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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11910789/for-guatemalan-women-fleeing-gender-based-violence-a-long-road-to-asylum-in-us\">Leer en inglés\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Deisy Ramírez se despertó antes del amanecer el día de su audiencia final de asilo el pasado noviembre. Estaba temblando de nervios, pero se levantó y se preparó una taza de té para calmarse. Su destino estaba en manos de uno de los jueces de inmigración más duros de San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ramírez y su abogado se habían preparado tres veces para que ella declarara, pero cada vez, la audiencia programada se pospuso debido a la pandemia del COVID-19. Revisar lo que había vivido cada vez seguía siendo algo desgarrador.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ramírez, de 24 años, creció en el altiplano rural de la provincia de San Marcos, en Guatemala. Es una de ocho hijos, y dijo que su padre a menudo golpeaba a su madre y maltrataba a sus hijas. Cuando Ramírez tenía 14 años, dijo, su padre la vendió a Ernesto y Eugenia Cinto, los propietarios de un bar donde él solía beber. Estaba a 30 minutos a pie de su casa.\u003cbr>\n[ad fullwidth]\u003cbr>\nEsta familia la aprisionó, exigiendo que cocinara, limpiara y sirviera a los clientes del bar sin pagarle. Dijo que fue obligada a mantener una relación sexual con el hijo de la pareja, Dembler Cinto, de 18 años, que la golpeaba y violaba habitualmente. Este engendró sus dos hijos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Me trataron como una esclava”, dijo. “Estuve muy asustada todo el tiempo”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ramírez es una de las miles de personas que buscan protección frente a la violencia de género en un sistema de asilo estadounidense que fue eviscerado durante la presidencia de Donald Trump y que solo ha sido restaurado parcialmente por el presidente Joe Biden.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Deisy Ramírez\"]‘Me trataron como una esclava”, dijo. “Estuve muy asustada todo el tiempo.’[/pullquote]El gobierno de Biden se está preparando para levantar el Título 42, la normativa de salud pública que se desplegó en marzo de 2020 al comienzo de la pandemia para expulsar a los solicitantes de asilo en las fronteras de los Estados Unidos. Pero el presidente Biden aún no ha cumplido su promesa de aclarar los motivos por los que las personas pueden solicitar asilo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hace más de un año, el presidente prometió una \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/presidential-actions/2021/02/02/executive-order-creating-a-comprehensive-regional-framework-to-address-the-causes-of-migration-to-manage-migration-throughout-north-and-central-america-and-to-provide-safe-and-orderly-processing/\">pauta que detallaría quién puede ser considerado miembro de un “grupo social particular”\u003c/a> (enlace sólo en inglés), una categoría de asilo ambigua que proviene de una convención internacional de refugiados de 1951. Los defensores de inmigrantes esperan que la nueva definición incluya a las personas que han sufrido violencia de género, y afirman que el retraso está poniendo a mujeres como Ramírez, que han huido de la persecución infligida específicamente por ser mujeres, en riesgo de sufrir más violencia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>En 2019, cuando Ramírez tenía 21 años, logró escapar de Guatemala con sus hijos, que entonces tenían 3 y 5 años.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Una vez que llegó a San Francisco, Ramírez pasó seis meses buscando un abogado que la ayudara a presentar su caso ante el tribunal de inmigración. Finalmente, encontró ayuda gratuita en el \u003ca href=\"https://www.centrolegal.org/?lang=es\">Centro Legal de la Raza\u003c/a>, una organización sin fines de lucro de Oakland, \u003ca href=\"https://trac.syr.edu/phptools/immigration/asyfile/\">una asistencia crucial de la que carecen muchos solicitantes de asilo\u003c/a> (enlace sólo en inglés).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mónica Valencia, su abogada del Centro Legal, reforzó la solicitud de asilo de Ramírez con más de 500 páginas de documentos, incluyendo informes sobre las condiciones del país y declaraciones juradas de expertos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pero mientras se preparaba para ir al tribunal la tensa madrugada del 17 de noviembre, Ramírez sabía que tendría que contar su historia en voz alta y pedir protección al juez Joseph Park.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Park fue nombrado juez en 2017 por el entonces fiscal general Jeff Sessions. En sus primeros tres años como juez, \u003ca href=\"https://trac.syr.edu/immigration/reports/judgereports/00526SFR/index.html\">Park denegó casi el 87% de los casos de asilo que se le presentaron\u003c/a> (enlace sólo en inglés), mucho más que la tasa promedio de denegación del 67% a nivel nacional.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Según la ley de asilo estadounidense, Ramírez tendría que convencer a Park de tener un temor bien fundado a la persecución en Guatemala por uno de los cinco motivos: raza, religión, nacionalidad, opinión política o pertenecer a un grupo social determinado, y además tendría que demostrar que su gobierno tuvo responsabilidad en esta persecución o no la había protegido.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Valencia presentó el testimonio de un experto en el caso de Ramírez, demostrando que la violencia doméstica, la violación, \u003ca href=\"https://apps.who.int/iris/bitstream/handle/10665/77421/WHO_RHR_12.38_eng.pdf\">el feminicidio\u003c/a> (enlace sólo en inglés) y el matrimonio forzado, incluyendo a los padres que venden a sus hijas para que se casen a temprana edad, son prácticas comunes en Guatemala y se tratan con impunidad.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Karen Musalo, Directora del Centro de Estudios sobre Género y Refugiados de la Facultad de Derecho UC Hastings\"]‘La idea de la protección de los refugiados es que la comunidad internacional protege a las personas cuando su gobierno les falla.’[/pullquote]Ella basó el caso en parte en un fallo anterior, conocido como \u003ca href=\"https://harvardlawreview.org/wp-content/uploads/2015/05/Matter-of-ARCG.pdf\">Matter of ARCG\u003c/a> (enlace sólo en inglés), el cual catalogó a las mujeres guatemaltecas que huían de la violencia doméstica como miembros de un grupo social particular con motivos para solicitar asilo. Pero ese argumento iba en contra de la manera en que se interpretó la ley de asilo durante el mandato de Trump.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>En 2018, \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/eoir/page/file/1070866/download\">Sessions anuló esa norma y dictaminó\u003c/a> (enlace sólo en inglés) que la violencia doméstica, y otras “actividades criminales privadas”, no eran generalmente motivo de asilo. Un grupo de jueces de inmigración jubilados calificó el fallo de Sessions como “\u003ca href=\"https://www.aila.org/infonet/retired-ijs-and-former-members-of-the-bia-issue\">una afrenta al estado de derecho\u003c/a>” (enlace sólo en inglés). Los académicos dicen \u003ca href=\"https://www.americanbar.org/groups/crsj/publications/human_rights_magazine_home/immigration/the-history-and-future-of-gender-asylum-law/\">que revocó más de tres décadas de derecho estadounidense e internacional de refugiados\u003c/a> (enlace sólo en inglés) que reconoce a víctimas de la violencia de género como elegibles para la protección.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Antes se pensaba que las cosas que le ocurrían a la gente en la intimidad de sus hogares no eran motivo de preocupación para los derechos humanos”, dijo Karen Musalo, directora del Centro de Estudios de Género y Refugiados de la Facultad de Derecho de la Universidad de California Hastings. “Así que las mujeres podían morir quemadas, golpeadas y asesinadas”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pero desde la década de los 80, la comprensión de los derechos humanos ha evolucionado para reconocer que “los derechos de las mujeres son derechos humanos y los gobiernos tienen la responsabilidad de proteger los derechos humanos de sus ciudadanos”, dijo Musalo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“La idea de protección a refugiados es que la comunidad internacional proteja a las personas cuando su gobierno les falla”, añadió.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>En junio del 2021, Merrick Garland, el fiscal general del presidente Biden, \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/asg/page/file/1404826/download\">revocó las decisiones de Sessions sobre la violencia doméstica\u003c/a> (enlace sólo en inglés). Y en el último año, los jueces de inmigración, incluido Park, \u003ca href=\"https://trac.syr.edu/immigration/reports/667/\">han aprobado una mayor proporción de solicitudes de asilo\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"news_11859436\" hero=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/Honduras-Road-Main-1020x581-1.jpg\"]Sin embargo, las decisiones jurídicas sobre el asilo aún pueden verse influidas por las inclinaciones políticas de futuros gobiernos. Esto se debe a que los tribunales de inmigración no son independientes del Departamento de Justicia, y además, \u003ca href=\"https://lawreview.law.miami.edu/wp-content/uploads/2016/06/em_Matter-of-A-R-C-G-__em_-and-Domestic-Violence-Asylum_-A-Glimmer-of-Hope-Amidst-a-Continuing-Need-for-Reform.pdf\">el gobierno aún no define claramente\u003c/a> (enlace sólo en inglés) la categoría de asilo, “grupo social particular”. Está \u003ca href=\"https://lawreview.law.miami.edu/wp-content/uploads/2016/06/em_Matter-of-A-R-C-G-__em_-and-Domestic-Violence-Asylum_-A-Glimmer-of-Hope-Amidst-a-Continuing-Need-for-Reform.pdf\">mal definida\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>En su segunda semana en el cargo, \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/presidential-actions/2021/02/02/executive-order-creating-a-comprehensive-regional-framework-to-address-the-causes-of-migration-to-manage-migration-throughout-north-and-central-america-and-to-provide-safe-and-orderly-processing/\">Biden emitió una orden ejecutiva\u003c/a> (enlace sólo en inglés) en la que prometía revisar, en un plazo de seis meses, si las protecciones estadounidenses para las personas que huyen de la violencia doméstica o de las bandas criminales son “coherentes con las normas internacionales.” La orden \u003ca href=\"https://www.reginfo.gov/public/do/eAgendaViewRule?pubId=202104&RIN=1615-AC65\">también prometía una nueva norma\u003c/a> (enlace sólo en inglés), en un plazo de nueve meses, para definir “grupo social particular”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pero más de un año después, la revisión y la norma no están a la vista, y los solicitantes de asilo como Deisy Ramírez se enfrentan a una situación turbia en los tribunales de inmigración, mientras los jueces se enfrentan a una acumulación de casos agravada por la pandemia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>El retraso en la definición de los motivos de asilo, al igual que el retraso de Biden en terminar la aplicación del Título 42 en la frontera, refleja una tensión entre aquellos en la administración que quieren impulsar posiciones humanitarias, y aquellos que temen que el retroceso de las políticas restrictivas de la era de Trump podría perjudicar a los demócratas en las elecciones intermedias al Congreso, dijo Musalo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11912965\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1020px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11912965\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS55043_IMG_4347-qut-1-1020x729-1.jpg\" alt=\"Una mujer con un abrigo blanco está sentada en un parque para niños.\" width=\"1020\" height=\"729\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS55043_IMG_4347-qut-1-1020x729-1.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS55043_IMG_4347-qut-1-1020x729-1-800x572.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS55043_IMG_4347-qut-1-1020x729-1-160x114.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1020px) 100vw, 1020px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Deisy Ramírez dice que sus hijos le dieron la fuerza para liberarse de una relación abusiva en la que estaba retenida contra su voluntad. \u003ccite>(Tyche Hendricks/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Revivir el trauma en los tribunales\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Ramírez se preparaba para su día en el tribunal, no seguía estas sutilezas legales y políticas. Sólo sabía que ella y sus hijos habían sufrido horrores en Guatemala y que habían huido a los Estados Unidos en busca de seguridad.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Fue la decisión más difícil que he tomado”, dijo. “Pensé, ‘¿Qué voy a hacer si me encuentran? Me van a matar, y podrían matar a los niños, podrían hacerles daño, podrían venderlos'”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>La mañana de su audiencia, Ramírez se puso una falda larga y floreada, se peinó su pelo castaño que le llegaba hasta la cintura y consiguió que la llevaran al juzgado ubicado en el centro de San Francisco. Pasó por el detector de metales y tomó el ascensor hasta el cuarto piso. El tribunal estaba vacío, salvo por dos abogados y un asistente de su equipo jurídico. Ramírez también me había permitido asistir a esta sensible audiencia que cambiaría su vida.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Un empleado inició un enlace de vídeo que conectaría al juez y al intérprete del tribunal, y marcó la línea telefónica para el fiscal del Servicio de Inmigración y Control de Aduanas de Estados Unidos (ICE, por sus siglas en inglés). Luego volvió a caminar por el pasillo vacío hacia su oficina.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>El revestimiento de madera color marrón de las paredes de la sala estaba rayado y arañado. En el respaldo de uno de los bancos de madera para espectadores, alguien había grabado las palabras “amor” y “feliz”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Park apareció en un gran monitor de vídeo y explicó el procedimiento. Su voz estaba distorsionada, como si hablara desde el fondo de una piscina, pero cuando la intérprete repetía sus palabras en español, su voz era clara.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Durante la siguiente hora y media, Valencia guió a Ramírez a través de su desgarrador testimonio.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“¿Por qué cree que su padre la vendió a la familia Cinto?”, preguntó Valencia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Mi padre me dijo que nosotras, como mujeres, no valíamos nada”, respondió Ramírez. “Y que le pertenecíamos como su propiedad”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“¿Estás casada con Dembler Cinto?”, preguntó Valencia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Deisy Ramírez\"]‘No quería que [mis hijos] sufrieran lo mismo que yo, porque eso te marca, de verdad, para toda la vida.’[/pullquote]“No. Cuando tenía 14 años me obligaron a estar con él”, dijo Ramírez. “Sus padres me dijeron, cuando mi padre me dejó, que sería su mujer”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“¿Qué tipo de palabras usaba cuando abusaba de ti?”, preguntó Valencia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Dijo que las mujeres habían nacido para servir a los hombres”, respondió Ramírez, con la voz quebrada. “Dijo que yo era una puta y que era su esclava”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“¿Alguna vez hubo marcas físicas en tu cuerpo?”, preguntó la abogada.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Sí, cada vez que me hacía daño tenía moretones en las piernas y en los brazos, en la cintura y en la cara”, respondió Ramírez. “Me sangraba la nariz y la boca”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ramírez describió años de servidumbre forzada, lenguaje degradante y palizas y violaciones regulares. Dijo que se le exigía que llevara poca ropa cuando trabajaba en el bar, donde los hombres le tocaban el cuerpo. En algunas ocasiones, dijo, llegaron agentes de policía y bebieron en el bar.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Podían ver que era una niña de 14 años que estaba golpeada”, dijo Ramírez. “Y nunca intentaron ayudar”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Además, nunca había visto a la policía ayudar a las mujeres maltratadas. Cuando Ramírez aún vivía en su casa, dijo que su madre había acudido a la policía tras recibir una paliza sangrienta de su padre, pero los agentes dijeron que era un asunto doméstico y no intervinieron, al igual que ignoraron a otras mujeres del barrio que sufrían abusos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ramírez dijo que normalmente la encerraban en la casa y que Dembler Cinto la amenazaba con que si alguna vez le contaba a alguien sobre el trato que recibía o intentaba irse, la mataría y le haría daño a los niños.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>El relato de las experiencias traumáticas fue agotador. Para ayudarla a mantenerse firme, me dijo Ramírez más tarde, Valencia le había enseñado ejercicios de respiración.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Siempre terminaba nuestras conversaciones con un ejercicio para que yo supiera que estaba en un lugar seguro”, dijo Ramírez. “Sus palabras me ayudaron mucho”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Son técnicas de enraizamiento para volver a tu cuerpo”, dijo Valencia, que practica la meditación.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ramírez dijo que la práctica la ayudó a reunir el valor para contar su historia en el tribunal. Pero su mayor valor lo encontró tres años antes, cuando escapó de la familia Cinto.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11912964\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1020px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11912964\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS55044_IMG_4382-qut-1020x728-1.jpg\" alt=\"Una madre ve a sus pequeñas hijas jugar en un parque. La madre sonríe.\" width=\"1020\" height=\"728\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS55044_IMG_4382-qut-1020x728-1.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS55044_IMG_4382-qut-1020x728-1-800x571.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS55044_IMG_4382-qut-1020x728-1-160x114.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1020px) 100vw, 1020px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Deisy Ramírez observa a sus hijos jugar en un parque infantil en San Francisco el 22 de noviembre de 2021. “Sólo se es niño una vez”, dice Ramírez, que pasó gran parte de su propia infancia en régimen de servidumbre. \u003ccite>(Tyche Hendricks/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>La fuga\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Fueron sus hijas, Stefany y Alexis, quienes le dieron la fuerza para liberarse, dijo. Cuando pasaron de ser bebés a niños, su padre se volvió cada vez más abusivo, azotándolas con un cinturón.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Era muy difícil ver cómo les pegaba, cómo les hablaba”, dijo. “No quería que sufrieran lo mismo que yo, porque eso te deja cicatrices, realmente, para toda la vida”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mientras sus hijas crecían, Ramírez también se transformó de ser una adolescente a una mujer. Una mañana vio su oportunidad y la aprovechó.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Deisy Ramírez\"]‘Me dije: Es hoy. Si no lo intento hoy, ¿entonces cuándo?’[/pullquote]“Me dije: ‘Es hoy. Si no lo intento hoy, ¿entonces cuándo?'”, dijo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ese día de febrero del 2019, dijo que Dembler Cinto y su padre habían salido a comprar licor para surtir el bar y su madre estaba de compras. Con una hora rara a solas, Ramírez dijo que tomó un fajo de dinero en efectivo de Dembler, agarró a las niñas y se subieron a una camioneta que tenía una ruta diaria que conducía a los pobladores a Coatepeque, una ciudad más grande ubicada a 40 minutos de distancia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A partir de ahí, mi idea era llegar a México. Porque si me quedo en Guatemala, me van a encontrar más rápido”, me dijo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Al principio, Ramírez tenía mucho miedo de hablar con la gente. Tocaba las puertas y se ofrecía a lavar la ropa a cambio de comida o dinero. A veces, ella y las niñas dormían en las estaciones de autobús bajo tan sólo con una cobija. Pero también conocieron a extraños amables que les ayudaron, y Ramírez dijo que se dió cuenta de que había gente en la que podía confiar.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ramírez compró un teléfono móvil y llamó a su madre. Era la primera vez que hablaban en años, y se enteró de que varios de sus hermanos se habían trasladado a San Francisco, huyendo de la violencia en su país en cuanto pudieron salir.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Mi madre me dio el número de mi hermana porque sabía que necesitaba ayuda”, dijo.\u003cbr>\nAsí que Ramírez se fue rumbo a la frontera entre Estados Unidos y México, y cuando llegó allí, les dio el número de teléfono de su hermana a los agentes fronterizos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Mi hermana les dijo que tenía una habitación donde mis hijas y yo podíamos quedarnos. Fue como si se cayera el cielo, porque realmente no tenía ni idea de lo que iba a hacer”, dijo Ramírez. “Pero ella nos abrió las puertas. Y luego me ayudó a encontrar trabajo y a empezar a estabilizarme”.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Asilo concedido\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Al concluir la audiencia de asilo, Valencia se centró en unos últimos puntos cruciales para probar su caso ante el juez.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“¿Alguna vez pidió ayuda?”, preguntó la abogada.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No”, dijo Ramírez. “Tenía miedo de que si volvía a casa, mi padre me llevaría de nuevo con la familia Cinto. Decía que eran mis dueños”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ramírez explicó que no tenía ninguna base para confiar en que las autoridades locales la protegerían, y que no creía que pudiera estar segura en ningún lugar de Guatemala.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“En Guatemala se trata mal a las mujeres”, dijo Ramírez.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>La fiscal del ICE, Juliet Boss, dijo que no iba a interrogar a Ramírez, lo cual sorprendió a Valencia\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Ella ha cubierto todo”, dijo Boss al juez.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dijo que si Ramírez ganaba su caso, el gobierno no apelaría. Esto concuerda con las \u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/doclib/about/offices/opla/OPLA-immigration-enforcement_interim-guidance.pdf\">directrices de la administración Biden\u003c/a> (enlace sólo en inglés) del año pasado, en las que se pedía a los abogados del ICE que usaran su discreción para decidir a quién procesar, pero no era lo que el equipo del Centro Legal esperaba de los normalmente agresivos fiscales del ICE.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"news_11856583\" hero=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/01/Oakland-Mam-Aguilar-1020x680-1.jpg\"]Luego llegó el turno del juez. Ramírez y sus abogados miraron el monitor de vídeo en el que Park estaba sentado con su toga negra. De los 40 jueces del tribunal de San Francisco, sabían que él era uno de los menos propensos a conceder el asilo. Si Ramírez perdía, podría ser deportada.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Señora, hemos escuchado su testimonio”, dijo Park. “El tribunal ha determinado que usted es elegible y merece asilo a discreción del tribunal. Así que usted y sus hijos serán asilados en los Estados Unidos”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tras un agradecimiento de Ramírez y unas cuantas formalidades, la señal de vídeo se apagó. Ramírez y sus abogados se quedaron solos en la sala. Se levantaron y se abrazaron. Todos lloraron.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Gracias, gracias, gracias”, dijo Ramírez. “Son realmente personas muy especiales”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Las mujeres recogieron sus abrigos, sus documentos y pasaron por delante de los guardias de seguridad y salieron a la calle. Mientras se dirigían a una cafetería Peet’s cercana para celebrarlo, comenzaron a charlar.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Estaba nerviosa por este juez”, dijo Valencia. “El caso de Deisy es el más fuerte de asilo que he argumentado, pero él tiene fama de ser duro”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Y añadió: “Nunca había estado frente a un fiscal del ICE que se negara a interrogar”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>En el mostrador, Ramírez pidió un chocolate caliente con crema batida.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Era el tercer caso de asilo que el equipo de Centro Legal ganaba en sólo cuatro días, dijo la colega de Valencia, Abby Sullivan Engen, y probablemente el resultado de las interpretaciones más generosas de la ley de asilo por parte de la administración Biden.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unas semanas más tarde, otra clienta, también una mujer que huía de la violencia de género en Guatemala, obtuvo el asilo de un juez de inmigración de San Francisco igualmente duro.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Iris Diéguez declaró que estuvo casada con un policía guatemalteco que la violó y amenazó y que, cuando consiguió una orden de alejamiento, los compañeros de su marido se negaban a hacer cumplir la orden.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>La jueza Julie Nelson reconoció que Diéguez debía haberse sentido frustrada ya que llevaba esperando su día en el tribunal desde el 2013.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Pero”, le dijo a Engen, la abogada, “puede funcionar a su favor, dados los cambios en la ley”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Al concluir la audiencia, Nelson explicó su razonamiento a Diéguez.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Usted ha argumentado que fue perjudicada porque formaba parte del grupo social de mujeres guatemaltecas… sí encuentro que es un grupo social particular reconocible, basado en la ley”, dijo. “Y sí encuentro que usted testificó de manera creíble que [su esposo] y otros la trataron de la manera en que lo hicieron debido a su animadversión hacia las mujeres guatemaltecas y a usted como mujer guatemalteca”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Entonces Nelson concedió asilo a Diéguez y a su hija.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ramírez y Diéguez tienen ahora la seguridad de saber que pueden vivir permanentemente en los Estados Unidos. Pero los defensores dicen que hay demasiados solicitantes de asilo que se quedan sin saber cuáles son sus posibilidades de protección, porque el gobierno de Biden no ha emitido la norma que prometió en febrero de 2021 para aclarar los motivos de asilo basados en la pertenencia a un “grupo social particular”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Creo que será más claro para los solicitantes y será más claro para los adjudicatarios”, dijo Musalo. “Hará que las cosas funcionen mejor”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11912963\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1020px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11912963\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS55045_IMG_4334-copy-qut-1020x729-1.jpg\" alt=\"Una madre ve a sus pequeñas hijas jugar en un parque.\" width=\"1020\" height=\"729\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS55045_IMG_4334-copy-qut-1020x729-1.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS55045_IMG_4334-copy-qut-1020x729-1-800x572.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS55045_IMG_4334-copy-qut-1020x729-1-160x114.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1020px) 100vw, 1020px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Deisy Ramírez dice que la protección del asilo le permitirá centrarse en reconstruir su vida y crear un hogar seguro para sus hijas. \u003ccite>(Tyche Hendricks/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Una mejor vida en San Francisco\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Ahora que ya tiene asilo, y pronto una tarjeta de residencia que la establece como residente permanente en los Estados Unidos, Ramírez puede evaluar la nueva vida que está construyendo para su familia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Me reuní con ella unos días después de la audiencia de asilo en su casa del distrito Bayview de San Francisco, y nos dirigimos a un parque cercano.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mientras caminábamos por la calle bajo el sol otoñal, Stefany y Alexis, que ahora tienen 8 y 6 años, brincaban por delante. Las niñas se detuvieron para admirar una procesión de hormigas que escalaban por el tronco de un árbol, y luego se echaron a correr cuando llegamos al parque infantil.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label='Más en español' tag='kqed-en-espanol']“Son inseparables”, dijo Ramírez. “No sé si es por lo que han pasado, pero lo hacen todo juntas”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mientras caminábamos, Ramírez empujaba un cochecito (también conocido como una carriola). Sus hijas tienen ahora una hermanita, Irma. Nos sentamos en un banco del parque, y ella rebotaba a la bebé sobre sus piernas y me contó cómo conoció al padre de Irma.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>En San Francisco, Ramírez comenzó a asistir a la iglesia de su hermana. Allí conoció a otros guatemaltecos, entre ellos a Cristian Aguilar, un joven que había sido compañero de juegos de su infancia en su pueblo de San José Chibuj. Ramírez dice que Aguilar se convirtió en un amigo de confianza. Con el tiempo, su vínculo se convirtió en amor y se casaron.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Al principio fue muy difícil”, dijo. “Pero siempre me dio una sensación de seguridad. Y es maravilloso con mis hijas. Se sienten muy cómodas con él”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Aguilar trabaja como mensajero médico, llevando sangre entre hospitales y clínicas. El costo de la vida en San Francisco es elevado, pero se las arreglan compartiendo la casa de cuatro dormitorios con sus padres y hermanos, lo que hace que el hogar sea de 10 personas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Esperan tener su lugar propio algún día, y Ramírez, que sólo estudió hasta el séptimo grado en Guatemala, espera eventualmente volver a la escuela y encontrar un buen trabajo. Sabe que en éste país es difícil mantener a una familia con un solo ingreso.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Por ahora, sin embargo, Ramírez está enfocada en recuperarse. Ha acudido a un psicólogo y está estableciendo relaciones con sus hermanos y su madre, que, según ella, sigue sufriendo abusos en su país. Ramírez no ha hablado con su padre, así que quizá nunca sepa por qué la vendió a los Cinto. Tal vez fue una forma de cubrir su cuenta de bar, dijo. Sólo quiere dejar todo atrás.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lo más importante para Ramírez es el bienestar de sus hijos, y sabe que eso está relacionado con su propia condición de mujer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Aquí, en Estados Unidos, las mujeres son libres, son iguales, pueden hacer cualquier cosa”, dijo. “Aquí tengo oportunidades que serían imposibles en Guatemala. Y mi hija, mis hijos, estarán seguros aquí”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Las lleva al parque infantil casi todos los días.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Quiero que sus mentes estén en paz para que puedan disfrutar de su infancia”, dijo. “Porque sólo se es niño una vez en la vida. Y creo que merecen ser felices”.\u003c/p>\n\u003chr>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Este artículo fue traducido por la periodista, \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/soytapatia\">María Peña\u003c/a> y editado por el periodista, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/ccabreralomeli\">Carlos Cabrera-Lomelí\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"title": "Para inmigrantes que huyen de la violencia de género, el camino hacia el asilo en los Estados Unidos es largo | KQED",
"description": "Al inicio de su gobierno, el presidente Joe Biden prometió aclarar el proceso para solicitar el asilo. Pero más de un año ha pasado y estos cambios no se han visto, lo que pone a varios solicitantes de asilo en situaciones complicadas.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11910789/for-guatemalan-women-fleeing-gender-based-violence-a-long-road-to-asylum-in-us\">Leer en inglés\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Deisy Ramírez se despertó antes del amanecer el día de su audiencia final de asilo el pasado noviembre. Estaba temblando de nervios, pero se levantó y se preparó una taza de té para calmarse. Su destino estaba en manos de uno de los jueces de inmigración más duros de San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ramírez y su abogado se habían preparado tres veces para que ella declarara, pero cada vez, la audiencia programada se pospuso debido a la pandemia del COVID-19. Revisar lo que había vivido cada vez seguía siendo algo desgarrador.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ramírez, de 24 años, creció en el altiplano rural de la provincia de San Marcos, en Guatemala. Es una de ocho hijos, y dijo que su padre a menudo golpeaba a su madre y maltrataba a sus hijas. Cuando Ramírez tenía 14 años, dijo, su padre la vendió a Ernesto y Eugenia Cinto, los propietarios de un bar donde él solía beber. Estaba a 30 minutos a pie de su casa.\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cbr>\nEsta familia la aprisionó, exigiendo que cocinara, limpiara y sirviera a los clientes del bar sin pagarle. Dijo que fue obligada a mantener una relación sexual con el hijo de la pareja, Dembler Cinto, de 18 años, que la golpeaba y violaba habitualmente. Este engendró sus dos hijos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Me trataron como una esclava”, dijo. “Estuve muy asustada todo el tiempo”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ramírez es una de las miles de personas que buscan protección frente a la violencia de género en un sistema de asilo estadounidense que fue eviscerado durante la presidencia de Donald Trump y que solo ha sido restaurado parcialmente por el presidente Joe Biden.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘Me trataron como una esclava”, dijo. “Estuve muy asustada todo el tiempo.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>El gobierno de Biden se está preparando para levantar el Título 42, la normativa de salud pública que se desplegó en marzo de 2020 al comienzo de la pandemia para expulsar a los solicitantes de asilo en las fronteras de los Estados Unidos. Pero el presidente Biden aún no ha cumplido su promesa de aclarar los motivos por los que las personas pueden solicitar asilo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hace más de un año, el presidente prometió una \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/presidential-actions/2021/02/02/executive-order-creating-a-comprehensive-regional-framework-to-address-the-causes-of-migration-to-manage-migration-throughout-north-and-central-america-and-to-provide-safe-and-orderly-processing/\">pauta que detallaría quién puede ser considerado miembro de un “grupo social particular”\u003c/a> (enlace sólo en inglés), una categoría de asilo ambigua que proviene de una convención internacional de refugiados de 1951. Los defensores de inmigrantes esperan que la nueva definición incluya a las personas que han sufrido violencia de género, y afirman que el retraso está poniendo a mujeres como Ramírez, que han huido de la persecución infligida específicamente por ser mujeres, en riesgo de sufrir más violencia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>En 2019, cuando Ramírez tenía 21 años, logró escapar de Guatemala con sus hijos, que entonces tenían 3 y 5 años.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Una vez que llegó a San Francisco, Ramírez pasó seis meses buscando un abogado que la ayudara a presentar su caso ante el tribunal de inmigración. Finalmente, encontró ayuda gratuita en el \u003ca href=\"https://www.centrolegal.org/?lang=es\">Centro Legal de la Raza\u003c/a>, una organización sin fines de lucro de Oakland, \u003ca href=\"https://trac.syr.edu/phptools/immigration/asyfile/\">una asistencia crucial de la que carecen muchos solicitantes de asilo\u003c/a> (enlace sólo en inglés).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mónica Valencia, su abogada del Centro Legal, reforzó la solicitud de asilo de Ramírez con más de 500 páginas de documentos, incluyendo informes sobre las condiciones del país y declaraciones juradas de expertos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pero mientras se preparaba para ir al tribunal la tensa madrugada del 17 de noviembre, Ramírez sabía que tendría que contar su historia en voz alta y pedir protección al juez Joseph Park.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Park fue nombrado juez en 2017 por el entonces fiscal general Jeff Sessions. En sus primeros tres años como juez, \u003ca href=\"https://trac.syr.edu/immigration/reports/judgereports/00526SFR/index.html\">Park denegó casi el 87% de los casos de asilo que se le presentaron\u003c/a> (enlace sólo en inglés), mucho más que la tasa promedio de denegación del 67% a nivel nacional.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Según la ley de asilo estadounidense, Ramírez tendría que convencer a Park de tener un temor bien fundado a la persecución en Guatemala por uno de los cinco motivos: raza, religión, nacionalidad, opinión política o pertenecer a un grupo social determinado, y además tendría que demostrar que su gobierno tuvo responsabilidad en esta persecución o no la había protegido.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Valencia presentó el testimonio de un experto en el caso de Ramírez, demostrando que la violencia doméstica, la violación, \u003ca href=\"https://apps.who.int/iris/bitstream/handle/10665/77421/WHO_RHR_12.38_eng.pdf\">el feminicidio\u003c/a> (enlace sólo en inglés) y el matrimonio forzado, incluyendo a los padres que venden a sus hijas para que se casen a temprana edad, son prácticas comunes en Guatemala y se tratan con impunidad.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Ella basó el caso en parte en un fallo anterior, conocido como \u003ca href=\"https://harvardlawreview.org/wp-content/uploads/2015/05/Matter-of-ARCG.pdf\">Matter of ARCG\u003c/a> (enlace sólo en inglés), el cual catalogó a las mujeres guatemaltecas que huían de la violencia doméstica como miembros de un grupo social particular con motivos para solicitar asilo. Pero ese argumento iba en contra de la manera en que se interpretó la ley de asilo durante el mandato de Trump.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>En 2018, \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/eoir/page/file/1070866/download\">Sessions anuló esa norma y dictaminó\u003c/a> (enlace sólo en inglés) que la violencia doméstica, y otras “actividades criminales privadas”, no eran generalmente motivo de asilo. Un grupo de jueces de inmigración jubilados calificó el fallo de Sessions como “\u003ca href=\"https://www.aila.org/infonet/retired-ijs-and-former-members-of-the-bia-issue\">una afrenta al estado de derecho\u003c/a>” (enlace sólo en inglés). Los académicos dicen \u003ca href=\"https://www.americanbar.org/groups/crsj/publications/human_rights_magazine_home/immigration/the-history-and-future-of-gender-asylum-law/\">que revocó más de tres décadas de derecho estadounidense e internacional de refugiados\u003c/a> (enlace sólo en inglés) que reconoce a víctimas de la violencia de género como elegibles para la protección.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Antes se pensaba que las cosas que le ocurrían a la gente en la intimidad de sus hogares no eran motivo de preocupación para los derechos humanos”, dijo Karen Musalo, directora del Centro de Estudios de Género y Refugiados de la Facultad de Derecho de la Universidad de California Hastings. “Así que las mujeres podían morir quemadas, golpeadas y asesinadas”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pero desde la década de los 80, la comprensión de los derechos humanos ha evolucionado para reconocer que “los derechos de las mujeres son derechos humanos y los gobiernos tienen la responsabilidad de proteger los derechos humanos de sus ciudadanos”, dijo Musalo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“La idea de protección a refugiados es que la comunidad internacional proteja a las personas cuando su gobierno les falla”, añadió.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>En junio del 2021, Merrick Garland, el fiscal general del presidente Biden, \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/asg/page/file/1404826/download\">revocó las decisiones de Sessions sobre la violencia doméstica\u003c/a> (enlace sólo en inglés). Y en el último año, los jueces de inmigración, incluido Park, \u003ca href=\"https://trac.syr.edu/immigration/reports/667/\">han aprobado una mayor proporción de solicitudes de asilo\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Sin embargo, las decisiones jurídicas sobre el asilo aún pueden verse influidas por las inclinaciones políticas de futuros gobiernos. Esto se debe a que los tribunales de inmigración no son independientes del Departamento de Justicia, y además, \u003ca href=\"https://lawreview.law.miami.edu/wp-content/uploads/2016/06/em_Matter-of-A-R-C-G-__em_-and-Domestic-Violence-Asylum_-A-Glimmer-of-Hope-Amidst-a-Continuing-Need-for-Reform.pdf\">el gobierno aún no define claramente\u003c/a> (enlace sólo en inglés) la categoría de asilo, “grupo social particular”. Está \u003ca href=\"https://lawreview.law.miami.edu/wp-content/uploads/2016/06/em_Matter-of-A-R-C-G-__em_-and-Domestic-Violence-Asylum_-A-Glimmer-of-Hope-Amidst-a-Continuing-Need-for-Reform.pdf\">mal definida\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>En su segunda semana en el cargo, \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/presidential-actions/2021/02/02/executive-order-creating-a-comprehensive-regional-framework-to-address-the-causes-of-migration-to-manage-migration-throughout-north-and-central-america-and-to-provide-safe-and-orderly-processing/\">Biden emitió una orden ejecutiva\u003c/a> (enlace sólo en inglés) en la que prometía revisar, en un plazo de seis meses, si las protecciones estadounidenses para las personas que huyen de la violencia doméstica o de las bandas criminales son “coherentes con las normas internacionales.” La orden \u003ca href=\"https://www.reginfo.gov/public/do/eAgendaViewRule?pubId=202104&RIN=1615-AC65\">también prometía una nueva norma\u003c/a> (enlace sólo en inglés), en un plazo de nueve meses, para definir “grupo social particular”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pero más de un año después, la revisión y la norma no están a la vista, y los solicitantes de asilo como Deisy Ramírez se enfrentan a una situación turbia en los tribunales de inmigración, mientras los jueces se enfrentan a una acumulación de casos agravada por la pandemia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>El retraso en la definición de los motivos de asilo, al igual que el retraso de Biden en terminar la aplicación del Título 42 en la frontera, refleja una tensión entre aquellos en la administración que quieren impulsar posiciones humanitarias, y aquellos que temen que el retroceso de las políticas restrictivas de la era de Trump podría perjudicar a los demócratas en las elecciones intermedias al Congreso, dijo Musalo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11912965\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1020px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11912965\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS55043_IMG_4347-qut-1-1020x729-1.jpg\" alt=\"Una mujer con un abrigo blanco está sentada en un parque para niños.\" width=\"1020\" height=\"729\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS55043_IMG_4347-qut-1-1020x729-1.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS55043_IMG_4347-qut-1-1020x729-1-800x572.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS55043_IMG_4347-qut-1-1020x729-1-160x114.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1020px) 100vw, 1020px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Deisy Ramírez dice que sus hijos le dieron la fuerza para liberarse de una relación abusiva en la que estaba retenida contra su voluntad. \u003ccite>(Tyche Hendricks/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Revivir el trauma en los tribunales\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Ramírez se preparaba para su día en el tribunal, no seguía estas sutilezas legales y políticas. Sólo sabía que ella y sus hijos habían sufrido horrores en Guatemala y que habían huido a los Estados Unidos en busca de seguridad.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Fue la decisión más difícil que he tomado”, dijo. “Pensé, ‘¿Qué voy a hacer si me encuentran? Me van a matar, y podrían matar a los niños, podrían hacerles daño, podrían venderlos'”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>La mañana de su audiencia, Ramírez se puso una falda larga y floreada, se peinó su pelo castaño que le llegaba hasta la cintura y consiguió que la llevaran al juzgado ubicado en el centro de San Francisco. Pasó por el detector de metales y tomó el ascensor hasta el cuarto piso. El tribunal estaba vacío, salvo por dos abogados y un asistente de su equipo jurídico. Ramírez también me había permitido asistir a esta sensible audiencia que cambiaría su vida.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Un empleado inició un enlace de vídeo que conectaría al juez y al intérprete del tribunal, y marcó la línea telefónica para el fiscal del Servicio de Inmigración y Control de Aduanas de Estados Unidos (ICE, por sus siglas en inglés). Luego volvió a caminar por el pasillo vacío hacia su oficina.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>El revestimiento de madera color marrón de las paredes de la sala estaba rayado y arañado. En el respaldo de uno de los bancos de madera para espectadores, alguien había grabado las palabras “amor” y “feliz”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Park apareció en un gran monitor de vídeo y explicó el procedimiento. Su voz estaba distorsionada, como si hablara desde el fondo de una piscina, pero cuando la intérprete repetía sus palabras en español, su voz era clara.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Durante la siguiente hora y media, Valencia guió a Ramírez a través de su desgarrador testimonio.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“¿Por qué cree que su padre la vendió a la familia Cinto?”, preguntó Valencia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Mi padre me dijo que nosotras, como mujeres, no valíamos nada”, respondió Ramírez. “Y que le pertenecíamos como su propiedad”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“¿Estás casada con Dembler Cinto?”, preguntó Valencia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘No quería que [mis hijos] sufrieran lo mismo que yo, porque eso te marca, de verdad, para toda la vida.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“No. Cuando tenía 14 años me obligaron a estar con él”, dijo Ramírez. “Sus padres me dijeron, cuando mi padre me dejó, que sería su mujer”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“¿Qué tipo de palabras usaba cuando abusaba de ti?”, preguntó Valencia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Dijo que las mujeres habían nacido para servir a los hombres”, respondió Ramírez, con la voz quebrada. “Dijo que yo era una puta y que era su esclava”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“¿Alguna vez hubo marcas físicas en tu cuerpo?”, preguntó la abogada.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Sí, cada vez que me hacía daño tenía moretones en las piernas y en los brazos, en la cintura y en la cara”, respondió Ramírez. “Me sangraba la nariz y la boca”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ramírez describió años de servidumbre forzada, lenguaje degradante y palizas y violaciones regulares. Dijo que se le exigía que llevara poca ropa cuando trabajaba en el bar, donde los hombres le tocaban el cuerpo. En algunas ocasiones, dijo, llegaron agentes de policía y bebieron en el bar.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Podían ver que era una niña de 14 años que estaba golpeada”, dijo Ramírez. “Y nunca intentaron ayudar”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Además, nunca había visto a la policía ayudar a las mujeres maltratadas. Cuando Ramírez aún vivía en su casa, dijo que su madre había acudido a la policía tras recibir una paliza sangrienta de su padre, pero los agentes dijeron que era un asunto doméstico y no intervinieron, al igual que ignoraron a otras mujeres del barrio que sufrían abusos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ramírez dijo que normalmente la encerraban en la casa y que Dembler Cinto la amenazaba con que si alguna vez le contaba a alguien sobre el trato que recibía o intentaba irse, la mataría y le haría daño a los niños.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>El relato de las experiencias traumáticas fue agotador. Para ayudarla a mantenerse firme, me dijo Ramírez más tarde, Valencia le había enseñado ejercicios de respiración.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Siempre terminaba nuestras conversaciones con un ejercicio para que yo supiera que estaba en un lugar seguro”, dijo Ramírez. “Sus palabras me ayudaron mucho”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Son técnicas de enraizamiento para volver a tu cuerpo”, dijo Valencia, que practica la meditación.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ramírez dijo que la práctica la ayudó a reunir el valor para contar su historia en el tribunal. Pero su mayor valor lo encontró tres años antes, cuando escapó de la familia Cinto.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11912964\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1020px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11912964\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS55044_IMG_4382-qut-1020x728-1.jpg\" alt=\"Una madre ve a sus pequeñas hijas jugar en un parque. La madre sonríe.\" width=\"1020\" height=\"728\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS55044_IMG_4382-qut-1020x728-1.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS55044_IMG_4382-qut-1020x728-1-800x571.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS55044_IMG_4382-qut-1020x728-1-160x114.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1020px) 100vw, 1020px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Deisy Ramírez observa a sus hijos jugar en un parque infantil en San Francisco el 22 de noviembre de 2021. “Sólo se es niño una vez”, dice Ramírez, que pasó gran parte de su propia infancia en régimen de servidumbre. \u003ccite>(Tyche Hendricks/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>La fuga\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Fueron sus hijas, Stefany y Alexis, quienes le dieron la fuerza para liberarse, dijo. Cuando pasaron de ser bebés a niños, su padre se volvió cada vez más abusivo, azotándolas con un cinturón.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Era muy difícil ver cómo les pegaba, cómo les hablaba”, dijo. “No quería que sufrieran lo mismo que yo, porque eso te deja cicatrices, realmente, para toda la vida”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mientras sus hijas crecían, Ramírez también se transformó de ser una adolescente a una mujer. Una mañana vio su oportunidad y la aprovechó.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘Me dije: Es hoy. Si no lo intento hoy, ¿entonces cuándo?’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“Me dije: ‘Es hoy. Si no lo intento hoy, ¿entonces cuándo?'”, dijo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ese día de febrero del 2019, dijo que Dembler Cinto y su padre habían salido a comprar licor para surtir el bar y su madre estaba de compras. Con una hora rara a solas, Ramírez dijo que tomó un fajo de dinero en efectivo de Dembler, agarró a las niñas y se subieron a una camioneta que tenía una ruta diaria que conducía a los pobladores a Coatepeque, una ciudad más grande ubicada a 40 minutos de distancia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A partir de ahí, mi idea era llegar a México. Porque si me quedo en Guatemala, me van a encontrar más rápido”, me dijo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Al principio, Ramírez tenía mucho miedo de hablar con la gente. Tocaba las puertas y se ofrecía a lavar la ropa a cambio de comida o dinero. A veces, ella y las niñas dormían en las estaciones de autobús bajo tan sólo con una cobija. Pero también conocieron a extraños amables que les ayudaron, y Ramírez dijo que se dió cuenta de que había gente en la que podía confiar.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ramírez compró un teléfono móvil y llamó a su madre. Era la primera vez que hablaban en años, y se enteró de que varios de sus hermanos se habían trasladado a San Francisco, huyendo de la violencia en su país en cuanto pudieron salir.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Mi madre me dio el número de mi hermana porque sabía que necesitaba ayuda”, dijo.\u003cbr>\nAsí que Ramírez se fue rumbo a la frontera entre Estados Unidos y México, y cuando llegó allí, les dio el número de teléfono de su hermana a los agentes fronterizos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Mi hermana les dijo que tenía una habitación donde mis hijas y yo podíamos quedarnos. Fue como si se cayera el cielo, porque realmente no tenía ni idea de lo que iba a hacer”, dijo Ramírez. “Pero ella nos abrió las puertas. Y luego me ayudó a encontrar trabajo y a empezar a estabilizarme”.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Asilo concedido\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Al concluir la audiencia de asilo, Valencia se centró en unos últimos puntos cruciales para probar su caso ante el juez.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“¿Alguna vez pidió ayuda?”, preguntó la abogada.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No”, dijo Ramírez. “Tenía miedo de que si volvía a casa, mi padre me llevaría de nuevo con la familia Cinto. Decía que eran mis dueños”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ramírez explicó que no tenía ninguna base para confiar en que las autoridades locales la protegerían, y que no creía que pudiera estar segura en ningún lugar de Guatemala.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“En Guatemala se trata mal a las mujeres”, dijo Ramírez.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>La fiscal del ICE, Juliet Boss, dijo que no iba a interrogar a Ramírez, lo cual sorprendió a Valencia\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Ella ha cubierto todo”, dijo Boss al juez.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dijo que si Ramírez ganaba su caso, el gobierno no apelaría. Esto concuerda con las \u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/doclib/about/offices/opla/OPLA-immigration-enforcement_interim-guidance.pdf\">directrices de la administración Biden\u003c/a> (enlace sólo en inglés) del año pasado, en las que se pedía a los abogados del ICE que usaran su discreción para decidir a quién procesar, pero no era lo que el equipo del Centro Legal esperaba de los normalmente agresivos fiscales del ICE.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Luego llegó el turno del juez. Ramírez y sus abogados miraron el monitor de vídeo en el que Park estaba sentado con su toga negra. De los 40 jueces del tribunal de San Francisco, sabían que él era uno de los menos propensos a conceder el asilo. Si Ramírez perdía, podría ser deportada.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Señora, hemos escuchado su testimonio”, dijo Park. “El tribunal ha determinado que usted es elegible y merece asilo a discreción del tribunal. Así que usted y sus hijos serán asilados en los Estados Unidos”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tras un agradecimiento de Ramírez y unas cuantas formalidades, la señal de vídeo se apagó. Ramírez y sus abogados se quedaron solos en la sala. Se levantaron y se abrazaron. Todos lloraron.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Gracias, gracias, gracias”, dijo Ramírez. “Son realmente personas muy especiales”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Las mujeres recogieron sus abrigos, sus documentos y pasaron por delante de los guardias de seguridad y salieron a la calle. Mientras se dirigían a una cafetería Peet’s cercana para celebrarlo, comenzaron a charlar.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Estaba nerviosa por este juez”, dijo Valencia. “El caso de Deisy es el más fuerte de asilo que he argumentado, pero él tiene fama de ser duro”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Y añadió: “Nunca había estado frente a un fiscal del ICE que se negara a interrogar”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>En el mostrador, Ramírez pidió un chocolate caliente con crema batida.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Era el tercer caso de asilo que el equipo de Centro Legal ganaba en sólo cuatro días, dijo la colega de Valencia, Abby Sullivan Engen, y probablemente el resultado de las interpretaciones más generosas de la ley de asilo por parte de la administración Biden.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unas semanas más tarde, otra clienta, también una mujer que huía de la violencia de género en Guatemala, obtuvo el asilo de un juez de inmigración de San Francisco igualmente duro.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Iris Diéguez declaró que estuvo casada con un policía guatemalteco que la violó y amenazó y que, cuando consiguió una orden de alejamiento, los compañeros de su marido se negaban a hacer cumplir la orden.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>La jueza Julie Nelson reconoció que Diéguez debía haberse sentido frustrada ya que llevaba esperando su día en el tribunal desde el 2013.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Pero”, le dijo a Engen, la abogada, “puede funcionar a su favor, dados los cambios en la ley”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Al concluir la audiencia, Nelson explicó su razonamiento a Diéguez.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Usted ha argumentado que fue perjudicada porque formaba parte del grupo social de mujeres guatemaltecas… sí encuentro que es un grupo social particular reconocible, basado en la ley”, dijo. “Y sí encuentro que usted testificó de manera creíble que [su esposo] y otros la trataron de la manera en que lo hicieron debido a su animadversión hacia las mujeres guatemaltecas y a usted como mujer guatemalteca”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Entonces Nelson concedió asilo a Diéguez y a su hija.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ramírez y Diéguez tienen ahora la seguridad de saber que pueden vivir permanentemente en los Estados Unidos. Pero los defensores dicen que hay demasiados solicitantes de asilo que se quedan sin saber cuáles son sus posibilidades de protección, porque el gobierno de Biden no ha emitido la norma que prometió en febrero de 2021 para aclarar los motivos de asilo basados en la pertenencia a un “grupo social particular”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Creo que será más claro para los solicitantes y será más claro para los adjudicatarios”, dijo Musalo. “Hará que las cosas funcionen mejor”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11912963\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1020px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11912963\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS55045_IMG_4334-copy-qut-1020x729-1.jpg\" alt=\"Una madre ve a sus pequeñas hijas jugar en un parque.\" width=\"1020\" height=\"729\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS55045_IMG_4334-copy-qut-1020x729-1.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS55045_IMG_4334-copy-qut-1020x729-1-800x572.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS55045_IMG_4334-copy-qut-1020x729-1-160x114.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1020px) 100vw, 1020px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Deisy Ramírez dice que la protección del asilo le permitirá centrarse en reconstruir su vida y crear un hogar seguro para sus hijas. \u003ccite>(Tyche Hendricks/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Una mejor vida en San Francisco\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Ahora que ya tiene asilo, y pronto una tarjeta de residencia que la establece como residente permanente en los Estados Unidos, Ramírez puede evaluar la nueva vida que está construyendo para su familia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Me reuní con ella unos días después de la audiencia de asilo en su casa del distrito Bayview de San Francisco, y nos dirigimos a un parque cercano.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mientras caminábamos por la calle bajo el sol otoñal, Stefany y Alexis, que ahora tienen 8 y 6 años, brincaban por delante. Las niñas se detuvieron para admirar una procesión de hormigas que escalaban por el tronco de un árbol, y luego se echaron a correr cuando llegamos al parque infantil.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“Son inseparables”, dijo Ramírez. “No sé si es por lo que han pasado, pero lo hacen todo juntas”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mientras caminábamos, Ramírez empujaba un cochecito (también conocido como una carriola). Sus hijas tienen ahora una hermanita, Irma. Nos sentamos en un banco del parque, y ella rebotaba a la bebé sobre sus piernas y me contó cómo conoció al padre de Irma.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>En San Francisco, Ramírez comenzó a asistir a la iglesia de su hermana. Allí conoció a otros guatemaltecos, entre ellos a Cristian Aguilar, un joven que había sido compañero de juegos de su infancia en su pueblo de San José Chibuj. Ramírez dice que Aguilar se convirtió en un amigo de confianza. Con el tiempo, su vínculo se convirtió en amor y se casaron.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Al principio fue muy difícil”, dijo. “Pero siempre me dio una sensación de seguridad. Y es maravilloso con mis hijas. Se sienten muy cómodas con él”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Aguilar trabaja como mensajero médico, llevando sangre entre hospitales y clínicas. El costo de la vida en San Francisco es elevado, pero se las arreglan compartiendo la casa de cuatro dormitorios con sus padres y hermanos, lo que hace que el hogar sea de 10 personas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Esperan tener su lugar propio algún día, y Ramírez, que sólo estudió hasta el séptimo grado en Guatemala, espera eventualmente volver a la escuela y encontrar un buen trabajo. Sabe que en éste país es difícil mantener a una familia con un solo ingreso.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Por ahora, sin embargo, Ramírez está enfocada en recuperarse. Ha acudido a un psicólogo y está estableciendo relaciones con sus hermanos y su madre, que, según ella, sigue sufriendo abusos en su país. Ramírez no ha hablado con su padre, así que quizá nunca sepa por qué la vendió a los Cinto. Tal vez fue una forma de cubrir su cuenta de bar, dijo. Sólo quiere dejar todo atrás.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lo más importante para Ramírez es el bienestar de sus hijos, y sabe que eso está relacionado con su propia condición de mujer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Aquí, en Estados Unidos, las mujeres son libres, son iguales, pueden hacer cualquier cosa”, dijo. “Aquí tengo oportunidades que serían imposibles en Guatemala. Y mi hija, mis hijos, estarán seguros aquí”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Las lleva al parque infantil casi todos los días.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Quiero que sus mentes estén en paz para que puedan disfrutar de su infancia”, dijo. “Porque sólo se es niño una vez en la vida. Y creo que merecen ser felices”.\u003c/p>\n\u003chr>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Este artículo fue traducido por la periodista, \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/soytapatia\">María Peña\u003c/a> y editado por el periodista, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/ccabreralomeli\">Carlos Cabrera-Lomelí\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>For many families waiting decades for the right to live and work permanently in the U.S. through the crazy, byzantine rules of America’s immigration system, a special nightmare occurs when a child turns 21—they age out of their parent’s work visas and are at risk for deportation. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, there are over 40,000 ‘Documented Dreamers’ aging out and labeled foreign nationals, with few options for permanent residency. And in Silicon Valley, where tech companies run on immigrant labor, this crisis is hitting especially hard.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Guest: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/rachael-myrow\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Rachael Myrow\u003c/a>, Senior Editor, Silicon Valley desk for KQED\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://bit.ly/3MrsA94\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Read the transcript.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp id=\"embed-code\" class=\"inconsolata\">\n\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" frameborder=\"0\" height=\"200\" scrolling=\"no\" src=\"https://playlist.megaphone.fm?e=KQINC3706091190\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\n\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\n",
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"disqusTitle": "For Migrant Kids Stuck in Tijuana, This School Offers a Place to Grow and Dream",
"title": "For Migrant Kids Stuck in Tijuana, This School Offers a Place to Grow and Dream",
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"content": "\u003cp>In a canyon filled with makeshift shelters, a mile south of the U.S.-Mexico border, farm animals linger near a stream clogged with trash.[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Walter Orlando Campos, teacher, Canyon Nest\"]'When I arrived in Tijuana, I couldn't find anywhere to work, I wasn't happy at all, I couldn't enjoy anything. But when I found [this school], I felt refreshed. The children transmit ... so much positivity.'[/pullquote]For over two years, thousands of migrants seeking refuge in the United States — many of them children — have crowded into a network of shelters here, as two successive U.S. presidential administrations closed almost all access to asylum at the Southwest border.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One morning in March, on a patio behind a wooden fence along the canyon, classical music played from portable speakers as a teacher readied art supplies for her students. At this school, called Canyon Nest, all of the students, and many of the teachers, are migrants — many fleeing violence in their homelands — waiting to enter the U.S. The school serves over 100 students, ages 3 to 10, who attend free of charge, five days a week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ten-year-old Gabriel is one of the first through the door and gives his teachers big hugs. He’s especially excited because tomorrow is his birthday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11911188\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7271-scaled.jpeg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11911188\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7271-scaled.jpeg\" alt=\"A teacher stands by a white board talking to young students who sit on the floor.\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1920\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7271-scaled.jpeg 2560w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7271-800x600.jpeg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7271-1020x765.jpeg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7271-160x120.jpeg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7271-1536x1152.jpeg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7271-2048x1536.jpeg 2048w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7271-1920x1440.jpeg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Walter Orlando Campos teaches math to elementary school-age students at Canyon Nest school on March 10, 2022. Campos recently fled his native Honduras, after threats of violence were made against his community. \u003ccite>(Max Rivlin-Nadler/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Gabriel came here with his mother and 4-year-old brother in August, from the Mexican state of Michoacán, where drug cartel violence has exploded in recent years. He started attending the school in September.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What I like most here is to help my classmates with the subjects they have difficulties with,” Gabriel said in Spanish, explaining that he’s one of the older students at the school and already knows some of the material being taught.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He says the patio is his favorite place at the school, which is filled with playground equipment, toys and even a resident kitten.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The school, run by \u003ca href=\"https://www.pilaglobal.org/\">PILAglobal\u003c/a>, a Los Angeles-based nonprofit, opened its first school in 2018 in a more residential Tijuana neighborhood to accommodate kids in the large migrant caravans that began arriving in the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11911189\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7279-scaled.jpeg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11911189\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7279-scaled.jpeg\" alt=\"A group of young students sit at a table doing math problems, with a teaching standing overhead.\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1920\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7279-scaled.jpeg 2560w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7279-800x600.jpeg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7279-1020x765.jpeg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7279-160x120.jpeg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7279-1536x1152.jpeg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7279-2048x1536.jpeg 2048w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7279-1920x1440.jpeg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Students at Canyon Nest school, all of whom are migrants waiting to enter the United States, work on math problems on March 10, 2022. \u003ccite>(Max Rivlin-Nadler/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But after learning of the thousands of migrants crowded together in this canyon, the program quickly marshaled resources to build a new location here, which opened its doors in 2020 just before the beginning of the COVID-19 pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The organization, which also operates school sites serving migrants in Greece, the Democratic Republic of Congo and Zimbabwe, is funded by a variety of private donors and foundations, and partners with organizations like UNICEF.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gabriel says he hopes to someday become an English teacher in the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But he says here his favorite class is math, which is taught by Walter Orlando Campos, a veteran elementary school teacher from Honduras.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Science, social studies, math, Spanish, art,” Orlando Campos said in Spanish, ticking off the subjects he taught back home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11911183\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7226-scaled.jpeg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11911183\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7226-scaled.jpeg\" alt=\"Stools for small children set up in front of easels, with blank pieces of paper.\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1920\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7226-scaled.jpeg 2560w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7226-800x600.jpeg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7226-1020x765.jpeg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7226-160x120.jpeg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7226-1536x1152.jpeg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7226-2048x1536.jpeg 2048w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7226-1920x1440.jpeg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Art supplies are set up for students on the patio of Canyon Nest shortly before students arrive in the morning on March 10, 2022. \u003ccite>(Max Rivlin-Nadler/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Orlando Campos says he would have loved to stay in Honduras the rest of his life if conditions hadn't deteriorated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I didn’t want to go. I left because of the political crisis there,” he said. “It became too complicated for me to live there, and I saw no other way to escape the violence there than to leave.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Orlando Campos has been in Tijuana since July, and says the school allows him to earn some extra money, and to continue teaching students.[aside label=\"related coverage\" tag=\"immigration\"]Working here also has benefited his own mental health, he says, which took a big hit after his life was uprooted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s my passion to teach students. When I arrived in Tijuana, I couldn’t find anywhere to work, I wasn’t happy at all, I couldn’t enjoy anything. But when I found [this school], I felt refreshed. The children transmit ... so much positivity,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The school starts out every day with a song greeting each of its students. The goal, says PILAglobal CEO Lindsay Weissert, is to give children a break from the immense stress of migration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All children deserve to feel valued, and all children deserve to have a space where they can just be children, away from adult conversation where past violence against them may be retold,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Glenda Linares, the site’s program director, who migrated to the U.S. from El Salvador as a child, says the school also gives parents some much-needed time for themselves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When they go home to the shelter, the parents have attention and energy to be with their children. The parents are holding a lot of their own stories and journey, and their own trauma,” she said. Parenting classes, she notes, also are offered on weekends.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an effort to meet the growing demand, PILAglobal is now expanding the school into the hillside of the canyon and plans to be able to serve more children later this spring. The group also runs a mobile classroom that circulates to shelters in Tijuana, and a small playroom for children near the San Ysidro border crossing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11911186\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7255-scaled.jpeg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11911186\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7255-scaled.jpeg\" alt=\"Two young students play with clay at a table, as a teacher supervises.\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1920\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7255-scaled.jpeg 2560w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7255-800x600.jpeg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7255-1020x765.jpeg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7255-160x120.jpeg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7255-1536x1152.jpeg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7255-2048x1536.jpeg 2048w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7255-1920x1440.jpeg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Doris, a teacher's helper, supervises as students at Canyon Nest play with clay on March 10, 2022. \u003ccite>(Max Rivlin-Nadler)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Since August, Doris — who gave only her first name — has been working as a classroom helper at the school, which her daughter attends. The two fled violence in the Mexican state of Guerrero, and tried to cross the border into the U.S. last June, hoping to claim asylum. When border patrol agents thwarted their passage, they ended up at a nearby shelter and soon learned of the school.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Doris says working is giving her a chance to feel positive about her life again.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When the kids call out to me on the street, ‘Teacher, teacher,’ I’m so proud they’re saying that,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>For over two years, thousands of migrants seeking refuge in the United States — many of them children — have crowded into a network of shelters here, as two successive U.S. presidential administrations closed almost all access to asylum at the Southwest border.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One morning in March, on a patio behind a wooden fence along the canyon, classical music played from portable speakers as a teacher readied art supplies for her students. At this school, called Canyon Nest, all of the students, and many of the teachers, are migrants — many fleeing violence in their homelands — waiting to enter the U.S. The school serves over 100 students, ages 3 to 10, who attend free of charge, five days a week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ten-year-old Gabriel is one of the first through the door and gives his teachers big hugs. He’s especially excited because tomorrow is his birthday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11911188\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7271-scaled.jpeg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11911188\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7271-scaled.jpeg\" alt=\"A teacher stands by a white board talking to young students who sit on the floor.\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1920\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7271-scaled.jpeg 2560w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7271-800x600.jpeg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7271-1020x765.jpeg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7271-160x120.jpeg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7271-1536x1152.jpeg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7271-2048x1536.jpeg 2048w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7271-1920x1440.jpeg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Walter Orlando Campos teaches math to elementary school-age students at Canyon Nest school on March 10, 2022. Campos recently fled his native Honduras, after threats of violence were made against his community. \u003ccite>(Max Rivlin-Nadler/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Gabriel came here with his mother and 4-year-old brother in August, from the Mexican state of Michoacán, where drug cartel violence has exploded in recent years. He started attending the school in September.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What I like most here is to help my classmates with the subjects they have difficulties with,” Gabriel said in Spanish, explaining that he’s one of the older students at the school and already knows some of the material being taught.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He says the patio is his favorite place at the school, which is filled with playground equipment, toys and even a resident kitten.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The school, run by \u003ca href=\"https://www.pilaglobal.org/\">PILAglobal\u003c/a>, a Los Angeles-based nonprofit, opened its first school in 2018 in a more residential Tijuana neighborhood to accommodate kids in the large migrant caravans that began arriving in the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11911189\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7279-scaled.jpeg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11911189\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7279-scaled.jpeg\" alt=\"A group of young students sit at a table doing math problems, with a teaching standing overhead.\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1920\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7279-scaled.jpeg 2560w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7279-800x600.jpeg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7279-1020x765.jpeg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7279-160x120.jpeg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7279-1536x1152.jpeg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7279-2048x1536.jpeg 2048w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7279-1920x1440.jpeg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Students at Canyon Nest school, all of whom are migrants waiting to enter the United States, work on math problems on March 10, 2022. \u003ccite>(Max Rivlin-Nadler/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But after learning of the thousands of migrants crowded together in this canyon, the program quickly marshaled resources to build a new location here, which opened its doors in 2020 just before the beginning of the COVID-19 pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The organization, which also operates school sites serving migrants in Greece, the Democratic Republic of Congo and Zimbabwe, is funded by a variety of private donors and foundations, and partners with organizations like UNICEF.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gabriel says he hopes to someday become an English teacher in the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But he says here his favorite class is math, which is taught by Walter Orlando Campos, a veteran elementary school teacher from Honduras.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Science, social studies, math, Spanish, art,” Orlando Campos said in Spanish, ticking off the subjects he taught back home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11911183\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7226-scaled.jpeg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11911183\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7226-scaled.jpeg\" alt=\"Stools for small children set up in front of easels, with blank pieces of paper.\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1920\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7226-scaled.jpeg 2560w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7226-800x600.jpeg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7226-1020x765.jpeg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7226-160x120.jpeg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7226-1536x1152.jpeg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7226-2048x1536.jpeg 2048w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7226-1920x1440.jpeg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Art supplies are set up for students on the patio of Canyon Nest shortly before students arrive in the morning on March 10, 2022. \u003ccite>(Max Rivlin-Nadler/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Orlando Campos says he would have loved to stay in Honduras the rest of his life if conditions hadn't deteriorated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I didn’t want to go. I left because of the political crisis there,” he said. “It became too complicated for me to live there, and I saw no other way to escape the violence there than to leave.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Orlando Campos has been in Tijuana since July, and says the school allows him to earn some extra money, and to continue teaching students.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Working here also has benefited his own mental health, he says, which took a big hit after his life was uprooted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s my passion to teach students. When I arrived in Tijuana, I couldn’t find anywhere to work, I wasn’t happy at all, I couldn’t enjoy anything. But when I found [this school], I felt refreshed. The children transmit ... so much positivity,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The school starts out every day with a song greeting each of its students. The goal, says PILAglobal CEO Lindsay Weissert, is to give children a break from the immense stress of migration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All children deserve to feel valued, and all children deserve to have a space where they can just be children, away from adult conversation where past violence against them may be retold,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Glenda Linares, the site’s program director, who migrated to the U.S. from El Salvador as a child, says the school also gives parents some much-needed time for themselves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When they go home to the shelter, the parents have attention and energy to be with their children. The parents are holding a lot of their own stories and journey, and their own trauma,” she said. Parenting classes, she notes, also are offered on weekends.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an effort to meet the growing demand, PILAglobal is now expanding the school into the hillside of the canyon and plans to be able to serve more children later this spring. The group also runs a mobile classroom that circulates to shelters in Tijuana, and a small playroom for children near the San Ysidro border crossing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11911186\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7255-scaled.jpeg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11911186\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7255-scaled.jpeg\" alt=\"Two young students play with clay at a table, as a teacher supervises.\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1920\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7255-scaled.jpeg 2560w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7255-800x600.jpeg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7255-1020x765.jpeg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7255-160x120.jpeg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7255-1536x1152.jpeg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7255-2048x1536.jpeg 2048w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IMG_7255-1920x1440.jpeg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Doris, a teacher's helper, supervises as students at Canyon Nest play with clay on March 10, 2022. \u003ccite>(Max Rivlin-Nadler)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Since August, Doris — who gave only her first name — has been working as a classroom helper at the school, which her daughter attends. The two fled violence in the Mexican state of Guerrero, and tried to cross the border into the U.S. last June, hoping to claim asylum. When border patrol agents thwarted their passage, they ended up at a nearby shelter and soon learned of the school.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Doris says working is giving her a chance to feel positive about her life again.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"disqusTitle": "'Why Can't We Have the Same Rights?': Farmworkers Ask Newsom to Sign Bill Allowing Union Voting by Mail",
"title": "'Why Can't We Have the Same Rights?': Farmworkers Ask Newsom to Sign Bill Allowing Union Voting by Mail",
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"content": "\u003cp>On Thursday — César Chávez Day — a group of about 50 farmworkers, advocates and community members gathered in Fresno to march in honor of the late labor leader and to once again ask Gov. Gavin Newsom to sign a bill that would make it easier for farmworkers to vote in union elections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Farmworkers are asking what could be more important than meeting with farmworkers on César Chávez Day,” said Elizabeth Strater, director of strategic campaigns for the United Farm Workers, in a recent interview with The Bee. On Wednesday, Newsom’s office confirmed that he and his family were on vacation in Central and South America.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The march was part of a series of events organized by the UFW and its foundation in 13 rural and urban California cities — including San Francisco, San Jose and Berkeley — in which farmworkers gathered to raise awareness about the Agricultural Labor Relations Voting Choice Act, \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB2183\">AB 2183\u003c/a>, a bill that would give farmworkers the option to vote by mail in union elections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among those marching in Fresno on Thursday were San Joaquin Valley elected officials: Santos Garcia, the mayor of Madera; and Jose Sigala, a councilmember from Tulare currently running for state Assembly for the 33rd District.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m here to lend support to this legislation,” said Sigala. “Hopefully, the governor sees not only this action but the action across the state.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11910131\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-11910131 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/RS54924_033_KQED_CesarChavezDayUFWRally_03312022-qut.jpg\" alt=\"A man and a woman in focus amid other demonstrators, slightly blurred, wear red facemasks reading 'Cesar Chavez' in black with the black UFW phoenix symbol, and hold signs black-and-white signs reading 'Support Farm Workers: I'm ready to march for the governor's signature.'\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/RS54924_033_KQED_CesarChavezDayUFWRally_03312022-qut.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/RS54924_033_KQED_CesarChavezDayUFWRally_03312022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/RS54924_033_KQED_CesarChavezDayUFWRally_03312022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/RS54924_033_KQED_CesarChavezDayUFWRally_03312022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/RS54924_033_KQED_CesarChavezDayUFWRally_03312022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Augustin and Elvia Ramirez listen to speakers on Cesar Chavez Street in San Francisco on March 31, 2022, during a demonstration in support of a bill to allow farmworkers to vote by mail in union elections. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The coordinated marches took place less than a year after the \u003ca href=\"https://account.sacbee.com/paywall/subscriber-only?resume=254452908&intcid=ab_archive\">UFW organized a march to the French Laundry\u003c/a> — a reference to the pricey meal Newsom had with lobbyists as he asked other Californians to avoid mixed groups and indoor settings during the coronavirus pandemic — after Newsom vetoed an initial version of the bill, AB 616, last September.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Lourdes Cardenas, farmworker and union member from Fresno\"]'[Newsom] asked for votes by mail. That's why he's still in office. Why can't we have the same rights?'[/pullquote]Labor leaders, Assemblymembers and farmworkers say they are hopeful that the governor will sign the legislation into law this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I hope it passes,” said Anthony Arano, a Fresno-area resident who came out to support the march. “Latinos need to be heard. We’re part of this country, too.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Legislators 'hopeful' governor will sign bill\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Last year, Assemblymember Mark Stone, a Democrat from Santa Cruz, authored AB 616, \u003ca href=\"https://www.fresnobee.com/news/local/article257348102.html\">a bill that would allow California farmworkers to vote for a union by mail\u003c/a> instead of in-person secret ballot elections conducted on a grower’s property.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Farmworker advocates said farmworkers feel intimidated during union elections, which, under the state’s Agricultural Labor Relations Act, currently take place directly on growers’ property.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill is “pretty straightforward,” said Strater. “It’s to extend to farmworkers a more modernized, flexible choice when it comes to how they vote under union elections.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Currently other nonagricultural unions covered by the National Labor Relations Act — the federal labor law that excludes farmworkers and domestic workers — already have alternative voting options during a union election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Agriculture grower associations opposed the bill, and the California Chamber of Commerce included the legislation on its “job killer” list.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Union officials said they had been trying to meet with Newsom for months to discuss the bill prior to his veto and called the veto hypocritical since the governor was able to avoid recall in part due to the vote-by-mail option during the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He asked for votes by mail. That’s why he’s still in office,” said Lourdes Cardenas, a farmworker and union member from Fresno during Thursday’s march. “Why can’t we have the same rights?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Legislators are confident that the bill will be signed this time around and have garnered even more support for the proposed legislation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is something that the Legislature finds very important. We have a lot of co-authors. We’ve generated a lot of interest among legislators,” said Stone in an interview with The Bee on Tuesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11910134\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-11910134 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/RS54928_037_KQED_CesarChavezDayUFWRally_03312022-qut.jpg\" alt=\"Chesa Boudin, a white man with a trim beard and trim haircut with a receding hairline, wears a dark suit, light blue shirt, and blue tie, with a star-shaped lapel pin, and smiles slightly as he holds a sign reading 'Support Farm Workers: I'm ready to march for the governor's signature.' He walks alongside a man wearing a bright orange vest, a ball cap, and sunglasses who is also smiling. Many people around the two are smiling (and others are masked), and a man behind Boudin holds up a cellphone horizontally, as if he might be filming or photographing the DA.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/RS54928_037_KQED_CesarChavezDayUFWRally_03312022-qut.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/RS54928_037_KQED_CesarChavezDayUFWRally_03312022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/RS54928_037_KQED_CesarChavezDayUFWRally_03312022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/RS54928_037_KQED_CesarChavezDayUFWRally_03312022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/RS54928_037_KQED_CesarChavezDayUFWRally_03312022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Francisco District Attorney Chesa Boudin (wearing tie) joins a demonstration in support of a bill to allow farmworkers to vote by mail in union elections on César Chávez Day on March 31, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Fifty legislators have co-signed this year’s version of the voting rights bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m very hopeful that what we put on the governor’s desk this year, he’ll sign,” Stone said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposed legislation would allow farmworkers to vote either in an all-mail election or a more traditional polling-place type of election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stone’s office and the UFW, who are co-sponsors of the bill, say they have been working with Newsom’s office on the suggested changes he detailed in his veto letter.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Will the bill spur renewed UFW organizing?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>While Strater said she hopes that the legislation will spur more union election activity, critics of the union aren’t as confident.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label='Related Coverage' tag='farmworkers']William Gould, an outspoken critic of the union who has served on state and federal labor relations boards, told The Bee in January that nobody is organizing the farmworkers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Even if this bill is reintroduced, I doubt that that’s going to change appreciably,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, the Agricultural Labor Relations Board received only one request for union representation, from a cannabis farm in Southern California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Strater said that “with organizing work, there are no shortcuts.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AB 2183 will “certainly empower” workers to come together, form committees, and organize themselves, said Strater, and it will “level the playing field between the workers and their employers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If passed, Strater said, the new bill will show farmworkers that the “final hurdle” of a union election vote “is not going to be so impossibly high.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Melissa Montalvo is a reporter with The Fresno Bee and a Report for America corps member. This article is part of \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/projects/the-california-divide/\">The California Divide\u003c/a>, a collaboration among newsrooms examining income inequity and economic survival in California.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Farmworkers and their supporters marched in 13 California cities Thursday, asking Gov. Gavin Newsom to sign a bill that would make voting easier in union elections.\r\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>On Thursday — César Chávez Day — a group of about 50 farmworkers, advocates and community members gathered in Fresno to march in honor of the late labor leader and to once again ask Gov. Gavin Newsom to sign a bill that would make it easier for farmworkers to vote in union elections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Farmworkers are asking what could be more important than meeting with farmworkers on César Chávez Day,” said Elizabeth Strater, director of strategic campaigns for the United Farm Workers, in a recent interview with The Bee. On Wednesday, Newsom’s office confirmed that he and his family were on vacation in Central and South America.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The march was part of a series of events organized by the UFW and its foundation in 13 rural and urban California cities — including San Francisco, San Jose and Berkeley — in which farmworkers gathered to raise awareness about the Agricultural Labor Relations Voting Choice Act, \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB2183\">AB 2183\u003c/a>, a bill that would give farmworkers the option to vote by mail in union elections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among those marching in Fresno on Thursday were San Joaquin Valley elected officials: Santos Garcia, the mayor of Madera; and Jose Sigala, a councilmember from Tulare currently running for state Assembly for the 33rd District.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m here to lend support to this legislation,” said Sigala. “Hopefully, the governor sees not only this action but the action across the state.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11910131\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-11910131 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/RS54924_033_KQED_CesarChavezDayUFWRally_03312022-qut.jpg\" alt=\"A man and a woman in focus amid other demonstrators, slightly blurred, wear red facemasks reading 'Cesar Chavez' in black with the black UFW phoenix symbol, and hold signs black-and-white signs reading 'Support Farm Workers: I'm ready to march for the governor's signature.'\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/RS54924_033_KQED_CesarChavezDayUFWRally_03312022-qut.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/RS54924_033_KQED_CesarChavezDayUFWRally_03312022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/RS54924_033_KQED_CesarChavezDayUFWRally_03312022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/RS54924_033_KQED_CesarChavezDayUFWRally_03312022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/RS54924_033_KQED_CesarChavezDayUFWRally_03312022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Augustin and Elvia Ramirez listen to speakers on Cesar Chavez Street in San Francisco on March 31, 2022, during a demonstration in support of a bill to allow farmworkers to vote by mail in union elections. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The coordinated marches took place less than a year after the \u003ca href=\"https://account.sacbee.com/paywall/subscriber-only?resume=254452908&intcid=ab_archive\">UFW organized a march to the French Laundry\u003c/a> — a reference to the pricey meal Newsom had with lobbyists as he asked other Californians to avoid mixed groups and indoor settings during the coronavirus pandemic — after Newsom vetoed an initial version of the bill, AB 616, last September.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Labor leaders, Assemblymembers and farmworkers say they are hopeful that the governor will sign the legislation into law this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I hope it passes,” said Anthony Arano, a Fresno-area resident who came out to support the march. “Latinos need to be heard. We’re part of this country, too.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Legislators 'hopeful' governor will sign bill\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Last year, Assemblymember Mark Stone, a Democrat from Santa Cruz, authored AB 616, \u003ca href=\"https://www.fresnobee.com/news/local/article257348102.html\">a bill that would allow California farmworkers to vote for a union by mail\u003c/a> instead of in-person secret ballot elections conducted on a grower’s property.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Farmworker advocates said farmworkers feel intimidated during union elections, which, under the state’s Agricultural Labor Relations Act, currently take place directly on growers’ property.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill is “pretty straightforward,” said Strater. “It’s to extend to farmworkers a more modernized, flexible choice when it comes to how they vote under union elections.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Currently other nonagricultural unions covered by the National Labor Relations Act — the federal labor law that excludes farmworkers and domestic workers — already have alternative voting options during a union election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Agriculture grower associations opposed the bill, and the California Chamber of Commerce included the legislation on its “job killer” list.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Union officials said they had been trying to meet with Newsom for months to discuss the bill prior to his veto and called the veto hypocritical since the governor was able to avoid recall in part due to the vote-by-mail option during the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He asked for votes by mail. That’s why he’s still in office,” said Lourdes Cardenas, a farmworker and union member from Fresno during Thursday’s march. “Why can’t we have the same rights?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Legislators are confident that the bill will be signed this time around and have garnered even more support for the proposed legislation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is something that the Legislature finds very important. We have a lot of co-authors. We’ve generated a lot of interest among legislators,” said Stone in an interview with The Bee on Tuesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11910134\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-11910134 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/RS54928_037_KQED_CesarChavezDayUFWRally_03312022-qut.jpg\" alt=\"Chesa Boudin, a white man with a trim beard and trim haircut with a receding hairline, wears a dark suit, light blue shirt, and blue tie, with a star-shaped lapel pin, and smiles slightly as he holds a sign reading 'Support Farm Workers: I'm ready to march for the governor's signature.' He walks alongside a man wearing a bright orange vest, a ball cap, and sunglasses who is also smiling. Many people around the two are smiling (and others are masked), and a man behind Boudin holds up a cellphone horizontally, as if he might be filming or photographing the DA.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/RS54928_037_KQED_CesarChavezDayUFWRally_03312022-qut.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/RS54928_037_KQED_CesarChavezDayUFWRally_03312022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/RS54928_037_KQED_CesarChavezDayUFWRally_03312022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/RS54928_037_KQED_CesarChavezDayUFWRally_03312022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/RS54928_037_KQED_CesarChavezDayUFWRally_03312022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Francisco District Attorney Chesa Boudin (wearing tie) joins a demonstration in support of a bill to allow farmworkers to vote by mail in union elections on César Chávez Day on March 31, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Fifty legislators have co-signed this year’s version of the voting rights bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m very hopeful that what we put on the governor’s desk this year, he’ll sign,” Stone said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposed legislation would allow farmworkers to vote either in an all-mail election or a more traditional polling-place type of election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stone’s office and the UFW, who are co-sponsors of the bill, say they have been working with Newsom’s office on the suggested changes he detailed in his veto letter.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Will the bill spur renewed UFW organizing?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>While Strater said she hopes that the legislation will spur more union election activity, critics of the union aren’t as confident.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>William Gould, an outspoken critic of the union who has served on state and federal labor relations boards, told The Bee in January that nobody is organizing the farmworkers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Even if this bill is reintroduced, I doubt that that’s going to change appreciably,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, the Agricultural Labor Relations Board received only one request for union representation, from a cannabis farm in Southern California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Strater said that “with organizing work, there are no shortcuts.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AB 2183 will “certainly empower” workers to come together, form committees, and organize themselves, said Strater, and it will “level the playing field between the workers and their employers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If passed, Strater said, the new bill will show farmworkers that the “final hurdle” of a union election vote “is not going to be so impossibly high.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Melissa Montalvo is a reporter with The Fresno Bee and a Report for America corps member. This article is part of \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/projects/the-california-divide/\">The California Divide\u003c/a>, a collaboration among newsrooms examining income inequity and economic survival in California.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"disqusTitle": "Asylum Limits at US-Mexico Border Expected to End May 23",
"title": "Asylum Limits at US-Mexico Border Expected to End May 23",
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"content": "\u003cp>The Biden administration is expected to end, by May 23, the asylum limits at the U.S.-Mexico border that were put in place during the Trump administration ostensibly to prevent the spread of COVID-19, according to people familiar with the matter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The decision, not yet final, would stop the United States from invoking public health rules to avoid fulfilling its legal obligations to provide haven to people fleeing persecution. It would apply to all asylum-seekers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ending the limitations in May would allow for time to prepare at the border, the sources said. But the delay runs against the wishes of top Democrats and others who say COVID-19 has long been used as an excuse for the U.S. to get out of asylum obligations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It also raises the possibility that more asylum-seeking migrants will come to the border at a time when flows are already high. The Department of Homeland Security said Tuesday that \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/immigration-covid-health-arizona-san-antonio-f99c9d3e892a908471e096fa9882e251\">about 7,100 migrants were coming daily, compared with an average of about 5,900 a day in February\u003c/a>, a rate that's on pace to match or exceed highs from last year, 2019 and other peak periods.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>President Biden declined to discuss his administration’s plans, telling reporters Wednesday at the White House, “We’ll have a decision on that soon.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Whenever the limits are lifted, \"there will be an influx of people to the border. We are doing a lot of work to plan for that contingency,” said White House communications director Kate Bedingfield. Speaking broadly, Bedingfield said the administration is trying to “build up our migration system and ensure that we are restoring order at the border.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention had extended its asylum-blocking powers for two months in late January, near the height of the omicron variant. The authority is up for renewal this week, and officials were expected to announce as early as Friday that it would be terminated, giving border authorities a few months to prepare for the coming deadline.[aside label=\"Related Coverage\" tag=\"asylum-seekers\"]The people familiar with the plans saw a draft report that has not been finalized, and spoke to The Associated Press on condition of anonymity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The limits went into place in March 2020 under the \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/immigration-coronavirus-pandemic-health-mexico-texas-45cb54dc7824e1848bd0f5656a4ff78a\">Trump administration\u003c/a> as coronavirus cases soared. While officials said at the time that it was a way to keep COVID-19 out of the United States, there always has been criticism that the restrictions were used as an excuse to seal the border to migrants unwanted by then-President Donald Trump.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was perhaps the broadest of Trump’s actions to restrict crossings and crack down on migrants. The health order has caused migrants to be expelled from the United States more than 1.7 million times since March 2020 without a chance for them to request asylum.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Restrictions took effect \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/virus-outbreak-pandemics-public-health-new-york-health-4ef0c6c5263815a26f8aa17f6ea490ae\">over the objections of CDC officials\u003c/a>. Dr. Martin Cetron of the Division of Global Migration and Quarantine refused the order, saying there was no public health basis for such a drastic move, the AP reported. But then-Vice President Mike Pence ordered the CDC’s director to use the agency’s emergency powers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, as mask mandates were lifted; vaccination rates climbed; and COVID-19 rates dropped among migrants crossing from Mexico, \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/immigration-covid-health-public-health-arizona-922239ef33f346b58cfc93772f8fc287\">it became increasingly difficult to defend the order on scientific grounds\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Biden, who has rolled back some of Trump’s other, more restrictive policies, has taken increasing criticism for keeping the policy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Homeland Security officials, Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer of New York and other top Democrats were increasingly vocal about wanting to end so-called Title 42 authority, named for a 1944 public health law to prevent communicable disease.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Not all Democratic elected officials agreed, including some from border and swing states. Sens. Mark Kelly and Kyrsten Sinema, both Arizona Democrats, sided with Republican leaders to say Title 42 should remain until U.S. border authorities were prepared for sharp increases in new arrivals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Border Patrol agents told me they expect a tsunami of humans to come across the border, and the Border Patrol has said they will lose control entirely,” said Sen. John Cornyn, R-Texas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Homeland Security officials said they are planning for as many as 18,000 arrivals daily, an astounding number that they cautioned was given simply to prepare for all possible outcomes, and is not a projection.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But there have been no major changes to how migrants are processed at the U.S.-Mexico border, and there is no increase in holding facilities for them. The immigration court backlog continues to soar, now at more than 1.7 million cases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Critics say Title 42 has been an excuse to avoid asylum obligations under U.S. law and international treaty, buying Biden time to create the \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/mexico-immigration-united-states-1efbf1f357a5210d2433b48820b9aa54\">“humane” asylum system\u003c/a> that he promised during his 2020 campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Title 42 is a horrific and unjustified policy that should never have been enacted and has caused grave harm to thousands of asylum-seekers over the past two years,\" said immigration attorney Lee Gelernt of the American Civil Liberties Union.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While there is no aggregate rate for migrants, COVID-19 test results from several major corridors for illegal border crossings suggest it is well below levels that have triggered concerns among U.S. officials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, 54 of 2,877 migrants tested positive in the first two weeks of March, according to the state Department of Social Services. That’s a rate of just 1.9%, down from a peak of 28.2% on January 8.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Pima County, Arizona, which includes Tucson, the seven-day positivity rate among migrants didn’t exceed 1.3% in early March. The positivity rate among 5,300 migrants tested last month at the Regional Center for Border Health near Yuma, Arizona, was 0.1%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>McAllen, Texas, the largest city in the busiest corridor for illegal crossings, has a higher rate among migrants — 11.3% for the week ending March 16 — but it has been consistently lower than the general population.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CDC Director Dr. Rochelle Walensky noted falling rates when she ended asylum limits on unaccompanied child migrants on March 11, while keeping them for adults and families with kids. In August, U.S. border authorities began testing children traveling alone in their busiest areas: The positivity rate fell to 6% in the first week of March from a high of nearly 20% in early February.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Asylum limits have been applied unevenly by nationality, depending largely on costs and diplomatic relations with home countries. Many migrants from Cuba, Venezuela, Nicaragua and, \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/russia-ukraine-immigration-covid-health-caribbean-b263d08de4ec094ee4d5e137c0ca8460\">more recently, Ukraine\u003c/a> have been spared. Homeland Security officials wrote to border authorities this month that Ukrainians may be exempt, saying Russia's invasion \"created a humanitarian crisis.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The Biden administration is expected to end, by May 23, the asylum limits at the U.S.-Mexico border that were put in place during the Trump administration ostensibly to prevent the spread of COVID-19, according to people familiar with the matter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The decision, not yet final, would stop the United States from invoking public health rules to avoid fulfilling its legal obligations to provide haven to people fleeing persecution. It would apply to all asylum-seekers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ending the limitations in May would allow for time to prepare at the border, the sources said. But the delay runs against the wishes of top Democrats and others who say COVID-19 has long been used as an excuse for the U.S. to get out of asylum obligations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It also raises the possibility that more asylum-seeking migrants will come to the border at a time when flows are already high. The Department of Homeland Security said Tuesday that \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/immigration-covid-health-arizona-san-antonio-f99c9d3e892a908471e096fa9882e251\">about 7,100 migrants were coming daily, compared with an average of about 5,900 a day in February\u003c/a>, a rate that's on pace to match or exceed highs from last year, 2019 and other peak periods.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>President Biden declined to discuss his administration’s plans, telling reporters Wednesday at the White House, “We’ll have a decision on that soon.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Whenever the limits are lifted, \"there will be an influx of people to the border. We are doing a lot of work to plan for that contingency,” said White House communications director Kate Bedingfield. Speaking broadly, Bedingfield said the administration is trying to “build up our migration system and ensure that we are restoring order at the border.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention had extended its asylum-blocking powers for two months in late January, near the height of the omicron variant. The authority is up for renewal this week, and officials were expected to announce as early as Friday that it would be terminated, giving border authorities a few months to prepare for the coming deadline.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The people familiar with the plans saw a draft report that has not been finalized, and spoke to The Associated Press on condition of anonymity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The limits went into place in March 2020 under the \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/immigration-coronavirus-pandemic-health-mexico-texas-45cb54dc7824e1848bd0f5656a4ff78a\">Trump administration\u003c/a> as coronavirus cases soared. While officials said at the time that it was a way to keep COVID-19 out of the United States, there always has been criticism that the restrictions were used as an excuse to seal the border to migrants unwanted by then-President Donald Trump.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was perhaps the broadest of Trump’s actions to restrict crossings and crack down on migrants. The health order has caused migrants to be expelled from the United States more than 1.7 million times since March 2020 without a chance for them to request asylum.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Restrictions took effect \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/virus-outbreak-pandemics-public-health-new-york-health-4ef0c6c5263815a26f8aa17f6ea490ae\">over the objections of CDC officials\u003c/a>. Dr. Martin Cetron of the Division of Global Migration and Quarantine refused the order, saying there was no public health basis for such a drastic move, the AP reported. But then-Vice President Mike Pence ordered the CDC’s director to use the agency’s emergency powers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, as mask mandates were lifted; vaccination rates climbed; and COVID-19 rates dropped among migrants crossing from Mexico, \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/immigration-covid-health-public-health-arizona-922239ef33f346b58cfc93772f8fc287\">it became increasingly difficult to defend the order on scientific grounds\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Biden, who has rolled back some of Trump’s other, more restrictive policies, has taken increasing criticism for keeping the policy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Homeland Security officials, Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer of New York and other top Democrats were increasingly vocal about wanting to end so-called Title 42 authority, named for a 1944 public health law to prevent communicable disease.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Not all Democratic elected officials agreed, including some from border and swing states. Sens. Mark Kelly and Kyrsten Sinema, both Arizona Democrats, sided with Republican leaders to say Title 42 should remain until U.S. border authorities were prepared for sharp increases in new arrivals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Border Patrol agents told me they expect a tsunami of humans to come across the border, and the Border Patrol has said they will lose control entirely,” said Sen. John Cornyn, R-Texas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Homeland Security officials said they are planning for as many as 18,000 arrivals daily, an astounding number that they cautioned was given simply to prepare for all possible outcomes, and is not a projection.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But there have been no major changes to how migrants are processed at the U.S.-Mexico border, and there is no increase in holding facilities for them. The immigration court backlog continues to soar, now at more than 1.7 million cases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Critics say Title 42 has been an excuse to avoid asylum obligations under U.S. law and international treaty, buying Biden time to create the \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/mexico-immigration-united-states-1efbf1f357a5210d2433b48820b9aa54\">“humane” asylum system\u003c/a> that he promised during his 2020 campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Title 42 is a horrific and unjustified policy that should never have been enacted and has caused grave harm to thousands of asylum-seekers over the past two years,\" said immigration attorney Lee Gelernt of the American Civil Liberties Union.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While there is no aggregate rate for migrants, COVID-19 test results from several major corridors for illegal border crossings suggest it is well below levels that have triggered concerns among U.S. officials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, 54 of 2,877 migrants tested positive in the first two weeks of March, according to the state Department of Social Services. That’s a rate of just 1.9%, down from a peak of 28.2% on January 8.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Pima County, Arizona, which includes Tucson, the seven-day positivity rate among migrants didn’t exceed 1.3% in early March. The positivity rate among 5,300 migrants tested last month at the Regional Center for Border Health near Yuma, Arizona, was 0.1%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>McAllen, Texas, the largest city in the busiest corridor for illegal crossings, has a higher rate among migrants — 11.3% for the week ending March 16 — but it has been consistently lower than the general population.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CDC Director Dr. Rochelle Walensky noted falling rates when she ended asylum limits on unaccompanied child migrants on March 11, while keeping them for adults and families with kids. In August, U.S. border authorities began testing children traveling alone in their busiest areas: The positivity rate fell to 6% in the first week of March from a high of nearly 20% in early February.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Asylum limits have been applied unevenly by nationality, depending largely on costs and diplomatic relations with home countries. Many migrants from Cuba, Venezuela, Nicaragua and, \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/russia-ukraine-immigration-covid-health-caribbean-b263d08de4ec094ee4d5e137c0ca8460\">more recently, Ukraine\u003c/a> have been spared. Homeland Security officials wrote to border authorities this month that Ukrainians may be exempt, saying Russia's invasion \"created a humanitarian crisis.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "'The Situation Was Not Different': For Afghan Refugee in California, Ukrainian Crisis Hits Close to Home",
"title": "'The Situation Was Not Different': For Afghan Refugee in California, Ukrainian Crisis Hits Close to Home",
"headTitle": "KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>https://youtu.be/KxL3Wz8Cge4?t=687\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>From Ukraine to Afghanistan, Mexico and beyond, KQED Live's \"Finding Asylum in California\" event touched on asylum broadly as well as the U.S. immigration court system, the role of social media, and art.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Aiming to see the path of asylum-seekers to California through different lenses,\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/kqednewsroom\"> KQED Newsroom host Priya David Clemens\u003c/a> interviewed on stage Fouzia Azizi, director of refugee services at Jewish Family and Community Services East Bay, as well as \u003ca href=\"https://www.fresnocitycollege.edu/campus-life/events-and-places/art-space-gallery-exhibits/past-exhibits/2020-caleb-duarte.html\">Fresno City College professor and artist Caleb Duarte\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/tychehendricks\">KQED Immigration Senior Editor Tyche Hendricks\u003c/a>.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Caleb Duarte, artist\"]'We as artists, our tool is the image, the painted image, the ability to tell stories through simple actions that are kind of sometimes absurd actions that really change, can possibly change someone's perspective.'[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Azizi helps find homes and support for those fleeing war-torn counties. That's here and now. But when Azizi saw photos and videos of the war in Ukraine, it brought her back to her time growing up in Afghanistan, she told a virtual KQED audience on a livestream last week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It's [taking] me back to all those memories that I had when I was in Afghanistan as a young girl seeing Russian soldiers all over the city,\" she said. \"What I see and witness right now with Ukraine, my heart goes to these people. But the situation was not different in Afghanistan.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Caleb Duarte, who grew up in both Mexico and the U.S., is known for painting, public sculptures and community performances across the globe in places like Cuba, Honduras and India. He said \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=StqAYgy-tts\">his work tries to explore the human condition\u003c/a> while empowering others to exercise art: political prisoners, children, people in disability centers. His aim is to go past the hopelessness, to see evidence of power, resistance and survival.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We as artists, our tool is the image, the painted image, the ability to tell stories through simple actions that are kind of sometimes absurd actions that really change, can possibly change someone's perspective,\" Duarte said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A 2021 project he worked on called \"\u003ca href=\"https://www.calebduarte.org/tijuan\">Burning Houses\u003c/a>\" saw Duarte and asylum-seekers in Tijuana create small, symbolic houses with the families of refugees camping at the border to highlight the hope they have for their children: to seek a new life. Duarte said he considers the project \"invisible theater,\" with the audience being asylum-seekers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We decided to carry the houses through the camp and straight to the U.S.-Mexican border as a symbol as evidence of resistance, of survival, also evidence of joy,\" Duarte said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The community artists then burnt the homes at the U.S.-Mexican border.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Generally, we think of the idea of burning as such a destructive act, but it seems like you were really working to reclaim that. Why burn them?\" KQED's Clemens asked Duarte.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11909581\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1274px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11909581\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/HomeProject1.jpg\" alt=\"People carry small house-like structures as a form of art on tall, 10-foot stilts, along a beach, with the sun setting in the background.\" width=\"1274\" height=\"664\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/HomeProject1.jpg 1274w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/HomeProject1-800x417.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/HomeProject1-1020x532.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/HomeProject1-160x83.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1274px) 100vw, 1274px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Asylum-seekers carry their homes-as-art to the U.S.-Mexico border as part of Caleb Duarte's 'Burning Homes' community art project. \u003ccite>(Courtesy Caleb Duarte)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Duarte pointed to a statement made by U.S. Vice President Kamala Harris, who told Guatemalan immigrants at the time, \"\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2021/06/07/1004074139/harris-tells-guatemalans-not-to-migrate-to-the-united-states\">Do not come\u003c/a>.\" The artists hoped to \u003ca href=\"https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2018/dec/19/central-america-migrants-us-foreign-policy\">point to intervention from the U.S. into Central America\u003c/a> throughout history, Duarte said.[aside tag=\"immigration\" label=\"More immigration coverage\"]\"This was kind of a way of mirroring that violence,\" he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The KQED Live event also explored the policy side of the same asylum and refugee struggles. Hendricks, the KQED senior editor, joined the stage to talk about her work tracking dysfunction in U.S. immigration courts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That may touch close to home for KQED's audience. \"There's 1.7 million [immigration] cases backlogged in the U.S. San Francisco has a big court and one of the worst backlogs here as well,\" Hendricks said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Understaffing and underfunding are realities for the immigration court system, Hendricks said. But the Trump administration also began prosecuting \"a lot more people.\" The backlog can be felt keenly by individuals trying to navigate the system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The delays lead to these effects where, people that I've met who are preparing to make their asylum case, they prepare and prepare, if they have a lawyer, and their cases are rescheduled and canceled. And there's sort of a trauma to going back through this,\" Hendricks said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And that's if a person is fortunate enough to get representation at all: There isn't a right to appointed counsel if someone can't afford a lawyer — and when they can't, that's when things can take a turn for the worse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11909570\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1274px\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-11909570 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/KQEDlive1.jpg\" alt=\"Four panelists sit on a stage at KQED's The Commons, speaking with one another. \" width=\"1274\" height=\"664\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/KQEDlive1.jpg 1274w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/KQEDlive1-800x417.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/KQEDlive1-1020x532.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/KQEDlive1-160x83.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1274px) 100vw, 1274px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">KQED Newsroom's Priya David Clemens (right) interviews (from left) Tyche Hendricks, Fouzia Azizi and Caleb Duarte at a KQED Live event. \u003ccite>(KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Hendricks said she did a recent story on a Honduran woman, Rosa Díaz, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11900535/a-simple-paperwork-error-can-get-asylum-seekers-deported-rosa-diaz-got-lucky-on-a-lunch-break\">who came across the border with her children, fleeing violence and seeking asylum\u003c/a>. But a clerical error recorded her wrong address — listing her contact info as Los Angeles, instead of the city of Maxwell — and she wasn't notified of her hearing time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Díaz didn't show up, immigration officials ordered her deported in her absence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"She went to her next [Immigration and Customs Enforcement] check-in and they said, 'We're going to deport you today.' Her children were back home some 50 miles away. She walked out of the office and burst into tears,\" Hendricks said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Immigrant advocates and nonprofit legal services were able to help the woman, saving her from deportation. But it was a lucky break, Hendricks said, and not an opportunity all will have.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"That, to me, speaks to the dysfunction in the courts and the lack of due process,\" Hendricks said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://youtu.be/KxL3Wz8Cge4?t=687\">\u003cem>Watch the full virtual event from KQED Live, 'Finding Asylum in California,' on YouTube.\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/KxL3Wz8Cge4'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/KxL3Wz8Cge4'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>From Ukraine to Afghanistan, Mexico and beyond, KQED Live's \"Finding Asylum in California\" event touched on asylum broadly as well as the U.S. immigration court system, the role of social media, and art.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Aiming to see the path of asylum-seekers to California through different lenses,\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/kqednewsroom\"> KQED Newsroom host Priya David Clemens\u003c/a> interviewed on stage Fouzia Azizi, director of refugee services at Jewish Family and Community Services East Bay, as well as \u003ca href=\"https://www.fresnocitycollege.edu/campus-life/events-and-places/art-space-gallery-exhibits/past-exhibits/2020-caleb-duarte.html\">Fresno City College professor and artist Caleb Duarte\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/tychehendricks\">KQED Immigration Senior Editor Tyche Hendricks\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Azizi helps find homes and support for those fleeing war-torn counties. That's here and now. But when Azizi saw photos and videos of the war in Ukraine, it brought her back to her time growing up in Afghanistan, she told a virtual KQED audience on a livestream last week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It's [taking] me back to all those memories that I had when I was in Afghanistan as a young girl seeing Russian soldiers all over the city,\" she said. \"What I see and witness right now with Ukraine, my heart goes to these people. But the situation was not different in Afghanistan.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Caleb Duarte, who grew up in both Mexico and the U.S., is known for painting, public sculptures and community performances across the globe in places like Cuba, Honduras and India. He said \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=StqAYgy-tts\">his work tries to explore the human condition\u003c/a> while empowering others to exercise art: political prisoners, children, people in disability centers. His aim is to go past the hopelessness, to see evidence of power, resistance and survival.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We as artists, our tool is the image, the painted image, the ability to tell stories through simple actions that are kind of sometimes absurd actions that really change, can possibly change someone's perspective,\" Duarte said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A 2021 project he worked on called \"\u003ca href=\"https://www.calebduarte.org/tijuan\">Burning Houses\u003c/a>\" saw Duarte and asylum-seekers in Tijuana create small, symbolic houses with the families of refugees camping at the border to highlight the hope they have for their children: to seek a new life. Duarte said he considers the project \"invisible theater,\" with the audience being asylum-seekers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We decided to carry the houses through the camp and straight to the U.S.-Mexican border as a symbol as evidence of resistance, of survival, also evidence of joy,\" Duarte said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The community artists then burnt the homes at the U.S.-Mexican border.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Generally, we think of the idea of burning as such a destructive act, but it seems like you were really working to reclaim that. Why burn them?\" KQED's Clemens asked Duarte.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11909581\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1274px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11909581\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/HomeProject1.jpg\" alt=\"People carry small house-like structures as a form of art on tall, 10-foot stilts, along a beach, with the sun setting in the background.\" width=\"1274\" height=\"664\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/HomeProject1.jpg 1274w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/HomeProject1-800x417.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/HomeProject1-1020x532.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/HomeProject1-160x83.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1274px) 100vw, 1274px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Asylum-seekers carry their homes-as-art to the U.S.-Mexico border as part of Caleb Duarte's 'Burning Homes' community art project. \u003ccite>(Courtesy Caleb Duarte)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Duarte pointed to a statement made by U.S. Vice President Kamala Harris, who told Guatemalan immigrants at the time, \"\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2021/06/07/1004074139/harris-tells-guatemalans-not-to-migrate-to-the-united-states\">Do not come\u003c/a>.\" The artists hoped to \u003ca href=\"https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2018/dec/19/central-america-migrants-us-foreign-policy\">point to intervention from the U.S. into Central America\u003c/a> throughout history, Duarte said.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\"This was kind of a way of mirroring that violence,\" he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The KQED Live event also explored the policy side of the same asylum and refugee struggles. Hendricks, the KQED senior editor, joined the stage to talk about her work tracking dysfunction in U.S. immigration courts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That may touch close to home for KQED's audience. \"There's 1.7 million [immigration] cases backlogged in the U.S. San Francisco has a big court and one of the worst backlogs here as well,\" Hendricks said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Understaffing and underfunding are realities for the immigration court system, Hendricks said. But the Trump administration also began prosecuting \"a lot more people.\" The backlog can be felt keenly by individuals trying to navigate the system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The delays lead to these effects where, people that I've met who are preparing to make their asylum case, they prepare and prepare, if they have a lawyer, and their cases are rescheduled and canceled. And there's sort of a trauma to going back through this,\" Hendricks said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And that's if a person is fortunate enough to get representation at all: There isn't a right to appointed counsel if someone can't afford a lawyer — and when they can't, that's when things can take a turn for the worse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11909570\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1274px\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-11909570 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/KQEDlive1.jpg\" alt=\"Four panelists sit on a stage at KQED's The Commons, speaking with one another. \" width=\"1274\" height=\"664\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/KQEDlive1.jpg 1274w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/KQEDlive1-800x417.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/KQEDlive1-1020x532.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/KQEDlive1-160x83.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1274px) 100vw, 1274px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">KQED Newsroom's Priya David Clemens (right) interviews (from left) Tyche Hendricks, Fouzia Azizi and Caleb Duarte at a KQED Live event. \u003ccite>(KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Hendricks said she did a recent story on a Honduran woman, Rosa Díaz, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11900535/a-simple-paperwork-error-can-get-asylum-seekers-deported-rosa-diaz-got-lucky-on-a-lunch-break\">who came across the border with her children, fleeing violence and seeking asylum\u003c/a>. But a clerical error recorded her wrong address — listing her contact info as Los Angeles, instead of the city of Maxwell — and she wasn't notified of her hearing time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Díaz didn't show up, immigration officials ordered her deported in her absence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"She went to her next [Immigration and Customs Enforcement] check-in and they said, 'We're going to deport you today.' Her children were back home some 50 miles away. She walked out of the office and burst into tears,\" Hendricks said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Immigrant advocates and nonprofit legal services were able to help the woman, saving her from deportation. But it was a lucky break, Hendricks said, and not an opportunity all will have.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"That, to me, speaks to the dysfunction in the courts and the lack of due process,\" Hendricks said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://youtu.be/KxL3Wz8Cge4?t=687\">\u003cem>Watch the full virtual event from KQED Live, 'Finding Asylum in California,' on YouTube.\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "KQED Live: Finding Asylum in California",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Landing in a new country is never easy, even if you’re landing in a place like the Bay Area, which is already home to so many immigrants, refugees, and people who’ve sought asylum. And b\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">etween Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, chaos in Afghanistan, and the ongoing crisis at the US-Mexico border, this topic has been on our minds a lot.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Wednesday, March 23, KQED Live held an event called \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=KxL3Wz8Cge4\">\u003cem>Finding Asylum in California\u003c/em>\u003c/a>. It included visual art by \u003ca href=\"https://www.calebduarte.org/?utm_medium=Email&utm_source=ExactTarget&utm_campaign=20220302_Events_EventsEblast&mc_key=003i000000UOJUpAAP\">Caleb Duarte\u003c/a>, and a discussion moderated by KQED Newsroom host Priya David Clemens. That discussion also included KQED immigration senior editor \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/tychehendricks\">Tyche Hendricks\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://jfcs-eastbay.org\">JFCS East Bay\u003c/a> refugee resettlement director Fouzia Azizi. Today, we’re sharing that conversation on the show.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">For more information about live events at KQED, visit \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/events\">https://www.kqed.org/events\u003c/a>\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://bit.ly/3Dh9Ndr\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">\u003cem>Episode Transcript \u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"card card--enclosed grey\">\n\u003cp id=\"embed-code\" class=\"inconsolata\">\n\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" frameborder=\"0\" height=\"200\" scrolling=\"no\" src=\"https://playlist.megaphone.fm?e=KQINC2779408177&light=true\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\n\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Landing in a new country is never easy, even if you’re landing in a place like the Bay Area, which is already home to so many immigrants, refugees, and people who’ve sought asylum. And b\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">etween Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, chaos in Afghanistan, and the ongoing crisis at the US-Mexico border, this topic has been on our minds a lot.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Wednesday, March 23, KQED Live held an event called \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=KxL3Wz8Cge4\">\u003cem>Finding Asylum in California\u003c/em>\u003c/a>. It included visual art by \u003ca href=\"https://www.calebduarte.org/?utm_medium=Email&utm_source=ExactTarget&utm_campaign=20220302_Events_EventsEblast&mc_key=003i000000UOJUpAAP\">Caleb Duarte\u003c/a>, and a discussion moderated by KQED Newsroom host Priya David Clemens. That discussion also included KQED immigration senior editor \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/tychehendricks\">Tyche Hendricks\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://jfcs-eastbay.org\">JFCS East Bay\u003c/a> refugee resettlement director Fouzia Azizi. Today, we’re sharing that conversation on the show.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">For more information about live events at KQED, visit \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/events\">https://www.kqed.org/events\u003c/a>\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://bit.ly/3Dh9Ndr\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">\u003cem>Episode Transcript \u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"card card--enclosed grey\">\n\u003cp id=\"embed-code\" class=\"inconsolata\">\n\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" frameborder=\"0\" height=\"200\" scrolling=\"no\" src=\"https://playlist.megaphone.fm?e=KQINC2779408177&light=true\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\n\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>When Vithea Yung was a teenager in Long Beach in the 1990s, he joined a gang. As a Cambodian refugee whose family was shattered by the genocidal Khmer Rouge regime, it gave him a sense of security. But at 16, pursued by members of a rival gang, he fired a gun and killed someone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yung was tried as an adult, convicted of murder and sent to prison with a sentence of 35 years to life. Now 25 years on, the California \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdcr.ca.gov/bph/parole-suitability-hearings-overview/what-to-expect-after-a-parole-suitability-hearing/\">parole board has approved Yung’s release\u003c/a>, based on the work he’s done to rehabilitate himself and help fellow incarcerated people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Until late Friday, it seemed as if Yung faced the possibility of being released from prison only to be locked up again, this time by U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement. Yung feared he’d be deported to Cambodia, a country his family fled when he was 3 years old. [pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Anoop Prasad, lawyer, Asian Law Caucus\"]‘As long as California is relying on ICE to act with decency and compassion, we have a problem, because ICE has a proven track record across administrations of acting with cruelty. We need a systemic solution.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And for Yung, the stakes were high. In 2017, he suffered a spinal cord injury during a prison softball game and since then has been paralyzed from the neck down, requiring round-the-clock care and assistance with the basic functions of daily living. He lives in a skilled nursing facility in the Los Angeles area that’s under contract with the state prison system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But on Friday afternoon, an ICE spokesperson said that an immigration detainer, requesting California prison officials turn Yung over to ICE, had been dropped months earlier, on November 18.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The spokesperson, who would not agree to be identified because he was not authorized to speak about the case, said ICE makes custody determinations on a case-by-case basis, “considering the merits and factors of each case while adhering to current agency priorities, guidelines and legal mandates.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The news came as a surprise to Yung’s supporters, who had held a rally in Los Angeles Friday morning calling on California officials not to cooperate with ICE.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re relieved it was dropped and he’s not going to be transferred to ICE and he’ll receive the care he needs after leaving prison,” said Anoop Prasad, Yung’s lawyer with the Asian Law Caucus in San Francisco. “But it’s such a nerve-racking process. It shouldn’t require community outrage and rallies to get ICE to step in and do the basic, humane thing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prasad said the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation has a policy of notifying incarcerated people if an immigration detainer is dropped, but that didn’t happen here. Even in recent weeks, Yung’s CDCR counselor had told him the hold was still on file, Prasad said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Through his sister, Yung said he won’t feel confident that ICE isn’t going to detain him until he sees it in writing.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Immigrants funneled from prison to ICE detention\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The state prison system hands over hundreds of inmates to ICE each year. Between Jan. 1, 2020, and Nov. 30, 2021, the CDCR made 2,600 transfers to ICE, according to data obtained from the agency by the Asian Law Caucus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And advocates say Yung’s case highlights an injustice: If he had been born in the U.S. or had become a naturalized U.S. citizen, then when he completed his sentence that would have settled his debt to society and he would go free. But as a lawful permanent resident, or “green card” holder, his felony record meant he could be deported.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yung’s sister Terry Honoré said she was terrified at the thought that her quadriplegic brother could be sent to Cambodia to fend for himself.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I just don’t know how that would work,” she said. “It was really scary.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates also feared that Yung’s health could deteriorate in immigration detention, since ICE has been sued over inadequate care for people with disabilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The level of medical neglect at baseline in ICE facilities is horrific,” said Prasad.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He added that given how seriously injured Yung is, there’s no plausible argument he could pose a danger to society.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Asian Prisoner Support Committee and other advocacy groups are pushing for passage of the \u003ca href=\"http://www.iceoutofca.org/ca-values-act-sb54-408546.html\">Vision Act\u003c/a>, a bill in the state Senate that would block jail and prison officials from honoring ICE detainers for most inmates, like Yung, when they’re released.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Scores of people turned out for the \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/sg_chambita/status/1507435056456880128\">Los Angeles rally Friday\u003c/a> to push for that bill, AB 937, and support Yung.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom has until April 12 to review Yung’s parole. Unless he moves to block it, Yung will be released from prison and paroled to the care of his family. But advocates want Newsom to go further and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11827617/state-lawmakers-urge-newsom-to-stop-transferring-people-in-prison-to-ice-in-pandemic\">stop transfers from California prisons to ICE\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement, CDCR press secretary Dana Simas said the prison system notifies ICE of anyone they’re holding who might be a foreign national. ICE then determines their immigration status and decides whether to put an immigration “hold” or detainer on the person. [aside postID=news_11827388]“CDCR responds to detainers from all law enforcement agencies,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Simas did not respond to requests for comment about Yung’s case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2020, another Cambodian refugee, Chanthon Bun, was released from San Quentin despite being told that ICE had a detainer for him. But neither ICE nor CDCR explained why \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11827388/cambodian-refugee-leaves-san-quentin-with-covid-19-but-avoids-ice-detention\">he was not transferred to immigration detention\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Should rehabilitation affect deportation decisions?\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Yung is proud of the work he did to become a better person in the two decades before his accident. He enrolled in prison support groups and restorative justice programs, pursued his high school diploma, became a teacher’s aide and joined sports teams.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I tried to rehabilitate myself,” he said in a Zoom interview with KQED. “I took classes. I did everything that it took before I went to my parole board hearing. It shocked them a little bit because I did everything before they even asked me to do it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yung’s efforts might have played a role in ICE’s decision to revoke the detainer, though the circumstances of that decision remain unclear.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last September, Homeland Security Secretary Alejandro Mayorkas issued \u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/doclib/news/guidelines-civilimmigrationlaw.pdf\">guidelines allowing ICE to use discretion\u003c/a> about whom to prioritize for detention and deportation. Mayorkas said ICE should focus on people who pose a “current threat” to national security, border security or public safety.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But on Tuesday, a \u003ca href=\"https://thehill.com/policy/national-security/599216-judge-blocks-dhs-memo-narrowing-ice-deportation-focus\">federal judge in Ohio partially blocked that guidance\u003c/a>. U.S. District Court Judge Michael Newman, a Trump appointee, ruled the agency can’t ignore people whose criminal convictions subject them to mandatory detention.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Permanent residency isn’t ‘real permanence’\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Before Yung’s family fled Cambodia’s killing fields, two older siblings died of starvation and both of his parents were locked up by the Khmer Rouge. When his mother got out, she and the children made their way to a refugee camp and eventually to California.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Terry Honoré, Vithea Yung's sister\"]‘We came here with the understanding that we escaped the war and we are American.’[/pullquote]Honoré said her parents didn’t understand that even though they became permanent residents, real permanence depended on becoming naturalized U.S. citizens.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No one ever explained that to us,” she said. “We came here with the understanding that we escaped the war and we are American. Our card says that we are legal residents, you know, permanent residents.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now she’s become a supporter of the Vision Act, hoping others don’t have to go through her brother’s experience.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prasad said thousands of people — fully 10% of the state prison population — also are subject to ICE detainers, and few will get the attention Yung’s case has received.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As long as California is relying on ICE to act with decency and compassion, we have a problem, because ICE has a proven track record across administrations of acting with cruelty,” he said. “We need a systemic solution.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And for Yung, the stakes were high. In 2017, he suffered a spinal cord injury during a prison softball game and since then has been paralyzed from the neck down, requiring round-the-clock care and assistance with the basic functions of daily living. He lives in a skilled nursing facility in the Los Angeles area that’s under contract with the state prison system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But on Friday afternoon, an ICE spokesperson said that an immigration detainer, requesting California prison officials turn Yung over to ICE, had been dropped months earlier, on November 18.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The spokesperson, who would not agree to be identified because he was not authorized to speak about the case, said ICE makes custody determinations on a case-by-case basis, “considering the merits and factors of each case while adhering to current agency priorities, guidelines and legal mandates.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The news came as a surprise to Yung’s supporters, who had held a rally in Los Angeles Friday morning calling on California officials not to cooperate with ICE.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re relieved it was dropped and he’s not going to be transferred to ICE and he’ll receive the care he needs after leaving prison,” said Anoop Prasad, Yung’s lawyer with the Asian Law Caucus in San Francisco. “But it’s such a nerve-racking process. It shouldn’t require community outrage and rallies to get ICE to step in and do the basic, humane thing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prasad said the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation has a policy of notifying incarcerated people if an immigration detainer is dropped, but that didn’t happen here. Even in recent weeks, Yung’s CDCR counselor had told him the hold was still on file, Prasad said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Through his sister, Yung said he won’t feel confident that ICE isn’t going to detain him until he sees it in writing.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Immigrants funneled from prison to ICE detention\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The state prison system hands over hundreds of inmates to ICE each year. Between Jan. 1, 2020, and Nov. 30, 2021, the CDCR made 2,600 transfers to ICE, according to data obtained from the agency by the Asian Law Caucus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And advocates say Yung’s case highlights an injustice: If he had been born in the U.S. or had become a naturalized U.S. citizen, then when he completed his sentence that would have settled his debt to society and he would go free. But as a lawful permanent resident, or “green card” holder, his felony record meant he could be deported.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yung’s sister Terry Honoré said she was terrified at the thought that her quadriplegic brother could be sent to Cambodia to fend for himself.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I just don’t know how that would work,” she said. “It was really scary.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates also feared that Yung’s health could deteriorate in immigration detention, since ICE has been sued over inadequate care for people with disabilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The level of medical neglect at baseline in ICE facilities is horrific,” said Prasad.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He added that given how seriously injured Yung is, there’s no plausible argument he could pose a danger to society.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Asian Prisoner Support Committee and other advocacy groups are pushing for passage of the \u003ca href=\"http://www.iceoutofca.org/ca-values-act-sb54-408546.html\">Vision Act\u003c/a>, a bill in the state Senate that would block jail and prison officials from honoring ICE detainers for most inmates, like Yung, when they’re released.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Scores of people turned out for the \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/sg_chambita/status/1507435056456880128\">Los Angeles rally Friday\u003c/a> to push for that bill, AB 937, and support Yung.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom has until April 12 to review Yung’s parole. Unless he moves to block it, Yung will be released from prison and paroled to the care of his family. But advocates want Newsom to go further and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11827617/state-lawmakers-urge-newsom-to-stop-transferring-people-in-prison-to-ice-in-pandemic\">stop transfers from California prisons to ICE\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement, CDCR press secretary Dana Simas said the prison system notifies ICE of anyone they’re holding who might be a foreign national. ICE then determines their immigration status and decides whether to put an immigration “hold” or detainer on the person. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>A coalition of immigrant rights groups sued the Biden administration Monday, challenging its refusal to allow immigrant youth who’ve suffered abuse and neglect to legally work while they seek humanitarian protections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tens of thousands of applicants for a type of immigration protection called special immigrant juvenile status are forced to wait several years for work permits in the U.S. because of visa backlogs and other processing delays, according to the lawsuit, filed in federal court in Los Angeles.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Peter Schey, director, Center for Human Rights and Constitutional Law\"]'Our country needlessly causes these young immigrants to experience more instability, more uncertainty and often abuse at the hands of unscrupulous employers.'[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The youth, age 16 to 21, often endure homelessness, hunger or exploitation because they are unable to support themselves, said Peter Schey, a lead plaintiffs’ counsel. Many crossed the southern border without their parents and don’t have adult relatives to rely on.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our country needlessly causes these young immigrants to experience more instability, more uncertainty and often abuse at the hands of unscrupulous employers,” said Schey, who directs the Center for Human Rights and Constitutional Law in Los Angeles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Such a policy is really an affront to Congress's unmistakable purpose in creating this humanitarian protection,” he added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Immigrant children and youth are eligible for the \u003ca href=\"https://www.uscis.gov/working-in-the-united-states/permanent-workers/employment-based-immigration-fourth-preference-eb-4/special-immigrant-juveniles\">protections\u003c/a>, which were created by Congress more than 30 years ago, if a state court has determined that they cannot be reunited with a parent because of abuse, neglect or abandonment, and that it is not in their best interest to return to their home country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Currently, SIJ status recipients may not apply for work permits until they are eligible to petition for lawful permanent residence. But there’s a bottleneck slowing their access to green cards (as permanent resident cards are known). Fewer than 700 are available each year to SIJs from any single foreign country. And that has led to the years-long wait times, according to the lawsuit, which names young SIJ status recipients and applicants as plaintiffs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One plaintiff is Rene Gabriel Flores Merino, 20. He fled gang violence in El Salvador, and was granted SIJ status in November 2021. He’s enrolled in college but has lived in homeless shelters for about a year, as he waits to be able to legally work, he said.[aside postID=\"news_11907155,news_11906868,news_11905244\" label=\"Related Posts\"]“My life is extremely difficult because I don’t have a work permit,” said Merino. “I'm kind of worried about how I am going to pay for transportation to go to school because I don't have any ability to earn any sort of income.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By law, SIJ applications must be adjudicated by immigration authorities within 180 days. But in reality, decisions often take a year, according to plaintiffs in the lawsuit, which also seeks to force the government to speed up processing times.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services announced \u003ca href=\"https://www.federalregister.gov/public-inspection/2022-04698/special-immigrant-juvenile-petitions\">new rules\u003c/a> on Monday aimed at making the SIJ process more efficient. The changes include clarifying SIJ eligibility criteria “such as updating an age-out provision to protect petitioners who turn 21 while their petition is pending,” according to a statement released by the agency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are taking action to help immigrant children in the U.S. who have been abused, neglected, or abandoned and offer them protection to help rebuild their lives,” said USCIS Director Ur M. Jaddou in the statement. “These policies will provide humanitarian protection to vulnerable young people for whom a juvenile court has determined that it is in their best interest to remain in the United States.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agency also will begin considering special immigrant juveniles for “deferred action” — a temporary relief from deportation — when they cannot apply for a green card because visas are unavailable, under \u003ca href=\"https://www.uscis.gov/newsroom/alerts/uscis-to-offer-deferred-action-for-special-immigrant-juveniles\">a new USCIS policy\u003c/a> that will take effect on May 6. That would allow SIJs to apply for temporary work permits. But even with that updated process, new applicants could still wait about two years to be able to legally work, said attorney Schey.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These are not fraudulent cases. These are cases in which the fundamental eligibility has already been determined by a state court,” said Schey. “There is no reason why a juvenile applying for special immigrant juvenile status should not be … provided a work permit within a month or two months of filing their application. That's the result that we want to see.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>USCIS allows asylum seekers, victims of crime and other vulnerable immigrants to apply for work authorization while their visa petitions are being decided.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An agency spokesperson declined to comment on the lawsuit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As a matter of practice, USCIS does not comment on pending litigation,” said Matthew Bourke in an email.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Francisco, Supervisor Myrna Melgar said she is introducing a resolution to the Board of Supervisors calling on U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services to let these young immigrants work sooner.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We cannot open the doors to kids and at the same time deny them a way to feed themselves,” said Melgar, who said she arrived in the U.S. with her family fleeing the war in El Salvador when she was 12 years old. “I implore this administration to hold true to its campaign promises by supporting youth so that they can be able to succeed in this country by having a job, being able to pay for their expenses and be able to have a bright future.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“My life is extremely difficult because I don’t have a work permit,” said Merino. “I'm kind of worried about how I am going to pay for transportation to go to school because I don't have any ability to earn any sort of income.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By law, SIJ applications must be adjudicated by immigration authorities within 180 days. But in reality, decisions often take a year, according to plaintiffs in the lawsuit, which also seeks to force the government to speed up processing times.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services announced \u003ca href=\"https://www.federalregister.gov/public-inspection/2022-04698/special-immigrant-juvenile-petitions\">new rules\u003c/a> on Monday aimed at making the SIJ process more efficient. The changes include clarifying SIJ eligibility criteria “such as updating an age-out provision to protect petitioners who turn 21 while their petition is pending,” according to a statement released by the agency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are taking action to help immigrant children in the U.S. who have been abused, neglected, or abandoned and offer them protection to help rebuild their lives,” said USCIS Director Ur M. Jaddou in the statement. “These policies will provide humanitarian protection to vulnerable young people for whom a juvenile court has determined that it is in their best interest to remain in the United States.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agency also will begin considering special immigrant juveniles for “deferred action” — a temporary relief from deportation — when they cannot apply for a green card because visas are unavailable, under \u003ca href=\"https://www.uscis.gov/newsroom/alerts/uscis-to-offer-deferred-action-for-special-immigrant-juveniles\">a new USCIS policy\u003c/a> that will take effect on May 6. That would allow SIJs to apply for temporary work permits. But even with that updated process, new applicants could still wait about two years to be able to legally work, said attorney Schey.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These are not fraudulent cases. These are cases in which the fundamental eligibility has already been determined by a state court,” said Schey. “There is no reason why a juvenile applying for special immigrant juvenile status should not be … provided a work permit within a month or two months of filing their application. That's the result that we want to see.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>USCIS allows asylum seekers, victims of crime and other vulnerable immigrants to apply for work authorization while their visa petitions are being decided.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An agency spokesperson declined to comment on the lawsuit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As a matter of practice, USCIS does not comment on pending litigation,” said Matthew Bourke in an email.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Francisco, Supervisor Myrna Melgar said she is introducing a resolution to the Board of Supervisors calling on U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services to let these young immigrants work sooner.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We cannot open the doors to kids and at the same time deny them a way to feed themselves,” said Melgar, who said she arrived in the U.S. with her family fleeing the war in El Salvador when she was 12 years old. “I implore this administration to hold true to its campaign promises by supporting youth so that they can be able to succeed in this country by having a job, being able to pay for their expenses and be able to have a bright future.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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