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"content": "\u003cp>California's cannabis excise tax generated only $74.2 million in the second quarter of 2019, the state says, announcing numbers that are short of projections that were set months ago. It's the latest sign that the country's largest marijuana market has struggled to take off since sales of recreational pot became legal last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The second-quarter figure reflected a gain over the $63.1 million excise revenue from the first three months of 2019. But earlier this year, the results prompted Gov. Gavin Newsom to revise his office's estimates of how much money the state would net from its cannabis industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"In January, Gov. Gavin Newsom's proposed budget forecast $355 million and $514 million in excise tax revenues for fiscal years 2019 and 2020, respectively,\" as member station Capital Public Radio \u003ca href=\"http://www.capradio.org/articles/2019/05/15/cannabis-tax-revenue-in-california-could-be-hundreds-of-millions-of-dollars-below-projections/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">reported\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In May, Newsom's budget lowered its expectations for the cannabis excise tax, to $288 million in the current fiscal year and to $359 million in 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Compared to other states, California's legal cannabis market has stumbled rather than soared. When California moved from a loosely regulated medical marijuana system to a fully regulated retail system in 2018, it watched legal sales drop to $2.5 billion, from around $3 billion the year before.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"After adjusting for population, the Golden State raised the second-least amount of revenue from cannabis taxes during the second quarter among states with legal sales, ahead of only Massachusetts,\" according to the \u003ca href=\"https://itep.org/why-californias-cannabis-market-may-not-tell-you-much-about-legalization-in-your-state/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Institute on Taxation and Economic Policy\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The result was a departure from the spikes seen in states such as Colorado, Washington and Oregon after those states legalized recreational markets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"What had happened was that those markets typically doubled in the first year,\" says Tom Adams, of the cannabis industry research firm BDS Analytics. In those three states, he adds, they \"posted 50 to 90 percent compound annual growth for three years straight.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As for what's holding California back, Adams says licensed stores can be hard to find, because many local areas have refused to allow retailers to open. And then there are the tax and regulatory costs: In addition to requiring wholesale distribution, California imposes a number of levies on the cannabis industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It's typically 9% to 11% retail sales tax\" in California, Adams says. But local city and county governments can impose their own taxes on cannabis products, and those rates vary widely.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID='news_11747711,news_11769070,news_11767522' label='related stories']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California also imposes a 15% excise tax, along with a cultivation tax of $9.25 that growers must pay for each ounce of dried cannabis flowers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Of the decision to levy a set tax that's based on weight rather than on a fluctuating market price, Adams says that if \"instead of going with a percentage of revenue tax you go with a per ounce tax, that gets painful really quickly.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Confronted with high taxes in the legal market and new requirements for getting an annual medical marijuana card, many cannabis users in California have turned to the illegal market. The number of medicinal customers has shrunk drastically in the past year, Adams notes. And he says the state's rules about keeping inventories separate for recreational and medicinal sales have either increased costs or prompted some retailers to abandon the medical market altogether.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition to the state excise tax, California's cultivation tax pulled in $22.6 million and its state sales tax totaled $47.4 million, for a total cannabis revenue boost of $144.2 million for the second quarter, the \u003ca href=\"http://www.cdtfa.ca.gov/news/19-19.htm\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">California Department of Tax and Fee Administration\u003c/a> reported this week. The state's figures do not include taxes collected at the local level.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite the market's challenges, BDS Analytics \u003ca href=\"https://shop.bdsanalytics.com/collections/reports/products/california-lessons-from-the-worlds-largest-cannabis-market\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">released a report\u003c/a> earlier this month that predicts California's legal cannabis sales will grow by 23% in 2019 to $3.1 billion, and will rise to $7.2 billion in 2024. But the firm also believes that even five years from now, the illicit market will still account for 53% of all cannabis sales in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By contrast, the firm says, \"States with more supportive regulatory regimes are expecting illicit sales to make up less than 30%\" of all sales.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2019 NPR. To see more, visit https://www.npr.org.\u003cimg src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=California+Says+Its+Cannabis+Revenue+Has+Fallen+Short+Of+Estimates%2C+Despite+Gains&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "The tepid results have prompted Gov. Gavin Newsom to revise his office's estimates of how much money the state will net from its cannabis industry.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>California's cannabis excise tax generated only $74.2 million in the second quarter of 2019, the state says, announcing numbers that are short of projections that were set months ago. It's the latest sign that the country's largest marijuana market has struggled to take off since sales of recreational pot became legal last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The second-quarter figure reflected a gain over the $63.1 million excise revenue from the first three months of 2019. But earlier this year, the results prompted Gov. Gavin Newsom to revise his office's estimates of how much money the state would net from its cannabis industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"In January, Gov. Gavin Newsom's proposed budget forecast $355 million and $514 million in excise tax revenues for fiscal years 2019 and 2020, respectively,\" as member station Capital Public Radio \u003ca href=\"http://www.capradio.org/articles/2019/05/15/cannabis-tax-revenue-in-california-could-be-hundreds-of-millions-of-dollars-below-projections/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">reported\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In May, Newsom's budget lowered its expectations for the cannabis excise tax, to $288 million in the current fiscal year and to $359 million in 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Compared to other states, California's legal cannabis market has stumbled rather than soared. When California moved from a loosely regulated medical marijuana system to a fully regulated retail system in 2018, it watched legal sales drop to $2.5 billion, from around $3 billion the year before.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"After adjusting for population, the Golden State raised the second-least amount of revenue from cannabis taxes during the second quarter among states with legal sales, ahead of only Massachusetts,\" according to the \u003ca href=\"https://itep.org/why-californias-cannabis-market-may-not-tell-you-much-about-legalization-in-your-state/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Institute on Taxation and Economic Policy\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The result was a departure from the spikes seen in states such as Colorado, Washington and Oregon after those states legalized recreational markets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"What had happened was that those markets typically doubled in the first year,\" says Tom Adams, of the cannabis industry research firm BDS Analytics. In those three states, he adds, they \"posted 50 to 90 percent compound annual growth for three years straight.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As for what's holding California back, Adams says licensed stores can be hard to find, because many local areas have refused to allow retailers to open. And then there are the tax and regulatory costs: In addition to requiring wholesale distribution, California imposes a number of levies on the cannabis industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It's typically 9% to 11% retail sales tax\" in California, Adams says. But local city and county governments can impose their own taxes on cannabis products, and those rates vary widely.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California also imposes a 15% excise tax, along with a cultivation tax of $9.25 that growers must pay for each ounce of dried cannabis flowers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Of the decision to levy a set tax that's based on weight rather than on a fluctuating market price, Adams says that if \"instead of going with a percentage of revenue tax you go with a per ounce tax, that gets painful really quickly.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Confronted with high taxes in the legal market and new requirements for getting an annual medical marijuana card, many cannabis users in California have turned to the illegal market. The number of medicinal customers has shrunk drastically in the past year, Adams notes. And he says the state's rules about keeping inventories separate for recreational and medicinal sales have either increased costs or prompted some retailers to abandon the medical market altogether.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition to the state excise tax, California's cultivation tax pulled in $22.6 million and its state sales tax totaled $47.4 million, for a total cannabis revenue boost of $144.2 million for the second quarter, the \u003ca href=\"http://www.cdtfa.ca.gov/news/19-19.htm\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">California Department of Tax and Fee Administration\u003c/a> reported this week. The state's figures do not include taxes collected at the local level.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite the market's challenges, BDS Analytics \u003ca href=\"https://shop.bdsanalytics.com/collections/reports/products/california-lessons-from-the-worlds-largest-cannabis-market\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">released a report\u003c/a> earlier this month that predicts California's legal cannabis sales will grow by 23% in 2019 to $3.1 billion, and will rise to $7.2 billion in 2024. But the firm also believes that even five years from now, the illicit market will still account for 53% of all cannabis sales in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By contrast, the firm says, \"States with more supportive regulatory regimes are expecting illicit sales to make up less than 30%\" of all sales.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2019 NPR. To see more, visit https://www.npr.org.\u003cimg src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=California+Says+Its+Cannabis+Revenue+Has+Fallen+Short+Of+Estimates%2C+Despite+Gains&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Trump Increases Tariffs on Goods From China, 'Orders' U.S. Companies to Cut Ties With the Country",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Updated at 5:18 p.m. ET\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>President Trump on Friday announced higher tariffs on goods from China, hours after Beijing said it will slap tariffs on $75 billion of autos and other U.S. goods. Earlier in the day, he \"ordered\" U.S. companies to stop doing business with China though it was unclear whether he had the power to do that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/realDonaldTrump/status/1165005927864512512\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">tweeted\u003c/a> that starting Oct. 1, $250 billion worth of goods from China currently being taxed at 25% will face tariffs of 30%. And, starting Sept. 1, $300 billion worth of other goods will be subject to tariffs of 15% — up from the 10% previously announced.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/realDonaldTrump/status/1165005927864512512\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump's announcement came after the stock market closed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. stock markets fell sharply after Trump's earlier tweets threatening to respond to China's latest tariffs. The Dow Jones Industrial Average closed down 623 points, or about 2.4%. The S&P 500 dropped about 2.6%, and the Nasdaq composite fell 3%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Friday's tit-for-tat announcements mark an escalation in a trade war that has rippled through the world economy and raised fears of a U.S. recession.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The first batch of China's tariffs on U.S. goods will go into effect Sept. 1, and a second, on autos and auto parts, is due to go into effect Dec. 15. The tariffs range from 5% to 25%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"My only question is, who is our bigger enemy, Jay Powell or Chairman Xi?\" Trump \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/realDonaldTrump/status/1164914610836783104?s=20\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">tweeted\u003c/a> earlier Friday, referring to the Federal Reserve chairman, whom he has been urging to cut interest rates, and Chinese leader Xi Jinping.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/realDonaldTrump/status/1164914959131848705?s=20\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/realDonaldTrump/status/1164914959131848705?s=20\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">tweeted \u003c/a>the United States has \"stupidly\" lost trillions of dollars to China over the years, citing the theft of intellectual property. \"We don't need China and, frankly, would be far better off without them,\" he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID='news_11746559,news_11746318' label='more on this issue']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump said U.S. firms doing business with China should look elsewhere.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Our great American companies are hereby ordered to immediately start looking for an alternative to China, including bringing your companies HOME and making your products in the USA,\" he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was unclear what Trump could do to force U.S. companies to make such a move.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The president has no authority to order companies to pull out of China,\" said Jennifer Hillman, a professor at the Georgetown Law Center. \"Those companies have already invested in China for reasons that they chose to go into China.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>China's Finance Ministry called the new tariffs \"a forced move to deal with U.S. unilateralism and trade protectionism.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last September, China set tariffs on \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2018/09/18/649120519/china-sets-tariffs-on-60-billion-in-u-s-goods-retaliating-against-u-s-duties\">$60 billion\u003c/a> in U.S. goods in retaliation for U.S. duties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The $75 billion in goods affected by China's latest tariffs would represent more than 60% of the \u003ca href=\"https://ustr.gov/countries-regions/china-mongolia-taiwan/peoples-republic-china\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">$120.3 billion\u003c/a> worth of U.S. goods exported to China last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. and Chinese negotiators are due to meet in September for a new round of trade talks but have not confirmed a date.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>NPR's Emily Feng and Jim Zarroli contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2019 NPR. To see more, visit https://www.npr.org.\u003cimg src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=Trump+Announces+Higher+Tariffs+On+Goods+From+China+After+Dow+Plunges+623+Points&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump said U.S. firms doing business with China should look elsewhere.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Our great American companies are hereby ordered to immediately start looking for an alternative to China, including bringing your companies HOME and making your products in the USA,\" he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was unclear what Trump could do to force U.S. companies to make such a move.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The president has no authority to order companies to pull out of China,\" said Jennifer Hillman, a professor at the Georgetown Law Center. \"Those companies have already invested in China for reasons that they chose to go into China.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>China's Finance Ministry called the new tariffs \"a forced move to deal with U.S. unilateralism and trade protectionism.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last September, China set tariffs on \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2018/09/18/649120519/china-sets-tariffs-on-60-billion-in-u-s-goods-retaliating-against-u-s-duties\">$60 billion\u003c/a> in U.S. goods in retaliation for U.S. duties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The $75 billion in goods affected by China's latest tariffs would represent more than 60% of the \u003ca href=\"https://ustr.gov/countries-regions/china-mongolia-taiwan/peoples-republic-china\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">$120.3 billion\u003c/a> worth of U.S. goods exported to China last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. and Chinese negotiators are due to meet in September for a new round of trade talks but have not confirmed a date.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>NPR's Emily Feng and Jim Zarroli contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2019 NPR. To see more, visit https://www.npr.org.\u003cimg src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=Trump+Announces+Higher+Tariffs+On+Goods+From+China+After+Dow+Plunges+623+Points&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Pacific Gas and Electric’s customers were warned about the cost of massive wildfires that it may have sparked. Even before California’s largest utility filed bankruptcy proceedings at the start of the year, lawyers, policymakers and consumer advocates all \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/environment/2018/11/what-happens-if-pge-goes-bankrupt/\">cautioned\u003c/a> that the company’s liabilities in those fires would, one way or another, hit the pocketbooks of its 16 million customers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So how much could consumers throughout Northern and Central California be facing in higher costs?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Related Coverage\" tag=\"pge\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We don’t have a full picture yet. We do know PG&E is seeking double-digit rate increases to help reduce the risk of future fires. But there isn’t agreement yet on how much the company will be held financially responsible for the deadly and destructive \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/explainers/californias-worsening-wildfires-explained/\">wildfires\u003c/a> in 2017 and 2018. And we don’t know how much of that liability might be passed on.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Just recently, U.S. Bankruptcy Judge Dennis Montali \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/newsletter/billionaires-hits-a-hard-patch-the-economy-is-on-a-roll-and-help-is-wanted-in-health-care/\">ruled\u003c/a> that a jury can decide whether the utility is liable in the Tubbs Fire in Sonoma County, even though investigators pinned the source on private electrical equipment, not PG&E (more on this later).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One thing is sure: Consumers will shoulder a big share of any liabilities. Here’s what we know so far about how much PG&E’s rates could go up.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>How Much Does PG&E Charge?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>PG&E’s customers are already paying some of the highest electricity rates in the state, if not the country. The utility’s average rate is \u003ca href=\"https://www.eia.gov/electricity/sales_revenue_price/pdf/table10.pdf\">20.06\u003c/a> cents per \u003ca href=\"https://www.eia.gov/tools/glossary/index.php?id=K\">kilowatt hour,\u003c/a> compared with an average \u003ca href=\"https://www.eia.gov/electricity/sales_revenue_price/pdf/table4.pdf\">16.06\u003c/a> cents statewide and \u003ca href=\"https://www.eia.gov/electricity/sales_revenue_price/pdf/table4.pdf\">10.48\u003c/a> cents nationally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But interestingly, those higher rates are offset by California’s higher efficiency. The state’s average monthly consumption is about 300 kilowatt hours less than the U.S. average, with California’s average monthly electricity bill at $101.49 compared to $111.67 nationwide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The average residential PG&E customer pays $113.64 a month for electricity and $52.30 for gas, or about \u003ca href=\"http://docs.cpuc.ca.gov/PublishedDocs/Efile/G000/M250/K270/250270251.PDF#page=9\">$165.94\u003c/a> a month, according to the company.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe src=\"https://e.infogram.com/1fb6fa14-deee-48c4-ae0b-3f90b81f80ca?src=embed\" title=\"Average utility rates in California\" width=\"800\" height=\"1470\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border:none;\" allowfullscreen=\"allowfullscreen\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>How Much Have PG&E’s Rates Already Risen?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>In the past decade, the utility’s rates have been going up faster than inflation. According to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.cpuc.ca.gov/uploadedFiles/CPUCWebsite/Content/News_Room/NewsUpdates/2019/Cal%20Advocates%20Rate%20Trend%20Presentation%20-%20April%2024th%202019.pdf\">Public Advocates Office\u003c/a>, residential rates have risen 31% between 2009 and 2019 — higher than the consumer price index of 19%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But PG&E isn’t alone. While Southern California Edison rates largely appear to keep track with inflation at 18%, San Diego Gas & Electric’s have jumped 51% in the past decade. That’s partly because SDG&E’s customers have been installing solar panels at a higher rate, which distorts the average cost because each customer appears to be consuming less electricity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>How Much More Will Customers’ Costs Go Up?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Based on what we know, the average residential PG&E customer could pay nearly $300 more a year in the next three years, or a 15% increase in their monthly bills. This is because the utility is asking permission from state regulators — separately from the bankruptcy proceedings — to increase its revenue in two ways. Most, but not all, of the new revenue would be passed to consumers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>First, PG&E has asked for a three-year increase totaling \u003ca href=\"https://www.cpuc.ca.gov/General.aspx?id=10432\">$2 billion\u003c/a>.That would include a 12.4% jump next year, a 4.7% increase the year after that and a 4.8% hike in 2022. That’s nearly a 22% rise. PG&E says much of the extra money is needed for fire-safety \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/environment/california-wildfires/2019/06/scant-details-are-california-utilities-doing-enough-to-fireproof-their-equipment/\">improvements\u003c/a> such as more fire-resistant poles, covered power lines, new weather stations and high-definition field cameras.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In this scenario, for the average PG&E residential customer using both electricity and gas, the current bill of $165.94 a month would go up to $186.24 in three years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On top of that, PG&E wants to raise the \u003ca href=\"https://www.cpuc.ca.gov/General.aspx?id=12093\">guaranteed rate of return\u003c/a> for capital investments that it gets under California law from 10.25% to 12%. It had sought a return as high as \u003ca href=\"https://www.pge.com/en/about/newsroom/newsdetails/index.page?title=20190422_pge_submits_updated_financing_proposal_for_safety_and_reliability_infrastructure_investments_for_16_million_customers_commits_to_working_toward_long-term_policy_solutions_to_best_serve_interests_of_customers_utility_and_california\">16%\u003c/a> in April. PG&E is arguing that it needs to offer investors bigger profits to offset the financial risks of liability in major wildfires.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This request would add an additional $4.12 a month to the average residential bill. Combined, the increases would be $293 a year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe src=\"https://e.infogram.com/28b3e590-0506-4c73-a519-f470250b8e6e?src=embed\" title=\"PG&E monthly cost\" width=\"800\" height=\"750\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border:none;\" allowfullscreen=\"allowfullscreen\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Can This Really Happen?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Yes, but it depends on state regulators. The California Public Utilities Commission will need to approve both rate increases, and PG&E may not get everything it wants. Already the commission, which oversees investor-owned utilities, is hearing an earful from residents in \u003ca href=\"https://www.pressdemocrat.com/news/9850146-181/pges-2-billion-rate-increase\">Santa Rosa\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.fresnobee.com/news/local/article234012322.html\">Fresno\u003c/a> overwhelmingly opposed to paying more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The commission is expected to announce a decision next year.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>What’s Going on With the Bankruptcy?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The bankruptcy case is proceeding in court in the meantime, but key issues have yet to be resolved. Perhaps the biggest unknown is how much PG&E will be on the hook for past wildfires. PG&E initially stated it could face as much as \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/economy/2019/01/pge-bankruptcy-problems-wildfires-outcomes/\">$30 billion\u003c/a> in potential damages from a series of catastrophic wildfires in Northern California in 2017 and 2018. The utility has since lowered that estimate to \u003ca href=\"https://d18rn0p25nwr6d.cloudfront.net/CIK-0001004980/eabd64d5-e293-481f-98dd-15e77f594ec7.pdf\">$17.9 billion\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"The PG&E Bankruptcy\" tag=\"pge-bankruptcy\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the utility has all but accepted liability in the \u003ca href=\"https://www.fire.ca.gov/media/5038/campfire_cause.pdf\">Camp Fire\u003c/a> that leveled the Northern California town of Paradise, it has been trying to minimize liability in the Tubbs Fire, citing a Cal Fire investigation that blamed \u003ca href=\"https://www.fire.ca.gov/media/5032/tubbscause1v.pdf\">private electrical equipment\u003c/a>. But the bankruptcy judge \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/newsletter/billionaires-hits-a-hard-patch-the-economy-is-on-a-roll-and-help-is-wanted-in-health-care/\">ruled\u003c/a> that victims can pursue a jury trial.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fire victims argue that PG&E is at least partly to blame. They’re eager to show jurors a winery’s \u003ca href=\"https://sfist.com/2019/07/27/new-surveillance-video-puts-pg-e-back-in-the-blame-game-for-the-2017-tubbs-fire/\">surveillance video\u003c/a> they say is the moment when high-voltage PG&E lines exploded first, near the private power system. Rex Frazier, president of the Personal Insurance Federation of California, which represents insurance companies, said a jury could award victims up to $10 billion.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Is There a Deadline for the Bankruptcy Proceedings?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Yes. Under a new \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB1054\">law\u003c/a> signed by Gov. Gavin Newsom, PG&E will need to have an exit plan resolved by June 30, 2020, in order to tap \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/environment/california-wildfires/2019/07/californias-new-wildfire-plan-5-things-to-know/\">special funds\u003c/a> for future wildfire damages. PG&E is expected to present a draft of its plan in court next month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Consumer advocates worry that PG&E may also try to stick customers with damages from past fires — the debt that drove them into bankruptcy. “PG&E wouldn’t be PG&E if they weren’t always looking for a bailout,” says Mindy Spatt, a spokeswoman for The Utility Reform Network, a consumer advocacy organization.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Is There a Bailout?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>TBD. Assemblyman Chad Mayes, a Republican from Yucca Valley, has proposed allowing PG&E to sell \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/newsletter/pge-legislation-emerges-newsom-visits-paradise-and-horse-tracks-jockey-for-position/\">$20 billion in bonds\u003c/a> to pay off past wildfire liabilities. Mayes says PG&E shareholders, not customers or taxpayers, would shoulder the debt. A group of PG&E shareholders created a \u003ca href=\"https://www.wildfirerecoverynow.com/\">website\u003c/a> to tout the plan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But a group of bondholders led by Paul Singer, a significant contributor to the Republican Party, has mounted a challenge for control of PG&E. The group has teamed with agriculture and food-processing customers — major commercial customers — to warn that consumers and taxpayers would in fact pay more. Its website is \u003ca href=\"https://stopthepgebailout.com/the-bailout/\">here\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s unclear if lawmakers will take up the additional legislation before they adjourn in three weeks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"http://calmatters.org/\">CalMatters.org\u003c/a> is a nonprofit, nonpartisan media venture explaining California policies and politics.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Pacific Gas and Electric’s customers were warned about the cost of massive wildfires the utility may have sparked. Even before PG&E filed for bankruptcy, it was clear the company’s wildfire damages would hit customers’ wallets.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Pacific Gas and Electric’s customers were warned about the cost of massive wildfires that it may have sparked. Even before California’s largest utility filed bankruptcy proceedings at the start of the year, lawyers, policymakers and consumer advocates all \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/environment/2018/11/what-happens-if-pge-goes-bankrupt/\">cautioned\u003c/a> that the company’s liabilities in those fires would, one way or another, hit the pocketbooks of its 16 million customers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So how much could consumers throughout Northern and Central California be facing in higher costs?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We don’t have a full picture yet. We do know PG&E is seeking double-digit rate increases to help reduce the risk of future fires. But there isn’t agreement yet on how much the company will be held financially responsible for the deadly and destructive \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/explainers/californias-worsening-wildfires-explained/\">wildfires\u003c/a> in 2017 and 2018. And we don’t know how much of that liability might be passed on.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Just recently, U.S. Bankruptcy Judge Dennis Montali \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/newsletter/billionaires-hits-a-hard-patch-the-economy-is-on-a-roll-and-help-is-wanted-in-health-care/\">ruled\u003c/a> that a jury can decide whether the utility is liable in the Tubbs Fire in Sonoma County, even though investigators pinned the source on private electrical equipment, not PG&E (more on this later).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One thing is sure: Consumers will shoulder a big share of any liabilities. Here’s what we know so far about how much PG&E’s rates could go up.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>How Much Does PG&E Charge?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>PG&E’s customers are already paying some of the highest electricity rates in the state, if not the country. The utility’s average rate is \u003ca href=\"https://www.eia.gov/electricity/sales_revenue_price/pdf/table10.pdf\">20.06\u003c/a> cents per \u003ca href=\"https://www.eia.gov/tools/glossary/index.php?id=K\">kilowatt hour,\u003c/a> compared with an average \u003ca href=\"https://www.eia.gov/electricity/sales_revenue_price/pdf/table4.pdf\">16.06\u003c/a> cents statewide and \u003ca href=\"https://www.eia.gov/electricity/sales_revenue_price/pdf/table4.pdf\">10.48\u003c/a> cents nationally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But interestingly, those higher rates are offset by California’s higher efficiency. The state’s average monthly consumption is about 300 kilowatt hours less than the U.S. average, with California’s average monthly electricity bill at $101.49 compared to $111.67 nationwide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The average residential PG&E customer pays $113.64 a month for electricity and $52.30 for gas, or about \u003ca href=\"http://docs.cpuc.ca.gov/PublishedDocs/Efile/G000/M250/K270/250270251.PDF#page=9\">$165.94\u003c/a> a month, according to the company.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe src=\"https://e.infogram.com/1fb6fa14-deee-48c4-ae0b-3f90b81f80ca?src=embed\" title=\"Average utility rates in California\" width=\"800\" height=\"1470\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border:none;\" allowfullscreen=\"allowfullscreen\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>How Much Have PG&E’s Rates Already Risen?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>In the past decade, the utility’s rates have been going up faster than inflation. According to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.cpuc.ca.gov/uploadedFiles/CPUCWebsite/Content/News_Room/NewsUpdates/2019/Cal%20Advocates%20Rate%20Trend%20Presentation%20-%20April%2024th%202019.pdf\">Public Advocates Office\u003c/a>, residential rates have risen 31% between 2009 and 2019 — higher than the consumer price index of 19%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But PG&E isn’t alone. While Southern California Edison rates largely appear to keep track with inflation at 18%, San Diego Gas & Electric’s have jumped 51% in the past decade. That’s partly because SDG&E’s customers have been installing solar panels at a higher rate, which distorts the average cost because each customer appears to be consuming less electricity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>How Much More Will Customers’ Costs Go Up?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Based on what we know, the average residential PG&E customer could pay nearly $300 more a year in the next three years, or a 15% increase in their monthly bills. This is because the utility is asking permission from state regulators — separately from the bankruptcy proceedings — to increase its revenue in two ways. Most, but not all, of the new revenue would be passed to consumers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>First, PG&E has asked for a three-year increase totaling \u003ca href=\"https://www.cpuc.ca.gov/General.aspx?id=10432\">$2 billion\u003c/a>.That would include a 12.4% jump next year, a 4.7% increase the year after that and a 4.8% hike in 2022. That’s nearly a 22% rise. PG&E says much of the extra money is needed for fire-safety \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/environment/california-wildfires/2019/06/scant-details-are-california-utilities-doing-enough-to-fireproof-their-equipment/\">improvements\u003c/a> such as more fire-resistant poles, covered power lines, new weather stations and high-definition field cameras.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In this scenario, for the average PG&E residential customer using both electricity and gas, the current bill of $165.94 a month would go up to $186.24 in three years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On top of that, PG&E wants to raise the \u003ca href=\"https://www.cpuc.ca.gov/General.aspx?id=12093\">guaranteed rate of return\u003c/a> for capital investments that it gets under California law from 10.25% to 12%. It had sought a return as high as \u003ca href=\"https://www.pge.com/en/about/newsroom/newsdetails/index.page?title=20190422_pge_submits_updated_financing_proposal_for_safety_and_reliability_infrastructure_investments_for_16_million_customers_commits_to_working_toward_long-term_policy_solutions_to_best_serve_interests_of_customers_utility_and_california\">16%\u003c/a> in April. PG&E is arguing that it needs to offer investors bigger profits to offset the financial risks of liability in major wildfires.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This request would add an additional $4.12 a month to the average residential bill. Combined, the increases would be $293 a year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe src=\"https://e.infogram.com/28b3e590-0506-4c73-a519-f470250b8e6e?src=embed\" title=\"PG&E monthly cost\" width=\"800\" height=\"750\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border:none;\" allowfullscreen=\"allowfullscreen\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Can This Really Happen?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Yes, but it depends on state regulators. The California Public Utilities Commission will need to approve both rate increases, and PG&E may not get everything it wants. Already the commission, which oversees investor-owned utilities, is hearing an earful from residents in \u003ca href=\"https://www.pressdemocrat.com/news/9850146-181/pges-2-billion-rate-increase\">Santa Rosa\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.fresnobee.com/news/local/article234012322.html\">Fresno\u003c/a> overwhelmingly opposed to paying more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The commission is expected to announce a decision next year.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>What’s Going on With the Bankruptcy?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The bankruptcy case is proceeding in court in the meantime, but key issues have yet to be resolved. Perhaps the biggest unknown is how much PG&E will be on the hook for past wildfires. PG&E initially stated it could face as much as \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/economy/2019/01/pge-bankruptcy-problems-wildfires-outcomes/\">$30 billion\u003c/a> in potential damages from a series of catastrophic wildfires in Northern California in 2017 and 2018. The utility has since lowered that estimate to \u003ca href=\"https://d18rn0p25nwr6d.cloudfront.net/CIK-0001004980/eabd64d5-e293-481f-98dd-15e77f594ec7.pdf\">$17.9 billion\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the utility has all but accepted liability in the \u003ca href=\"https://www.fire.ca.gov/media/5038/campfire_cause.pdf\">Camp Fire\u003c/a> that leveled the Northern California town of Paradise, it has been trying to minimize liability in the Tubbs Fire, citing a Cal Fire investigation that blamed \u003ca href=\"https://www.fire.ca.gov/media/5032/tubbscause1v.pdf\">private electrical equipment\u003c/a>. But the bankruptcy judge \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/newsletter/billionaires-hits-a-hard-patch-the-economy-is-on-a-roll-and-help-is-wanted-in-health-care/\">ruled\u003c/a> that victims can pursue a jury trial.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fire victims argue that PG&E is at least partly to blame. They’re eager to show jurors a winery’s \u003ca href=\"https://sfist.com/2019/07/27/new-surveillance-video-puts-pg-e-back-in-the-blame-game-for-the-2017-tubbs-fire/\">surveillance video\u003c/a> they say is the moment when high-voltage PG&E lines exploded first, near the private power system. Rex Frazier, president of the Personal Insurance Federation of California, which represents insurance companies, said a jury could award victims up to $10 billion.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Is There a Deadline for the Bankruptcy Proceedings?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Yes. Under a new \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB1054\">law\u003c/a> signed by Gov. Gavin Newsom, PG&E will need to have an exit plan resolved by June 30, 2020, in order to tap \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/environment/california-wildfires/2019/07/californias-new-wildfire-plan-5-things-to-know/\">special funds\u003c/a> for future wildfire damages. PG&E is expected to present a draft of its plan in court next month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Consumer advocates worry that PG&E may also try to stick customers with damages from past fires — the debt that drove them into bankruptcy. “PG&E wouldn’t be PG&E if they weren’t always looking for a bailout,” says Mindy Spatt, a spokeswoman for The Utility Reform Network, a consumer advocacy organization.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Is There a Bailout?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>TBD. Assemblyman Chad Mayes, a Republican from Yucca Valley, has proposed allowing PG&E to sell \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/newsletter/pge-legislation-emerges-newsom-visits-paradise-and-horse-tracks-jockey-for-position/\">$20 billion in bonds\u003c/a> to pay off past wildfire liabilities. Mayes says PG&E shareholders, not customers or taxpayers, would shoulder the debt. A group of PG&E shareholders created a \u003ca href=\"https://www.wildfirerecoverynow.com/\">website\u003c/a> to tout the plan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But a group of bondholders led by Paul Singer, a significant contributor to the Republican Party, has mounted a challenge for control of PG&E. The group has teamed with agriculture and food-processing customers — major commercial customers — to warn that consumers and taxpayers would in fact pay more. Its website is \u003ca href=\"https://stopthepgebailout.com/the-bailout/\">here\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s unclear if lawmakers will take up the additional legislation before they adjourn in three weeks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"http://calmatters.org/\">CalMatters.org\u003c/a> is a nonprofit, nonpartisan media venture explaining California policies and politics.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "How Did Things Get So Bad Between Vallejo and Its Police?",
"headTitle": "How Did Things Get So Bad Between Vallejo and Its Police? | KQED",
"content": "\u003cp>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">This is part III of The Bay’s three-part podcast series on policing in Vallejo. Here is \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11768008/the-life-and-death-of-willie-mccoy\">part I\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11768675/going-against-the-polices-narrative\">part II\u003c/a>.\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[dropcap]V[/dropcap]allejo police officers have shot and killed 21 people since 2005, and residents and families of those victims have returned to City Hall repeatedly to say: They’ve had enough. But it’s not just police shootings, which have been driving people to protest in Vallejo since at least 2012. It’s also everyday run-ins with Vallejo police officers that, for years, have added to a sense of mistrust that’s blowing up in City Hall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So, how did it get this bad?\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>The Year the Money Dried Up\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Tensions with police today can be traced back to 2008, when Vallejo became the first city of its size to file for bankruptcy in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That year, the city had some tough choices to make. When the city went bankrupt, police and firefighter salaries, pensions and overtime accounted for 74% of Vallejo’s $80 million general budget, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://object.cato.org/sites/cato.org/files/pubs/pdf/pa645.pdf\">2009 study\u003c/a> by the Cato Institute, a libertarian think tank.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Hear More on The Bay\" link1=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/the-bay/,Subscribe to the podcast\" hero=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/TheBay_1200x6301.png\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/135954/vallejo-city-manager-responds-to-questions-about-police-shootings\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">could no longer afford\u003c/a> its contracts with police and firefighters. Osby Davis, the mayor at the time, said negotiations with the unions reached the 11th hour before the city decided to file for bankruptcy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It had an impact on the entire city, not just the police department,” said Davis, who served as Vallejo mayor for 10 years. The city lost employees as a result. At the police department, staffing for officers went from 126 to 77, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We stopped putting any money into our streets and roads, no money into infrastructure, no raises for any employees,” Davis said. “We were just … in dire straits.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Citywide, businesses closed and people lost their homes. At the police department, there was an exodus of police officers, which put additional pressures on the ones who stayed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We had to pick up the slack and the duties of others that were no longer present,” said retired VPD Sgt. Brent Garrick, who had several jobs throughout his 30-year career with the department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During the most dire years, Garrick was juggling more than one job at once. Officers began putting in a lot of overtime, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And so you didn’t have a consistency and continuity within the department, and that produced a situation where, you know, I’d kind of describe it as a perfect storm,” he said. “You don’t have a good sense of direction, policy, procedure.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11769309\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11769309\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/IMG_6333-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Vallejo police officers at a City Council meeting.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/IMG_6333-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/IMG_6333-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/IMG_6333-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/IMG_6333-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/IMG_6333.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Vallejo police officers at a City Council meeting. \u003ccite>(Ericka Cruz Guevarra/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The city had less money to send officers to training outside of the department, Garrick said. Before bankruptcy, the department required its officers to attend firearms training upward of six times a year — significantly more than the state standard, he said. But budget cuts meant fewer trips to the range, said Garrick. Officers began to worry that the lack of training was creating a liability for the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then, in 2011, Officer James Lowell Capoot was shot and killed in the line of duty.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I remember hearing some of the conversations: ‘Wow, you know, look what the city is doing to us, man they’re gonna get someone killed,’ ” Garrick said. “And sure enough, in 2011, that came to fruition, and people were really impacted by that and hurt by that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And it was a very turbulent time, and almost painful to even think about, because as a result a lot of people feel that, you know, officers were out there on a killing spree, and that was so far from the truth.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"The Bay's Series on Vallejo Police Shootings\" tag=\"vallejo-police-shootings\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The next year, however, Vallejo experienced the deadliest year of police shootings in the last 14 years. In 2012, the city budgeted for about 85 police officers but Garrick said there were only around 76 cops patrolling the city, an all-time low for the department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The staffing levels had a direct impact on officers in the field. There were fewer officers to call for backup. Garrick said that put officers in scary situations — often alone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You can imagine there was a fear factor that was going on,” he said. “Because the reality is you know we don’t know what’s behind that closed door.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the time, the department pointed to skyrocketing crime rates. Crimes did increase, almost 10 percent from the year before.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Vallejo, even with its smaller population, still had \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/135682/amid-a-series-of-vallejo-police-shootings-one-officers-name-stands-out\">more shootings in 2012\u003c/a> than big Bay Area cities also dealing with high crime rates. That year, Oakland had one fatal officer-involved shooting, and San Francisco had two. In Vallejo, there were six.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vallejo hasn’t had a year of police shootings that bad since then. So what makes this moment — when activists are showing up at City Hall to protest police violence again — different in Vallejo?\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>‘The Only Way to Not See It Is to Close Your Eyes’\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Melissa Nold, an attorney with the Law Offices of John Burris and a Vallejo native, said police body camera and bystander video has changed everything. Nold and her group have represented the families of people shot by Vallejo police in lawsuits against the city and the police department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s changing because now you have this objective thing,” Nold said. “So I think people are willing to say: You know what, they haven’t been as forthcoming as we would like them to have been in the past.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11769312\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11769312\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/IMG_6334-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"David Harrison (center) at a Vallejo City Council meeting on June 25, 2019.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/IMG_6334-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/IMG_6334-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/IMG_6334-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/IMG_6334-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/IMG_6334.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">David Harrison (center) at a Vallejo City Council meeting on June 25, 2019. \u003ccite>(Ericka Cruz Guevarra/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Videos have played critical roles in the public’s response to the police killings of people like Oscar Grant in Oakland, Eric Garner in New York and Walter Scott in North Charleston. They’ve led to a cultural awakening nationwide to the way black and brown people are disproportionately impacted by police violence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nold said that awakening is happening in Vallejo with residents. But city leaders aren’t acting quickly enough.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“How do you not see the problem? The only way to not see it is to close your eyes,” said Nold.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Greg Nyhoff, Vallejo’s city manager, said the city is conducting risk analyses of its fire and police departments. The city hired the California-based consultant OIR Group to review the police department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I want to hear from the OIR Group on their expert observations before I make any statement or come to any conclusions regarding the extent of needed improvements,” Nyhoff wrote in an email to KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a June City Council meeting, Nyhoff told councilors that the number of police calls compared to the number of use-of-force incidents in each of the last three years don’t show a use-of-force problem in Vallejo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2016, for example, Nyhoff said there were more than 69,000 calls made to Vallejo police. The same year, there were 150 use-of-force incidents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Those don’t seem like there’s excessive use of force, or a lot of use of force in our community,” he said. “That is such a tiny number when you think of how many times our officers interact with the public.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Beyond the Shootings\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Nold said problems with policing in Vallejo are costing the city — and taxpayers — money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city of Vallejo was paying so much in legal settlements related, in part, to cases against its police department that it impacted its relationship with the California Joint Powers Risk Management Authority — an agency that has effectively served as an insurance company for the city for about three decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But by 2017, documents from the authority show that Vallejo had become a liability. In a December 2017 meeting, the agency discussed how Vallejo’s losses are “large and disproportionate compared to the other members.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11769308\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11769308\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/IMG_6340-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"The Vallejo City Council meets on June 25, 2019.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/IMG_6340-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/IMG_6340-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/IMG_6340-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/IMG_6340-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/IMG_6340.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Vallejo City Council meets on June 25, 2019. \u003ccite>(Ericka Cruz Guevarra/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Nyhoff said the Authority planned to charge more for its insurance because of “a lack of risk management oversight and accountability generally.” The city left that group and joined another insurance pool.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“How can they approve these multimillion-dollar settlements and never ever for one second look in the mirror and go, ‘Hey what’s going on?’ ” said Dan Russo, a criminal defense attorney in Vallejo since 1978. In 2018, one of his clients settled a case against the police department for $2.5 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Are we just unlucky? Are we just having a bad run of luck? Or is there some fundamental, basic problem that is more transcendent than a bad apple?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Russo said city leaders aren’t living up to their obligation and responsibility to hold its police officers accountable — and it’s not just when it comes to police shootings. There have also been allegations of harassment, false arrests, intimidation and racial profiling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Those calls I get every day,” said Melissa Nold, who sees these calls as examples of a department that is afraid of its community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brent Garrick, the retired Vallejo police officer, is also a Vallejo native. He said being from the city has served him well in his career, because officers who don’t understand the communities they serve carry around a certain level of fear. By the time Garrick left the department, he said just a few officers had gone to school or grew up in Vallejo, or had families in Vallejo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nold said that kind of intimacy with the community is a matter of life or death.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Just from a psychological perspective, it’s very difficult to kill people that you know,” Nold said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>The Search for a New Police Chief\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Vallejo Police Chief Andrew Bidou retired in June, and the city is looking for its next chief. The city has held at least one community forum to get input from residents about what they want from their next chief.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What I have heard is the public wants a chief who is a good listener, who cares about this community and who is proud to represent the Vallejo Police Department as a leader,” Nyhoff, the city manager, said in an email.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They also want someone who is a communicator and will get out in the public to talk about tough issues, learn about their problems and bring ideas to the table to collaborate with our community and unite us in the common goals of public safety. They are also looking for accountability from Department leadership and tough — even if unpopular — decisions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Others have been showing up to City Hall, making their case for transparency and accountability.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In June, Alicia Saddler addressed the City Council, saying she wants to prevent what happened to her brother, Angel Ramos — \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11768675/going-against-the-polices-narrative\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">who was shot and killed by a Vallejo police officer in 2017\u003c/a> — from happening to anyone else.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you bring the right chief in, things can change. And our loved ones can get the justice, and nobody else’s family will have to feel the pain that me and all these other families have to feel,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was reported and produced by KQED’s local news podcast, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/the-bay\">The Bay\u003c/a>. Click the “listen” button above to hear the episode.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Subscribe to The Bay on any of your favorite podcast apps to hear more local, Bay Area stories like this one. New episodes are released Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 3 a.m. Find The Bay on \u003ca href=\"https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/the-bay/id1350043452?mt=2\">Apple Podcasts\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://open.spotify.com/show/4BIKBKIujizLHlIlBNaAqQ\">Spotify\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.stitcher.com/podcast/kqed/the-bay\">Stitcher\u003c/a>, NPR One, or via \u003ca href=\"https://www.amazon.com/KQED-The-Bay-Flash-Briefing/dp/B07H6YYV23\">Alexa\u003c/a>. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">This is part III of The Bay’s three-part podcast series on policing in Vallejo. Here is \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11768008/the-life-and-death-of-willie-mccoy\">part I\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11768675/going-against-the-polices-narrative\">part II\u003c/a>.\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class=\"utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__dropcapShortcode__dropcap\">V\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>allejo police officers have shot and killed 21 people since 2005, and residents and families of those victims have returned to City Hall repeatedly to say: They’ve had enough. But it’s not just police shootings, which have been driving people to protest in Vallejo since at least 2012. It’s also everyday run-ins with Vallejo police officers that, for years, have added to a sense of mistrust that’s blowing up in City Hall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So, how did it get this bad?\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>The Year the Money Dried Up\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Tensions with police today can be traced back to 2008, when Vallejo became the first city of its size to file for bankruptcy in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That year, the city had some tough choices to make. When the city went bankrupt, police and firefighter salaries, pensions and overtime accounted for 74% of Vallejo’s $80 million general budget, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://object.cato.org/sites/cato.org/files/pubs/pdf/pa645.pdf\">2009 study\u003c/a> by the Cato Institute, a libertarian think tank.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/135954/vallejo-city-manager-responds-to-questions-about-police-shootings\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">could no longer afford\u003c/a> its contracts with police and firefighters. Osby Davis, the mayor at the time, said negotiations with the unions reached the 11th hour before the city decided to file for bankruptcy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It had an impact on the entire city, not just the police department,” said Davis, who served as Vallejo mayor for 10 years. The city lost employees as a result. At the police department, staffing for officers went from 126 to 77, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We stopped putting any money into our streets and roads, no money into infrastructure, no raises for any employees,” Davis said. “We were just … in dire straits.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Citywide, businesses closed and people lost their homes. At the police department, there was an exodus of police officers, which put additional pressures on the ones who stayed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We had to pick up the slack and the duties of others that were no longer present,” said retired VPD Sgt. Brent Garrick, who had several jobs throughout his 30-year career with the department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During the most dire years, Garrick was juggling more than one job at once. Officers began putting in a lot of overtime, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And so you didn’t have a consistency and continuity within the department, and that produced a situation where, you know, I’d kind of describe it as a perfect storm,” he said. “You don’t have a good sense of direction, policy, procedure.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11769309\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11769309\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/IMG_6333-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Vallejo police officers at a City Council meeting.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/IMG_6333-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/IMG_6333-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/IMG_6333-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/IMG_6333-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/IMG_6333.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Vallejo police officers at a City Council meeting. \u003ccite>(Ericka Cruz Guevarra/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The city had less money to send officers to training outside of the department, Garrick said. Before bankruptcy, the department required its officers to attend firearms training upward of six times a year — significantly more than the state standard, he said. But budget cuts meant fewer trips to the range, said Garrick. Officers began to worry that the lack of training was creating a liability for the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then, in 2011, Officer James Lowell Capoot was shot and killed in the line of duty.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I remember hearing some of the conversations: ‘Wow, you know, look what the city is doing to us, man they’re gonna get someone killed,’ ” Garrick said. “And sure enough, in 2011, that came to fruition, and people were really impacted by that and hurt by that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And it was a very turbulent time, and almost painful to even think about, because as a result a lot of people feel that, you know, officers were out there on a killing spree, and that was so far from the truth.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The next year, however, Vallejo experienced the deadliest year of police shootings in the last 14 years. In 2012, the city budgeted for about 85 police officers but Garrick said there were only around 76 cops patrolling the city, an all-time low for the department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The staffing levels had a direct impact on officers in the field. There were fewer officers to call for backup. Garrick said that put officers in scary situations — often alone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You can imagine there was a fear factor that was going on,” he said. “Because the reality is you know we don’t know what’s behind that closed door.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the time, the department pointed to skyrocketing crime rates. Crimes did increase, almost 10 percent from the year before.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Vallejo, even with its smaller population, still had \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/135682/amid-a-series-of-vallejo-police-shootings-one-officers-name-stands-out\">more shootings in 2012\u003c/a> than big Bay Area cities also dealing with high crime rates. That year, Oakland had one fatal officer-involved shooting, and San Francisco had two. In Vallejo, there were six.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vallejo hasn’t had a year of police shootings that bad since then. So what makes this moment — when activists are showing up at City Hall to protest police violence again — different in Vallejo?\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>‘The Only Way to Not See It Is to Close Your Eyes’\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Melissa Nold, an attorney with the Law Offices of John Burris and a Vallejo native, said police body camera and bystander video has changed everything. Nold and her group have represented the families of people shot by Vallejo police in lawsuits against the city and the police department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s changing because now you have this objective thing,” Nold said. “So I think people are willing to say: You know what, they haven’t been as forthcoming as we would like them to have been in the past.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11769312\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11769312\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/IMG_6334-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"David Harrison (center) at a Vallejo City Council meeting on June 25, 2019.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/IMG_6334-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/IMG_6334-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/IMG_6334-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/IMG_6334-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/IMG_6334.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">David Harrison (center) at a Vallejo City Council meeting on June 25, 2019. \u003ccite>(Ericka Cruz Guevarra/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Videos have played critical roles in the public’s response to the police killings of people like Oscar Grant in Oakland, Eric Garner in New York and Walter Scott in North Charleston. They’ve led to a cultural awakening nationwide to the way black and brown people are disproportionately impacted by police violence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nold said that awakening is happening in Vallejo with residents. But city leaders aren’t acting quickly enough.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“How do you not see the problem? The only way to not see it is to close your eyes,” said Nold.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Greg Nyhoff, Vallejo’s city manager, said the city is conducting risk analyses of its fire and police departments. The city hired the California-based consultant OIR Group to review the police department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I want to hear from the OIR Group on their expert observations before I make any statement or come to any conclusions regarding the extent of needed improvements,” Nyhoff wrote in an email to KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a June City Council meeting, Nyhoff told councilors that the number of police calls compared to the number of use-of-force incidents in each of the last three years don’t show a use-of-force problem in Vallejo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2016, for example, Nyhoff said there were more than 69,000 calls made to Vallejo police. The same year, there were 150 use-of-force incidents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Those don’t seem like there’s excessive use of force, or a lot of use of force in our community,” he said. “That is such a tiny number when you think of how many times our officers interact with the public.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Beyond the Shootings\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Nold said problems with policing in Vallejo are costing the city — and taxpayers — money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city of Vallejo was paying so much in legal settlements related, in part, to cases against its police department that it impacted its relationship with the California Joint Powers Risk Management Authority — an agency that has effectively served as an insurance company for the city for about three decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But by 2017, documents from the authority show that Vallejo had become a liability. In a December 2017 meeting, the agency discussed how Vallejo’s losses are “large and disproportionate compared to the other members.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11769308\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11769308\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/IMG_6340-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"The Vallejo City Council meets on June 25, 2019.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/IMG_6340-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/IMG_6340-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/IMG_6340-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/IMG_6340-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/IMG_6340.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Vallejo City Council meets on June 25, 2019. \u003ccite>(Ericka Cruz Guevarra/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Nyhoff said the Authority planned to charge more for its insurance because of “a lack of risk management oversight and accountability generally.” The city left that group and joined another insurance pool.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“How can they approve these multimillion-dollar settlements and never ever for one second look in the mirror and go, ‘Hey what’s going on?’ ” said Dan Russo, a criminal defense attorney in Vallejo since 1978. In 2018, one of his clients settled a case against the police department for $2.5 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Are we just unlucky? Are we just having a bad run of luck? Or is there some fundamental, basic problem that is more transcendent than a bad apple?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Russo said city leaders aren’t living up to their obligation and responsibility to hold its police officers accountable — and it’s not just when it comes to police shootings. There have also been allegations of harassment, false arrests, intimidation and racial profiling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Those calls I get every day,” said Melissa Nold, who sees these calls as examples of a department that is afraid of its community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brent Garrick, the retired Vallejo police officer, is also a Vallejo native. He said being from the city has served him well in his career, because officers who don’t understand the communities they serve carry around a certain level of fear. By the time Garrick left the department, he said just a few officers had gone to school or grew up in Vallejo, or had families in Vallejo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nold said that kind of intimacy with the community is a matter of life or death.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Just from a psychological perspective, it’s very difficult to kill people that you know,” Nold said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>The Search for a New Police Chief\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Vallejo Police Chief Andrew Bidou retired in June, and the city is looking for its next chief. The city has held at least one community forum to get input from residents about what they want from their next chief.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What I have heard is the public wants a chief who is a good listener, who cares about this community and who is proud to represent the Vallejo Police Department as a leader,” Nyhoff, the city manager, said in an email.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They also want someone who is a communicator and will get out in the public to talk about tough issues, learn about their problems and bring ideas to the table to collaborate with our community and unite us in the common goals of public safety. They are also looking for accountability from Department leadership and tough — even if unpopular — decisions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Others have been showing up to City Hall, making their case for transparency and accountability.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In June, Alicia Saddler addressed the City Council, saying she wants to prevent what happened to her brother, Angel Ramos — \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11768675/going-against-the-polices-narrative\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">who was shot and killed by a Vallejo police officer in 2017\u003c/a> — from happening to anyone else.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you bring the right chief in, things can change. And our loved ones can get the justice, and nobody else’s family will have to feel the pain that me and all these other families have to feel,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was reported and produced by KQED’s local news podcast, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/the-bay\">The Bay\u003c/a>. Click the “listen” button above to hear the episode.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Subscribe to The Bay on any of your favorite podcast apps to hear more local, Bay Area stories like this one. New episodes are released Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 3 a.m. Find The Bay on \u003ca href=\"https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/the-bay/id1350043452?mt=2\">Apple Podcasts\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://open.spotify.com/show/4BIKBKIujizLHlIlBNaAqQ\">Spotify\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.stitcher.com/podcast/kqed/the-bay\">Stitcher\u003c/a>, NPR One, or via \u003ca href=\"https://www.amazon.com/KQED-The-Bay-Flash-Briefing/dp/B07H6YYV23\">Alexa\u003c/a>. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>[dropcap]J[/dropcap]ulieta Aquino strolls proudly through her gleaming new home, a modest split-level condo on a busy thoroughfare in Fremont. With her 14-year-old daughter in tow, she scans the still-sparsely furnished, open floor plan living room-kitchen, pointing out the glistening, stainless steel fixtures and laminate countertops.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a pretty decent-sized kitchen, considering it’s just two of us,” said Aquino. “I’m going for a farmhouse style.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A 31-year-old single mom with a limited income and no college degree, Aquino has done the seemingly impossible: become a homeowner in one of the most brutally expensive housing markets in the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And all she had to do was help build it herself.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation=\"Julieta Aquino\"]‘It was never a thought in my mind to be a homeowner because that just seemed so far away.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This summer, Aquino and her daughter, Alexys, were among 11 low-income families who received keys to their new homes in Central Commons, a small development they all helped build over the past two years as participants in a \u003ca href=\"https://www.habitatebsv.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Habitat for Humanity East Bay-Silicon Valley\u003c/a> project. Like all future homeowners in the Habitat program, each family was required to put in 500 hours of so-called sweat equity, pounding nails and pouring concrete alongside project managers and volunteer work crews on the construction site.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was my first time using a hammer,” Aquino admitted, noting the steep learning curve, one that exposed her to everything from fundamental carpentry skills to a basic understanding of California’s building codes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s really neat because even while we were building, we were signing our names on the studs. [My daughter] would come around and just trace her hand, so she knew that behind the Sheetrock and the wall there was her imprint there. It’s cool to know that we left a little piece of us by building the home.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Aquino opens the sliding doors in the living room, stepping onto a small balcony with a table and gas grill. Below us, a construction crew is building a set of adjacent units, where 19 other families are expected to move within the year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m really excited about my grill,” she says, amid the screeching of circular saws and nail guns. “I look forward to summer cookouts, and having breakfast out here. Brunches with family and friends.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11767831\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/DSC0871-e1565915186695.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11767831\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/DSC0871-e1565915186695.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1282\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Julieta Aquino in her bedroom at the new condo she owns in Fremont. \u003ccite>(Stephanie Lister/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>‘Definitely Within My Budget’\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Although Habitat still owns the property that the development sits on, Aquino and her new neighbors are the legal owners of their individual units. In addition to their sweat equity hours, each family pays a 30-year low-interest mortgage guaranteed to never exceed 35% of their monthly income. That, along with no down payment and minimal closing costs, puts the prospect of homeownership squarely within the realm of possibility for low-income families like Aquino’s, who make between 30-80% of the area median income, in a region where average home prices easily bubble over $1 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s definitely within my budget,” she said, noting that the program requires every participant to be on a monitored savings plan from the minute they’re selected. “I can assure you there is no other place in the Bay Area that I would be able to afford for the amount of money that I’m paying for this monthly. And it’s new. I helped build it. I helped create it. So it’s definitely a unique situation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 33-year-old local Habitat program, which annually serves more than 1,200 residents in Alameda, Contra Costa and Santa Clara counties, is by no means a panacea for the Bay Area’s formidable housing crisis. But it does offer a glimmer of hope in what can be a grim and daunting housing landscape.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Aquino steps back into her new living room, closing the double-paned glass doors, which impressively mask the noise outside. She heads up a flight of stairs to Alexys’ bedroom, explaining that it’s the first real personal space her daughter has ever had.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Personal Space\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>For years after she and Alexys’ father split up, mother and daughter shared a room — and a bed — in her parents’ cramped two-bedroom house in San Jose, where Aquino’s brother, his girlfriend and their newborn son were also staying.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I thought, ‘Oh, I’ll be there for a year or two and then we’ll move back out.’ But that didn’t happen as quickly as I thought it would,” she said. “It got really crowded at times. And so I was desperate to find a place for Alexys and I to just move out and have some quiet, some space.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The stay at her parents’ house stretched to more than five years, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My initial thought was I want to go to the low-income housing areas for the rental market,” she added. “It was never a thought in my mind to be a homeowner because that just seemed so far away.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alexys also has asthma and the house in San Jose had a serious mold problem, one that resulted in multiple trips to the emergency room.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even though Aquino’s bedroom is now just a few feet down the hall from her daughter’s, she admits that sleeping in separate rooms for the first time in years has been a harder transition than she’d anticipated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m so used to her just sleeping with me that it’s going to take some time for me to fully let go,” Aquino said. “But she’s really excited to have her own room and have her own space.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a different experience,” said Alexys, a thoughtful and soft-spoken teen, of her new room. “It’s your own space, your own privacy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But despite being only 30 miles north of San Jose, she added, she felt far away from her old life.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I cried last night because I don’t get to see my friends,” she said. “But I think Fremont will be a good fresh start.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11768701\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11768701\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Alexys-at-home-800x522.jpg\" alt=\"Julieta Aquino's daughter Alexys in her new room, the first personal space she's ever had.\" width=\"800\" height=\"522\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Alexys-at-home-800x522.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Alexys-at-home-160x104.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Alexys-at-home-1020x666.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Alexys-at-home-1200x783.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Alexys-at-home.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Julieta Aquino’s daughter, Alexys, in her new room, the first personal space she’s ever had. \u003ccite>(Stephanie Lister/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Alexys had been too young to participate in the construction process but became a fixture on the work site over the last two years, decorating signs to place around the grounds while watching her mom help build their future home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was interesting because you pass by these buildings every day, and you never really know all the hard work that goes into them. So seeing it from behind the scenes, and how you have to put Sheetrock in certain areas and studs between the walls,” she said. “But it did take some time. It was a process.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"related stories\" tag=\"affordable-housing\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Long Waiting Game\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Aquino, who works full time in the accounting department of a medical device company, found out about the program roughly five years ago. She immediately applied, but was initially rejected because of her poor credit history. A Habitat financial counselor, she said, worked with her to improve her credit score, and when she reapplied a year later, she was approved and put on a housing waitlist with scores of other applicants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It wasn’t until 2½ years later that she received a call informing her that Habitat had secured a piece of land in Fremont, in partnership with the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Then another year passed by and I was anxious,” she said. “I was constantly emailing my rep at Habitat. It felt like it was just never gonna happen.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In November 2017 — more than three years after she’d first applied — Aquino was told the project was finally ready to break ground. She entered a final elimination process, in which program staff visited her parents’ San Jose home to assess her current living conditions and confirm her need to move elsewhere.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shortly after that, Aquino found out that she and her daughter were one of the 11 families — out of the hundreds in the selection pool — chosen to move into the first set of still-to-be-built units.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I couldn’t believe it,” she said. “I felt like it was a miracle, like I had just won the lottery.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11768704\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11768704\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Julieta-Aquino-kitchen-800x534.jpg\" alt=\"Julieta Aquino in her spotless new kitchen.\" width=\"800\" height=\"534\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Julieta-Aquino-kitchen-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Julieta-Aquino-kitchen-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Julieta-Aquino-kitchen-1020x681.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Julieta-Aquino-kitchen-1200x801.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Julieta-Aquino-kitchen.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Julieta Aquino in her spotless new kitchen. \u003ccite>(Stephanie Lister/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>Sweat Equity\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Homeownership, though, still seemed elusive, in no small part because there wasn’t any physical structure yet and she still needed to put in her sweat equity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was overwhelming to think that I was going to have to do 500 community service hours alone, knowing that I’m a full-time mom and full-time employee and it was 30 miles away from where I lived at the time,” said Aquino. But the program offered some flexibility, allowing her friends and family to contribute up to 200 hours of the required time, and giving her the option to work some hours off the construction site, helping out with Habitat fundraising projects.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the next year, Aquino slowly fulfilled her work requirements, putting in time on weekday evenings after picking up her daughter from school, and spending every weekend getting her hands dirty at the construction site.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So it was possible, but it was a lot,” she said. “I think as long as you really want it, you’ll find a way.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation=\"Julieta Aquino\"]‘I think as long as you really want it, you’ll find a way.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But she acknowledges that if she hadn’t had the option to stay with her parents, she might not have been able to swing it.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>‘Blessed’\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Aquino estimates that roughly 30% of the family and friends she grew up with in San Jose have now moved away. “Not just out of the Bay Area to go to Central Valley or to Sacramento,” she said. “No, it’s just moving completely out of state. … It’s completely impossible for them to own their own home in the Bay Area.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The region’s skyrocketing land and construction costs have also placed significant strain on the Habitat’s ability to find affordable building opportunities. The group, which relies on land partnerships with the cities it operates in, recently decided to offer the additional 19 units under construction in the Central Commons complex to families with more moderate incomes, earning 80-120% of the area median income, rather than the low-income families, like Aquino’s, who moved into the first 11 homes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/RS37791__DSC0888-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"alignnone size-full wp-image-11767898\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/RS37791__DSC0888-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1281\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/RS37791__DSC0888-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/RS37791__DSC0888-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/RS37791__DSC0888-qut-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/RS37791__DSC0888-qut-1020x681.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/RS37791__DSC0888-qut-1200x801.jpg 1200w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These homes are still affordable, being sold significantly below market rate with mortgages affordable for a moderate-income family,” Patti Wang Cross, a spokeswoman for Habitat for Humanity East Bay-Silicon Valley, said in an email, noting that the organization’s decision was furthered by a recent decline in funding sources. “It’s a population of families severely impacted by the housing crisis, too often priced out of the homeownership market but seldom served by affordable housing initiatives.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new higher-income requirement is yet another reason Aquino is so quick to acknowledge how fortunate she and her daughter are. “Blessed” is an adjective she uses frequently to describe the situation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I had my daughter when I was 16 and it’s been quite a journey,” she said. “And being able to say that I’m a homeowner at the age of 31, and she’s 14, I feel like I’ve come a long way. I definitely feel blessed, but I feel like everything that I do, I do because I want to set a good example for her and show her that although we might make different choices, or in this case sometimes not the wisest choices, I feel like we can still turn things around and make our future different.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>The California Dream series is a statewide media collaboration of CalMatters, KPBS, KPCC, KQED and Capital Public Radio, with support from the Corporation for Public Broadcasting, the James Irvine Foundation and the College Futures Foundation.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/CADreamBanner-1-800x219.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"alignnone size-full wp-image-11768052\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/CADreamBanner-1-800x219.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"219\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/CADreamBanner-1-800x219.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/CADreamBanner-1-800x219-160x44.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"title": "'It Felt Like I Won the Lottery': How a Bay Area Mom Helped Build Her Own Affordable Home | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class=\"utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__dropcapShortcode__dropcap\">J\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>ulieta Aquino strolls proudly through her gleaming new home, a modest split-level condo on a busy thoroughfare in Fremont. With her 14-year-old daughter in tow, she scans the still-sparsely furnished, open floor plan living room-kitchen, pointing out the glistening, stainless steel fixtures and laminate countertops.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a pretty decent-sized kitchen, considering it’s just two of us,” said Aquino. “I’m going for a farmhouse style.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A 31-year-old single mom with a limited income and no college degree, Aquino has done the seemingly impossible: become a homeowner in one of the most brutally expensive housing markets in the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And all she had to do was help build it herself.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This summer, Aquino and her daughter, Alexys, were among 11 low-income families who received keys to their new homes in Central Commons, a small development they all helped build over the past two years as participants in a \u003ca href=\"https://www.habitatebsv.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Habitat for Humanity East Bay-Silicon Valley\u003c/a> project. Like all future homeowners in the Habitat program, each family was required to put in 500 hours of so-called sweat equity, pounding nails and pouring concrete alongside project managers and volunteer work crews on the construction site.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was my first time using a hammer,” Aquino admitted, noting the steep learning curve, one that exposed her to everything from fundamental carpentry skills to a basic understanding of California’s building codes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s really neat because even while we were building, we were signing our names on the studs. [My daughter] would come around and just trace her hand, so she knew that behind the Sheetrock and the wall there was her imprint there. It’s cool to know that we left a little piece of us by building the home.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Aquino opens the sliding doors in the living room, stepping onto a small balcony with a table and gas grill. Below us, a construction crew is building a set of adjacent units, where 19 other families are expected to move within the year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m really excited about my grill,” she says, amid the screeching of circular saws and nail guns. “I look forward to summer cookouts, and having breakfast out here. Brunches with family and friends.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11767831\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/DSC0871-e1565915186695.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11767831\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/DSC0871-e1565915186695.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1282\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Julieta Aquino in her bedroom at the new condo she owns in Fremont. \u003ccite>(Stephanie Lister/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>‘Definitely Within My Budget’\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Although Habitat still owns the property that the development sits on, Aquino and her new neighbors are the legal owners of their individual units. In addition to their sweat equity hours, each family pays a 30-year low-interest mortgage guaranteed to never exceed 35% of their monthly income. That, along with no down payment and minimal closing costs, puts the prospect of homeownership squarely within the realm of possibility for low-income families like Aquino’s, who make between 30-80% of the area median income, in a region where average home prices easily bubble over $1 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s definitely within my budget,” she said, noting that the program requires every participant to be on a monitored savings plan from the minute they’re selected. “I can assure you there is no other place in the Bay Area that I would be able to afford for the amount of money that I’m paying for this monthly. And it’s new. I helped build it. I helped create it. So it’s definitely a unique situation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 33-year-old local Habitat program, which annually serves more than 1,200 residents in Alameda, Contra Costa and Santa Clara counties, is by no means a panacea for the Bay Area’s formidable housing crisis. But it does offer a glimmer of hope in what can be a grim and daunting housing landscape.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Aquino steps back into her new living room, closing the double-paned glass doors, which impressively mask the noise outside. She heads up a flight of stairs to Alexys’ bedroom, explaining that it’s the first real personal space her daughter has ever had.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Personal Space\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>For years after she and Alexys’ father split up, mother and daughter shared a room — and a bed — in her parents’ cramped two-bedroom house in San Jose, where Aquino’s brother, his girlfriend and their newborn son were also staying.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I thought, ‘Oh, I’ll be there for a year or two and then we’ll move back out.’ But that didn’t happen as quickly as I thought it would,” she said. “It got really crowded at times. And so I was desperate to find a place for Alexys and I to just move out and have some quiet, some space.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The stay at her parents’ house stretched to more than five years, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My initial thought was I want to go to the low-income housing areas for the rental market,” she added. “It was never a thought in my mind to be a homeowner because that just seemed so far away.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alexys also has asthma and the house in San Jose had a serious mold problem, one that resulted in multiple trips to the emergency room.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even though Aquino’s bedroom is now just a few feet down the hall from her daughter’s, she admits that sleeping in separate rooms for the first time in years has been a harder transition than she’d anticipated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m so used to her just sleeping with me that it’s going to take some time for me to fully let go,” Aquino said. “But she’s really excited to have her own room and have her own space.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a different experience,” said Alexys, a thoughtful and soft-spoken teen, of her new room. “It’s your own space, your own privacy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But despite being only 30 miles north of San Jose, she added, she felt far away from her old life.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I cried last night because I don’t get to see my friends,” she said. “But I think Fremont will be a good fresh start.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11768701\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11768701\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Alexys-at-home-800x522.jpg\" alt=\"Julieta Aquino's daughter Alexys in her new room, the first personal space she's ever had.\" width=\"800\" height=\"522\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Alexys-at-home-800x522.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Alexys-at-home-160x104.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Alexys-at-home-1020x666.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Alexys-at-home-1200x783.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Alexys-at-home.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Julieta Aquino’s daughter, Alexys, in her new room, the first personal space she’s ever had. \u003ccite>(Stephanie Lister/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Alexys had been too young to participate in the construction process but became a fixture on the work site over the last two years, decorating signs to place around the grounds while watching her mom help build their future home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was interesting because you pass by these buildings every day, and you never really know all the hard work that goes into them. So seeing it from behind the scenes, and how you have to put Sheetrock in certain areas and studs between the walls,” she said. “But it did take some time. It was a process.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Long Waiting Game\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Aquino, who works full time in the accounting department of a medical device company, found out about the program roughly five years ago. She immediately applied, but was initially rejected because of her poor credit history. A Habitat financial counselor, she said, worked with her to improve her credit score, and when she reapplied a year later, she was approved and put on a housing waitlist with scores of other applicants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It wasn’t until 2½ years later that she received a call informing her that Habitat had secured a piece of land in Fremont, in partnership with the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Then another year passed by and I was anxious,” she said. “I was constantly emailing my rep at Habitat. It felt like it was just never gonna happen.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In November 2017 — more than three years after she’d first applied — Aquino was told the project was finally ready to break ground. She entered a final elimination process, in which program staff visited her parents’ San Jose home to assess her current living conditions and confirm her need to move elsewhere.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shortly after that, Aquino found out that she and her daughter were one of the 11 families — out of the hundreds in the selection pool — chosen to move into the first set of still-to-be-built units.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I couldn’t believe it,” she said. “I felt like it was a miracle, like I had just won the lottery.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11768704\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11768704\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Julieta-Aquino-kitchen-800x534.jpg\" alt=\"Julieta Aquino in her spotless new kitchen.\" width=\"800\" height=\"534\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Julieta-Aquino-kitchen-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Julieta-Aquino-kitchen-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Julieta-Aquino-kitchen-1020x681.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Julieta-Aquino-kitchen-1200x801.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Julieta-Aquino-kitchen.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Julieta Aquino in her spotless new kitchen. \u003ccite>(Stephanie Lister/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>Sweat Equity\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Homeownership, though, still seemed elusive, in no small part because there wasn’t any physical structure yet and she still needed to put in her sweat equity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was overwhelming to think that I was going to have to do 500 community service hours alone, knowing that I’m a full-time mom and full-time employee and it was 30 miles away from where I lived at the time,” said Aquino. But the program offered some flexibility, allowing her friends and family to contribute up to 200 hours of the required time, and giving her the option to work some hours off the construction site, helping out with Habitat fundraising projects.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the next year, Aquino slowly fulfilled her work requirements, putting in time on weekday evenings after picking up her daughter from school, and spending every weekend getting her hands dirty at the construction site.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So it was possible, but it was a lot,” she said. “I think as long as you really want it, you’ll find a way.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But she acknowledges that if she hadn’t had the option to stay with her parents, she might not have been able to swing it.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>‘Blessed’\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Aquino estimates that roughly 30% of the family and friends she grew up with in San Jose have now moved away. “Not just out of the Bay Area to go to Central Valley or to Sacramento,” she said. “No, it’s just moving completely out of state. … It’s completely impossible for them to own their own home in the Bay Area.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The region’s skyrocketing land and construction costs have also placed significant strain on the Habitat’s ability to find affordable building opportunities. The group, which relies on land partnerships with the cities it operates in, recently decided to offer the additional 19 units under construction in the Central Commons complex to families with more moderate incomes, earning 80-120% of the area median income, rather than the low-income families, like Aquino’s, who moved into the first 11 homes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/RS37791__DSC0888-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"alignnone size-full wp-image-11767898\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/RS37791__DSC0888-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1281\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/RS37791__DSC0888-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/RS37791__DSC0888-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/RS37791__DSC0888-qut-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/RS37791__DSC0888-qut-1020x681.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/RS37791__DSC0888-qut-1200x801.jpg 1200w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These homes are still affordable, being sold significantly below market rate with mortgages affordable for a moderate-income family,” Patti Wang Cross, a spokeswoman for Habitat for Humanity East Bay-Silicon Valley, said in an email, noting that the organization’s decision was furthered by a recent decline in funding sources. “It’s a population of families severely impacted by the housing crisis, too often priced out of the homeownership market but seldom served by affordable housing initiatives.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new higher-income requirement is yet another reason Aquino is so quick to acknowledge how fortunate she and her daughter are. “Blessed” is an adjective she uses frequently to describe the situation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I had my daughter when I was 16 and it’s been quite a journey,” she said. “And being able to say that I’m a homeowner at the age of 31, and she’s 14, I feel like I’ve come a long way. I definitely feel blessed, but I feel like everything that I do, I do because I want to set a good example for her and show her that although we might make different choices, or in this case sometimes not the wisest choices, I feel like we can still turn things around and make our future different.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>The California Dream series is a statewide media collaboration of CalMatters, KPBS, KPCC, KQED and Capital Public Radio, with support from the Corporation for Public Broadcasting, the James Irvine Foundation and the College Futures Foundation.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/CADreamBanner-1-800x219.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"alignnone size-full wp-image-11768052\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/CADreamBanner-1-800x219.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"219\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/CADreamBanner-1-800x219.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/CADreamBanner-1-800x219-160x44.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"disqusTitle": "Gentrification is Changing Iconic Gay Neighborhoods in L.A. and S.F.",
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"content": "\u003cp>Wedged snugly between two of the most popular gay bars on Santa Monica Boulevard is Block Party, the “gayest” store in West Hollywood, selling men’s tank tops, swimwear and short shorts, party-themed cowboy hats and everything Pride from rainbow beanie babies to vivid striped jumpsuits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On this stretch of what is loosely considered Boystown in the historically gay city, these three doors are some of the last gay-owned and gay-oriented businesses after a steady march of mainstream restaurants, bars and other retail have moved in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"news_11634601\" label=\"Bay Curious: A Changing Castro\" heroLink=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/iStock-183834678-1180x882.jpg\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We lost our community in the last three or four years,” said Larry Block from the sidewalk in front of his shop. Most of the other gay-owned clothing and retail owners have closed. Block opened Block Party in 2009 and has had retail businesses in West Hollywood for more than three decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He points to new restaurants and bars up and down the street that operate out of the former sites of gay men’s clothing stores. One of the oldest shops, Los Angeles Athletic Club, is having its final closing sale. Block places part of the blame on the city for freely issuing liquor licenses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This was the community in which the guys would come to shop. You know, gays like things a little tighter, a little shorter, a little skimpy or a little shearer. They like it a little sexier,” Block said. “Now, we’re just becoming a kind of big city. Money comes in, developments come in, restaurants come in.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Experts say gay neighborhoods, once a haven for mainly gay men, have been shifting for more than a decade, driven by gentrification and other social factors including a wider acceptance of LGBTQ community. To make matters even more complicated, and expensive, Zillow released research in May showing that gay neighborhoods are so popular that buyers pay a premium to get in, sometimes hundreds of thousands of dollars.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>California’s Biggest Enclave: West Hollywood\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>In California’s biggest enclave – the city of West Hollywood – change is afoot too, but it looks different, and the city is working hard to maintain much of its gay population and continues to keep them front and center in civic activities and benefits. The California dream many young gay people found there in the ’70s and ’80s, to be able to be themselves, to be safe and to be part of a community, is still alive albeit more expensive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation='Terry Beswick, executive director of the GLBT Historical Society']'There’s less necessity to move into gay neighborhoods for safety. We have more apps and online communities to find each other and find support for each other as we move into the post gay marriage era.'[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“California has long sought to make itself a place to welcome people who would feel more marginalized in other places,” said Gary Gates, a retired UCLA professor who spent his career studying LGBT communities. “Apart from the Brady Bunch version of the California dream, it’s been one about people going to a new place to feel more free, open and accepted.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And that is still true in West Hollywood where longtime LGBTQ residents and younger people just arriving or visiting find a sense of community even with all of the change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“West Hollywood is still our paradise,” Block said. “This is our Jerusalem.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11768058\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/38600_transform-e1565988560246.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11768058\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/38600_transform-e1565988560246.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1440\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Manny Lopez tries on a sparkly sequined top at Block Party in West Hollywood. He's looking for the perfect tank to wear to the pride celebration in San Diego. He lives in San Bernardino but he treks to WeHo as often as he can for the “community” he feels from being a gay neighborhood. \u003ccite>(Elizabeth Aguilera/CALMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>A Hollowed-Out Castro\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>What is nipping at the edges of the gay community in West Hollywood has already swept through other gay neighborhoods across the country including Chelsea in New York, Dupont Circle in Washington, D.C. and The Castro in San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>High prices aren’t the only drivers of the change, said Alex Bitterman, professor and chair of architecture and design at Alfred State College in Upstate New York. Bitterman is co-writing a book about the evolution of gay neighborhoods and what factors are at play.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"news_11758014\" label=\"Through a Neighborhood Fixture's Eyes\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These neighborhoods that have beckoned LGBTQ youth for decades have also been impacted by technology which makes it easier to find community and relationships online, broader social acceptance and whether young people feel the need or desire to live in enclave neighborhoods.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The need to band together and to bolster one another is changing,” Bitterman said. “I don’t think it’s going away but the way we, as an isolated or ostracized community, gather is changing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Francisco’s Castro district, Terry Beswick, executive director of the GLBT Historical Society, sees the high housing prices and the greater acceptance across society as the biggest factors for the hollowing out of the Castro.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s less necessity to move into gay neighborhoods for safety,” he said. “We have more apps and online communities to find each other and find support for each other as we move into the post gay marriage era.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11634607\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/RS28194_Castro-2-qut-800x530.jpg\" alt=\"San Francisco's Castro District on Oct. 27, 2017. Many of the neighborhood's gay residents have been priced out in recent years.\" width=\"800\" height=\"530\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11634607\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/RS28194_Castro-2-qut-800x530.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/RS28194_Castro-2-qut-160x106.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/RS28194_Castro-2-qut-1020x676.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/RS28194_Castro-2-qut.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/RS28194_Castro-2-qut-1180x782.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/RS28194_Castro-2-qut-960x636.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/RS28194_Castro-2-qut-240x159.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/RS28194_Castro-2-qut-375x248.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/RS28194_Castro-2-qut-520x345.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Francisco's Castro District on Oct. 27, 2017. Many of the neighborhood's gay residents have been priced out in recent years. \u003ccite>(Ryan Levi/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>Change With a New Generation\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>But there is a generational difference, experts say.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Baby boomers and Gen Xer’s who created and flocked to gay neighborhoods grew up in a time when it was taboo to be gay and sometimes dangerous to reveal their sexual identity, even to family and friends.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Young people are coming out in a different way, and what it means to them and how they live and the opportunities they have are different than previous generations. So their desire for exclusive gay options may be different than past generations,” said Gates. “They are growing up in a world that is quite different.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unlike other places, West Hollywood has been able to maintain a healthy gay population and is committed to its mission as an LGBTQ city, said Mayor John D’Amico.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"news_11717648\" label=\"S.F.'s Tenderloin Establishes Trans District\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to city surveys, its population remains about 45% LGBTQ – mainly gay men. By and large gay neighborhoods were established by gay men and are home to very few lesbians, transgender folks and gays of color.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>West Hollywood is different because of its cityhood and that may be its saving grace, Gates said. It is able to do what bigger cities can’t, focus on the LGBTQ residents by providing services, support and events. The city is known for its gay-centric focus. It started the first registry of domestic partners, offers health services and has a HIV zero campaign to stop the transmission of the virus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was founded to be an LGBT haven,” Gates said. “It is unique among LGBT enclaves”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before it became a city, the 1.9 square-mile area was unincorporated and had been home to mobsters who served alcohol during the Prohibition, the first movie studio and, eventually, gay nightlife.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 1984 it was incorporated as West Hollywood, home to more than 37,000 residents, many of them gay. It continues to be a beacon for LGBTQ folks, though it is much more expensive to move in than when D’Amico or councilwoman Lauren Meister arrived decades ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They want to be here either to live or to work,” said Meister, who is not LGBTQ. “We have that edge. But I think it’s changing, and it’s changing partly because of the housing; and I think it’s also changing partly because of acceptance.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For West Hollywood, where gay couples, who can now marry and have families, may be leaving for more suburban environs and some seniors may be retiring elsewhere there are still many aging gay residents who plan to stay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That is creating a new moment in the city, said D’Amico.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>'We Got You'\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>“We haven’t lost our identify as an LGBTQ center for Los Angeles,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside tag=\"lgbtq\" label=\"More related coverage\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>D’Amico said there’s an assumption that the city isn’t as gay as it used to be but he says it’s just that younger, straight professionals who pull up a bar stool are more visible than the senior immigrants who have lived in the community previously.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Block is skeptical about the numbers the city touts. He has seen friends and neighbors move away – many to the latest gay mecca of Palm Springs – or to other parts of the city that are more affordable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s important, Block said, because there are still young people, who like him, show up to come out or to find a safe place. That’s true even if the city can’t provide cheap housing anymore.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We got you,” he said. “I mean, you’re amongst your own. I think that’s the most beautiful part of the community is that we are able to do that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>The California Dream series is a statewide media collaboration of CALmatters, KPBS, KPCC, KQED and Capital Public Radio, with support from the Corporation for Public Broadcasting, the James Irvine Foundation and the College Futures Foundation.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/CADreamBanner-1-800x219.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"alignnone size-full wp-image-11768052\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/CADreamBanner-1-800x219.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"219\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/CADreamBanner-1-800x219.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/CADreamBanner-1-800x219-160x44.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Wedged snugly between two of the most popular gay bars on Santa Monica Boulevard is Block Party, the “gayest” store in West Hollywood, selling men’s tank tops, swimwear and short shorts, party-themed cowboy hats and everything Pride from rainbow beanie babies to vivid striped jumpsuits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On this stretch of what is loosely considered Boystown in the historically gay city, these three doors are some of the last gay-owned and gay-oriented businesses after a steady march of mainstream restaurants, bars and other retail have moved in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We lost our community in the last three or four years,” said Larry Block from the sidewalk in front of his shop. Most of the other gay-owned clothing and retail owners have closed. Block opened Block Party in 2009 and has had retail businesses in West Hollywood for more than three decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He points to new restaurants and bars up and down the street that operate out of the former sites of gay men’s clothing stores. One of the oldest shops, Los Angeles Athletic Club, is having its final closing sale. Block places part of the blame on the city for freely issuing liquor licenses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This was the community in which the guys would come to shop. You know, gays like things a little tighter, a little shorter, a little skimpy or a little shearer. They like it a little sexier,” Block said. “Now, we’re just becoming a kind of big city. Money comes in, developments come in, restaurants come in.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Experts say gay neighborhoods, once a haven for mainly gay men, have been shifting for more than a decade, driven by gentrification and other social factors including a wider acceptance of LGBTQ community. To make matters even more complicated, and expensive, Zillow released research in May showing that gay neighborhoods are so popular that buyers pay a premium to get in, sometimes hundreds of thousands of dollars.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>California’s Biggest Enclave: West Hollywood\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>In California’s biggest enclave – the city of West Hollywood – change is afoot too, but it looks different, and the city is working hard to maintain much of its gay population and continues to keep them front and center in civic activities and benefits. The California dream many young gay people found there in the ’70s and ’80s, to be able to be themselves, to be safe and to be part of a community, is still alive albeit more expensive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“California has long sought to make itself a place to welcome people who would feel more marginalized in other places,” said Gary Gates, a retired UCLA professor who spent his career studying LGBT communities. “Apart from the Brady Bunch version of the California dream, it’s been one about people going to a new place to feel more free, open and accepted.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And that is still true in West Hollywood where longtime LGBTQ residents and younger people just arriving or visiting find a sense of community even with all of the change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“West Hollywood is still our paradise,” Block said. “This is our Jerusalem.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11768058\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/38600_transform-e1565988560246.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11768058\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/38600_transform-e1565988560246.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1440\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Manny Lopez tries on a sparkly sequined top at Block Party in West Hollywood. He's looking for the perfect tank to wear to the pride celebration in San Diego. He lives in San Bernardino but he treks to WeHo as often as he can for the “community” he feels from being a gay neighborhood. \u003ccite>(Elizabeth Aguilera/CALMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>A Hollowed-Out Castro\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>What is nipping at the edges of the gay community in West Hollywood has already swept through other gay neighborhoods across the country including Chelsea in New York, Dupont Circle in Washington, D.C. and The Castro in San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>High prices aren’t the only drivers of the change, said Alex Bitterman, professor and chair of architecture and design at Alfred State College in Upstate New York. Bitterman is co-writing a book about the evolution of gay neighborhoods and what factors are at play.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These neighborhoods that have beckoned LGBTQ youth for decades have also been impacted by technology which makes it easier to find community and relationships online, broader social acceptance and whether young people feel the need or desire to live in enclave neighborhoods.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The need to band together and to bolster one another is changing,” Bitterman said. “I don’t think it’s going away but the way we, as an isolated or ostracized community, gather is changing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Francisco’s Castro district, Terry Beswick, executive director of the GLBT Historical Society, sees the high housing prices and the greater acceptance across society as the biggest factors for the hollowing out of the Castro.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s less necessity to move into gay neighborhoods for safety,” he said. “We have more apps and online communities to find each other and find support for each other as we move into the post gay marriage era.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11634607\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/RS28194_Castro-2-qut-800x530.jpg\" alt=\"San Francisco's Castro District on Oct. 27, 2017. Many of the neighborhood's gay residents have been priced out in recent years.\" width=\"800\" height=\"530\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11634607\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/RS28194_Castro-2-qut-800x530.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/RS28194_Castro-2-qut-160x106.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/RS28194_Castro-2-qut-1020x676.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/RS28194_Castro-2-qut.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/RS28194_Castro-2-qut-1180x782.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/RS28194_Castro-2-qut-960x636.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/RS28194_Castro-2-qut-240x159.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/RS28194_Castro-2-qut-375x248.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/RS28194_Castro-2-qut-520x345.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Francisco's Castro District on Oct. 27, 2017. Many of the neighborhood's gay residents have been priced out in recent years. \u003ccite>(Ryan Levi/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>Change With a New Generation\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>But there is a generational difference, experts say.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Baby boomers and Gen Xer’s who created and flocked to gay neighborhoods grew up in a time when it was taboo to be gay and sometimes dangerous to reveal their sexual identity, even to family and friends.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Young people are coming out in a different way, and what it means to them and how they live and the opportunities they have are different than previous generations. So their desire for exclusive gay options may be different than past generations,” said Gates. “They are growing up in a world that is quite different.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unlike other places, West Hollywood has been able to maintain a healthy gay population and is committed to its mission as an LGBTQ city, said Mayor John D’Amico.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to city surveys, its population remains about 45% LGBTQ – mainly gay men. By and large gay neighborhoods were established by gay men and are home to very few lesbians, transgender folks and gays of color.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>West Hollywood is different because of its cityhood and that may be its saving grace, Gates said. It is able to do what bigger cities can’t, focus on the LGBTQ residents by providing services, support and events. The city is known for its gay-centric focus. It started the first registry of domestic partners, offers health services and has a HIV zero campaign to stop the transmission of the virus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was founded to be an LGBT haven,” Gates said. “It is unique among LGBT enclaves”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before it became a city, the 1.9 square-mile area was unincorporated and had been home to mobsters who served alcohol during the Prohibition, the first movie studio and, eventually, gay nightlife.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 1984 it was incorporated as West Hollywood, home to more than 37,000 residents, many of them gay. It continues to be a beacon for LGBTQ folks, though it is much more expensive to move in than when D’Amico or councilwoman Lauren Meister arrived decades ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They want to be here either to live or to work,” said Meister, who is not LGBTQ. “We have that edge. But I think it’s changing, and it’s changing partly because of the housing; and I think it’s also changing partly because of acceptance.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For West Hollywood, where gay couples, who can now marry and have families, may be leaving for more suburban environs and some seniors may be retiring elsewhere there are still many aging gay residents who plan to stay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That is creating a new moment in the city, said D’Amico.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>'We Got You'\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>“We haven’t lost our identify as an LGBTQ center for Los Angeles,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>D’Amico said there’s an assumption that the city isn’t as gay as it used to be but he says it’s just that younger, straight professionals who pull up a bar stool are more visible than the senior immigrants who have lived in the community previously.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Block is skeptical about the numbers the city touts. He has seen friends and neighbors move away – many to the latest gay mecca of Palm Springs – or to other parts of the city that are more affordable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s important, Block said, because there are still young people, who like him, show up to come out or to find a safe place. That’s true even if the city can’t provide cheap housing anymore.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We got you,” he said. “I mean, you’re amongst your own. I think that’s the most beautiful part of the community is that we are able to do that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>The California Dream series is a statewide media collaboration of CALmatters, KPBS, KPCC, KQED and Capital Public Radio, with support from the Corporation for Public Broadcasting, the James Irvine Foundation and the College Futures Foundation.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/CADreamBanner-1-800x219.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"alignnone size-full wp-image-11768052\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/CADreamBanner-1-800x219.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"219\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/CADreamBanner-1-800x219.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/CADreamBanner-1-800x219-160x44.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"disqusTitle": "California's Largest Legal Weed Farms Face Conflict From Winemakers",
"title": "California's Largest Legal Weed Farms Face Conflict From Winemakers",
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"content": "\u003cp>The Santa Rita Hills, nestled in Santa Barbara County, are ideal for pinot noir, a notoriously finicky grape. That's why Kathy Joseph came here to plant Fiddlestix Vineyard.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside tag=\"marijuana\" label=\"More Coverage of Marijuana in California\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The plants are over 20 years old, which comes through in the wines we make. The topography is just right; the proximity to the ocean is incredible,\" Joseph says. \"Difficult to find a pinot noir district this good.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Neighboring grape vines extend to the west as far as the eye can see. In the other direction, there's a new neighbor in town. This spring, a cannabis farmer started building hoop houses on the 100-acre parcel. So far, a quarter of the land is growing pot. Joseph has seen plenty of vegetable farms there before.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We've lived together with other vegetables, lettuces and cauliflower, and broccoli and snap peas, and walnuts very happily,\" she says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But this new crop is different. In June, Joseph learned that the fungicide she has been spraying on her grapes for decades could be drifting onto the cannabis. Unlike food crops, cannabis can't be sold if there's any trace of fungicide or pesticide in it,\u003ca href=\"https://bcc.ca.gov/about_us/documents/17-261_required_testing_chart.pdf\"> according to state law\u003c/a>. So while the county investigates, she's using a more expensive and far less effective spray on the grapevines that are nearest to the cannabis farm.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11767540\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/kathy-joseph-800x599.jpg\" alt=\"Kathy Joseph looks out over the recently planted cannabis farm from her ATV. Her pinot noir grapevines are growing to her right.\" width=\"800\" height=\"599\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11767540\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/kathy-joseph.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/kathy-joseph-160x120.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/kathy-joseph-632x474.jpg 632w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/kathy-joseph-536x402.jpg 536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Kathy Joseph looks out over the recently planted cannabis farm from her ATV. Her pinot noir grapevines are growing to her right. \u003ccite>(Claire Heddles/NPR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\"We may lose crop because we can't protect it,\" Joseph says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Joseph, and other Santa Barbara County\u003ca href=\"https://www.concernedcarpinterians.com/uploads/1/2/4/0/124047528/press_release__hoops_litigation_.pdf\"> residents in the southern city of Carpinteria\u003c/a>, say the county has been excessively permissive toward cannabis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11767541\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/kathy-joseph2-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"Vintner Kathy Joseph has learned that the fungicide she has been spraying on her grapes for decades could be drifting onto the cannabis, forcing her to use a more expensive and far less effective spray on the grapevines that are nearest to the cannabis farm.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11767541\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/kathy-joseph2-800x600.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/kathy-joseph2-160x120.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/kathy-joseph2-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/kathy-joseph2.jpg 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/kathy-joseph2-1044x783.jpg 1044w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/kathy-joseph2-632x474.jpg 632w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/kathy-joseph2-536x402.jpg 536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Vintner Kathy Joseph has learned that the fungicide she has been spraying on her grapes for decades could be drifting onto the cannabis, forcing her to use a more expensive and far less effective spray on the grapevines that are nearest to the cannabis farm. \u003ccite>(Claire Heddles/NPR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\"I have nothing against cannabis. It existed whether it was legal or not legal, and this just allows it to be controlled a little bit more responsibly,\" Joseph says. \"But that isn't what happened.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180AB64\"> passed Proposition 64 in 2016\u003c/a> with 57% of voters in favor of legalizing recreational marijuana, but regulation of cannabis cultivation was left largely up to the counties. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than half of California's counties decided to ban recreational cannabis cultivation, \u003ca href=\"https://www.counties.org/county-cannabis-ordinances\">according to local ordinances\u003c/a>. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Of the counties that do permit cannabis cultivation, Santa Barbara has issued the most legal permits in the state. Proposition 64 banned licenses for over\u003ca href=\"https://static.cdfa.ca.gov/MCCP/document/2017%201228%20Licensing%20Workshop%20Presentation.pdf\"> 1 acre of land until 2023\u003c/a>, but farmers can still \"stack\" licenses or combine small permits for neighboring plots of land. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe width=\"560\" height=\"800\" src=\"https://apps.npr.org/dailygraphics/graphics/ca-cannabis-permits-20190808/\" frameborder=\"0\" allow=\"accelerometer; autoplay; encrypted-media; gyroscope; picture-in-picture\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That's what the cannabis farmer neighboring Fiddlestix Vineyard did. John De Friel has nearly 100 separate permits for neighboring plots of land, creating two of the largest legal pot farms in the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He says conflicts with other farmers are as old as agriculture itself. He's just the latest newcomer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It's just farmers learning to farm next to each other, which is not new for California,\" De Friel says of his Raw Garden farm.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the heart of his operation, there is a warehouse full of shipping container-sized refrigerators. Here, he and his team examine and crossbreed thousands of seeds in pursuit of the perfect cannabis plant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Our focus really has been just asking what can this plant do?\" De Friel says. \"How many different traits are there to make measurements on? How do we make the best measurements?\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He takes the same scientific and strategic approach to most things. For example, when California legalized recreational pot, he called each of the Santa Barbara County supervisors and went to 65 planning meetings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11767542\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/fiddlestix-vineyards-800x450.jpg\" alt=\"Fiddlestix Vineyard sits right next to John De Friel's cannabis farm's hoop houses.\" width=\"800\" height=\"450\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11767542\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/fiddlestix-vineyards.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/fiddlestix-vineyards-160x90.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Fiddlestix Vineyard sits right next to John De Friel's cannabis farm's hoop houses. \u003ccite>(Claire Heddles/NPR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\"We participated in the political process, we went to public meetings, we gave feedback,\" De Friel says, \"We exercised our First Amendment right to the freedom of speech.\" \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The county listened to De Friel and other cannabis farmers and passed one of the most\u003ca href=\"http://cannabis.countyofsb.org/\"> cultivation-friendly ordinances\u003c/a> in the state. Up until July, Santa Barbara didn't have a cap on the number of acres that could be cultivated countywide. County Supervisor Das Williams says the county aimed to bring as much cannabis farming as possible into the legal sector. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Maybe we were a little too permissive at first,\" Williams says. \"Now we're getting to be more restrictive.\" \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other traditional California agriculture is also facing challenges living side by side with the new crop. In Carpinteria, avocado farmers are facing a similar dilemma as north county winemakers. Scott Van Der Kar has an avocado, lemon and cherimoya farm and can't spray the pesticides he has been using for decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11767544\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/scott-van-der-kar-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"Scott Van Der Kar shows the scarring caused by avocado thrips after he couldn't spray his usual pesticides.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11767544\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/scott-van-der-kar-800x600.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/scott-van-der-kar-160x120.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/scott-van-der-kar-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/scott-van-der-kar.jpg 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/scott-van-der-kar-1044x783.jpg 1044w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/scott-van-der-kar-632x474.jpg 632w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/scott-van-der-kar-536x402.jpg 536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Scott Van Der Kar shows the scarring caused by avocado thrips after he couldn't spray his usual pesticides. \u003ccite>(Claire Heddles/NPR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\"Trying to accommodate the cannabis growers is really difficult for us, the growers who have been here who have a food crop,\" Van Der Kar says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But cannabis isn't a new crop to California or Santa Barbara County, it's just newly regulated and newly taxable. Peter Rupert teaches economics at UC Santa Barbara and studies the economics of cannabis. His findings suggest the county's wine is\u003ca href=\"https://www.sbcountywines.com/uploads/2/2/1/6/22166752/2018.pdf\"> valued at about $120 million\u003c/a>, while its cannabis is worth about $180 million, but on a tiny\u003ca href=\"https://efp.ucsb.edu/Cannabis/implan_InitialAssessment.pdf\"> fraction of the land\u003c/a>. He says the county is positioning itself to earn significant tax dollars from cannabis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Growing here in California is easy,\" Rupert says. \"My guess is once they open interstate commerce in cannabis, you know California will really take over.\" \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But farmers and winemakers like Kathy Joseph say they hope the budding industry won't hurt traditional crops in the meantime.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Copyright 2019 NPR. To see more, visit https://www.npr.org.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The Santa Rita Hills, nestled in Santa Barbara County, are ideal for pinot noir, a notoriously finicky grape. That's why Kathy Joseph came here to plant Fiddlestix Vineyard.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The plants are over 20 years old, which comes through in the wines we make. The topography is just right; the proximity to the ocean is incredible,\" Joseph says. \"Difficult to find a pinot noir district this good.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Neighboring grape vines extend to the west as far as the eye can see. In the other direction, there's a new neighbor in town. This spring, a cannabis farmer started building hoop houses on the 100-acre parcel. So far, a quarter of the land is growing pot. Joseph has seen plenty of vegetable farms there before.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We've lived together with other vegetables, lettuces and cauliflower, and broccoli and snap peas, and walnuts very happily,\" she says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But this new crop is different. In June, Joseph learned that the fungicide she has been spraying on her grapes for decades could be drifting onto the cannabis. Unlike food crops, cannabis can't be sold if there's any trace of fungicide or pesticide in it,\u003ca href=\"https://bcc.ca.gov/about_us/documents/17-261_required_testing_chart.pdf\"> according to state law\u003c/a>. So while the county investigates, she's using a more expensive and far less effective spray on the grapevines that are nearest to the cannabis farm.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11767540\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/kathy-joseph-800x599.jpg\" alt=\"Kathy Joseph looks out over the recently planted cannabis farm from her ATV. Her pinot noir grapevines are growing to her right.\" width=\"800\" height=\"599\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11767540\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/kathy-joseph.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/kathy-joseph-160x120.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/kathy-joseph-632x474.jpg 632w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/kathy-joseph-536x402.jpg 536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Kathy Joseph looks out over the recently planted cannabis farm from her ATV. Her pinot noir grapevines are growing to her right. \u003ccite>(Claire Heddles/NPR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\"We may lose crop because we can't protect it,\" Joseph says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Joseph, and other Santa Barbara County\u003ca href=\"https://www.concernedcarpinterians.com/uploads/1/2/4/0/124047528/press_release__hoops_litigation_.pdf\"> residents in the southern city of Carpinteria\u003c/a>, say the county has been excessively permissive toward cannabis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11767541\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/kathy-joseph2-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"Vintner Kathy Joseph has learned that the fungicide she has been spraying on her grapes for decades could be drifting onto the cannabis, forcing her to use a more expensive and far less effective spray on the grapevines that are nearest to the cannabis farm.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11767541\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/kathy-joseph2-800x600.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/kathy-joseph2-160x120.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/kathy-joseph2-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/kathy-joseph2.jpg 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/kathy-joseph2-1044x783.jpg 1044w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/kathy-joseph2-632x474.jpg 632w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/kathy-joseph2-536x402.jpg 536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Vintner Kathy Joseph has learned that the fungicide she has been spraying on her grapes for decades could be drifting onto the cannabis, forcing her to use a more expensive and far less effective spray on the grapevines that are nearest to the cannabis farm. \u003ccite>(Claire Heddles/NPR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\"I have nothing against cannabis. It existed whether it was legal or not legal, and this just allows it to be controlled a little bit more responsibly,\" Joseph says. \"But that isn't what happened.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180AB64\"> passed Proposition 64 in 2016\u003c/a> with 57% of voters in favor of legalizing recreational marijuana, but regulation of cannabis cultivation was left largely up to the counties. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than half of California's counties decided to ban recreational cannabis cultivation, \u003ca href=\"https://www.counties.org/county-cannabis-ordinances\">according to local ordinances\u003c/a>. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Of the counties that do permit cannabis cultivation, Santa Barbara has issued the most legal permits in the state. Proposition 64 banned licenses for over\u003ca href=\"https://static.cdfa.ca.gov/MCCP/document/2017%201228%20Licensing%20Workshop%20Presentation.pdf\"> 1 acre of land until 2023\u003c/a>, but farmers can still \"stack\" licenses or combine small permits for neighboring plots of land. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe width=\"560\" height=\"800\" src=\"https://apps.npr.org/dailygraphics/graphics/ca-cannabis-permits-20190808/\" frameborder=\"0\" allow=\"accelerometer; autoplay; encrypted-media; gyroscope; picture-in-picture\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That's what the cannabis farmer neighboring Fiddlestix Vineyard did. John De Friel has nearly 100 separate permits for neighboring plots of land, creating two of the largest legal pot farms in the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He says conflicts with other farmers are as old as agriculture itself. He's just the latest newcomer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It's just farmers learning to farm next to each other, which is not new for California,\" De Friel says of his Raw Garden farm.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the heart of his operation, there is a warehouse full of shipping container-sized refrigerators. Here, he and his team examine and crossbreed thousands of seeds in pursuit of the perfect cannabis plant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Our focus really has been just asking what can this plant do?\" De Friel says. \"How many different traits are there to make measurements on? How do we make the best measurements?\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He takes the same scientific and strategic approach to most things. For example, when California legalized recreational pot, he called each of the Santa Barbara County supervisors and went to 65 planning meetings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11767542\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/fiddlestix-vineyards-800x450.jpg\" alt=\"Fiddlestix Vineyard sits right next to John De Friel's cannabis farm's hoop houses.\" width=\"800\" height=\"450\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11767542\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/fiddlestix-vineyards.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/fiddlestix-vineyards-160x90.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Fiddlestix Vineyard sits right next to John De Friel's cannabis farm's hoop houses. \u003ccite>(Claire Heddles/NPR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\"We participated in the political process, we went to public meetings, we gave feedback,\" De Friel says, \"We exercised our First Amendment right to the freedom of speech.\" \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The county listened to De Friel and other cannabis farmers and passed one of the most\u003ca href=\"http://cannabis.countyofsb.org/\"> cultivation-friendly ordinances\u003c/a> in the state. Up until July, Santa Barbara didn't have a cap on the number of acres that could be cultivated countywide. County Supervisor Das Williams says the county aimed to bring as much cannabis farming as possible into the legal sector. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Maybe we were a little too permissive at first,\" Williams says. \"Now we're getting to be more restrictive.\" \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other traditional California agriculture is also facing challenges living side by side with the new crop. In Carpinteria, avocado farmers are facing a similar dilemma as north county winemakers. Scott Van Der Kar has an avocado, lemon and cherimoya farm and can't spray the pesticides he has been using for decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11767544\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/scott-van-der-kar-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"Scott Van Der Kar shows the scarring caused by avocado thrips after he couldn't spray his usual pesticides.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11767544\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/scott-van-der-kar-800x600.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/scott-van-der-kar-160x120.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/scott-van-der-kar-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/scott-van-der-kar.jpg 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/scott-van-der-kar-1044x783.jpg 1044w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/scott-van-der-kar-632x474.jpg 632w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/scott-van-der-kar-536x402.jpg 536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Scott Van Der Kar shows the scarring caused by avocado thrips after he couldn't spray his usual pesticides. \u003ccite>(Claire Heddles/NPR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\"Trying to accommodate the cannabis growers is really difficult for us, the growers who have been here who have a food crop,\" Van Der Kar says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But cannabis isn't a new crop to California or Santa Barbara County, it's just newly regulated and newly taxable. Peter Rupert teaches economics at UC Santa Barbara and studies the economics of cannabis. His findings suggest the county's wine is\u003ca href=\"https://www.sbcountywines.com/uploads/2/2/1/6/22166752/2018.pdf\"> valued at about $120 million\u003c/a>, while its cannabis is worth about $180 million, but on a tiny\u003ca href=\"https://efp.ucsb.edu/Cannabis/implan_InitialAssessment.pdf\"> fraction of the land\u003c/a>. He says the county is positioning itself to earn significant tax dollars from cannabis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Growing here in California is easy,\" Rupert says. \"My guess is once they open interstate commerce in cannabis, you know California will really take over.\" \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But farmers and winemakers like Kathy Joseph say they hope the budding industry won't hurt traditional crops in the meantime.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Copyright 2019 NPR. To see more, visit https://www.npr.org.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "Backers of Effort to Strip Tax Protections for California’s Commercial Property Owners Pull Measure From 2020 Ballot, Draft New Version",
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"content": "\u003cp style=\"text-align: left\">Critics of Proposition 13, California’s landmark property tax-limiting measure, have long sought to remove commercial property owners from the law’s long list of beneficiaries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A measure that would do just that already qualified for the November 2020 ballot. But now, its backers say they’re planning to replace it in favor of a new version, once the new version clears all hurdles for qualification.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tyler Law, spokesman for the ballot measure, said the new proposition will address some of the concerns raised about the previous version.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement, Law said supporters are re-filing the initiative and essentially starting from scratch to “substantively strengthen the measure, including expansive new small business tax relief, and widen the path to victory in November 2020.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The revised version also pushes back implementation of the proposed changes by two years — to 2023 — giving local assessors and commercial property owners more time to prepare.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"related coverage\" tag=\"proposition-13\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 1978, in a so-called “taxpayer revolt,” California voters overwhelmingly approved Proposition 13, essentially freezing property tax rates and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11701044/how-proposition-13-transformed-neighborhood-public-schools-throughout-california\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">upending the ability of local governments to fund K-12 schools\u003c/a>. Until then, county assessors could reassess the value of residential and commercial properties as needed to raise additional tax revenue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 13 was largely sold to voters as a way stem the increase in residential property taxes in order to prevent seniors and other residents on fixed incomes from losing their homes. But it locked in commercial property tax rates as well — a provision some consider a major loophole that has allowed corporations to escape property reassessments for decades and helped to keep their tax burdens far below what market value would dictate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The group opposing the change, called \u003ca href=\"https://stophigherpropertytaxes.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Californians to Stop Higher Property Taxes\u003c/a>, says that now is not the time to create a “split roll,” arguing that it would only increase the already-high tax burden in California at a time when the state has a massive revenue surplus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement, Rob Lapsley, president of the California Business Roundtable and co-chair of the group opposing the reform measure, called the effort “fatally flawed,” adding that “there are no tweaks or amendments that can be made to this ‘split roll’ measure that will prevent it from being a major, multibillion dollar tax on all Californians.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But backers of the so-called “split roll” argue that removing commercial property from such tax protections would block corporations from continuing to shield their investments from legitimate tax increases, and force them to begin paying their fair share to help fund schools and other services provided by local governments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With financial backing from some of California’s largest public employee unions, a coalition of tax reform groups successfully collected signatures for what they called “The California Schools and Local Communities Funding Act of 2018.” With the proposed changes, the coalition now has to restart that expensive signature-gathering process in time to qualify for next year’s ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both sides are now gearing up for a very expensive, high-profile fight over the most significant revision of Proposition 13 since it passed more than 40 years ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/publication/proposition-13-40-years-later/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">poll\u003c/a> last year from the Public Policy Institute of California found that 65% of likely voters thought Proposition 13 had turned out to be “mostly a good thing” for California. But various polls in recent years suggest voters may be receptive to removing commercial property from the measure’s protections, although they are in no way yet sold on that idea.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/BallotAnalysis/Initiative/2017-055\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">2018 report\u003c/a> from the nonpartisan Legislative Analyst’s Office on the coalition’s original ballot measure — the one now being pulled — found that basing commercial and industrial property taxes on market value rather than purchase price “would increase annual property taxes paid for these properties by $7 to $11 billion in most years.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp style=\"text-align: left\">Critics of Proposition 13, California’s landmark property tax-limiting measure, have long sought to remove commercial property owners from the law’s long list of beneficiaries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A measure that would do just that already qualified for the November 2020 ballot. But now, its backers say they’re planning to replace it in favor of a new version, once the new version clears all hurdles for qualification.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tyler Law, spokesman for the ballot measure, said the new proposition will address some of the concerns raised about the previous version.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement, Law said supporters are re-filing the initiative and essentially starting from scratch to “substantively strengthen the measure, including expansive new small business tax relief, and widen the path to victory in November 2020.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The revised version also pushes back implementation of the proposed changes by two years — to 2023 — giving local assessors and commercial property owners more time to prepare.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With financial backing from some of California’s largest public employee unions, a coalition of tax reform groups successfully collected signatures for what they called “The California Schools and Local Communities Funding Act of 2018.” With the proposed changes, the coalition now has to restart that expensive signature-gathering process in time to qualify for next year’s ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both sides are now gearing up for a very expensive, high-profile fight over the most significant revision of Proposition 13 since it passed more than 40 years ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/publication/proposition-13-40-years-later/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">poll\u003c/a> last year from the Public Policy Institute of California found that 65% of likely voters thought Proposition 13 had turned out to be “mostly a good thing” for California. But various polls in recent years suggest voters may be receptive to removing commercial property from the measure’s protections, although they are in no way yet sold on that idea.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/BallotAnalysis/Initiative/2017-055\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">2018 report\u003c/a> from the nonpartisan Legislative Analyst’s Office on the coalition’s original ballot measure — the one now being pulled — found that basing commercial and industrial property taxes on market value rather than purchase price “would increase annual property taxes paid for these properties by $7 to $11 billion in most years.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Four members of Unite Here Local 2 — the local union threatening to strike against catering companies at San Francisco International Airport — were among dozens arrested during a labor protest at American Airlines’ Fort Worth, Texas headquarters on Tuesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Airline catering workers represented by Unite Here blocked an entrance to the company’s offices in an act of civil disobedience aimed at drawing increased attention to a nationwide labor dispute.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation=\"Roberto Alvarez, SFO loader\"]‘I took arrest today because even though I load carts full of food and beverage for American Airlines flights, I’m uninsured and have to go to a free clinic.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t make enough and there’s people who make less than I do, and American Airlines makes billions of dollars in profit,” said Roberto Alvarez, a loader at SFO, in a phone interview from the scene of the protest. “I’m willing to do this to send a message to American Airlines that we need better pay and health care.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alvarez, Unite Here Local 2 President Ananda Singh, the unit’s food service director Lorraine Powell and another worker, Linda Fajarado, were among those arrested, according to a union spokesman.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In all, 58 people were arrested at the demonstration, said Forth Worth Police Officer J. Pollani. The protesters face a charge of obstructing streets and sidewalks and a $274 fine, Pollani said in an email.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11767285\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Unite-Here-Protest-American-Airlines-Texas-800x454.jpg\" alt=\"Airline catering workers represented by the Unite Here union block an entrance to American Airlines' corporate headquarters in Fort Worth, Texas on Tuesday.\" width=\"800\" height=\"454\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11767285\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Unite-Here-Protest-American-Airlines-Texas-800x454.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Unite-Here-Protest-American-Airlines-Texas-160x91.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Unite-Here-Protest-American-Airlines-Texas-1020x579.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Unite-Here-Protest-American-Airlines-Texas-1200x681.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Unite-Here-Protest-American-Airlines-Texas.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Airline catering workers represented by the Unite Here union block an entrance to American Airlines’ corporate headquarters in Fort Worth, Texas on Tuesday. \u003ccite>(Courtesy Unite Here Local 2)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“I took arrest today because even though I load carts full of food and beverage for American Airlines flights, I’m uninsured and have to go to a free clinic,” Alvarez said in a union statement following his arrest. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My company insurance is so expensive that I can’t afford it, and I don’t think that’s right. I’m going to do whatever it takes to make one job enough.” \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The demonstration comes two months after an overwhelming majority of the nearly 1,600 Unite Here Local 2 workers at SFO employed by airline contractors Sky Chefs and Gate Gourmet \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11754988/sfo-airline-catering-workers-vote-yes-to-authorize-strike\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">voted to authorize their union leadership to call a strike\u003c/a>. The companies provide food and beverage services to several airlines, including American.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/unitehere/status/1161293685813702656?s=20\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unite Here, which staged \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11709707/tentative-deal-reached-to-end-san-francisco-marriott-strike\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">a months-long strike at Marriott hotels\u003c/a> in the Bay Area and across the country last fall, say catering workers at local divisions at 32 other airports have authorized walkouts as well.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Through a spokesman, Sky Chefs said that since May the firm had been working with a federal mediator in talks with Unite Here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Related Coverage\" tag=\"unite-here\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our company has offered improvements in wages, and is discussing numerous other issues covered by our collective bargaining agreement,” Sky Chefs said in a statement Tuesday. “While this is a short period of time to negotiate a complex labor agreement, we feel progress is being made with the help of the federal monitor. We remain committed to negotiating in good faith, and we hope that union members will act lawfully as they exercise their right to demonstrate or protest.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gate Gourmet issued a similar message: “Gate Gourmet continues to work in good faith with the union and federally appointed mediator to make improvements for our people across wages and benefits as we have in the past,” the company said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>American Airlines said it hoped the two sides would come to a deal soon and said it expected that agreement would cost it more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We believe in the collective bargaining process, and so we are confident that LSG Sky Chefs and Unite Here will come to an agreement that increases pay and benefits for LSG’s employees and ensures LSG can continue to operate successfully,” the airline said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We understand that a new contract will, ultimately, increase the costs to LSG Sky Chef’s customers, including American. While we are not part of the ongoing negotiations, we urge both LSG Sky Chefs and Unite Here to bargain in good faith and get a deal done,” the company said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unite Here says the median wage for catering workers at SFO is $18.66 an hour, and its members pay an average monthly premium of $800 for family health coverage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The union’s members are not allowed to strike unless they receive permission from the National Mediation Board. Because the employees are employed at an airport, they need authorization from the independent federal agency to walk off the job.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unite Here has submitted a formal application to the board to strike against Sky Chefs, but has yet to do so in its dispute with Gate Gourmet, according to a union spokesman. A mediation board representative did not return a request for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t make enough and there’s people who make less than I do, and American Airlines makes billions of dollars in profit,” said Roberto Alvarez, a loader at SFO, in a phone interview from the scene of the protest. “I’m willing to do this to send a message to American Airlines that we need better pay and health care.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alvarez, Unite Here Local 2 President Ananda Singh, the unit’s food service director Lorraine Powell and another worker, Linda Fajarado, were among those arrested, according to a union spokesman.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In all, 58 people were arrested at the demonstration, said Forth Worth Police Officer J. Pollani. The protesters face a charge of obstructing streets and sidewalks and a $274 fine, Pollani said in an email.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11767285\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Unite-Here-Protest-American-Airlines-Texas-800x454.jpg\" alt=\"Airline catering workers represented by the Unite Here union block an entrance to American Airlines' corporate headquarters in Fort Worth, Texas on Tuesday.\" width=\"800\" height=\"454\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11767285\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Unite-Here-Protest-American-Airlines-Texas-800x454.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Unite-Here-Protest-American-Airlines-Texas-160x91.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Unite-Here-Protest-American-Airlines-Texas-1020x579.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Unite-Here-Protest-American-Airlines-Texas-1200x681.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Unite-Here-Protest-American-Airlines-Texas.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Airline catering workers represented by the Unite Here union block an entrance to American Airlines’ corporate headquarters in Fort Worth, Texas on Tuesday. \u003ccite>(Courtesy Unite Here Local 2)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“I took arrest today because even though I load carts full of food and beverage for American Airlines flights, I’m uninsured and have to go to a free clinic,” Alvarez said in a union statement following his arrest. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My company insurance is so expensive that I can’t afford it, and I don’t think that’s right. I’m going to do whatever it takes to make one job enough.” \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The demonstration comes two months after an overwhelming majority of the nearly 1,600 Unite Here Local 2 workers at SFO employed by airline contractors Sky Chefs and Gate Gourmet \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11754988/sfo-airline-catering-workers-vote-yes-to-authorize-strike\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">voted to authorize their union leadership to call a strike\u003c/a>. The companies provide food and beverage services to several airlines, including American.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>Unite Here, which staged \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11709707/tentative-deal-reached-to-end-san-francisco-marriott-strike\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">a months-long strike at Marriott hotels\u003c/a> in the Bay Area and across the country last fall, say catering workers at local divisions at 32 other airports have authorized walkouts as well.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Through a spokesman, Sky Chefs said that since May the firm had been working with a federal mediator in talks with Unite Here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our company has offered improvements in wages, and is discussing numerous other issues covered by our collective bargaining agreement,” Sky Chefs said in a statement Tuesday. “While this is a short period of time to negotiate a complex labor agreement, we feel progress is being made with the help of the federal monitor. We remain committed to negotiating in good faith, and we hope that union members will act lawfully as they exercise their right to demonstrate or protest.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gate Gourmet issued a similar message: “Gate Gourmet continues to work in good faith with the union and federally appointed mediator to make improvements for our people across wages and benefits as we have in the past,” the company said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>American Airlines said it hoped the two sides would come to a deal soon and said it expected that agreement would cost it more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We believe in the collective bargaining process, and so we are confident that LSG Sky Chefs and Unite Here will come to an agreement that increases pay and benefits for LSG’s employees and ensures LSG can continue to operate successfully,” the airline said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We understand that a new contract will, ultimately, increase the costs to LSG Sky Chef’s customers, including American. While we are not part of the ongoing negotiations, we urge both LSG Sky Chefs and Unite Here to bargain in good faith and get a deal done,” the company said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unite Here says the median wage for catering workers at SFO is $18.66 an hour, and its members pay an average monthly premium of $800 for family health coverage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The union’s members are not allowed to strike unless they receive permission from the National Mediation Board. Because the employees are employed at an airport, they need authorization from the independent federal agency to walk off the job.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unite Here has submitted a formal application to the board to strike against Sky Chefs, but has yet to do so in its dispute with Gate Gourmet, according to a union spokesman. A mediation board representative did not return a request for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "will-the-rest-of-california-follow-east-palo-alto-with-safe-parking-for-residents-living-in-their-rvs",
"title": "Will the Rest of California Follow East Palo Alto with 'Safe Parking' for Residents Living in Their RVs?",
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"content": "\u003cp>As the housing crisis wears on, a proposed state bill attempts to help the growing number of people forced to live in their cars. But some cities aren’t waiting; they’re doing it themselves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB891\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">AB 891,\u003c/a> by Assemblywoman \u003ca href=\"https://a62.asmdc.org\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Autumn Burke\u003c/a>, D-El Segundo, would require any city or county with more than 330,000 people establish “safe parking” for those living in their vehicles by June 1, 2022. It’s a concept that’s met with success, albeit on a small scale, around the state already — like in East Palo Alto.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside tag='homelessness' label='More on Homelessness']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On a recent Saturday night, a local Christian group called the Sovereign Band provided live entertainment for about 50 special dinner guests, all of them clients of the nonprofit organization \u003ca href=\"https://projectwehope.org\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Project We Hope\u003c/a>. We Hope runs several programs for East Palo Alto, including, as of May 1, its safe parking pilot program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Currently, we have 16 RVs, most of them families. Families first, seniors next, disabled, veterans and then everybody else,” said We Hope’s Associate Director Alicia Garcia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thanks to soaring rents, the RV population on local streets has grown to an estimated 50 vehicles. So why is Project We Hope only hosting 16 of them?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For one thing, safe parking is not cheap. East Palo Alto is a modest city, especially compared to its phenomenally wealthy neighbors, like Palo Alto and Menlo Park. But East Palo Alto is picking up the $300,00 annual tab for this pilot program and providing the property it sits on.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Garcia argues A) there will never be a 100% adoption rate on the part of RV dwellers for any safe parking program, and B) transition to permanent housing is built into the safe parking concept, so new spots should open up on a regular basis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11764751\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11764751\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/RS38289_Photo-Jun-15-6-18-42-PM-qut.jpg\" alt=\"Project We Hope runs a number of official services for the homeless residents of East Palo Alto, including a homeless shelter, a mobile shower and laundry service, and safe parking. The non-profit also hosts occasional dinners for clients, featuring free food and entertainment.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1193\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/RS38289_Photo-Jun-15-6-18-42-PM-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/RS38289_Photo-Jun-15-6-18-42-PM-qut-160x99.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/RS38289_Photo-Jun-15-6-18-42-PM-qut-800x497.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/RS38289_Photo-Jun-15-6-18-42-PM-qut-1020x634.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/RS38289_Photo-Jun-15-6-18-42-PM-qut-1200x746.jpg 1200w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Project We Hope runs a number of official services for the homeless residents of East Palo Alto, including a shelter, a mobile shower and laundry service, and the safe parking. The non-profit also hosts occasional dinners for clients, featuring free food and entertainment. \u003ccite>(Rachael Myrow/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>As with most safe parking programs in California, case managers in East Palo Alto help program participants get a stationary roof over their heads. “We’ve already gotten two families into housing. And we’ve gotten several other families on housing lists, because that’s part of the secret, the secret sauce, right? Is to get people on as many housing lists as possible,” said Garcia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>People commonly ask whether the RV dwellers are local and, if so, whether they’re willing to relocate to cheaper parts of the world. Garcia explains that those who sign up for safe parking agree to aim for housing outside of their vehicles, but typically their jobs are nearby and their children, if they have them, attend local schools. Senior citizens may not be constrained in the same way, but they often feel compelled to stay close to their social support networks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Randolph Allen Parker, 74, was one of the first to sign up for the We Hope safe parking program. He takes great pride in his ’89 Ford Econoline. “Custom classic! That thing has a sit-down toilet in it, a shower that you get in, two closets for clothes and a microwave oven, built in from the factory.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pride aside, Parker said life on the streets is dangerous for him and his camper van. It’s been hit twice when he was parked. He’s happy for the help getting a real roof over his head, as well as the other services that are standard for safe parking programs in California, like free security, restrooms and showers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We Hope is like a warm light in dark and stormy times. I got nothing but praise for them and what they’re doing,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11764760\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11764760\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/RS38291_Photo-Jun-15-7-10-15-PM-qut.jpg\" alt=\"Like many cities that run safe parking programs in California, East Palo Alto also has an RV parking ban in place, in this case, overnight for vehicles not on the waiting list for safe parking. \" width=\"1920\" height=\"1341\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/RS38291_Photo-Jun-15-7-10-15-PM-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/RS38291_Photo-Jun-15-7-10-15-PM-qut-160x112.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/RS38291_Photo-Jun-15-7-10-15-PM-qut-800x559.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/RS38291_Photo-Jun-15-7-10-15-PM-qut-1020x712.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/RS38291_Photo-Jun-15-7-10-15-PM-qut-1200x838.jpg 1200w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Like many cities that run safe parking programs in California, East Palo Alto also has an RV parking ban in place. In this case, it’s overnight for vehicles not on the waiting list for safe parking. \u003ccite>(Rachael Myrow/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>According to this year’s San Mateo County one-day homeless count and survey, of the 1,512 people experiencing homelessness on Jan. 30, 901 were found living on streets, in cars and in RVs, as opposed to in emergency shelters and transitional housing programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Project We Hope’s safe parking program is taking in people fleeing much wealthier cities nearby, like Menlo Park and Mountain View. Take Judith Ortiz, who lived in Mountain View for 18 years before her landlord doubled the rent. “I was paying $1,300 for two bedrooms, and it was going to be $2,200 after remodel,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ortiz plowed into her savings, bought an old RV, fixed it up and then started looking for places to park. She had a cousin in East Palo Alto, but upon arrival, came up against a neighbor who didn’t want her parked outside his house. “She called the cop the first night that I arrived with the RV. I just got here. I just got here, like 20 minutes ago!”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like many cities that run safe parking programs in California, East Palo Alto doesn’t currently provide parking during the day—only from 7:30 p.m. to 7 a.m. That means Ortiz has to park her RV on city streets during the day. But she said the exhausting and expensive hassle is worth it, in exchange for the help getting housing. “Every sacrifice comes with something good in the future, so that’s what we hope,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Ortiz, that something good is the stability of a regular apartment for her and for her sister and two-year-old nephew, both of whom Ortiz is also supporting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are safe parking lot programs in San Jose, Oakland, San Diego, L.A. and, the granddaddy of them all, Santa Barbara, the first to set up safe parking in 2004. That program has provided the model others have copied, typically run by local nonprofit groups and faith-based partners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While many cities are in the process of developing similar programs, all eyes are on Sacramento to see if that proposed safe parking mandate gets to the Governor’s desk and requires it of all cities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s unusual for a small city like East Palo Alto to commit to being part of the solution to the housing crisis. But, Garcia said, “It’s going to take local solutions. It’s going to take county solutions, regional solutions. Because it’s a big problem.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>As the housing crisis wears on, a proposed state bill attempts to help the growing number of people forced to live in their cars. But some cities aren’t waiting; they’re doing it themselves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB891\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">AB 891,\u003c/a> by Assemblywoman \u003ca href=\"https://a62.asmdc.org\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Autumn Burke\u003c/a>, D-El Segundo, would require any city or county with more than 330,000 people establish “safe parking” for those living in their vehicles by June 1, 2022. It’s a concept that’s met with success, albeit on a small scale, around the state already — like in East Palo Alto.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On a recent Saturday night, a local Christian group called the Sovereign Band provided live entertainment for about 50 special dinner guests, all of them clients of the nonprofit organization \u003ca href=\"https://projectwehope.org\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Project We Hope\u003c/a>. We Hope runs several programs for East Palo Alto, including, as of May 1, its safe parking pilot program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Currently, we have 16 RVs, most of them families. Families first, seniors next, disabled, veterans and then everybody else,” said We Hope’s Associate Director Alicia Garcia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thanks to soaring rents, the RV population on local streets has grown to an estimated 50 vehicles. So why is Project We Hope only hosting 16 of them?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For one thing, safe parking is not cheap. East Palo Alto is a modest city, especially compared to its phenomenally wealthy neighbors, like Palo Alto and Menlo Park. But East Palo Alto is picking up the $300,00 annual tab for this pilot program and providing the property it sits on.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Garcia argues A) there will never be a 100% adoption rate on the part of RV dwellers for any safe parking program, and B) transition to permanent housing is built into the safe parking concept, so new spots should open up on a regular basis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11764751\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11764751\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/RS38289_Photo-Jun-15-6-18-42-PM-qut.jpg\" alt=\"Project We Hope runs a number of official services for the homeless residents of East Palo Alto, including a homeless shelter, a mobile shower and laundry service, and safe parking. The non-profit also hosts occasional dinners for clients, featuring free food and entertainment.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1193\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/RS38289_Photo-Jun-15-6-18-42-PM-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/RS38289_Photo-Jun-15-6-18-42-PM-qut-160x99.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/RS38289_Photo-Jun-15-6-18-42-PM-qut-800x497.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/RS38289_Photo-Jun-15-6-18-42-PM-qut-1020x634.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/RS38289_Photo-Jun-15-6-18-42-PM-qut-1200x746.jpg 1200w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Project We Hope runs a number of official services for the homeless residents of East Palo Alto, including a shelter, a mobile shower and laundry service, and the safe parking. The non-profit also hosts occasional dinners for clients, featuring free food and entertainment. \u003ccite>(Rachael Myrow/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>As with most safe parking programs in California, case managers in East Palo Alto help program participants get a stationary roof over their heads. “We’ve already gotten two families into housing. And we’ve gotten several other families on housing lists, because that’s part of the secret, the secret sauce, right? Is to get people on as many housing lists as possible,” said Garcia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>People commonly ask whether the RV dwellers are local and, if so, whether they’re willing to relocate to cheaper parts of the world. Garcia explains that those who sign up for safe parking agree to aim for housing outside of their vehicles, but typically their jobs are nearby and their children, if they have them, attend local schools. Senior citizens may not be constrained in the same way, but they often feel compelled to stay close to their social support networks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Randolph Allen Parker, 74, was one of the first to sign up for the We Hope safe parking program. He takes great pride in his ’89 Ford Econoline. “Custom classic! That thing has a sit-down toilet in it, a shower that you get in, two closets for clothes and a microwave oven, built in from the factory.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pride aside, Parker said life on the streets is dangerous for him and his camper van. It’s been hit twice when he was parked. He’s happy for the help getting a real roof over his head, as well as the other services that are standard for safe parking programs in California, like free security, restrooms and showers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We Hope is like a warm light in dark and stormy times. I got nothing but praise for them and what they’re doing,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11764760\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11764760\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/RS38291_Photo-Jun-15-7-10-15-PM-qut.jpg\" alt=\"Like many cities that run safe parking programs in California, East Palo Alto also has an RV parking ban in place, in this case, overnight for vehicles not on the waiting list for safe parking. \" width=\"1920\" height=\"1341\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/RS38291_Photo-Jun-15-7-10-15-PM-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/RS38291_Photo-Jun-15-7-10-15-PM-qut-160x112.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/RS38291_Photo-Jun-15-7-10-15-PM-qut-800x559.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/RS38291_Photo-Jun-15-7-10-15-PM-qut-1020x712.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/RS38291_Photo-Jun-15-7-10-15-PM-qut-1200x838.jpg 1200w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Like many cities that run safe parking programs in California, East Palo Alto also has an RV parking ban in place. In this case, it’s overnight for vehicles not on the waiting list for safe parking. \u003ccite>(Rachael Myrow/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>According to this year’s San Mateo County one-day homeless count and survey, of the 1,512 people experiencing homelessness on Jan. 30, 901 were found living on streets, in cars and in RVs, as opposed to in emergency shelters and transitional housing programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Project We Hope’s safe parking program is taking in people fleeing much wealthier cities nearby, like Menlo Park and Mountain View. Take Judith Ortiz, who lived in Mountain View for 18 years before her landlord doubled the rent. “I was paying $1,300 for two bedrooms, and it was going to be $2,200 after remodel,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ortiz plowed into her savings, bought an old RV, fixed it up and then started looking for places to park. She had a cousin in East Palo Alto, but upon arrival, came up against a neighbor who didn’t want her parked outside his house. “She called the cop the first night that I arrived with the RV. I just got here. I just got here, like 20 minutes ago!”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like many cities that run safe parking programs in California, East Palo Alto doesn’t currently provide parking during the day—only from 7:30 p.m. to 7 a.m. That means Ortiz has to park her RV on city streets during the day. But she said the exhausting and expensive hassle is worth it, in exchange for the help getting housing. “Every sacrifice comes with something good in the future, so that’s what we hope,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Ortiz, that something good is the stability of a regular apartment for her and for her sister and two-year-old nephew, both of whom Ortiz is also supporting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are safe parking lot programs in San Jose, Oakland, San Diego, L.A. and, the granddaddy of them all, Santa Barbara, the first to set up safe parking in 2004. That program has provided the model others have copied, typically run by local nonprofit groups and faith-based partners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While many cities are in the process of developing similar programs, all eyes are on Sacramento to see if that proposed safe parking mandate gets to the Governor’s desk and requires it of all cities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s unusual for a small city like East Palo Alto to commit to being part of the solution to the housing crisis. But, Garcia said, “It’s going to take local solutions. It’s going to take county solutions, regional solutions. Because it’s a big problem.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>A new \u003ca href=\"http://laborcenter.berkeley.edu/pdf/2019/Retirement-in-California.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">report\u003c/a> from the UC Berkeley Labor Center finds that California workers are even less prepared for retirement than previously thought.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the report, 61% of California private sector workers don’t have access to an employer-sponsored retirement plan — meaning they would have to fund their retirement entirely on their own. And nearly half have no retirement assets at all, either through an employer or from their own individual accounts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The report, which analyzed data from the U.S. Census Bureau’s Current Population Survey and its 2014 Survey on Income and Program Participation, found these numbers are particularly bad for Latino workers, who are “twice as likely as white workers not to own a retirement savings account or participate in a pension.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11764866\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11764866\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Screen-Shot-2019-08-01-at-12.08.25-AM-800x547.png\" alt=\"A majority of California private-sector workers do not have access to a retirement plan.\" width=\"800\" height=\"547\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Screen-Shot-2019-08-01-at-12.08.25-AM-800x547.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Screen-Shot-2019-08-01-at-12.08.25-AM-160x109.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Screen-Shot-2019-08-01-at-12.08.25-AM-1020x698.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Screen-Shot-2019-08-01-at-12.08.25-AM-1200x821.png 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Screen-Shot-2019-08-01-at-12.08.25-AM.png 1640w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A majority of California private sector workers do not have access to a retirement plan. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of the U.C. Berkeley Labor Center)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We’ve known for a while now that California is much worse off than even the national average,” said Nari Rhee, director of the Retirement Security Program at UC Berkeley and author of the report. “But even knowing that, it was pretty shocking to discover that half of California private sector workers basically have no retirement assets to their name. Whether it’s from a former employer or their own individual pension accounts. They just have nothing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Retirement funds — according to the report — have traditionally relied on a “three-legged stool” approach: Social Security, employer-funded pension programs and private savings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But with Social Security funds unlikely to cover the bills, and as more companies move over to \u003cem>employee\u003c/em>-funded 401(k) plans in lieu of pensions, many people are forced to rely more on their private savings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, the report points out that while families do accumulate assets over time, like home equity, their personal net worth is generally not enough to cover the level of income needed after retirement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For some, especially low-income Californians, contributing to any kind of retirement program — employer-provided or not — can be difficult financially.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We also have to recognize that stagnating and low wages in the state and nationally does make it difficult for people to save for retirement — plus the high housing costs in California,” said Ken Jacobs, chair of the UC Berkeley Labor Center. “So while it’s important that individuals save, we also as a society need to take steps to make it possible for them to do so.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And even when workers have employer-provided retirement plans and are able to contribute to them, it can be difficult to determine how to do so.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For instance, if you have a completely voluntary plan where you have to go to your employer or to the plan carrier and say, ‘I want to set up an account,’ for low-wage workers, more than half never get around to taking that step,” said Rhee. “The investment menus are very confusing and intimidating, so there are a series of behavioral obstacles.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To help address these obstacles, California has started its own retirement program. On July 1, it rolled out \u003ca href=\"https://www.treasurer.ca.gov/scib/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">CalSavers\u003c/a>. Any employer with at least five employees who doesn’t already offer a retirement plan is required to either start one or provide employees with access to CalSavers. Workers would then be automatically enrolled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And it’s not a moment too soon. As California’s population continues to age, there has been a marked \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/bayarea/article/Aging-onto-the-street-Nearly-half-of-older-13668900.php\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">increase in the population\u003c/a> of \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/bayarea/article/Aging-onto-the-street-Nearly-half-of-older-13668900.php\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">homeless seniors \u003c/a>with no safety net.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We know we have challenging demographics of aging in California. So, we’re not only going to see more seniors — that population is going to roughly double over the next 15 years — but we’re also going to see a more traditionally vulnerable senior population in terms of demographics,” said Rhee. “So, more senior women, more seniors of color. And what we’re adding to that picture is that each wave of retirees is going to be retiring with less resources than the last.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A new \u003ca href=\"http://laborcenter.berkeley.edu/pdf/2019/Retirement-in-California.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">report\u003c/a> from the UC Berkeley Labor Center finds that California workers are even less prepared for retirement than previously thought.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the report, 61% of California private sector workers don’t have access to an employer-sponsored retirement plan — meaning they would have to fund their retirement entirely on their own. And nearly half have no retirement assets at all, either through an employer or from their own individual accounts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The report, which analyzed data from the U.S. Census Bureau’s Current Population Survey and its 2014 Survey on Income and Program Participation, found these numbers are particularly bad for Latino workers, who are “twice as likely as white workers not to own a retirement savings account or participate in a pension.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11764866\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11764866\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Screen-Shot-2019-08-01-at-12.08.25-AM-800x547.png\" alt=\"A majority of California private-sector workers do not have access to a retirement plan.\" width=\"800\" height=\"547\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Screen-Shot-2019-08-01-at-12.08.25-AM-800x547.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Screen-Shot-2019-08-01-at-12.08.25-AM-160x109.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Screen-Shot-2019-08-01-at-12.08.25-AM-1020x698.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Screen-Shot-2019-08-01-at-12.08.25-AM-1200x821.png 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Screen-Shot-2019-08-01-at-12.08.25-AM.png 1640w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A majority of California private sector workers do not have access to a retirement plan. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of the U.C. Berkeley Labor Center)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We’ve known for a while now that California is much worse off than even the national average,” said Nari Rhee, director of the Retirement Security Program at UC Berkeley and author of the report. “But even knowing that, it was pretty shocking to discover that half of California private sector workers basically have no retirement assets to their name. Whether it’s from a former employer or their own individual pension accounts. They just have nothing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Retirement funds — according to the report — have traditionally relied on a “three-legged stool” approach: Social Security, employer-funded pension programs and private savings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But with Social Security funds unlikely to cover the bills, and as more companies move over to \u003cem>employee\u003c/em>-funded 401(k) plans in lieu of pensions, many people are forced to rely more on their private savings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, the report points out that while families do accumulate assets over time, like home equity, their personal net worth is generally not enough to cover the level of income needed after retirement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For some, especially low-income Californians, contributing to any kind of retirement program — employer-provided or not — can be difficult financially.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We also have to recognize that stagnating and low wages in the state and nationally does make it difficult for people to save for retirement — plus the high housing costs in California,” said Ken Jacobs, chair of the UC Berkeley Labor Center. “So while it’s important that individuals save, we also as a society need to take steps to make it possible for them to do so.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And even when workers have employer-provided retirement plans and are able to contribute to them, it can be difficult to determine how to do so.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For instance, if you have a completely voluntary plan where you have to go to your employer or to the plan carrier and say, ‘I want to set up an account,’ for low-wage workers, more than half never get around to taking that step,” said Rhee. “The investment menus are very confusing and intimidating, so there are a series of behavioral obstacles.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To help address these obstacles, California has started its own retirement program. On July 1, it rolled out \u003ca href=\"https://www.treasurer.ca.gov/scib/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">CalSavers\u003c/a>. Any employer with at least five employees who doesn’t already offer a retirement plan is required to either start one or provide employees with access to CalSavers. Workers would then be automatically enrolled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And it’s not a moment too soon. As California’s population continues to age, there has been a marked \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/bayarea/article/Aging-onto-the-street-Nearly-half-of-older-13668900.php\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">increase in the population\u003c/a> of \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/bayarea/article/Aging-onto-the-street-Nearly-half-of-older-13668900.php\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">homeless seniors \u003c/a>with no safety net.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We know we have challenging demographics of aging in California. 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"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
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"info": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown brings listeners the wisdom of the former Governor, Mayor, and presidential candidate. Scott Shafer interviewed Brown for more than 40 hours, covering the former governor's life and half-century in the political game – and Brown has some lessons he'd like to share. ",
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"marketplace": {
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"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 4pm-4:30pm, MON-WED 6:30pm-7pm",
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"masters-of-scale": {
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},
"mindshift": {
"id": "mindshift",
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"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
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"order": 12
},
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM1NzY0NjAwNDI5",
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"morning-edition": {
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"info": "\u003cem>Morning Edition\u003c/em> takes listeners around the country and the world with multi-faceted stories and commentaries every weekday. Hosts Steve Inskeep, David Greene and Rachel Martin bring you the latest breaking news and features to prepare you for the day.",
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"onourwatch": {
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"title": "On Our Watch",
"tagline": "Deeply-reported investigative journalism",
"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
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"order": 11
},
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"on-the-media": {
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"title": "On The Media",
"info": "Our weekly podcast explores how the media 'sausage' is made, casts an incisive eye on fluctuations in the marketplace of ideas, and examines threats to the freedom of information and expression in America and abroad. For one hour a week, the show tries to lift the veil from the process of \"making media,\" especially news media, because it's through that lens that we see the world and the world sees us",
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},
"link": "/radio/program/on-the-media",
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},
"pbs-newshour": {
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"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/radio/PBS-NewsHour---Full-Show-p425698/",
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},
"perspectives": {
"id": "perspectives",
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"order": 14
},
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"planet-money": {
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"info": "The economy explained. Imagine you could call up a friend and say, Meet me at the bar and tell me what's going on with the economy. Now imagine that's actually a fun evening.",
"airtime": "SUN 3pm-4pm",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/planetmoney.jpg",
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},
"link": "/radio/program/planet-money",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/planet-money/id290783428?mt=2",
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},
"politicalbreakdown": {
"id": "politicalbreakdown",
"title": "Political Breakdown",
"tagline": "Politics from a personal perspective",
"info": "Political Breakdown is a new series that explores the political intersection of California and the nation. Each week hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos are joined with a new special guest to unpack politics -- with personality — and offer an insider’s glimpse at how politics happens.",
"airtime": "THU 6:30pm-7pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Political-Breakdown-2024-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
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"order": 5
},
"link": "/podcasts/politicalbreakdown",
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"amazon": "https://music.amazon.com/podcasts/e0c2d153-ad36-4c8d-901d-f1da6a724824/political-breakdown",
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"possible": {
"id": "possible",
"title": "Possible",
"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
"airtime": "SUN 2pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Possible-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.possible.fm/",
"meta": {
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"source": "Possible"
},
"link": "/radio/program/possible",
"subscribe": {
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"spotify": "https://open.spotify.com/show/730YpdUSNlMyPQwNnyjp4k"
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},
"pri-the-world": {
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