holding flags of the Women’s Protection Units, Yekîneyên Parastina Jin in Kurdish, and People’s Protection Unit, Yekîneyên Parastina Gel, armed services in Rojava. \u003ccite>(Adriana Morga/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11781293\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11781293\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39629_Rojava_Protest_005-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39629_Rojava_Protest_005-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39629_Rojava_Protest_005-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39629_Rojava_Protest_005-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39629_Rojava_Protest_005-qut-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39629_Rojava_Protest_005-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Protesters showing their solidarity with the Kurdish people in Rojava held signs that read ‘Hands off Rojava.’ \u003ccite>(Adriana Morga/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11781296\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11781296\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Rojava_Call-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Rojava_Call-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Rojava_Call-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Rojava_Call-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Rojava_Call-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Rojava_Call.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Protesters in march of solidarity with Rojava and the Kurdish people. \u003ccite>(Adriana Morga/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11781295\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11781295 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Rojava_colors-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Rojava_colors-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Rojava_colors-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Rojava_colors-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Rojava_colors-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Rojava_colors.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Protesters holding colored smoke sticks for the “Rise up 4 Rojava” protest in downtown San Francisco. (Adriana Morga/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11781303\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11781303\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Rojava_MRkurdistan-800x679.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"679\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Rojava_MRkurdistan-800x679.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Rojava_MRkurdistan-160x136.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Rojava_MRkurdistan-1020x865.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Rojava_MRkurdistan-1200x1018.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Rojava_MRkurdistan.jpg 1504w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Kalhor Fedqie, a Kurdish former soldier, gave a speech during the protest. \u003ccite>(Adriana Morga/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11781302\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11781302 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Rojava_mountains-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Rojava_mountains-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Rojava_mountains-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Rojava_mountains-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Rojava_mountains-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Rojava_mountains.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Protesters Anne Wolden and Tyler Plyem holding a sign honoring the popular Kurdish saying “No friends but the mountains” in the streets of downtown San Francisco.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Around 100 people from the Bay Area gathered on Saturday as part of an international action to protest in solidarity of Rojava and the Kurdish community.",
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"title": "Bay Area Activists Demonstrate Against Turkish Invasion in Syria | KQED",
"description": "Around 100 people from the Bay Area gathered on Saturday as part of an international action to protest in solidarity of Rojava and the Kurdish community.",
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"headline": "Bay Area Activists Demonstrate Against Turkish Invasion in Syria",
"datePublished": "2019-10-20T14:54:25-07:00",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Around 100 people from across the Bay Area gathered on Saturday to protest in solidarity with the Kurdish community. The event came as a response to President Trump’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2019/10/09/768490136/turkish-forces-launch-military-operation-against-kurds-at-syrian-border\">withdrawal\u003c/a> of American troops from the Kurdish area of northern Syria (called Rojava by the Kurds) resulting in an invasion by Turkey.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The demonstration began in Union Square, then moved to the Bay Bridge and blocked the entrance for about 10 minutes before concluding in front of the Ferry Building. Protestors chanted “long live Rojava” and “Turkey terrorist, Erdogan terrorist,” as they marched through the streets of San Francisco.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>The protest was part of an international campaign called “\u003ca href=\"https://riseup4rojava.org/call-international-call-riseup-defend-rojava/?fbclid=IwAR3ET2yTGLPNZTIJhEOCXI2xuvpf4J11K_EkYu1fCZUcOLvDOB8h2x1JWIM\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Rise Up 4 Rojava\u003c/a>.” The action in the Bay Area was organized by the Solidarity Against Fascism East Bay \u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/pg/solidarityagainstfascismeastbay/about/?ref=page_internal\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">coalition\u003c/a> and the Bay Area Mesopotamia Solidarity Committee, a committee against fascism and capitalism.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11781292\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11781292\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39626_Rojava_Protest_002-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39626_Rojava_Protest_002-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39626_Rojava_Protest_002-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39626_Rojava_Protest_002-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39626_Rojava_Protest_002-qut-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39626_Rojava_Protest_002-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Protesters stopped traffic for approximately 10 minutes in the Bay Bridge. \u003ccite>(Adriana Morga/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We are here for two reasons: to condemn the genocidal attack that Turkey is perpetrating in northeastern Syria on Rojava, on the Kurdish people and all other people that are living in Rojava,” said Cameron Anarres, one of the speakers at the protest. “We are here today to see and say in the most profound possible terms that we stand with Rojava.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11781290\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11781290\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Kurdish_Protest-800x557.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"557\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Kurdish_Protest-800x557.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Kurdish_Protest-160x111.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Kurdish_Protest-1020x710.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Kurdish_Protest-1200x836.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Kurdish_Protest.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">“They betrayed us. We want them (the U.S. government) to do something,” said Ozer, a Kurd born in Turkey, “Kurdish people are dying there.” Left to right, Yerrie Choo, Deniz Ozer, Baran Yardima and Evin Bay. \u003ccite>(Adriana Morga/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“I have so many friends that are fighting against ISIS, some of them [have been] killed by ISIS. And today, this movement makes me so sad because these people didn’t deserve that, nobody deserves that genocide,” said Baran Yardima, a Kurd born in Turkey and residing in the Bay Area. “So I am here to support them, to do something for them. Maybe I am so far from home I cannot fight against ISIS right now, but at least I am here for them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Kurds are one of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2019/10/20/771688491/an-introduction-to-the-kurds\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">largest ethnic groups\u003c/a> in the Middle East without a country of their own. Kurdish-led forces have been part of a \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2019/10/10/769044811/a-look-at-the-history-of-the-u-s-alliance-with-the-kurds\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">military alliance\u003c/a> with the United States since the Obama administration, and provided \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2019/10/13/us/politics/mark-esper-syria-kurds-turkey.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">essential assistance\u003c/a> in the fight against ISIS.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this month, President Trump \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2019/10/13/us/politics/mark-esper-syria-kurds-turkey.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">ordered the withdrawal\u003c/a> of U.S. troops in northern Syria. Shortly after the order, Turkish forces began to \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2019/10/13/world/middleeast/syria-turkey-invasion-isis.html?module=inline\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">invade the area\u003c/a>, resulting in widespread violence, displacement and the escape of \u003ca href=\"https://www.nbcnews.com/news/world/two-belgian-isis-fighters-escape-kurdish-prison-officials-say-n1068016\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">captured ISIS fighters\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There has been \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2019/10/16/us/politics/house-vote-trump-syria.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">bipartisan\u003c/a> backlash to the withdrawal decision. And despite the cease-fire announced by Vice President Mike Pence on Thursday, reports show attacks \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/45cc25e071f944f5b80b7bde201780ba\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">have not stopped\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11781297\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11781297 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Rojava_veteran-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Rojava_veteran-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Rojava_veteran-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Rojava_veteran-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Rojava_veteran-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Rojava_veteran.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Olie Valenzuela, a U.S. veteran who served in Northern Iraq in 2003, holds a sign that reads ‘Veterans for Rojava,” as he walks with the rest of the group (Adriana Morga/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We put them (the Kurdish community) in danger for our interest, they help us and then we left them there,” said Olie Valenzuela, a U.S. veteran who served in Northern Iraq in 2003. “They (have) been promised their own state so many times, I just feel my heart hurts for them and I wish there could be something else I can do than stand here with a sign.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11781291\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11781291\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Flag_Rojava-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Flag_Rojava-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Flag_Rojava-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Flag_Rojava-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Flag_Rojava-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Flag_Rojava.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Protesters holding flags of the Women’s Protection Units, Yekîneyên Parastina Jin in Kurdish, and People’s Protection Unit, Yekîneyên Parastina Gel, armed services in Rojava. \u003ccite>(Adriana Morga/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11781293\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11781293\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39629_Rojava_Protest_005-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39629_Rojava_Protest_005-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39629_Rojava_Protest_005-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39629_Rojava_Protest_005-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39629_Rojava_Protest_005-qut-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39629_Rojava_Protest_005-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Protesters showing their solidarity with the Kurdish people in Rojava held signs that read ‘Hands off Rojava.’ \u003ccite>(Adriana Morga/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11781296\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11781296\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Rojava_Call-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Rojava_Call-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Rojava_Call-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Rojava_Call-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Rojava_Call-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Rojava_Call.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Protesters in march of solidarity with Rojava and the Kurdish people. \u003ccite>(Adriana Morga/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11781295\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11781295 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Rojava_colors-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Rojava_colors-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Rojava_colors-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Rojava_colors-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Rojava_colors-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Rojava_colors.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Protesters holding colored smoke sticks for the “Rise up 4 Rojava” protest in downtown San Francisco. (Adriana Morga/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11781303\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11781303\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Rojava_MRkurdistan-800x679.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"679\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Rojava_MRkurdistan-800x679.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Rojava_MRkurdistan-160x136.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Rojava_MRkurdistan-1020x865.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Rojava_MRkurdistan-1200x1018.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Rojava_MRkurdistan.jpg 1504w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Kalhor Fedqie, a Kurdish former soldier, gave a speech during the protest. \u003ccite>(Adriana Morga/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11781302\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11781302 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Rojava_mountains-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Rojava_mountains-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Rojava_mountains-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Rojava_mountains-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Rojava_mountains-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Rojava_mountains.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Protesters Anne Wolden and Tyler Plyem holding a sign honoring the popular Kurdish saying “No friends but the mountains” in the streets of downtown San Francisco.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>The percentage of Americans who favor stricter gun laws is on the rise, though significant partisan divisions persist. A \u003ca href=\"https://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2019/10/16/share-of-americans-who-favor-stricter-gun-laws-has-increased-since-2017/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Pew Research Center survey \u003c/a>conducted in September found that 60% of Americans say gun laws should be tougher, up from 57% last year and 52% in 2017.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The study, released this week, indicates that while a solid majority of Americans favor stricter gun laws, support remains split down party lines. Eighty-six percent of Democrats and Democratic-leaning independents said gun laws should be stricter than they are today, compared with 31% of their Republican counterparts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Large majorities of Democrats and Republicans somewhat or strongly support barring people with mental illnesses from purchasing guns, as well as making private gun sales and sales at gun shows subject to background checks. But when it comes to banning high-capacity ammunition magazines and assault-style weapons, the parties diverge: Nearly 9 in 10 Democrats favor each of these proposals, compared with roughly half of Republicans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gun control remains at the forefront of the national conversation in the wake of several mass shootings in the past two years, including those in Las Vegas; Sutherland Springs, Texas; Parkland, Fla.; Pittsburgh; Thousand Oaks, Calif.; Virginia Beach, Va.; El Paso, Texas; Dayton, Ohio; and Midland-Odessa, Texas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">[aside tag='gun-control' label='More Coverage.']\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The number of states with red flag or extreme-risk laws, which allow courts to order the seizure of firearms from those believed to pose an imminent danger to themselves or others, has increased since the 2018 school shooting in Parkland, Fla., that left 17 people dead and 17 others injured. Before Parkland, only five states had red flag laws. By August 2019, 17 states and the District of Columbia had adopted them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An \u003ca href=\"https://www.apmresearchlab.org/gunsurvey\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">APM Research Lab survey\u003c/a> released in August found widespread national approval of red flag laws, with 77 percent of Americans supporting family-initiated extreme risk protection orders and 70 percent in support of those initiated by the police.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cassandra Crifasi, deputy director of the Johns Hopkins Center for Gun Policy and Research, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2019/08/20/752427922/poll-americans-including-republicans-and-gun-owners-broadly-support-red-flag-law\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">told NPR in August \u003c/a>that even people who generally oppose gun control might favor red flag laws because they are temporary and specific.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Protection orders \"take guns out of the hands of those who should not have them without infringing on the rights of law-abiding gun owners,\" Dr. Mark Rosenberg, who oversaw gun violence research at the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/health-shots/2019/08/06/748607679/lawmakers-push-for-red-flag-laws-to-take-guns-away-from-people-in-crisis\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">told NPR \u003c/a>in August.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The relationship between gun control and gun rights is one of the questions explored in the Pew survey. Overall, it found that 53 percent of Americans believe it is more important to control gun ownership, while 47 percent say it is more important to protect the right of Americans to own guns. Men are more likely to favor protecting gun rights, while women are more likely to favor controlling gun ownership.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The study's release came just days after California Gov. Gavin Newsom signed a \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2019/10/11/governor-gavin-newsom-signs-gun-violence-prevention-legislation/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">package of 15 bills\u003c/a> related to gun violence prevention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It's not about solving individual problems, it's about changing the dynamic, changing the trend lines,\" Newsom said as he signed the bills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite growing national support for stricter gun laws, such legislation still generates controversy. One of these bills, AB 61, is facing criticism from both the National Rifle Association and the American Civil Liberties Union for expanding \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2019/10/11/governor-gavin-newsom-signs-gun-violence-prevention-legislation/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">California's red flag law.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation='Gov. Gavin Newsom']'It's not about solving individual problems, it's about changing the dynamic, changing the trend lines.'[/pullquote]\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It will enable employers, co-workers, employees and teachers — not just family members and police officers — to seek gun violence restraining orders from people they see as posing a potential threat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.newsweek.com/why-does-aclu-oppose-some-californias-new-gun-laws-1464920\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">ACLU believes\u003c/a> this law \"poses a significant threat to civil liberties\" and has voiced concern that people in this expanded category may lack \"the relationship or skills required to make an appropriate assessment.\" The \u003ca href=\"https://www.nraila.org/articles/20191011/california-governor-newsom-signs-anti-gun-bills-into-law\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">NRA described\u003c/a> the new laws as \"continuing the assault on our Second Amendment rights in the Golden State.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There were 57,473 gun violence incidents in 2018, according to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.gunviolencearchive.org/past-tolls\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Gun Violence Archive\u003c/a>, an independent data collection and research group that collects gun violence numbers from law enforcement, media, government, and commercial sources.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Rachel Treisman is an intern on NPR's National Desk. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003chr>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Pew results come from a survey of 9,895 U.S. adults conducted from Sept. 3 to Sept. 15. The margin of sampling error for the full sample of 9,895 respondents is 1.5 percentage points.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2019 NPR. To see more, visit https://www.npr.org.\u003cimg src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=Poll%3A+Number+Of+Americans+Who+Favor+Stricter+Gun+Laws+Continues+To+Grow&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\u003cdiv>\u003c/div>\n\u003cdiv>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The percentage of Americans who favor stricter gun laws is on the rise, though significant partisan divisions persist. A \u003ca href=\"https://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2019/10/16/share-of-americans-who-favor-stricter-gun-laws-has-increased-since-2017/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Pew Research Center survey \u003c/a>conducted in September found that 60% of Americans say gun laws should be tougher, up from 57% last year and 52% in 2017.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The study, released this week, indicates that while a solid majority of Americans favor stricter gun laws, support remains split down party lines. Eighty-six percent of Democrats and Democratic-leaning independents said gun laws should be stricter than they are today, compared with 31% of their Republican counterparts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Large majorities of Democrats and Republicans somewhat or strongly support barring people with mental illnesses from purchasing guns, as well as making private gun sales and sales at gun shows subject to background checks. But when it comes to banning high-capacity ammunition magazines and assault-style weapons, the parties diverge: Nearly 9 in 10 Democrats favor each of these proposals, compared with roughly half of Republicans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gun control remains at the forefront of the national conversation in the wake of several mass shootings in the past two years, including those in Las Vegas; Sutherland Springs, Texas; Parkland, Fla.; Pittsburgh; Thousand Oaks, Calif.; Virginia Beach, Va.; El Paso, Texas; Dayton, Ohio; and Midland-Odessa, Texas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The number of states with red flag or extreme-risk laws, which allow courts to order the seizure of firearms from those believed to pose an imminent danger to themselves or others, has increased since the 2018 school shooting in Parkland, Fla., that left 17 people dead and 17 others injured. Before Parkland, only five states had red flag laws. By August 2019, 17 states and the District of Columbia had adopted them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An \u003ca href=\"https://www.apmresearchlab.org/gunsurvey\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">APM Research Lab survey\u003c/a> released in August found widespread national approval of red flag laws, with 77 percent of Americans supporting family-initiated extreme risk protection orders and 70 percent in support of those initiated by the police.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cassandra Crifasi, deputy director of the Johns Hopkins Center for Gun Policy and Research, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2019/08/20/752427922/poll-americans-including-republicans-and-gun-owners-broadly-support-red-flag-law\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">told NPR in August \u003c/a>that even people who generally oppose gun control might favor red flag laws because they are temporary and specific.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Protection orders \"take guns out of the hands of those who should not have them without infringing on the rights of law-abiding gun owners,\" Dr. Mark Rosenberg, who oversaw gun violence research at the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/health-shots/2019/08/06/748607679/lawmakers-push-for-red-flag-laws-to-take-guns-away-from-people-in-crisis\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">told NPR \u003c/a>in August.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The relationship between gun control and gun rights is one of the questions explored in the Pew survey. Overall, it found that 53 percent of Americans believe it is more important to control gun ownership, while 47 percent say it is more important to protect the right of Americans to own guns. Men are more likely to favor protecting gun rights, while women are more likely to favor controlling gun ownership.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The study's release came just days after California Gov. Gavin Newsom signed a \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2019/10/11/governor-gavin-newsom-signs-gun-violence-prevention-legislation/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">package of 15 bills\u003c/a> related to gun violence prevention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It's not about solving individual problems, it's about changing the dynamic, changing the trend lines,\" Newsom said as he signed the bills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite growing national support for stricter gun laws, such legislation still generates controversy. One of these bills, AB 61, is facing criticism from both the National Rifle Association and the American Civil Liberties Union for expanding \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2019/10/11/governor-gavin-newsom-signs-gun-violence-prevention-legislation/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">California's red flag law.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It will enable employers, co-workers, employees and teachers — not just family members and police officers — to seek gun violence restraining orders from people they see as posing a potential threat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.newsweek.com/why-does-aclu-oppose-some-californias-new-gun-laws-1464920\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">ACLU believes\u003c/a> this law \"poses a significant threat to civil liberties\" and has voiced concern that people in this expanded category may lack \"the relationship or skills required to make an appropriate assessment.\" The \u003ca href=\"https://www.nraila.org/articles/20191011/california-governor-newsom-signs-anti-gun-bills-into-law\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">NRA described\u003c/a> the new laws as \"continuing the assault on our Second Amendment rights in the Golden State.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There were 57,473 gun violence incidents in 2018, according to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.gunviolencearchive.org/past-tolls\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Gun Violence Archive\u003c/a>, an independent data collection and research group that collects gun violence numbers from law enforcement, media, government, and commercial sources.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Rachel Treisman is an intern on NPR's National Desk. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003chr>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Pew results come from a survey of 9,895 U.S. adults conducted from Sept. 3 to Sept. 15. The margin of sampling error for the full sample of 9,895 respondents is 1.5 percentage points.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2019 NPR. To see more, visit https://www.npr.org.\u003cimg src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=Poll%3A+Number+Of+Americans+Who+Favor+Stricter+Gun+Laws+Continues+To+Grow&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\u003cdiv>\u003c/div>\n\u003cdiv>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>San Francisco Mayor London Breed on Thursday announced a plan to shut down the county jail on Bryant Street within two years and relocate its roughly 300 inmates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The order follows years of warnings that the structure could crumble in a major earthquake.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is one of the most inhumane facilities that we have,” Breed said. “At this point we need to get everyone out of there.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under Breed’s order, inmates in County Jail 4, located on the top floor of the dilapidated Hall of Justice building, must be moved by July 2021, the same deadline set for hundreds of staffers in the building.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The crumbling edifice, which houses a host of criminal justice offices — including those of the district attorney, public defender and county sheriff — was first declared seismically unsafe in the 1990s. For years, city officials have been trying to wind down operations there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11781240\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2019/10/19/s-f-mayor-breed-orders-inmates-moved-from-seismically-unsafe-county-jail-by-2021/rs39540__m6a0664-qut-2/\" rel=\"attachment wp-att-11781240\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11781240\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39540__M6A0664-qut-1-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39540__M6A0664-qut-1-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39540__M6A0664-qut-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39540__M6A0664-qut-1-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39540__M6A0664-qut-1-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39540__M6A0664-qut-1.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Francisco’s Hall of Justice. \u003ccite>(Stephanie Lister/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But until now, no firm deadline has been set for relocating inmates in the jail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed said the city is still figuring out where the inmates will be moved and how to pay for it. Among the multiple options floated is to send some inmates to out-of-county facilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed’s plan was challenged at a hearing of the Board of Supervisors on Friday, with some city leaders expressing skepticism about how the move would actually transpire by the stated deadline.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We still do not have any details about how this is going to happen,” said Supervisor Matt Haney. “We don’t know where people are going to go and when. We don’t know how much it’s going to cost. We don’t know what our options are as a policy making body.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco Sheriff Vicki Hennessy joined the chorus of criticism, saying the city needed to build a new jail, not send inmates outside the county. Doing so, she said, would be “a horrible plan because it separates people from their families, from their legal council and their support groups.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In late 2015, supervisors voted down a costly plan to build a new jail, forgoing an $80 million grant from the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11781239\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2019/10/19/s-f-mayor-breed-orders-inmates-moved-from-seismically-unsafe-county-jail-by-2021/rs39563__m6a0838-qut/\" rel=\"attachment wp-att-11781239\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11781239\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39563__M6A0838-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39563__M6A0838-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39563__M6A0838-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39563__M6A0838-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39563__M6A0838-qut-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39563__M6A0838-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Hall of Justice building has had longstanding maintenance issues, including sewage leaks. \u003ccite>(Stephanie Lister/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The city hopes to demolish much of the current Hall of Justice building by 2025 and replace it with a consolidated “justice center” focused more on rehabilitation services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition to seismic concerns, the current building, constructed in 1958, has also had frequent maintenance issues in recent years, including sewage leaks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed said approaches to criminal justice have changed dramatically since the jail first opened: Back in the 1950s, 1960s and 1970s, she said, “we would just build facilities and incarcerate people without the prospect of rehabilitation or change.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, she added, she wants to build “a hall of justice that represents how we are today.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s Holly McDede contributed reporting.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "The plan involves relocating the jail's more than 300 inmates by July 2021.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>San Francisco Mayor London Breed on Thursday announced a plan to shut down the county jail on Bryant Street within two years and relocate its roughly 300 inmates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The order follows years of warnings that the structure could crumble in a major earthquake.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is one of the most inhumane facilities that we have,” Breed said. “At this point we need to get everyone out of there.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under Breed’s order, inmates in County Jail 4, located on the top floor of the dilapidated Hall of Justice building, must be moved by July 2021, the same deadline set for hundreds of staffers in the building.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The crumbling edifice, which houses a host of criminal justice offices — including those of the district attorney, public defender and county sheriff — was first declared seismically unsafe in the 1990s. For years, city officials have been trying to wind down operations there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11781240\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2019/10/19/s-f-mayor-breed-orders-inmates-moved-from-seismically-unsafe-county-jail-by-2021/rs39540__m6a0664-qut-2/\" rel=\"attachment wp-att-11781240\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11781240\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39540__M6A0664-qut-1-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39540__M6A0664-qut-1-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39540__M6A0664-qut-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39540__M6A0664-qut-1-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39540__M6A0664-qut-1-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39540__M6A0664-qut-1.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Francisco’s Hall of Justice. \u003ccite>(Stephanie Lister/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But until now, no firm deadline has been set for relocating inmates in the jail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed said the city is still figuring out where the inmates will be moved and how to pay for it. Among the multiple options floated is to send some inmates to out-of-county facilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed’s plan was challenged at a hearing of the Board of Supervisors on Friday, with some city leaders expressing skepticism about how the move would actually transpire by the stated deadline.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We still do not have any details about how this is going to happen,” said Supervisor Matt Haney. “We don’t know where people are going to go and when. We don’t know how much it’s going to cost. We don’t know what our options are as a policy making body.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco Sheriff Vicki Hennessy joined the chorus of criticism, saying the city needed to build a new jail, not send inmates outside the county. Doing so, she said, would be “a horrible plan because it separates people from their families, from their legal council and their support groups.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In late 2015, supervisors voted down a costly plan to build a new jail, forgoing an $80 million grant from the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11781239\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2019/10/19/s-f-mayor-breed-orders-inmates-moved-from-seismically-unsafe-county-jail-by-2021/rs39563__m6a0838-qut/\" rel=\"attachment wp-att-11781239\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11781239\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39563__M6A0838-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39563__M6A0838-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39563__M6A0838-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39563__M6A0838-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39563__M6A0838-qut-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39563__M6A0838-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Hall of Justice building has had longstanding maintenance issues, including sewage leaks. \u003ccite>(Stephanie Lister/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The city hopes to demolish much of the current Hall of Justice building by 2025 and replace it with a consolidated “justice center” focused more on rehabilitation services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition to seismic concerns, the current building, constructed in 1958, has also had frequent maintenance issues in recent years, including sewage leaks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed said approaches to criminal justice have changed dramatically since the jail first opened: Back in the 1950s, 1960s and 1970s, she said, “we would just build facilities and incarcerate people without the prospect of rehabilitation or change.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, she added, she wants to build “a hall of justice that represents how we are today.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s Holly McDede contributed reporting.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "a-landmark-lawsuit-aimed-to-fix-special-ed-for-californias-black-students-it-didnt",
"title": "A Landmark Lawsuit Aimed to Fix Special Ed for California's Black Students. It Didn’t.",
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"headTitle": "A Landmark Lawsuit Aimed to Fix Special Ed for California’s Black Students. It Didn’t. | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>Darryl Lester was at his mom’s place in Tacoma, Washington, when a letter he’d been waiting for arrived in the mail. At 40, he was destitute, in pain and out of work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation='Darryl Lester, lead plaintiff in landmark special education lawsuit in California']‘My dream is to be able to pick up a book and read it by myself.’[/pullquote]The letter delivered good news: Lester would be getting disability benefits after blowing out his back in a sheet metal accident. But he crumpled it up and threw it in the trash.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Why? Because he couldn’t read it. From first through seventh grades, Lester had attended three public schools in San Francisco. At each, he struggled with reading and didn’t get the help he needed for it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What he didn’t know until last year: His reading difficulties had made him the lead plaintiff — under the pseudonym Larry P. — in a landmark lawsuit that changed special education for black students across California. October marks the 40th anniversary of the judge’s ruling, which was supposed to help fix a system he had deemed discriminatory. But many educators, black parents and advocates for black students say plenty remains broken.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>‘Educable Mentally Retarded’\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before the Larry P. case, California education code \u003ca href=\"https://law.justia.com/cases/federal/district-courts/FSupp/495/926/2007878/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">required\u003c/a> school districts to use IQ scores when assessing students for special education.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Based on the test results, black students statewide — young Darryl included — wound up categorized as “educable mentally retarded” at disproportionate rates: 27% labeled that way in 1968 were black — even though black students made up less than 9% of the student body.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That same year, a group of black psychologists broke off from the American Psychological Association in protest over black community concerns that they believed the larger organization was too slow to address. Their top priority was to stop districts from using IQ tests, which they thought were culturally biased, to decide who belonged in special education, said one of the breakaway group’s founders, Harold Dent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When the Bay Area chapter of the Association of Black Psychologists learned of complaints from black parents in San Francisco, they teamed up with civil rights lawyers and sued in 1971.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a group, African Americans across the country scored lower on IQ tests. The \u003ca href=\"https://law.justia.com/cases/federal/district-courts/FSupp/495/926/2007878/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">lawsuit\u003c/a> alleged that was because the tests were biased toward Eurocentric culture. Questions like, ”Who wrote Romeo and Juliet,” they argued, didn’t assess a student’s innate capacity to learn. It tested knowledge that some – and not others — had acquired at home or school.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. District Judge Robert Peckham agreed, calling the tests “racially and culturally biased” and “discriminatory.” He ordered a permanent ban on IQ testing of black students across California for purposes of special education placement. Today, California is the only state that has such a ban.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The students who landed in classes for the “educable mentally retarded,” Peckham wrote, were doomed to fall “farther and farther behind,” because — instead of academics — the classes emphasized “personal hygiene and grooming” and “basic home and community living skills.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Darryl Lester remembers those classes: lots of recess time and plenty of field trips.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I walked to school and cried all the way,” he said. “I just didn’t like it, you know, because they wasn’t teaching us nothing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>The District Labeled Her Son Mentally Retarded — and Didn’t Tell Her\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lester and his mom and older brothers moved from Marietta, Georgia, to San Francisco in 1965, he said, because “she didn’t want to find us dead one day hanging by a tree.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation='Darryl Lester, lead plaintiff in landmark special education lawsuit in California']‘I walked to school and cried all the way. I just didn’t like it, you know, because they wasn’t teaching us nothing.’[/pullquote]Their first home was a Victorian in the Fillmore District. Lester said he learned his way around the “gorgeous” city by bus and bicycle. Life was pretty good, except in school. Although he was “very good at math,” Lester said, he had a hard time with reading.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lester said he remembers a teacher telling him he was looking at words backwards as he sought to pronounce them. People with dyslexia see words the same way as everyone else — but have a neurobiological language processing disorder that’s often responsive to intervention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Whether Lester has dyslexia is unclear. What is clear is that instead of getting help with his reading, he got teased, into fights and suspended.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I would get frustrated, agitated, upset, and then I’d get sent to the principal’s office,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lester’s mom, Lucille Lester, didn’t learn that the school district had labeled her son “mentally retarded” until one of the black psychologists visited their home to evaluate Darryl and go through some tests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“After he talked to Darryl, he turns to me and says, ‘Well, there is nothing wrong with this child,’ ” she testified in court in 1977.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That, she said, is when he told her what kind of classes Darryl had been attending.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Naturally I didn’t feel good about it, and I got angry about it,” she told the court. “This is when I really found out what was really going on.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11781040\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11781040\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/10182019_SE_mom-qut-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"Family photos adorn the walls of Darryl and Cecilia Lester’s home in Tacoma, Washington. On the right is Darryl’s mother, Lucille Lester, now 91.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/10182019_SE_mom-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/10182019_SE_mom-qut-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/10182019_SE_mom-qut-1020x764.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/10182019_SE_mom-qut-1200x899.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/10182019_SE_mom-qut-1376x1032.jpg 1376w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/10182019_SE_mom-qut-1044x783.jpg 1044w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/10182019_SE_mom-qut-632x474.jpg 632w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/10182019_SE_mom-qut-536x402.jpg 536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/10182019_SE_mom-qut.jpg 1680w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Family photos adorn the walls of Darryl and Cecilia Lester’s home in Tacoma, Washington. On the right is Darryl’s mother, Lucille Lester, now 91. \u003ccite>(Lee Romney/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Not long after, Lucille Lester packed up the family and headed to Tacoma, where an older son was serving on a nearby military base. There, Darryl continued to struggle, because as Judge Peckham had predicted, he had fallen behind.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His new high school placed him in a half-day special education program. The other half, he spent at Safeway. Every morning, Lester said, he reported at 7:30 a.m. to the grocery store, where he worked for high school credits — but no pay — until 11 a.m. before attending a few classes in the back of the campus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After his family protested, the school put him in with the other kids.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He tried hard, going to “summer school, night classes, hardly getting any sleep,” but fell two credits short of a high school diploma, Lester said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To this day, Lester, now 60, can barely read.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lester knew he was part of a lawsuit. His mom had joined it on his behalf in 1971 — the year it was filed and when the family moved to Tacoma.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But until a reporter tracked him down last year, he never knew his pseudonym was “Larry P.” And he knew nothing of the ruling’s lasting impact on California schools.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Of the 1977 trip to the courthouse, Lester, then 18, recalled: “I asked my momma, ‘Are we done?’ And she said, ‘Yes son, we done.’ ”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They never spoke of it again.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11781037\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11781037\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/10182019_SE_conference-qut-800x472.jpg\" alt=\"Darryl Lester gets ready to share his experiences on a March 2019 panel of black San Francisco parents who are navigating the special education system.\" width=\"800\" height=\"472\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/10182019_SE_conference-qut-800x472.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/10182019_SE_conference-qut-160x94.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/10182019_SE_conference-qut-1020x601.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/10182019_SE_conference-qut-1200x708.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/10182019_SE_conference-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Darryl Lester gets ready to share his experiences on a March 2019 panel of black San Francisco parents who are navigating the special education system. \u003ccite>(Joe Goyos/Support for Families of Children With Disabilities)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Special Education Today\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Larry P. judge made California school districts reassess all black students who’d been designated “educable mentally retarded” — without IQ tests — and the numbers dropped. He banned the use of the tests specifically for black students. In time, more subtle special education categories replaced the old ones.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By the time the judge ruled in 1979, a new \u003ca href=\"https://www2.ed.gov/policy/speced/leg/idea/history.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">federal law\u003c/a> enacted in 1975 guaranteed students with disabilities equal access to public education. Today, each special education student gets an Individualized Education Program, or IEP, which spells out their struggles and the support they’ll get at school.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation='Jean Robertson, chief of special education services for San Francisco Unified School District, on deciding who belongs in special education and who requires other types of support']‘That’s the crux of my tension in this work. That is with me every single day, particularly for black children.’[/pullquote]But \u003ca href=\"https://www2.ed.gov/programs/osepidea/618-data/LEA-racial-ethnic-disparities-tables/disproportionality-analysis-by-state-analysis-category.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">data\u003c/a> released in 2016 show that black students nationwide are still being placed disproportionately in special education — particularly in categories like “emotional disturbance,” which are tied to behavior. They’re underassessed in categories such as autism spectrum disorder. And some who need special education don’t get assessed for anything. That, parents and special education advocates say, is because some teachers expect so little of them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite those risks, plenty of black parents want their kids in special education because it gives families a legal avenue to hold schools accountable. Last year, a group of black parents gathered at a San Francisco school to talk about their struggles getting their kids assessed and making sure they receive the support guaranteed under the law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many black families find themselves navigating the system because nearly one in three black students in San Francisco Unified School District (SFUSD) is in special education — compared to one in eight non-black students, district data \u003ca href=\"//drive.google.com/open?id=13EX-vu62Ie1EcPO0VcoM-lI2lp-eEmwE\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">shows\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That overrepresentation is highest in special education categories dealing with behavior. And educators, \u003ca href=\"http://kirwaninstitute.osu.edu/racial-disproportionality-in-school-discipline-implicit-bias-is-heavily-implicated/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">studies show\u003c/a>, are more likely to perceive the behavior of black boys as aggressive or defiant. That’s why black boys routinely post the highest rates of suspensions and expulsions in the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mauricha Robinson said it’s not just boys: Her daughter Zariah excelled in school until sixth grade — when the curriculum got more complex. She tanked in her studies for the next two years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead of seeking to assess Zariah for special needs, Robinson said, the school was kicking her out of class, sending her home or to the principal’s office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was just, ‘How do we curb the behavior, behavior, behavior,’ ” she said. “And it was all punitive.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like all districts in California, SFUSD is working to reduce the disproportionately high numbers of black students in special education. Robinson speculates maybe that’s why no one in Zariah’s school sought to have her assessed, “to avoid stigmatizing another black child with a special education label.” But she thinks stereotypes played in, too, “of her being a black girl. Aggressive, ‘adultifying’ her, or ‘she’s sassy’ or ‘she’s outspoken.’ ”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation='Darryl Lester, lead plaintiff in landmark special education lawsuit in California']‘If you’re a kid that can’t read something, it’s embarrassing.’[/pullquote]That’s also common: \u003ca href=\"https://www.aecf.org/blog/new-study-the-adultification-of-black-girls/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Research\u003c/a> has shown that adults at school often treat black girls “as less innocent and more adult-like than white girls of the same age” and punish them more harshly as a result.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So Robinson got some advice: If she requested her daughter get assessed, she’d be inoculated against expulsion. And she did: The assessment showed Zariah has a learning disability — a cognitive processing disorder that affects short-term memory and comprehension.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For eighth grade, Robinson moved Zariah into a regular class in a new school with some special assistance. It’s called “full inclusion” and aims to keep special education students from being singled out. Zariah’s grades shot up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jean Robertson, chief of special education services for SFUSD, said the push for “full inclusion” is among many changes the district has been implementing since a 2010 audit found black students were more likely to be segregated from the mainstream student population in special classes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://drive.google.com/open?id=1ApjCq-tEsycdkQD9UkeUkik-8owoQsCwXtrs0P6Cw8w\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">audit\u003c/a> also found black students were significantly overrepresented in several special education categories, like “emotional disturbance”: They were 8.5 times more likely than non-black students to be designated “emotionally disturbed.” Today, that number is down to about four times more likely.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11781036\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11781036\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/10182019_Chart-of-Emotional-Disturbance-Risk-Ratios-qut-800x543.jpg\" alt=\"In 2010, black students at SF Unified School District were 8.5 times more likely than non-black students to be labeled “emotionally disturbed.” Today, that’s down to about four times more likely.\" width=\"800\" height=\"543\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/10182019_Chart-of-Emotional-Disturbance-Risk-Ratios-qut-800x543.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/10182019_Chart-of-Emotional-Disturbance-Risk-Ratios-qut-160x109.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/10182019_Chart-of-Emotional-Disturbance-Risk-Ratios-qut-1020x692.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/10182019_Chart-of-Emotional-Disturbance-Risk-Ratios-qut-1200x814.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/10182019_Chart-of-Emotional-Disturbance-Risk-Ratios-qut.jpg 1802w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">In 2010, black students at SFUSD were 8.5 times more likely than non-black students to be labeled “emotionally disturbed.” Today, that’s down to about four times more likely. \u003ccite>(San Francisco Unified School District)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>California Department of Education data received in response to a public records request show 28 of the state’s nearly 1,000 school districts faring worse for black students in that category. The relatively low number of 28 is not surprising since many districts serve a very small number of black students, or none at all. At the high end, the data showed that one Southern California district is 12 times more likely to categorize black students as “emotionally disturbed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other changes SFUSD has made over the past decade include working to support students early on so they don’t land in special education, doing deeper assessments and better tailoring services to each special education student instead of putting them in cookie-cutter programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But deciding who belongs in special education and who requires other types of support remains a huge challenge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s the crux of my tension in this work,” Robertson said. “That is with me every single day, particularly for black children.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Putting an IQ Label on Students Is Like ‘Walking Around With Dynamite’\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The IQ testing ban at the heart of the Larry P. ruling has created tensions of its own. The California Association of School Psychologists wants it lifted, noting that the persistent overrepresentation of black students in special education shows the ban hasn’t served its purpose.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation='Mauricha Robinson, on trying to get help for her daughter, Zariah, an SFUSD student']“It was just, ‘How do we curb the behavior, behavior, behavior. And it was all punitive.’ “[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But many advocates for black students want the ban to remain in place, saying so many other biases still exist in the educational system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>John Affeldt, a managing attorney at Public Advocates, one of the civil rights firms that filed the Larry P. lawsuit, acknowledged IQ tests have improved since then — but not by enough.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Putting an intelligence label on a student is “like walking around with dynamite,” he said. “It’s not going to blow up for every kid.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But when it does, the cost is simply too high.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s what happened to Darryl Lester. His lack of an education, inability to read and the shame he carried cost him. He struggled with addiction and low-wage jobs before hard physical labor left him disabled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lester said he has worked hard to rise above all that. He has been sober for 18 years now, happily married for 14. He and his wife, Cecilia Lester, now live in a redeveloped Tacoma housing project.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Cecilia sometimes finds him alone, crying.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It hurts on the inside, but you have to swallow your pride and look over it and just find some strength somewhere and say, ‘Hey, come on, you can do this. I’m better than this,’ and that gets me through the day,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11781165\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11781165\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/10182019_SE_Lester_SF-800x600.jpeg\" alt=\"Darryl Lester at Fisherman’s Wharf in March 2019 on his first visit to San Francisco since he testified in the “Larry P.” trial in 1977.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/10182019_SE_Lester_SF-800x600.jpeg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/10182019_SE_Lester_SF-160x120.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/10182019_SE_Lester_SF-1020x765.jpeg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/10182019_SE_Lester_SF-1200x900.jpeg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/10182019_SE_Lester_SF-1044x783.jpeg 1044w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/10182019_SE_Lester_SF-632x474.jpeg 632w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/10182019_SE_Lester_SF-536x402.jpeg 536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/10182019_SE_Lester_SF.jpeg 1280w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Darryl Lester at Fisherman’s Wharf in March 2019 on his first visit to San Francisco since he testified in the “Larry P.” trial in 1977. \u003ccite>(Lee Romney/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>‘To Be Able to Pick Up a Book and Read it by Myself’\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Larry P. case remains the subject of \u003ca href=\"https://scholar.google.com/scholar?hl=en&as_sdt=0%2C5&q=%22larry+p%22+%22special+education%22&btnG=\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">academic articles\u003c/a>, online tutorials and plenty of debate. But for decades, the identity of Larry P. — and what happened to him — remained a mystery.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s no longer true, and Darryl Lester said he wants some good to come of it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside tag='schools' label='Related Coverage']Revisiting his schooling and the burden he carried into adulthood has been painful, he said. But it has driven him to share his experience in hopes that it might help today’s black students who aren’t getting the support they need.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last spring, Lester returned to San Francisco for the first time since he testified. He was the guest of honor on a panel that included mothers of current black special education students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If a teacher’s not helping you, that is not good,” Lester told the gathering of educators, disability rights advocates and black parents, his voice cracking. “You’ve got other kids that will make fun of you. And if you’re a kid that can’t read something, it’s embarrassing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To the few students who attended the event, Lester said he had a special message: They should fight for an education and never feel ashamed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Next week, he’ll tell his story again at the convention of the California Association of School Psychologists, the organization trying to lift that Larry P. ban.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, the grassroots group Decoding Dyslexia CA and the Northern California branch of the International Dyslexia Association are fundraising to create a “Larry P.” scholarship for African American students in Northern California who are struggling to read.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Decoding Dyslexia CA has also found a tutor in Tacoma to teach Lester to read. Lester knows it will be hard work, but he said: “My dream is to be able to pick up a book and read it by myself.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>An \u003ca href=\"https://www.kalw.org/post/legacy-mistreatment-san-francisco-s-black-special-ed-students#stream/0\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">earlier version\u003c/a> of this story aired on KALW’s news magazine, Crosscurrents. This story was reported with the \u003ca href=\"http://www.centerforhealthjournalism.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">support\u003c/a> of the Fund for Journalism on Child Well-Being, a program of the University of Southern California Center for Health Journalism.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"title": "A Landmark Lawsuit Aimed to Fix Special Ed for California's Black Students. It Didn’t. | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Darryl Lester was at his mom’s place in Tacoma, Washington, when a letter he’d been waiting for arrived in the mail. At 40, he was destitute, in pain and out of work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The letter delivered good news: Lester would be getting disability benefits after blowing out his back in a sheet metal accident. But he crumpled it up and threw it in the trash.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Why? Because he couldn’t read it. From first through seventh grades, Lester had attended three public schools in San Francisco. At each, he struggled with reading and didn’t get the help he needed for it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What he didn’t know until last year: His reading difficulties had made him the lead plaintiff — under the pseudonym Larry P. — in a landmark lawsuit that changed special education for black students across California. October marks the 40th anniversary of the judge’s ruling, which was supposed to help fix a system he had deemed discriminatory. But many educators, black parents and advocates for black students say plenty remains broken.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>‘Educable Mentally Retarded’\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before the Larry P. case, California education code \u003ca href=\"https://law.justia.com/cases/federal/district-courts/FSupp/495/926/2007878/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">required\u003c/a> school districts to use IQ scores when assessing students for special education.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Based on the test results, black students statewide — young Darryl included — wound up categorized as “educable mentally retarded” at disproportionate rates: 27% labeled that way in 1968 were black — even though black students made up less than 9% of the student body.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That same year, a group of black psychologists broke off from the American Psychological Association in protest over black community concerns that they believed the larger organization was too slow to address. Their top priority was to stop districts from using IQ tests, which they thought were culturally biased, to decide who belonged in special education, said one of the breakaway group’s founders, Harold Dent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When the Bay Area chapter of the Association of Black Psychologists learned of complaints from black parents in San Francisco, they teamed up with civil rights lawyers and sued in 1971.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a group, African Americans across the country scored lower on IQ tests. The \u003ca href=\"https://law.justia.com/cases/federal/district-courts/FSupp/495/926/2007878/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">lawsuit\u003c/a> alleged that was because the tests were biased toward Eurocentric culture. Questions like, ”Who wrote Romeo and Juliet,” they argued, didn’t assess a student’s innate capacity to learn. It tested knowledge that some – and not others — had acquired at home or school.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. District Judge Robert Peckham agreed, calling the tests “racially and culturally biased” and “discriminatory.” He ordered a permanent ban on IQ testing of black students across California for purposes of special education placement. Today, California is the only state that has such a ban.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The students who landed in classes for the “educable mentally retarded,” Peckham wrote, were doomed to fall “farther and farther behind,” because — instead of academics — the classes emphasized “personal hygiene and grooming” and “basic home and community living skills.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Darryl Lester remembers those classes: lots of recess time and plenty of field trips.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I walked to school and cried all the way,” he said. “I just didn’t like it, you know, because they wasn’t teaching us nothing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>The District Labeled Her Son Mentally Retarded — and Didn’t Tell Her\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lester and his mom and older brothers moved from Marietta, Georgia, to San Francisco in 1965, he said, because “she didn’t want to find us dead one day hanging by a tree.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Their first home was a Victorian in the Fillmore District. Lester said he learned his way around the “gorgeous” city by bus and bicycle. Life was pretty good, except in school. Although he was “very good at math,” Lester said, he had a hard time with reading.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lester said he remembers a teacher telling him he was looking at words backwards as he sought to pronounce them. People with dyslexia see words the same way as everyone else — but have a neurobiological language processing disorder that’s often responsive to intervention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Whether Lester has dyslexia is unclear. What is clear is that instead of getting help with his reading, he got teased, into fights and suspended.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I would get frustrated, agitated, upset, and then I’d get sent to the principal’s office,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lester’s mom, Lucille Lester, didn’t learn that the school district had labeled her son “mentally retarded” until one of the black psychologists visited their home to evaluate Darryl and go through some tests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“After he talked to Darryl, he turns to me and says, ‘Well, there is nothing wrong with this child,’ ” she testified in court in 1977.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That, she said, is when he told her what kind of classes Darryl had been attending.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Naturally I didn’t feel good about it, and I got angry about it,” she told the court. “This is when I really found out what was really going on.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11781040\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11781040\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/10182019_SE_mom-qut-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"Family photos adorn the walls of Darryl and Cecilia Lester’s home in Tacoma, Washington. On the right is Darryl’s mother, Lucille Lester, now 91.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/10182019_SE_mom-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/10182019_SE_mom-qut-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/10182019_SE_mom-qut-1020x764.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/10182019_SE_mom-qut-1200x899.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/10182019_SE_mom-qut-1376x1032.jpg 1376w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/10182019_SE_mom-qut-1044x783.jpg 1044w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/10182019_SE_mom-qut-632x474.jpg 632w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/10182019_SE_mom-qut-536x402.jpg 536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/10182019_SE_mom-qut.jpg 1680w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Family photos adorn the walls of Darryl and Cecilia Lester’s home in Tacoma, Washington. On the right is Darryl’s mother, Lucille Lester, now 91. \u003ccite>(Lee Romney/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Not long after, Lucille Lester packed up the family and headed to Tacoma, where an older son was serving on a nearby military base. There, Darryl continued to struggle, because as Judge Peckham had predicted, he had fallen behind.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His new high school placed him in a half-day special education program. The other half, he spent at Safeway. Every morning, Lester said, he reported at 7:30 a.m. to the grocery store, where he worked for high school credits — but no pay — until 11 a.m. before attending a few classes in the back of the campus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After his family protested, the school put him in with the other kids.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He tried hard, going to “summer school, night classes, hardly getting any sleep,” but fell two credits short of a high school diploma, Lester said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To this day, Lester, now 60, can barely read.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lester knew he was part of a lawsuit. His mom had joined it on his behalf in 1971 — the year it was filed and when the family moved to Tacoma.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But until a reporter tracked him down last year, he never knew his pseudonym was “Larry P.” And he knew nothing of the ruling’s lasting impact on California schools.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Of the 1977 trip to the courthouse, Lester, then 18, recalled: “I asked my momma, ‘Are we done?’ And she said, ‘Yes son, we done.’ ”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They never spoke of it again.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11781037\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11781037\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/10182019_SE_conference-qut-800x472.jpg\" alt=\"Darryl Lester gets ready to share his experiences on a March 2019 panel of black San Francisco parents who are navigating the special education system.\" width=\"800\" height=\"472\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/10182019_SE_conference-qut-800x472.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/10182019_SE_conference-qut-160x94.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/10182019_SE_conference-qut-1020x601.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/10182019_SE_conference-qut-1200x708.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/10182019_SE_conference-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Darryl Lester gets ready to share his experiences on a March 2019 panel of black San Francisco parents who are navigating the special education system. \u003ccite>(Joe Goyos/Support for Families of Children With Disabilities)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Special Education Today\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Larry P. judge made California school districts reassess all black students who’d been designated “educable mentally retarded” — without IQ tests — and the numbers dropped. He banned the use of the tests specifically for black students. In time, more subtle special education categories replaced the old ones.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By the time the judge ruled in 1979, a new \u003ca href=\"https://www2.ed.gov/policy/speced/leg/idea/history.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">federal law\u003c/a> enacted in 1975 guaranteed students with disabilities equal access to public education. Today, each special education student gets an Individualized Education Program, or IEP, which spells out their struggles and the support they’ll get at school.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>But \u003ca href=\"https://www2.ed.gov/programs/osepidea/618-data/LEA-racial-ethnic-disparities-tables/disproportionality-analysis-by-state-analysis-category.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">data\u003c/a> released in 2016 show that black students nationwide are still being placed disproportionately in special education — particularly in categories like “emotional disturbance,” which are tied to behavior. They’re underassessed in categories such as autism spectrum disorder. And some who need special education don’t get assessed for anything. That, parents and special education advocates say, is because some teachers expect so little of them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite those risks, plenty of black parents want their kids in special education because it gives families a legal avenue to hold schools accountable. Last year, a group of black parents gathered at a San Francisco school to talk about their struggles getting their kids assessed and making sure they receive the support guaranteed under the law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many black families find themselves navigating the system because nearly one in three black students in San Francisco Unified School District (SFUSD) is in special education — compared to one in eight non-black students, district data \u003ca href=\"//drive.google.com/open?id=13EX-vu62Ie1EcPO0VcoM-lI2lp-eEmwE\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">shows\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That overrepresentation is highest in special education categories dealing with behavior. And educators, \u003ca href=\"http://kirwaninstitute.osu.edu/racial-disproportionality-in-school-discipline-implicit-bias-is-heavily-implicated/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">studies show\u003c/a>, are more likely to perceive the behavior of black boys as aggressive or defiant. That’s why black boys routinely post the highest rates of suspensions and expulsions in the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mauricha Robinson said it’s not just boys: Her daughter Zariah excelled in school until sixth grade — when the curriculum got more complex. She tanked in her studies for the next two years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead of seeking to assess Zariah for special needs, Robinson said, the school was kicking her out of class, sending her home or to the principal’s office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was just, ‘How do we curb the behavior, behavior, behavior,’ ” she said. “And it was all punitive.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like all districts in California, SFUSD is working to reduce the disproportionately high numbers of black students in special education. Robinson speculates maybe that’s why no one in Zariah’s school sought to have her assessed, “to avoid stigmatizing another black child with a special education label.” But she thinks stereotypes played in, too, “of her being a black girl. Aggressive, ‘adultifying’ her, or ‘she’s sassy’ or ‘she’s outspoken.’ ”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>That’s also common: \u003ca href=\"https://www.aecf.org/blog/new-study-the-adultification-of-black-girls/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Research\u003c/a> has shown that adults at school often treat black girls “as less innocent and more adult-like than white girls of the same age” and punish them more harshly as a result.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So Robinson got some advice: If she requested her daughter get assessed, she’d be inoculated against expulsion. And she did: The assessment showed Zariah has a learning disability — a cognitive processing disorder that affects short-term memory and comprehension.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For eighth grade, Robinson moved Zariah into a regular class in a new school with some special assistance. It’s called “full inclusion” and aims to keep special education students from being singled out. Zariah’s grades shot up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jean Robertson, chief of special education services for SFUSD, said the push for “full inclusion” is among many changes the district has been implementing since a 2010 audit found black students were more likely to be segregated from the mainstream student population in special classes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://drive.google.com/open?id=1ApjCq-tEsycdkQD9UkeUkik-8owoQsCwXtrs0P6Cw8w\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">audit\u003c/a> also found black students were significantly overrepresented in several special education categories, like “emotional disturbance”: They were 8.5 times more likely than non-black students to be designated “emotionally disturbed.” Today, that number is down to about four times more likely.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11781036\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11781036\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/10182019_Chart-of-Emotional-Disturbance-Risk-Ratios-qut-800x543.jpg\" alt=\"In 2010, black students at SF Unified School District were 8.5 times more likely than non-black students to be labeled “emotionally disturbed.” Today, that’s down to about four times more likely.\" width=\"800\" height=\"543\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/10182019_Chart-of-Emotional-Disturbance-Risk-Ratios-qut-800x543.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/10182019_Chart-of-Emotional-Disturbance-Risk-Ratios-qut-160x109.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/10182019_Chart-of-Emotional-Disturbance-Risk-Ratios-qut-1020x692.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/10182019_Chart-of-Emotional-Disturbance-Risk-Ratios-qut-1200x814.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/10182019_Chart-of-Emotional-Disturbance-Risk-Ratios-qut.jpg 1802w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">In 2010, black students at SFUSD were 8.5 times more likely than non-black students to be labeled “emotionally disturbed.” Today, that’s down to about four times more likely. \u003ccite>(San Francisco Unified School District)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>California Department of Education data received in response to a public records request show 28 of the state’s nearly 1,000 school districts faring worse for black students in that category. The relatively low number of 28 is not surprising since many districts serve a very small number of black students, or none at all. At the high end, the data showed that one Southern California district is 12 times more likely to categorize black students as “emotionally disturbed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other changes SFUSD has made over the past decade include working to support students early on so they don’t land in special education, doing deeper assessments and better tailoring services to each special education student instead of putting them in cookie-cutter programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But deciding who belongs in special education and who requires other types of support remains a huge challenge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s the crux of my tension in this work,” Robertson said. “That is with me every single day, particularly for black children.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Putting an IQ Label on Students Is Like ‘Walking Around With Dynamite’\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The IQ testing ban at the heart of the Larry P. ruling has created tensions of its own. The California Association of School Psychologists wants it lifted, noting that the persistent overrepresentation of black students in special education shows the ban hasn’t served its purpose.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But many advocates for black students want the ban to remain in place, saying so many other biases still exist in the educational system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>John Affeldt, a managing attorney at Public Advocates, one of the civil rights firms that filed the Larry P. lawsuit, acknowledged IQ tests have improved since then — but not by enough.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Putting an intelligence label on a student is “like walking around with dynamite,” he said. “It’s not going to blow up for every kid.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But when it does, the cost is simply too high.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s what happened to Darryl Lester. His lack of an education, inability to read and the shame he carried cost him. He struggled with addiction and low-wage jobs before hard physical labor left him disabled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lester said he has worked hard to rise above all that. He has been sober for 18 years now, happily married for 14. He and his wife, Cecilia Lester, now live in a redeveloped Tacoma housing project.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Cecilia sometimes finds him alone, crying.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It hurts on the inside, but you have to swallow your pride and look over it and just find some strength somewhere and say, ‘Hey, come on, you can do this. I’m better than this,’ and that gets me through the day,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11781165\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11781165\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/10182019_SE_Lester_SF-800x600.jpeg\" alt=\"Darryl Lester at Fisherman’s Wharf in March 2019 on his first visit to San Francisco since he testified in the “Larry P.” trial in 1977.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/10182019_SE_Lester_SF-800x600.jpeg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/10182019_SE_Lester_SF-160x120.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/10182019_SE_Lester_SF-1020x765.jpeg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/10182019_SE_Lester_SF-1200x900.jpeg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/10182019_SE_Lester_SF-1044x783.jpeg 1044w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/10182019_SE_Lester_SF-632x474.jpeg 632w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/10182019_SE_Lester_SF-536x402.jpeg 536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/10182019_SE_Lester_SF.jpeg 1280w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Darryl Lester at Fisherman’s Wharf in March 2019 on his first visit to San Francisco since he testified in the “Larry P.” trial in 1977. \u003ccite>(Lee Romney/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>‘To Be Able to Pick Up a Book and Read it by Myself’\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Larry P. case remains the subject of \u003ca href=\"https://scholar.google.com/scholar?hl=en&as_sdt=0%2C5&q=%22larry+p%22+%22special+education%22&btnG=\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">academic articles\u003c/a>, online tutorials and plenty of debate. But for decades, the identity of Larry P. — and what happened to him — remained a mystery.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s no longer true, and Darryl Lester said he wants some good to come of it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Revisiting his schooling and the burden he carried into adulthood has been painful, he said. But it has driven him to share his experience in hopes that it might help today’s black students who aren’t getting the support they need.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last spring, Lester returned to San Francisco for the first time since he testified. He was the guest of honor on a panel that included mothers of current black special education students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If a teacher’s not helping you, that is not good,” Lester told the gathering of educators, disability rights advocates and black parents, his voice cracking. “You’ve got other kids that will make fun of you. And if you’re a kid that can’t read something, it’s embarrassing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To the few students who attended the event, Lester said he had a special message: They should fight for an education and never feel ashamed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Next week, he’ll tell his story again at the convention of the California Association of School Psychologists, the organization trying to lift that Larry P. ban.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, the grassroots group Decoding Dyslexia CA and the Northern California branch of the International Dyslexia Association are fundraising to create a “Larry P.” scholarship for African American students in Northern California who are struggling to read.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Decoding Dyslexia CA has also found a tutor in Tacoma to teach Lester to read. Lester knows it will be hard work, but he said: “My dream is to be able to pick up a book and read it by myself.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>An \u003ca href=\"https://www.kalw.org/post/legacy-mistreatment-san-francisco-s-black-special-ed-students#stream/0\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">earlier version\u003c/a> of this story aired on KALW’s news magazine, Crosscurrents. This story was reported with the \u003ca href=\"http://www.centerforhealthjournalism.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">support\u003c/a> of the Fund for Journalism on Child Well-Being, a program of the University of Southern California Center for Health Journalism.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cb>Democratic Presidential Race and Impeachment Update\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">This week, House Democrats continued to press ahead with their impeachment inquiry against President Trump. They interviewed several key witnesses about the president’s efforts to persuade Ukraine’s leader to open a corruption investigation against former Vice President Joe Biden and his son. Meanwhile, 12 candidates faced off for the latest Democratic presidential debate, held on Tuesday in Columbus, Ohio. Reflecting her surge in the polls and front-runner status, this time it was Massachusetts Sen. Elizabeth Warren fending off attacks from her rivals, especially over her support for Medicare for All. She refused to say whether she would raise taxes on the middle class to pay for her health care overhaul, while also trying to broaden her appeal beyond her progressive base and mounting criticism from moderates like Joe Biden and Minnesota Sen. Amy Klobuchar.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Guests:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Scott Shafer, KQED senior politics and government editor\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Tal Kopan, Washington, D.C. correspondent, San Francisco Chronicle\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Congressman Ro Khanna\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Silicon Valley Rep. Ro Khanna serves on two House committees, including the Oversight and Reform Committee, which deposed several current and former White House and State Department officials this week, including Gordon Sondland and Fiona Hill. The top Russia adviser to the White House before she resigned in July, Hill reportedly told investigators that Sondland, the ambassador to the European Union, posed a potential national security risk because of his lack of diplomatic experience. On Thursday, the president’s acting chief of staff, Mick Mulvaney, suggested during a press conference that nearly $400 million in military aid to Ukraine was held up to pressure the nation to open investigations into Democrats. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Guest:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">U.S. Rep. Ro Khanna, D-Santa Clara\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Deadline Looms for PG&E Wildfire Claims as Fallout Continues over Outages\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Survivors of recent California wildfires linked to PG&E’s equipment have until Monday to file liability claims for their losses. Also, the state’s top utility regulator is holding an emergency meeting Friday about the widely criticized massive power shutoffs last week that left more than 700,000 PG&E customers without power. On Thursday, the California Senate announced that it will investigate the utility’s power shutoff while Gov. Gavin Newsom said this week that “Californians should not pay the price for decades of PG&E’s greed and neglect,”and called on the company to issue a $100 refund or rebate to customers affected by last week’s outages. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Guest:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Jared Ellias, professor, UC Hastings College of the Law\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cb>Democratic Presidential Race and Impeachment Update\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">This week, House Democrats continued to press ahead with their impeachment inquiry against President Trump. They interviewed several key witnesses about the president’s efforts to persuade Ukraine’s leader to open a corruption investigation against former Vice President Joe Biden and his son. Meanwhile, 12 candidates faced off for the latest Democratic presidential debate, held on Tuesday in Columbus, Ohio. Reflecting her surge in the polls and front-runner status, this time it was Massachusetts Sen. Elizabeth Warren fending off attacks from her rivals, especially over her support for Medicare for All. She refused to say whether she would raise taxes on the middle class to pay for her health care overhaul, while also trying to broaden her appeal beyond her progressive base and mounting criticism from moderates like Joe Biden and Minnesota Sen. Amy Klobuchar.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Guests:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Scott Shafer, KQED senior politics and government editor\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Tal Kopan, Washington, D.C. correspondent, San Francisco Chronicle\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Congressman Ro Khanna\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Silicon Valley Rep. Ro Khanna serves on two House committees, including the Oversight and Reform Committee, which deposed several current and former White House and State Department officials this week, including Gordon Sondland and Fiona Hill. The top Russia adviser to the White House before she resigned in July, Hill reportedly told investigators that Sondland, the ambassador to the European Union, posed a potential national security risk because of his lack of diplomatic experience. On Thursday, the president’s acting chief of staff, Mick Mulvaney, suggested during a press conference that nearly $400 million in military aid to Ukraine was held up to pressure the nation to open investigations into Democrats. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Guest:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">U.S. Rep. Ro Khanna, D-Santa Clara\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Deadline Looms for PG&E Wildfire Claims as Fallout Continues over Outages\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Survivors of recent California wildfires linked to PG&E’s equipment have until Monday to file liability claims for their losses. Also, the state’s top utility regulator is holding an emergency meeting Friday about the widely criticized massive power shutoffs last week that left more than 700,000 PG&E customers without power. On Thursday, the California Senate announced that it will investigate the utility’s power shutoff while Gov. Gavin Newsom said this week that “Californians should not pay the price for decades of PG&E’s greed and neglect,”and called on the company to issue a $100 refund or rebate to customers affected by last week’s outages. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"disqusTitle": "PG&E Power Safety Shutoffs Could Continue for 10 Years, Says CEO",
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"content": "\u003cp>PG&E CEO and President Bill Johnson said Friday it could take up to 10 years for the utility to improve its system enough to not have to rely on power shutoffs to prevent wildfires during dry, windy conditions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Johnson's comments came about a week after the utility cut power to about 2 million people in Northern and Central California, saying the outages were needed due to high winds and dry conditions that could spark wildfires.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Johnson, who spoke at an emergency meeting of the California Public Utility Commission in San Francisco, said the number of power shutoffs will decline over the next decade as PG&E reroutes the electric grid so it can shut off power to smaller areas, invests in microgrids to keep power on during emergencies and updates thousands of miles of power lines in fire-prone areas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Pacific Gas and Electric Power Shutoffs\" tag=\"power-shutoffs\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California Public Utility Commission President Marybel Batjer began the meeting at CPUC headquarters by telling PG&E that their handling of the power shutoff was \"inadequate.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I can tell you that you guys failed on so many levels, on fairly simple stuff,\" she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But while Johnson said that he was accountable for communication problems, he defended the shutoff, saying that the company did it for safety.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"One of the things that stands out in my mind is that we did not have any catastrophic fires in Northern and Central California. It’s hard to prove a negative,\" Johnson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Johnson also defended the utility's infrastructure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It is a misconception that we turned off power because our system is in shambles,\" Johnson said. \"Our system is in pretty good shape. The [public safety power shutoff] was driven by a widespread wind event.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Utility executives said that they found about \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11779839/pge-confirms-50-instances-of-damage-or-hazard-to-its-equipment-during-outages\">100 instances where high winds damaged or presented a hazard to electrical equipment\u003c/a> during the shutoff. They said that most of the damage involved vegetation, like trees, grass or brush coming into contact with power lines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sumeet Singh, vice president of PG&E's community wildfire safety program, estimated that it could take 10 to 14 years for the company to finish updating about 7,100 miles of power lines in high fire risk areas, and 8 years to improve vegetation management on 25,000 miles of lines in high-risk areas.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Commissioners Lambast PG&E for Failing to Assist People With Disabilities\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>During the marathon hearing, commissioners repeatedly pushed executives on how they reached out to people with disabilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>PG&E’s most recent shutoff event affected more than 30,000 customers who take part in the utility’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.pge.com/en_US/residential/save-energy-money/help-paying-your-bill/longer-term-assistance/medical-condition-related/medical-baseline-allowance/medical-baseline-allowance.page\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">medical baseline program\u003c/a>. People who use powered medical devices, including oxygen concentrators and motorized wheelchairs, pay lower rates for gas and electricity by applying to the program with a doctor's note. Under rules approved by the commission, utilities now use medical baseline status to identify and warn vulnerable customers before and during a power shutoff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11779283 label='Left in the Dark' hero=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/20191010_124940-1020x765.jpg\"]But the program is an imperfect proxy for medically vulnerable communities, as Commissioner Liane M. Randolph noted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Public health officers and consumer advocates say that the program under-represents who’s at risk in a shutoff area. For instance, people who live in buildings that receive just one electric bill — or in mobile home communities — can’t register. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And while the medical baseline program itself dates back decades, it’s only this year that PG&E began to use it as a warning mechanism in this kind of emergency. At the same time, a spokesman for San Diego Gas & Electric, the utility that pioneered public safety shutoffs after the 2007 Witch Fire, pointed out that regulations make eligible people who declare that they need air conditioning to be comfortable for a variety of medical conditions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It's not yet clear how well PG&E warned medical baseline customers about the most recent shutoff event. According to earlier filings with the CPUC, PG&E warns its medical baseline customers via text, email or automated call. \u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11781223\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Marissa-Shaw-CPUC-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Marissa Shaw of Richmond, a member of the disability community, speaks during the public comment period of Friday's CPUC meeting. Shaw said she was not informed about PG&E's power outage because she's not eligible for the medical baseline program, since her landlord pays her utility bill.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11781223\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Marissa-Shaw-CPUC-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Marissa-Shaw-CPUC-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Marissa-Shaw-CPUC-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Marissa-Shaw-CPUC-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Marissa-Shaw-CPUC.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Marissa Shaw of Richmond, a member of the disability community, speaks during the public comment period of Friday's CPUC meeting. Shaw said she was not informed about PG&E's power outage because she's not eligible for the medical baseline program, since her landlord pays her utility bill. \u003ccite>(Stephanie Lister/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>If the customer doesn't confirm the warning, the utility will send someone out to knock on the door, said PG&E Senior Vice President Laurie M. Giammona. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If nobody answers the door, the utility hangs a tag, and considers the outreach successful. Giammona said that PG&E workers left door tags for about 700 people last week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Deborah Kaplan of Oakland, who uses an electric chair, bed and ventilator and requires the use of an elevator, explained that being notified about power shutoffs \"isn't all that helpful.\" \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"If this is going to be a reality that we're going to have to get used to, then people who rely on power for survival need to have backup,\" she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11781232\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Kaplan-and-Hall-CPUC-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Deborah Kaplan (left) of Oakland and Marge Hall (right) of Berkeley waited 3.5 hours to speak during the public comment portion of Friday's CPUC meeting in San Francisco.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11781232\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Kaplan-and-Hall-CPUC-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Kaplan-and-Hall-CPUC-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Kaplan-and-Hall-CPUC-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Kaplan-and-Hall-CPUC-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Kaplan-and-Hall-CPUC.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Deborah Kaplan (left) of Oakland and Marge Hall (right) of Berkeley waited 3.5 hours to speak during the public comment portion of Friday's CPUC meeting in San Francisco. \u003ccite>(Stephanie Lister/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The CPUC’s head of safety and enforcement policy, Elizaveta Malashenko, told lawmakers in August that the medical baseline program wasn’t designed for emergency response.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Commissioner Martha Guzman Aceves also wondered why some communities got backup generators, when others didn’t. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Was wealth a factor?\" she asked PG&E's Singh about why Calistoga got a generator.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Singh said that was not the case.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>PG&E Executives Detail Communication Breakdowns\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>PG&E's Giammona said that the utility had not anticipated the number of people who would access the website. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said that about 1.7 million users per hour were trying to use the PG&E website during the power shut offs. Normally, only about 7,000 users access the site per hour on a regular day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CPUC President Batjer, who was present for some of PG&E’s decision making during the shutoff, said that employees too junior to make important decisions about technology were the ones tasked with system testing. \u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11781226\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Batjer-CPUC-800x534.jpg\" alt=\"CPUC President Marybel Batjer listens as PG&E executives speak at an emergency meeting in San Francisco on Oct. 18, 2019.\" width=\"800\" height=\"534\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11781226\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Batjer-CPUC-800x534.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Batjer-CPUC-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Batjer-CPUC-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Batjer-CPUC.jpg 1024w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">CPUC President Marybel Batjer listens as PG&E executives speak at an emergency meeting in San Francisco on Oct. 18, 2019. \u003ccite>(Stephanie Lister/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>She said that she was \"astonished at the lack of infrastructure\" for a company of PG&E's size.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Batjer noted that dozens of local governments complained that they could not reach PG&E during the shutoff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>PG&E executives described calls with county and tribal governments where more than 1,000 people from local and tribal governments were on the line.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Today a parade of PG&E executives told us what we already know — their October [power shutoff] was a massive failure in execution,\" state Sen. Jerry Hill told KQED via email.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hill has been a consistent critic of PG&E since 2010, when one of the utility's natural gas transmission lines exploded in San Bruno, killing eight people in his district.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It’s good to know they are attempting to belatedly rebuild their support services to meet customer needs ... But it would have been better for PG&E leaders to detail exactly why it’s going to take them 10 years to build the resilient electrical system we should already have, so that power shutdowns are truly a rare, last resort.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Senate opened its own investigation into how PG&E handled the shutoff on Thursday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Molly Peterson contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>PG&E CEO and President Bill Johnson said Friday it could take up to 10 years for the utility to improve its system enough to not have to rely on power shutoffs to prevent wildfires during dry, windy conditions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Johnson's comments came about a week after the utility cut power to about 2 million people in Northern and Central California, saying the outages were needed due to high winds and dry conditions that could spark wildfires.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Johnson, who spoke at an emergency meeting of the California Public Utility Commission in San Francisco, said the number of power shutoffs will decline over the next decade as PG&E reroutes the electric grid so it can shut off power to smaller areas, invests in microgrids to keep power on during emergencies and updates thousands of miles of power lines in fire-prone areas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California Public Utility Commission President Marybel Batjer began the meeting at CPUC headquarters by telling PG&E that their handling of the power shutoff was \"inadequate.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I can tell you that you guys failed on so many levels, on fairly simple stuff,\" she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But while Johnson said that he was accountable for communication problems, he defended the shutoff, saying that the company did it for safety.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"One of the things that stands out in my mind is that we did not have any catastrophic fires in Northern and Central California. It’s hard to prove a negative,\" Johnson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Johnson also defended the utility's infrastructure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It is a misconception that we turned off power because our system is in shambles,\" Johnson said. \"Our system is in pretty good shape. The [public safety power shutoff] was driven by a widespread wind event.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Utility executives said that they found about \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11779839/pge-confirms-50-instances-of-damage-or-hazard-to-its-equipment-during-outages\">100 instances where high winds damaged or presented a hazard to electrical equipment\u003c/a> during the shutoff. They said that most of the damage involved vegetation, like trees, grass or brush coming into contact with power lines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sumeet Singh, vice president of PG&E's community wildfire safety program, estimated that it could take 10 to 14 years for the company to finish updating about 7,100 miles of power lines in high fire risk areas, and 8 years to improve vegetation management on 25,000 miles of lines in high-risk areas.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Commissioners Lambast PG&E for Failing to Assist People With Disabilities\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>During the marathon hearing, commissioners repeatedly pushed executives on how they reached out to people with disabilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>PG&E’s most recent shutoff event affected more than 30,000 customers who take part in the utility’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.pge.com/en_US/residential/save-energy-money/help-paying-your-bill/longer-term-assistance/medical-condition-related/medical-baseline-allowance/medical-baseline-allowance.page\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">medical baseline program\u003c/a>. People who use powered medical devices, including oxygen concentrators and motorized wheelchairs, pay lower rates for gas and electricity by applying to the program with a doctor's note. Under rules approved by the commission, utilities now use medical baseline status to identify and warn vulnerable customers before and during a power shutoff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>But the program is an imperfect proxy for medically vulnerable communities, as Commissioner Liane M. Randolph noted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Public health officers and consumer advocates say that the program under-represents who’s at risk in a shutoff area. For instance, people who live in buildings that receive just one electric bill — or in mobile home communities — can’t register. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And while the medical baseline program itself dates back decades, it’s only this year that PG&E began to use it as a warning mechanism in this kind of emergency. At the same time, a spokesman for San Diego Gas & Electric, the utility that pioneered public safety shutoffs after the 2007 Witch Fire, pointed out that regulations make eligible people who declare that they need air conditioning to be comfortable for a variety of medical conditions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It's not yet clear how well PG&E warned medical baseline customers about the most recent shutoff event. According to earlier filings with the CPUC, PG&E warns its medical baseline customers via text, email or automated call. \u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11781223\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Marissa-Shaw-CPUC-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Marissa Shaw of Richmond, a member of the disability community, speaks during the public comment period of Friday's CPUC meeting. Shaw said she was not informed about PG&E's power outage because she's not eligible for the medical baseline program, since her landlord pays her utility bill.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11781223\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Marissa-Shaw-CPUC-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Marissa-Shaw-CPUC-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Marissa-Shaw-CPUC-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Marissa-Shaw-CPUC-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Marissa-Shaw-CPUC.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Marissa Shaw of Richmond, a member of the disability community, speaks during the public comment period of Friday's CPUC meeting. Shaw said she was not informed about PG&E's power outage because she's not eligible for the medical baseline program, since her landlord pays her utility bill. \u003ccite>(Stephanie Lister/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>If the customer doesn't confirm the warning, the utility will send someone out to knock on the door, said PG&E Senior Vice President Laurie M. Giammona. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If nobody answers the door, the utility hangs a tag, and considers the outreach successful. Giammona said that PG&E workers left door tags for about 700 people last week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Deborah Kaplan of Oakland, who uses an electric chair, bed and ventilator and requires the use of an elevator, explained that being notified about power shutoffs \"isn't all that helpful.\" \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"If this is going to be a reality that we're going to have to get used to, then people who rely on power for survival need to have backup,\" she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11781232\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Kaplan-and-Hall-CPUC-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Deborah Kaplan (left) of Oakland and Marge Hall (right) of Berkeley waited 3.5 hours to speak during the public comment portion of Friday's CPUC meeting in San Francisco.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11781232\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Kaplan-and-Hall-CPUC-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Kaplan-and-Hall-CPUC-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Kaplan-and-Hall-CPUC-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Kaplan-and-Hall-CPUC-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Kaplan-and-Hall-CPUC.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Deborah Kaplan (left) of Oakland and Marge Hall (right) of Berkeley waited 3.5 hours to speak during the public comment portion of Friday's CPUC meeting in San Francisco. \u003ccite>(Stephanie Lister/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The CPUC’s head of safety and enforcement policy, Elizaveta Malashenko, told lawmakers in August that the medical baseline program wasn’t designed for emergency response.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Commissioner Martha Guzman Aceves also wondered why some communities got backup generators, when others didn’t. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Was wealth a factor?\" she asked PG&E's Singh about why Calistoga got a generator.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Singh said that was not the case.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>PG&E Executives Detail Communication Breakdowns\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>PG&E's Giammona said that the utility had not anticipated the number of people who would access the website. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said that about 1.7 million users per hour were trying to use the PG&E website during the power shut offs. Normally, only about 7,000 users access the site per hour on a regular day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CPUC President Batjer, who was present for some of PG&E’s decision making during the shutoff, said that employees too junior to make important decisions about technology were the ones tasked with system testing. \u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11781226\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Batjer-CPUC-800x534.jpg\" alt=\"CPUC President Marybel Batjer listens as PG&E executives speak at an emergency meeting in San Francisco on Oct. 18, 2019.\" width=\"800\" height=\"534\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11781226\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Batjer-CPUC-800x534.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Batjer-CPUC-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Batjer-CPUC-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/Batjer-CPUC.jpg 1024w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">CPUC President Marybel Batjer listens as PG&E executives speak at an emergency meeting in San Francisco on Oct. 18, 2019. \u003ccite>(Stephanie Lister/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>She said that she was \"astonished at the lack of infrastructure\" for a company of PG&E's size.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Batjer noted that dozens of local governments complained that they could not reach PG&E during the shutoff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>PG&E executives described calls with county and tribal governments where more than 1,000 people from local and tribal governments were on the line.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Today a parade of PG&E executives told us what we already know — their October [power shutoff] was a massive failure in execution,\" state Sen. Jerry Hill told KQED via email.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hill has been a consistent critic of PG&E since 2010, when one of the utility's natural gas transmission lines exploded in San Bruno, killing eight people in his district.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It’s good to know they are attempting to belatedly rebuild their support services to meet customer needs ... But it would have been better for PG&E leaders to detail exactly why it’s going to take them 10 years to build the resilient electrical system we should already have, so that power shutdowns are truly a rare, last resort.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Senate opened its own investigation into how PG&E handled the shutoff on Thursday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Molly Peterson contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"info": "The Commonwealth Club of California is the nation's oldest and largest public affairs forum. As a non-partisan forum, The Club brings to the public airwaves diverse viewpoints on important topics. The Club's weekly radio broadcast - the oldest in the U.S., dating back to 1924 - is carried across the nation on public radio stations and is now podcasting. Our website archive features audio of our recent programs, as well as selected speeches from our long and distinguished history. This podcast feed is usually updated twice a week and is always un-edited.",
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"order": 9
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"id": "fresh-air",
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"airtime": "SUN 7:30pm-8pm",
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"tagline": "Where conversation and cultura meet",
"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
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"order": 15
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"title": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown",
"tagline": "Lessons from a lifetime in politics",
"info": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown brings listeners the wisdom of the former Governor, Mayor, and presidential candidate. Scott Shafer interviewed Brown for more than 40 hours, covering the former governor's life and half-century in the political game – and Brown has some lessons he'd like to share. ",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-Political-Mind-of-Jerry-Brown-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
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"order": 18
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"info": "Latino USA, the radio journal of news and culture, is the only national, English-language radio program produced from a Latino perspective.",
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"marketplace": {
"id": "marketplace",
"title": "Marketplace",
"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 4pm-4:30pm, MON-WED 6:30pm-7pm",
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"source": "American Public Media"
},
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"masters-of-scale": {
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"title": "Masters of Scale",
"info": "Masters of Scale is an original podcast in which LinkedIn co-founder and Greylock Partner Reid Hoffman sets out to describe and prove theories that explain how great entrepreneurs take their companies from zero to a gazillion in ingenious fashion.",
"airtime": "Every other Wednesday June 12 through October 16 at 8pm (repeats Thursdays at 2am)",
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},
"mindshift": {
"id": "mindshift",
"title": "MindShift",
"tagline": "A podcast about the future of learning and how we raise our kids",
"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Mindshift-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED MindShift: How We Will Learn",
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"meta": {
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"order": 12
},
"link": "/podcasts/mindshift",
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM1NzY0NjAwNDI5",
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"morning-edition": {
"id": "morning-edition",
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"info": "\u003cem>Morning Edition\u003c/em> takes listeners around the country and the world with multi-faceted stories and commentaries every weekday. Hosts Steve Inskeep, David Greene and Rachel Martin bring you the latest breaking news and features to prepare you for the day.",
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"onourwatch": {
"id": "onourwatch",
"title": "On Our Watch",
"tagline": "Deeply-reported investigative journalism",
"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/On-Our-Watch-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
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"order": 11
},
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"on-the-media": {
"id": "on-the-media",
"title": "On The Media",
"info": "Our weekly podcast explores how the media 'sausage' is made, casts an incisive eye on fluctuations in the marketplace of ideas, and examines threats to the freedom of information and expression in America and abroad. For one hour a week, the show tries to lift the veil from the process of \"making media,\" especially news media, because it's through that lens that we see the world and the world sees us",
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},
"link": "/radio/program/on-the-media",
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},
"pbs-newshour": {
"id": "pbs-newshour",
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"info": "Analysis, background reports and updates from the PBS NewsHour putting today's news in context.",
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"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/PBS-News-Hour-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/pbs-newshour-full-show/id394432287?mt=2",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/radio/PBS-NewsHour---Full-Show-p425698/",
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},
"perspectives": {
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"order": 14
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"planet-money": {
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"info": "The economy explained. Imagine you could call up a friend and say, Meet me at the bar and tell me what's going on with the economy. Now imagine that's actually a fun evening.",
"airtime": "SUN 3pm-4pm",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/planetmoney.jpg",
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},
"link": "/radio/program/planet-money",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/planet-money/id290783428?mt=2",
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},
"politicalbreakdown": {
"id": "politicalbreakdown",
"title": "Political Breakdown",
"tagline": "Politics from a personal perspective",
"info": "Political Breakdown is a new series that explores the political intersection of California and the nation. Each week hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos are joined with a new special guest to unpack politics -- with personality — and offer an insider’s glimpse at how politics happens.",
"airtime": "THU 6:30pm-7pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Political-Breakdown-2024-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
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"order": 5
},
"link": "/podcasts/politicalbreakdown",
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"possible": {
"id": "possible",
"title": "Possible",
"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
"airtime": "SUN 2pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Possible-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.possible.fm/",
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"source": "Possible"
},
"link": "/radio/program/possible",
"subscribe": {
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"spotify": "https://open.spotify.com/show/730YpdUSNlMyPQwNnyjp4k"
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},
"pri-the-world": {
"id": "pri-the-world",
"title": "PRI's The World: Latest Edition",
"info": "Each weekday, host Marco Werman and his team of producers bring you the world's most interesting stories in an hour of radio that reminds us just how small our planet really is.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 2pm-3pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-World-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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},
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