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"content": "\u003cp>Orange County agreed Tuesday to a settlement over its treatment of homeless people in the county's north and central regions, 18 months after being sued for civil rights violations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The class-action suit, filed in late January 2018 by a coalition of homeless advocates, accused the county of violating the rights of hundreds of homeless people who were forcibly removed from encampments along the Santa Ana riverbed. It alleged that the county — along with the cities of Anaheim, Costa Mesa and Orange — was forcing people to move \"without a plan for housing or shelter.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A second suit, filed in February 2018, alleged that the county's existing housing programs for the homeless didn't adequately accommodate people with disabilities, in violation of the Americans With Disabilities Act.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since then, the two sides have worked toward an agreement under the watch of U.S. District Judge David O. Carter. Carter initially prevented the county from \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11650308/homeless-at-orange-county-riverbed-camp-prepare-to-move\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">clearing the roughly 400-person encampment\u003c/a>, saying he would \"not allow haphazard, hurried enforcement action in an effort to clear the population,\" but later sanctioned the action on the condition that food and motel vouchers be provided.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the course of the long settlement process, many of the hearings grew contentious, with Carter consistently \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11659893/federal-judge-holds-orange-county-cities-feet-to-the-fire-over-homeless-crisis\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">pressing the county\u003c/a> and cities on why they had \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11658250/orange-county-bows-to-pressure-abandons-plans-to-house-homeless\">reversed course\u003c/a> on plans to create more shelters and fund diversion programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Related Stories\" tag=\"orange-county\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We’ve got five of the wealthiest 20 cities in America,” said Carter during a particularly heated hearing in April 2018. “This is not about money. We are better than this.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another homeless civil rights lawsuit, filed in February against the cities of Aliso Viejo, Dana Point, Irvine, San Clemente and San Juan Capistrano, is still pending in federal court under the supervision of a \u003ca href=\"https://www.ocregister.com/2019/06/21/with-judge-carter-out-how-will-homeless-lawsuits-work-in-orange-county/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">different federal judge\u003c/a>, who replaced Carter after defendants pushed to have him recused.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The county and cities have since made progress on the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11656882/in-reversal-orange-county-supervisors-vote-for-more-homeless-shelters\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">construction of new shelters\u003c/a> in \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/socal/daily-pilot/news/tn-dpt-cm-shelter-opening-20190405-story.html\">Costa Mesa\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://voiceofoc.org/2019/03/north-county-cities-move-ahead-on-homeless-shelters/\">Buena Park\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://voiceofoc.org/2018/11/santa-ana-opens-new-interim-200-bed-homeless-shelter/\">Santa Ana\u003c/a>, among other locales.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new settlement establishes rules across local government agencies for addressing homelessness. It comes just a few months after \u003ca href=\"https://www.unitedtoendhomelessness.org/2019-point-in-time-count\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">the preliminary results of the latest county point-in-time homeless count\u003c/a> found that the number of homeless people had ballooned to nearly 7,000 — more than a 40% increase since 2017 — with over half living in unsheltered conditions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"This settlement is really about what the big picture is going to look like,\" said Brooke Weitzman, an attorney with the Elder Law and Disability Rights Center, who helped file the original suit. \"What are the consistent policies going to look like? How is the county going to implement best practices? What is the sheriff going to do in terms of enforcement?\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The settlement sanctions the Orange County Sheriff's Department to create \"policies and procedures\" for enforcing anti-camping and anti-loitering ordinances. But it emphasizes that law enforcement officials must comply with the 9th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals 2018 \u003ca href=\"https://cdn.ca9.uscourts.gov/datastore/opinions/2018/09/04/15-35845.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Martin v. Boise\u003c/a> ruling, which determined that homeless people can't be cited for camping unless they've been offered somewhere else to go.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sheriff's deputies will be required to work with specially trained service workers to schedule screenings with individual homeless people in order to determine proper local placement. The settlement also prevents officials from picking up homeless people in one city and taking them to another for services, a practice known as \"dumping.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The settlement also includes establishing standards of care for county-funded shelters and service programs; clinical assessments; developing a plan to better accommodate people with disabilities and guaranteeing due process protections for those who have been denied services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agreement comes just months after the American Civil Liberties Union issued a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11733516/aclu-issues-damning-report-on-orange-county-shelters\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">damning report\u003c/a> on three county-run shelters, describing unsafe and unsanitary living conditions, a culture of discrimination and abuse, violation of rights without due process and an overall lack of accountability.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The court will continue to have jurisdiction over the two lawsuits for the next three years to oversee the implementation of the settlement and address any disputes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"This [settlement] signifies that to the federal court's satisfaction we have built out an adequate number of shelter beds that would allow the jurisdictions the ability to enforce their anti-camping and nuisance law,\" said Orange County Supervisor Andrew Do, who called it an \"exemplary\" agreement. \"The north and central regions constitute about 80% of the number of homeless we have in the county. So to the degree that we can at least help address and meet the need of 80% of our homeless population, that's a big win for us as a county.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brooke Weitzman, the attorney representing the plaintiffs in the suit, said the settlement signals that officials and resident can no longer ignore the root issues of homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"You can't pretend it's a problem purely stemming from addiction,\" she said. \"Our elected officials and our residents all need to look at this and say, 'Look, it's a housing problem and we need to figure out how we're going to make sure that people are safe and alive between now and when we have enough housing.' \"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We’ve got five of the wealthiest 20 cities in America,” said Carter during a particularly heated hearing in April 2018. “This is not about money. We are better than this.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another homeless civil rights lawsuit, filed in February against the cities of Aliso Viejo, Dana Point, Irvine, San Clemente and San Juan Capistrano, is still pending in federal court under the supervision of a \u003ca href=\"https://www.ocregister.com/2019/06/21/with-judge-carter-out-how-will-homeless-lawsuits-work-in-orange-county/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">different federal judge\u003c/a>, who replaced Carter after defendants pushed to have him recused.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The county and cities have since made progress on the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11656882/in-reversal-orange-county-supervisors-vote-for-more-homeless-shelters\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">construction of new shelters\u003c/a> in \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/socal/daily-pilot/news/tn-dpt-cm-shelter-opening-20190405-story.html\">Costa Mesa\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://voiceofoc.org/2019/03/north-county-cities-move-ahead-on-homeless-shelters/\">Buena Park\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://voiceofoc.org/2018/11/santa-ana-opens-new-interim-200-bed-homeless-shelter/\">Santa Ana\u003c/a>, among other locales.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new settlement establishes rules across local government agencies for addressing homelessness. It comes just a few months after \u003ca href=\"https://www.unitedtoendhomelessness.org/2019-point-in-time-count\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">the preliminary results of the latest county point-in-time homeless count\u003c/a> found that the number of homeless people had ballooned to nearly 7,000 — more than a 40% increase since 2017 — with over half living in unsheltered conditions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"This settlement is really about what the big picture is going to look like,\" said Brooke Weitzman, an attorney with the Elder Law and Disability Rights Center, who helped file the original suit. \"What are the consistent policies going to look like? How is the county going to implement best practices? What is the sheriff going to do in terms of enforcement?\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The settlement sanctions the Orange County Sheriff's Department to create \"policies and procedures\" for enforcing anti-camping and anti-loitering ordinances. But it emphasizes that law enforcement officials must comply with the 9th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals 2018 \u003ca href=\"https://cdn.ca9.uscourts.gov/datastore/opinions/2018/09/04/15-35845.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Martin v. Boise\u003c/a> ruling, which determined that homeless people can't be cited for camping unless they've been offered somewhere else to go.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sheriff's deputies will be required to work with specially trained service workers to schedule screenings with individual homeless people in order to determine proper local placement. The settlement also prevents officials from picking up homeless people in one city and taking them to another for services, a practice known as \"dumping.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The settlement also includes establishing standards of care for county-funded shelters and service programs; clinical assessments; developing a plan to better accommodate people with disabilities and guaranteeing due process protections for those who have been denied services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agreement comes just months after the American Civil Liberties Union issued a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11733516/aclu-issues-damning-report-on-orange-county-shelters\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">damning report\u003c/a> on three county-run shelters, describing unsafe and unsanitary living conditions, a culture of discrimination and abuse, violation of rights without due process and an overall lack of accountability.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The court will continue to have jurisdiction over the two lawsuits for the next three years to oversee the implementation of the settlement and address any disputes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"This [settlement] signifies that to the federal court's satisfaction we have built out an adequate number of shelter beds that would allow the jurisdictions the ability to enforce their anti-camping and nuisance law,\" said Orange County Supervisor Andrew Do, who called it an \"exemplary\" agreement. \"The north and central regions constitute about 80% of the number of homeless we have in the county. So to the degree that we can at least help address and meet the need of 80% of our homeless population, that's a big win for us as a county.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brooke Weitzman, the attorney representing the plaintiffs in the suit, said the settlement signals that officials and resident can no longer ignore the root issues of homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"You can't pretend it's a problem purely stemming from addiction,\" she said. \"Our elected officials and our residents all need to look at this and say, 'Look, it's a housing problem and we need to figure out how we're going to make sure that people are safe and alive between now and when we have enough housing.' \"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Child care provider Pat Alexander has been in the industry for nearly 50 years. She and her husband currently run an in-home child care center outside Sacramento. And still, after all these years, she’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11754857/they-may-be-in-demand-but-child-care-workers-still-struggle-to-make-ends-meet\">barely making ends meet\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“After our deductions and our business expenses, our salary was close to $24,000 for two of us,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size='small' align='right' citation='Elise Gould, co-author of a new report on early child care and education costs']‘Early educators are expected to underwrite the costs of the broken child care system with their low wages.’[/pullquote]Alexander’s situation is the norm, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://www.epi.org/170307/pre/b7a9a323f03a5d02bff17f258fc64fab44fb4a0bd8342c52d63545374f944a02/\">new report\u003c/a> released Tuesday from the Economic Policy Institute and UC Berkeley’s Center for the Study of Child Care Employment. Overall, the report finds California’s early educators are six times as likely as K–12 teachers to live in poverty.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Parents want to have high quality for their kids but they often can’t afford it,” said Elise Gould, who co-authored the report. “And the other side of that is early educators are expected to underwrite the costs of the broken child care system with their low wages.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The economics of the system don’t add up. For example, Alexander currently charges about $600 a month for care. She can’t charge more because she needs to stay competitive. But that means she can’t afford to hire an assistant or pay herself for all the hours she spends planning lessons, shopping for supplies and cleaning up after the kids.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gould said child care centers face cost burdens as well — including for renting the space.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size='small' align='right' citation='Pat Alexander, who runs a child care center in Elk Grove with her husband']‘After our deductions and our business expenses, our salary was close to $24,000 for two of us.’[/pullquote]“You need to staff a center for as long as it takes for parents to be able to drop off their kids, then transport themselves to work, work their full day, and then be able to get back and pick up their kids at the end of the day,” she said, which can add up to a 12-hour day for child care workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Parents face their own economic challenges, too. The report finds center-based infant care costs the typical family in the state 25% of their annual income. The average fee for full-time child care in California ranges from $11,200 a year for a 4-year-old to $16,500 a year for an infant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside tag='child-care' label='Related Coverage']Gould and her co-authors suggested that lawmakers overhaul the child care system. They recommend funding professional development for early education teachers and paying them in line with what K-12 teachers make. Incorporating those changes, and others, would cost money. The report estimates a revamped system would cost between about $30 billion and $75 billion a year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Letting the system continue as it is hurts everyone, Gould said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If teachers aren’t doing well, if they’re experiencing stress because of their low pay, then that’s going to factor into the quality (of care) that those children are getting,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And Gould points out the early childhood workforce is largely made up of women, who she said are undervalued for the work they do.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think that there’s an undervaluing in terms of the teaching of young children. Undervaluing of what has been historically women’s work — historically women of color doing that work,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Legislature is considering several bills aimed at improving the early child care system. The legislation includes an effort \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB378\">to let in-home providers unionize\u003c/a>, and requiring \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB123\">more training\u003c/a> for child care workers.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Child care provider Pat Alexander has been in the industry for nearly 50 years. She and her husband currently run an in-home child care center outside Sacramento. And still, after all these years, she’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11754857/they-may-be-in-demand-but-child-care-workers-still-struggle-to-make-ends-meet\">barely making ends meet\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“After our deductions and our business expenses, our salary was close to $24,000 for two of us,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“You need to staff a center for as long as it takes for parents to be able to drop off their kids, then transport themselves to work, work their full day, and then be able to get back and pick up their kids at the end of the day,” she said, which can add up to a 12-hour day for child care workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Parents face their own economic challenges, too. The report finds center-based infant care costs the typical family in the state 25% of their annual income. The average fee for full-time child care in California ranges from $11,200 a year for a 4-year-old to $16,500 a year for an infant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Gould and her co-authors suggested that lawmakers overhaul the child care system. They recommend funding professional development for early education teachers and paying them in line with what K-12 teachers make. Incorporating those changes, and others, would cost money. The report estimates a revamped system would cost between about $30 billion and $75 billion a year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Letting the system continue as it is hurts everyone, Gould said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If teachers aren’t doing well, if they’re experiencing stress because of their low pay, then that’s going to factor into the quality (of care) that those children are getting,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And Gould points out the early childhood workforce is largely made up of women, who she said are undervalued for the work they do.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think that there’s an undervaluing in terms of the teaching of young children. Undervaluing of what has been historically women’s work — historically women of color doing that work,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Legislature is considering several bills aimed at improving the early child care system. The legislation includes an effort \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB378\">to let in-home providers unionize\u003c/a>, and requiring \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB123\">more training\u003c/a> for child care workers.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was originally published by POLITICO California Pro on 7/17/2019\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s marijuana legalization was supposed to provide economic justice to communities most affected by drug laws in the past, but Native American tribes that have suffered say the state is unfairly shutting them out of its nascent cannabis trade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tribes want the state to establish compacts, similar to gaming deals, that would allow them to sell cannabis grown on tribal lands to the broader California market. Under such arrangements, tribes would agree to regulations similar to those established under Proposition 64 and provide tax revenue to the state for products sold off-reservation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But tribal leaders say they’ve been ignored by Gov. Gavin Newsom’s administration despite months of trying to get the state to engage on cannabis compacts. Their frustration spilled over last month at a state workshop in Los Angeles where the California Native American Cannabis Association gave an hour-long presentation criticizing the state that ended with Bureau of Cannabis Control Chief Lori Ajax visibly angry.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">‘When you have the governor making a statement about apologizing for all the grief or all the tragedy, our point is, OK, well, put your money where your mouth is.’\u003ccite>Dave Vialpando, executive director of C-NACA\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>“Can’t we bypass those years of going at each other over these issues and just come to the good agreement where the state recognizes the tribe’s sovereignty for what they can do on the reservation and still have a productive, healthy market? Apparently not,” said tribal attorney Mark Levitan during the presentation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The stakes are high for some 35 tribes interested in starting cannabis businesses to get back to the negotiation table. Because Proposition 64, which voters approved in 2016, was silent on how the state would interact with tribes in the legal marketplace, they’ve had to watch from the sidelines as the multibillion-dollar cannabis market rapidly develops without them. Many of these tribes rank among the communities with the highest rates of unemployment and drug abuse in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As sovereign nations, tribes are able to regulate, grow and sell cannabis on reservation lands. However, to sell products off reservation, they currently have to sign a partial waiver of sovereign immunity that would give state agencies like the Bureau of Cannabis Control and California Department of Food and Agriculture complete regulatory control on tribal lands.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So far, none of California’s tribes have agreed to that arrangement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s already so much that has been taken and making that compromise and giving [sovereignty] up is what is deeply problematic for people who are marginalized,” said Ariel Clark, a cannabis businesses attorney who is half Native American.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assemblyman Rob Bonta, D-Oakland, has carried legislation in each of the previous three years that would have allowed tribes to enter regulatory cannabis agreements negotiated by the governor and approved by the Legislature. The most recent bill, AB 924, gained the support of the cannabis industry after tribal leaders agreed to implement regulations and taxes mirroring the state’s. But it subsequently fell apart after Gov. Jerry Brown’s administration stood firm that tribes waive their sovereignty to allow for state oversight.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The barriers were significant enough that Bonta opted against pursuing another bill this year, according to his office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Native American Cannabis Association, or C-NACA, thought it would have better luck going directly to Newsom because he championed Prop 64, and has tried to improve the state’s relationship with tribes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"related stories\" tag=\"prop-64\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom made national news last month when he \u003ca href=\"https://www.politico.com/states/california/story/2019/06/18/newsom-to-deliver-californias-formal-apology-to-native-americans-along-with-a-national-first-1065879\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">issued a formal apology\u003c/a> to California tribes for the state’s history of violence against Native Americans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the group says the governor’s office has not responded to multiple letters it sent asking for meetings to negotiate agreements. After Newsom’s formal apology, C-NACA responded by saying that actions speak louder than words.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dave Vialpando, executive director of C-NACA, said the apparent lack of interest in engaging with tribes on a potential economic opportunity seems hypocritical.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you have the governor making a statement about apologizing for all the grief or all the tragedy, our point is, OK, well, put your money where your mouth is,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tribal leaders and advocates have pointed to neighboring states as examples of how California could create a successful regulatory partnership with tribes. Washington, Oregon and Nevada have all passed legislation that empowers them to sign individual compacts with each tribe that allow for sharing of regulatory responsibilities on reservations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Washington, tribes agree to impose regulations and tax levels that at a minimum mirror those of the state. Tribal and state regulators also collaborate on enforcement, while the state can run background checks on non-tribal investors and partners. In return, tribes have access to the general Washington market and tax revenue goes to reservation coffers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is a unique relationship that you have with the tribes. They’re not a traditional stakeholder, they are governments,” said Brett Cain, the tribal liaison for the Washington State Liquor and Cannabis Board. “They just happen to reside within Washington state and you have to treat it as a unique relationship and respect their sovereignty.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>From the perspective of California regulators and lawmakers, it’s unclear if the systems used by other states for negotiating tribal cannabis agreements can work here. That’s because the strict set of criteria laid out for legal business under Prop 64 — which covers everything from water usage to labor peace agreements — would offer little wiggle room in the negotiation process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>C-NACA and its member tribes have started to look toward inter-reservation commerce as an alternative to entering the California market and as a tool to put pressure on the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Levitan said tribes would create healthy nation-to-nation markets where they will develop their own regulatory standards and open dispensaries that sell products to consumers who travel to reservations. None of the income, including from retail sales to California residents, would be subject to state taxes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you keep telling the tribes we’ll deal with you next year when we have time, we’ll deal with you next year when we have more time, this is the inevitable result,” Levitan said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For members of small tribes often located in California’s most rural areas, the promise made to voters that legalization would create social equity for individuals and communities impacted by drug prohibition laws would be broken if Native Americans are excluded from the picture. Reports show Native Americans have the highest rate of substance dependence or abuse among ethnic groups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Richard Almaraz, a member of the Santa Rosa Band of Cahuilla Indians, a tribe of about 130 people located in the Riverside County mountains, said that cannabis cultivation offers the best opportunity for the tribe to support itself in the future. His tribe is one of almost 50 that doesn’t participate in gaming and struggles to make ends meet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You have a lot more third-world situations right here in California than you know, and it is in tribes,” he said. “Without the money from casinos, it would not be possible to live.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://www.politicopro.com/state-policy/california?cid=promkt_19q2_cal_kq\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">POLITICO California Pro\u003c/a> is a subscription platform providing access to original reporting, analysis and tools on the political and policy developments impacting California.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Copyright 2019 POLITICO LLC.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Tribal leaders say they've been ignored by Gov. Gavin Newsom's administration despite months of trying to get the state to engage on cannabis compacts.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was originally published by POLITICO California Pro on 7/17/2019\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s marijuana legalization was supposed to provide economic justice to communities most affected by drug laws in the past, but Native American tribes that have suffered say the state is unfairly shutting them out of its nascent cannabis trade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tribes want the state to establish compacts, similar to gaming deals, that would allow them to sell cannabis grown on tribal lands to the broader California market. Under such arrangements, tribes would agree to regulations similar to those established under Proposition 64 and provide tax revenue to the state for products sold off-reservation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But tribal leaders say they’ve been ignored by Gov. Gavin Newsom’s administration despite months of trying to get the state to engage on cannabis compacts. Their frustration spilled over last month at a state workshop in Los Angeles where the California Native American Cannabis Association gave an hour-long presentation criticizing the state that ended with Bureau of Cannabis Control Chief Lori Ajax visibly angry.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">‘When you have the governor making a statement about apologizing for all the grief or all the tragedy, our point is, OK, well, put your money where your mouth is.’\u003ccite>Dave Vialpando, executive director of C-NACA\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>“Can’t we bypass those years of going at each other over these issues and just come to the good agreement where the state recognizes the tribe’s sovereignty for what they can do on the reservation and still have a productive, healthy market? Apparently not,” said tribal attorney Mark Levitan during the presentation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The stakes are high for some 35 tribes interested in starting cannabis businesses to get back to the negotiation table. Because Proposition 64, which voters approved in 2016, was silent on how the state would interact with tribes in the legal marketplace, they’ve had to watch from the sidelines as the multibillion-dollar cannabis market rapidly develops without them. Many of these tribes rank among the communities with the highest rates of unemployment and drug abuse in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As sovereign nations, tribes are able to regulate, grow and sell cannabis on reservation lands. However, to sell products off reservation, they currently have to sign a partial waiver of sovereign immunity that would give state agencies like the Bureau of Cannabis Control and California Department of Food and Agriculture complete regulatory control on tribal lands.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So far, none of California’s tribes have agreed to that arrangement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s already so much that has been taken and making that compromise and giving [sovereignty] up is what is deeply problematic for people who are marginalized,” said Ariel Clark, a cannabis businesses attorney who is half Native American.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assemblyman Rob Bonta, D-Oakland, has carried legislation in each of the previous three years that would have allowed tribes to enter regulatory cannabis agreements negotiated by the governor and approved by the Legislature. The most recent bill, AB 924, gained the support of the cannabis industry after tribal leaders agreed to implement regulations and taxes mirroring the state’s. But it subsequently fell apart after Gov. Jerry Brown’s administration stood firm that tribes waive their sovereignty to allow for state oversight.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The barriers were significant enough that Bonta opted against pursuing another bill this year, according to his office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Native American Cannabis Association, or C-NACA, thought it would have better luck going directly to Newsom because he championed Prop 64, and has tried to improve the state’s relationship with tribes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom made national news last month when he \u003ca href=\"https://www.politico.com/states/california/story/2019/06/18/newsom-to-deliver-californias-formal-apology-to-native-americans-along-with-a-national-first-1065879\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">issued a formal apology\u003c/a> to California tribes for the state’s history of violence against Native Americans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the group says the governor’s office has not responded to multiple letters it sent asking for meetings to negotiate agreements. After Newsom’s formal apology, C-NACA responded by saying that actions speak louder than words.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dave Vialpando, executive director of C-NACA, said the apparent lack of interest in engaging with tribes on a potential economic opportunity seems hypocritical.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you have the governor making a statement about apologizing for all the grief or all the tragedy, our point is, OK, well, put your money where your mouth is,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tribal leaders and advocates have pointed to neighboring states as examples of how California could create a successful regulatory partnership with tribes. Washington, Oregon and Nevada have all passed legislation that empowers them to sign individual compacts with each tribe that allow for sharing of regulatory responsibilities on reservations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Washington, tribes agree to impose regulations and tax levels that at a minimum mirror those of the state. Tribal and state regulators also collaborate on enforcement, while the state can run background checks on non-tribal investors and partners. In return, tribes have access to the general Washington market and tax revenue goes to reservation coffers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is a unique relationship that you have with the tribes. They’re not a traditional stakeholder, they are governments,” said Brett Cain, the tribal liaison for the Washington State Liquor and Cannabis Board. “They just happen to reside within Washington state and you have to treat it as a unique relationship and respect their sovereignty.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>From the perspective of California regulators and lawmakers, it’s unclear if the systems used by other states for negotiating tribal cannabis agreements can work here. That’s because the strict set of criteria laid out for legal business under Prop 64 — which covers everything from water usage to labor peace agreements — would offer little wiggle room in the negotiation process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>C-NACA and its member tribes have started to look toward inter-reservation commerce as an alternative to entering the California market and as a tool to put pressure on the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Levitan said tribes would create healthy nation-to-nation markets where they will develop their own regulatory standards and open dispensaries that sell products to consumers who travel to reservations. None of the income, including from retail sales to California residents, would be subject to state taxes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you keep telling the tribes we’ll deal with you next year when we have time, we’ll deal with you next year when we have more time, this is the inevitable result,” Levitan said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For members of small tribes often located in California’s most rural areas, the promise made to voters that legalization would create social equity for individuals and communities impacted by drug prohibition laws would be broken if Native Americans are excluded from the picture. Reports show Native Americans have the highest rate of substance dependence or abuse among ethnic groups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Richard Almaraz, a member of the Santa Rosa Band of Cahuilla Indians, a tribe of about 130 people located in the Riverside County mountains, said that cannabis cultivation offers the best opportunity for the tribe to support itself in the future. His tribe is one of almost 50 that doesn’t participate in gaming and struggles to make ends meet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You have a lot more third-world situations right here in California than you know, and it is in tribes,” he said. “Without the money from casinos, it would not be possible to live.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://www.politicopro.com/state-policy/california?cid=promkt_19q2_cal_kq\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">POLITICO California Pro\u003c/a> is a subscription platform providing access to original reporting, analysis and tools on the political and policy developments impacting California.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Copyright 2019 POLITICO LLC.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>On the same day the Berkeley City Council voted to rename manholes “\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11762023/manhole-to-maintenance-hole-berkeley-proposes-gender-neutral-changes-to-city-code\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">maintenance holes\u003c/a>,” they also voted to \u003ca href=\"http://bit.ly/fioreberkeleygas\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">ban natural gas in most new buildings\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tuesday night’s council meeting was a busy one that wrestled with issues ranging from gender identity to fighting global warming.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like many Bay Area cities, Berkeley is trying to cope with the impact of climate change, a booming economy and an affordable housing crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Berkeley council members have been in the spotlight for blocking development in the midst of skyrocketing housing costs — but let’s just say\u003ca href=\"https://bpr.berkeley.edu/2017/10/31/zucchini-gate-or-bust-berkeleys-battle-for-affordable-housing/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\"> zucchinis seem to be doing just fine\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>On the same day the Berkeley City Council voted to rename manholes “\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11762023/manhole-to-maintenance-hole-berkeley-proposes-gender-neutral-changes-to-city-code\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">maintenance holes\u003c/a>,” they also voted to \u003ca href=\"http://bit.ly/fioreberkeleygas\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">ban natural gas in most new buildings\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tuesday night’s council meeting was a busy one that wrestled with issues ranging from gender identity to fighting global warming.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like many Bay Area cities, Berkeley is trying to cope with the impact of climate change, a booming economy and an affordable housing crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Berkeley council members have been in the spotlight for blocking development in the midst of skyrocketing housing costs — but let’s just say\u003ca href=\"https://bpr.berkeley.edu/2017/10/31/zucchini-gate-or-bust-berkeleys-battle-for-affordable-housing/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\"> zucchinis seem to be doing just fine\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Oakland’s City Council looks set to ban facial recognition software by city agencies after voting unanimously Tuesday night to approve the measure. A second vote in mid-September would finalize the ban, which would take effect immediately.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This makes Oakland the third city in the nation to do so after \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11746658/san-francisco-may-ban-police-city-use-of-facial-recognition-technology\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">San Francisco\u003c/a> and Somerville, Massachusetts. Berkeley is considering a ban as well.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Oakland ban is similar to San Francisco’s, in part because activists like \u003ca href=\"https://secure-justice.org/team/brian-hofer/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Brian Hofer\u003c/a>, executive director of the nonprofit Secure Justice, helped craft both measures. He was in attendance at the City Council meeting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/b_haddy/status/1151344536804679681\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Activists in other cities have talked to Hofer about doing something similar and in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I hope we can build a national movement against dangerous face surveillance. We don’t need it,” Hofer said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Facial recognition software uses machine learning algorithms to track human faces in digital footage and match them to names. But if the databases those software systems pull from are inaccurate or distorted by historic policing patterns, people of color can become the victim of false positives. Researchers argue that commercially available products for law enforcement aren’t able to correct for these systemic human biases, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11742529/report-warns-a-i-algorithms-not-quite-ready-for-prime-time-in-criminal-justice\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">especially in criminal justice\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oakland City Council President \u003ca href=\"https://www.oaklandca.gov/officials/rebecca-kaplan\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Rebecca Kaplan\u003c/a> cited such concerns in a report written for the council. “Face recognition technology runs the risk of making Oakland residents less safe as the misidentification of individuals could lead to the misuse of force, false incarceration, and minority-based persecution.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID='news_11746658' label='Related Coverage']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Law enforcement agencies have argued against outright bans, arguing that artificial intelligence has the capacity to improve with time and oversight, but they appear to be losing the political battle with a growing number of cities. The San Francisco ban, for instance, singled out facial recognition in a broader ordinance that required city departments to establish use policies and obtain board approval for all other kinds of surveillance technology they want to purchase or are using at present.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among those testifying before the Oakland vote was \u003ca href=\"https://www.aclu.org/bio/matt-cagle\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Matt Cagle\u003c/a>, an attorney with the Northern California chapter of the American Civil Liberties Union.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You cannot leave your face at home,” Cagle said. “We do not want a world in which police are making decisions based on inaccurate information, misidentifying people and potentially using force based on flawed and inaccurate technology.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation='Matt Cagle, attorney with the Northern California chapter of the American Civil Liberties Union.']‘You cannot leave your face at home. We do not want a world in which police are making decisions based on inaccurate information, misidentifying people and potentially using force based on flawed and inaccurate technology.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The big software companies marketing facial recognition software are split on its use. In April, Microsoft \u003ca href=\"https://www.reuters.com/article/us-microsoft-ai/microsoft-turned-down-facial-recognition-sales-on-human-rights-concerns-idUSKCN1RS2FV\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">refused to sell its technology\u003c/a> to a California law enforcement agency over human rights concerns, and Microsoft President Brad Smith called for regulation to prevent “a commercial race to the bottom.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Amazon, however, continues to sell its Rekognition software to law enforcement agencies. In a \u003ca href=\"https://aws.amazon.com/rekognition/the-facts-on-facial-recognition-with-artificial-intelligence/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">statement\u003c/a>, the company argued, “Technology like Amazon Rekognition should only be used to narrow the field of potential matches. The responses from Amazon Rekognition allow officials to quickly get a set of potential faces for further human analysis. Given the seriousness of public safety use cases, human judgment is necessary to augment facial recognition, and facial recognition software should not be used autonomously.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Regardless of the municipal bans, and a statewide moratorium on facial recognition for police body cams under consideration now in Sacramento, federal agencies like the FBI can and do use the software nationwide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Facial recognition has been the subject of two House Oversight and Reform Committee hearings, in which concern over the technology appeared to be bipartisan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those hearings have yet to lead to a change in federal law, but they did reveal the \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/technology/2019/07/07/fbi-ice-find-state-drivers-license-photos-are-gold-mine-facial-recognition-searches/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">FBI has amassed a database\u003c/a> of more than 640 million photographs for its facial recognition program, including driver’s license photos from 21 states, not including California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco Supervisor\u003ca href=\"https://sfbos.org/supervisor-peskin\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\"> Aaron Peskin\u003c/a> took that revelation as confirmation he made the right choice in voting for a ban. In an opinion piece published in \u003ca href=\"https://www.newsweek.com/why-us-must-follow-our-lead-san-francisco-risk-becoming-surveillance-state-opinion-1449379\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Newsweek\u003c/a>, he wrote, “Even if 100 percent accurate, mass surveillance by facial recognition — the likes of which authoritarian governments like \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2019/04/14/technology/china-surveillance-artificial-intelligence-racial-profiling.html\" rel=\"nofollow\">China are already using\u003c/a> — exposes Americans to an Orwellian dystopia.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"title": "Oakland City Council Votes to Ban Facial Recognition Software | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Oakland’s City Council looks set to ban facial recognition software by city agencies after voting unanimously Tuesday night to approve the measure. A second vote in mid-September would finalize the ban, which would take effect immediately.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This makes Oakland the third city in the nation to do so after \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11746658/san-francisco-may-ban-police-city-use-of-facial-recognition-technology\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">San Francisco\u003c/a> and Somerville, Massachusetts. Berkeley is considering a ban as well.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Oakland ban is similar to San Francisco’s, in part because activists like \u003ca href=\"https://secure-justice.org/team/brian-hofer/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Brian Hofer\u003c/a>, executive director of the nonprofit Secure Justice, helped craft both measures. He was in attendance at the City Council meeting.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>Activists in other cities have talked to Hofer about doing something similar and in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I hope we can build a national movement against dangerous face surveillance. We don’t need it,” Hofer said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Facial recognition software uses machine learning algorithms to track human faces in digital footage and match them to names. But if the databases those software systems pull from are inaccurate or distorted by historic policing patterns, people of color can become the victim of false positives. Researchers argue that commercially available products for law enforcement aren’t able to correct for these systemic human biases, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11742529/report-warns-a-i-algorithms-not-quite-ready-for-prime-time-in-criminal-justice\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">especially in criminal justice\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oakland City Council President \u003ca href=\"https://www.oaklandca.gov/officials/rebecca-kaplan\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Rebecca Kaplan\u003c/a> cited such concerns in a report written for the council. “Face recognition technology runs the risk of making Oakland residents less safe as the misidentification of individuals could lead to the misuse of force, false incarceration, and minority-based persecution.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Law enforcement agencies have argued against outright bans, arguing that artificial intelligence has the capacity to improve with time and oversight, but they appear to be losing the political battle with a growing number of cities. The San Francisco ban, for instance, singled out facial recognition in a broader ordinance that required city departments to establish use policies and obtain board approval for all other kinds of surveillance technology they want to purchase or are using at present.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among those testifying before the Oakland vote was \u003ca href=\"https://www.aclu.org/bio/matt-cagle\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Matt Cagle\u003c/a>, an attorney with the Northern California chapter of the American Civil Liberties Union.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You cannot leave your face at home,” Cagle said. “We do not want a world in which police are making decisions based on inaccurate information, misidentifying people and potentially using force based on flawed and inaccurate technology.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘You cannot leave your face at home. We do not want a world in which police are making decisions based on inaccurate information, misidentifying people and potentially using force based on flawed and inaccurate technology.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The big software companies marketing facial recognition software are split on its use. In April, Microsoft \u003ca href=\"https://www.reuters.com/article/us-microsoft-ai/microsoft-turned-down-facial-recognition-sales-on-human-rights-concerns-idUSKCN1RS2FV\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">refused to sell its technology\u003c/a> to a California law enforcement agency over human rights concerns, and Microsoft President Brad Smith called for regulation to prevent “a commercial race to the bottom.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Amazon, however, continues to sell its Rekognition software to law enforcement agencies. In a \u003ca href=\"https://aws.amazon.com/rekognition/the-facts-on-facial-recognition-with-artificial-intelligence/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">statement\u003c/a>, the company argued, “Technology like Amazon Rekognition should only be used to narrow the field of potential matches. The responses from Amazon Rekognition allow officials to quickly get a set of potential faces for further human analysis. Given the seriousness of public safety use cases, human judgment is necessary to augment facial recognition, and facial recognition software should not be used autonomously.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Regardless of the municipal bans, and a statewide moratorium on facial recognition for police body cams under consideration now in Sacramento, federal agencies like the FBI can and do use the software nationwide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Facial recognition has been the subject of two House Oversight and Reform Committee hearings, in which concern over the technology appeared to be bipartisan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those hearings have yet to lead to a change in federal law, but they did reveal the \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/technology/2019/07/07/fbi-ice-find-state-drivers-license-photos-are-gold-mine-facial-recognition-searches/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">FBI has amassed a database\u003c/a> of more than 640 million photographs for its facial recognition program, including driver’s license photos from 21 states, not including California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco Supervisor\u003ca href=\"https://sfbos.org/supervisor-peskin\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\"> Aaron Peskin\u003c/a> took that revelation as confirmation he made the right choice in voting for a ban. In an opinion piece published in \u003ca href=\"https://www.newsweek.com/why-us-must-follow-our-lead-san-francisco-risk-becoming-surveillance-state-opinion-1449379\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Newsweek\u003c/a>, he wrote, “Even if 100 percent accurate, mass surveillance by facial recognition — the likes of which authoritarian governments like \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2019/04/14/technology/china-surveillance-artificial-intelligence-racial-profiling.html\" rel=\"nofollow\">China are already using\u003c/a> — exposes Americans to an Orwellian dystopia.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Thousands of low-wage workers in seven Bay Area cities received notable raises this month as a result of new minimum wage increases that went into effect July 1 (2019).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Related stories\" tag=\"minimum-wage\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The biggest increases are in Alameda, Milpitas and Fremont — for businesses with 26 or more employees — where minimum wage workers are getting a $1.50 hourly bump over their June earnings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those places are among a growing group of Bay Area cities boosting their minimum wages at a much faster pace than the rest of the state. At the start of 2019, California’s minimum wage ticked up a full buck to $12 for businesses with 26 or more employees, and rose to $11 for smaller businesses, with the \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/dlse/faq_minimumwage.htm\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">target of a $15 hourly minimum\u003c/a> for employers with 26 or more employees by 2022 and for all employers by 2023.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In contrast — and to the chagrin of many Democrats — the federal minimum wage has lingered at $7.25 since 2009. House Democrats on Thurs., July 18, \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/18/us/politics/minimum-wage.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">approved a federal wage hike\u003c/a> for the first time in a decade, a phased-in increase that would reach $15 an hour by 2025. The move, which passed largely along party lines, marked a long-sought victory for liberals, part of a push that many Democratic presidential candidates have also embraced.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the measure has virtually no chance of surviving the Republican-controlled Senate, where Sen. Majority Leader Mitch McConnell, R-Kentucky, has already said he would not take it up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A handful of cities, including Berkeley, San Francisco, Mountain View and San Jose, have already reached or eclipsed the state’s $15 target. In most of these cities, the wage is scheduled to increase annually based on the regional \u003ca href=\"https://www.bls.gov/regions/west/news-release/consumerpriceindex_sanfrancisco.htm\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Consumer Price Index (CPI)\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The map below shows minimum wage laws in every Bay Area city. Nineteen of them require wages above California’s minimum. The rest are still following the state’s wage schedule. \u003cbr>(\u003cem>If interactive map functionality is not working properly in the Chrome browser, please try viewing in Firefox or Safari.\u003c/em>)\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv style=\"width: 100%\">\n\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" width=\"1200\" height=\"1000\" frameborder=\"0\" src=\"https://mgreen.carto.com/builder/f6b5ed92-5432-44fe-8611-856f452a775f/embed\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\n\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>The small East Bay city of Emeryville now has the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11760239/emeryville-now-has-the-highest-minimum-wage-in-the-nation-for-now-at-least\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">highest hourly wage in the nation\u003c/a>: $16.30 for all employers regardless of size. That increase, however, has been fiercely contested by many of the city’s small restaurant owners (those with 55 or fewer employees), who had already been paying a minimum wage of $15, and argue that the additional $1.30 an hour is financially unsustainable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Emeryville’s City Council, which had previously attempted to postpone the increase for those small businesses, could now move to put the issue on the ballot for the city’s voters to decide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Opponents of minimum wage increases (and there are many) argue that they fly in the face of a free market economy, forcing small businesses to pay employees more than they can reasonably afford — a move, they say, that prompts layoffs, higher prices and closures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proponents, though, counter that a guaranteed living wage is a necessary safeguard for the lowest-wage workers, particularly in the increasingly unaffordable Bay Area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The biggest increases are in Alameda, Milpitas and Fremont — for businesses with 26 or more employees — where minimum wage workers are getting a $1.50 hourly bump over their June earnings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those places are among a growing group of Bay Area cities boosting their minimum wages at a much faster pace than the rest of the state. At the start of 2019, California’s minimum wage ticked up a full buck to $12 for businesses with 26 or more employees, and rose to $11 for smaller businesses, with the \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/dlse/faq_minimumwage.htm\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">target of a $15 hourly minimum\u003c/a> for employers with 26 or more employees by 2022 and for all employers by 2023.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In contrast — and to the chagrin of many Democrats — the federal minimum wage has lingered at $7.25 since 2009. House Democrats on Thurs., July 18, \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/18/us/politics/minimum-wage.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">approved a federal wage hike\u003c/a> for the first time in a decade, a phased-in increase that would reach $15 an hour by 2025. The move, which passed largely along party lines, marked a long-sought victory for liberals, part of a push that many Democratic presidential candidates have also embraced.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the measure has virtually no chance of surviving the Republican-controlled Senate, where Sen. Majority Leader Mitch McConnell, R-Kentucky, has already said he would not take it up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A handful of cities, including Berkeley, San Francisco, Mountain View and San Jose, have already reached or eclipsed the state’s $15 target. In most of these cities, the wage is scheduled to increase annually based on the regional \u003ca href=\"https://www.bls.gov/regions/west/news-release/consumerpriceindex_sanfrancisco.htm\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Consumer Price Index (CPI)\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The map below shows minimum wage laws in every Bay Area city. Nineteen of them require wages above California’s minimum. The rest are still following the state’s wage schedule. \u003cbr>(\u003cem>If interactive map functionality is not working properly in the Chrome browser, please try viewing in Firefox or Safari.\u003c/em>)\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv style=\"width: 100%\">\n\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" width=\"1200\" height=\"1000\" frameborder=\"0\" src=\"https://mgreen.carto.com/builder/f6b5ed92-5432-44fe-8611-856f452a775f/embed\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\n\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>The small East Bay city of Emeryville now has the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11760239/emeryville-now-has-the-highest-minimum-wage-in-the-nation-for-now-at-least\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">highest hourly wage in the nation\u003c/a>: $16.30 for all employers regardless of size. That increase, however, has been fiercely contested by many of the city’s small restaurant owners (those with 55 or fewer employees), who had already been paying a minimum wage of $15, and argue that the additional $1.30 an hour is financially unsustainable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Emeryville’s City Council, which had previously attempted to postpone the increase for those small businesses, could now move to put the issue on the ballot for the city’s voters to decide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Opponents of minimum wage increases (and there are many) argue that they fly in the face of a free market economy, forcing small businesses to pay employees more than they can reasonably afford — a move, they say, that prompts layoffs, higher prices and closures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proponents, though, counter that a guaranteed living wage is a necessary safeguard for the lowest-wage workers, particularly in the increasingly unaffordable Bay Area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>[dropcap]O[/dropcap]ne recent Saturday morning, about 100 people sat on folding chairs in a hall at the First Christian Church in Downey. They were there for the church’s weekly food distribution. Volunteers called out names from a list as people waited their turn to get in line for donated groceries. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among those waiting was Janette Perez. She sat in one row of chairs, holding her baby boy in her lap. Her 6-year-old-son played nearby. It was their first time here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11759939 label='Related Coverage']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was told through my job that they were donating food here at the church, so I came by to see what they could give me, since we’re struggling right now,” Perez said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Perez lives with her husband and two young children in South Gate, a short distance away. She and her husband both work. He installs car stereos. She works in nutrition at a Head Start preschool. But even with two incomes, she said, they’re just scraping by. It gets to her. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s really difficult,” she said, tearing up. “Our rent is like $1,375, and our car payment is almost $500, so we can’t afford anything right now.” \u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11760864\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11760864\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/RS38055__DSF3049-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/RS38055__DSF3049-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/RS38055__DSF3049-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/RS38055__DSF3049-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/RS38055__DSF3049-qut-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/RS38055__DSF3049-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">People arrive to the Downey First Christian Church every Saturday for groceries, pastries, coffee, and a time of community. \u003ccite>(Chava Sanchez/LAist)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Experts say that even as Latinos’ economic fortunes have risen in the U.S., with rising median incomes and the Latino poverty rate \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">at an all-time low\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">, according to census data, many families face a host of obstacles to upward mobility, especially as housing and living costs increase. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unsteady work hours and a lack of access to banking and credit are among the issues that can get in the way. An education gap persists, despite rising high school graduation rates and college enrollment, according to experts. Filial duty and other family obligations can eat into finances. As for those who lack legal immigration status, opportunities have become increasingly limited. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And here, in California, the biggest challenge these days is the cost of housing. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Traditionally, saving up and buying property has been one of the main ways that Latino families have built wealth, said Jody Agius Vallejo, a University of Southern California sociologist. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But it’s harder to do these days. While the median household income for Latinos in the U.S. is now over $50,000 a year, it doesn’t get you much in California, she said. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside tag='income-inequality' label='The cost of living in California']\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“The high cost of housing in California is something that really threatens economic stability,” Vallejo said. “It’s not just the fact that home ownership costs are high. Even having to pay high rents can prevent people from saving to buy a home.” \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The National Association of Hispanic Real Estate Professionals \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">reported last year \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">that Latinos in California have a lower rate of home ownership than in other states where Latinos represent more than 30 percent of the population. This includes states like Texas, New Mexico and Arizona, where Latino median household income is lower than it is in California. Housing affordability is a major factor. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Waiting her turn for groceries at the church, Perez said she and her husband wish they could buy a home, “so that my children have somewhere to live, so they won’t struggle the way we did,” she said. But it seems out of reach. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Perez said her mom, a first-generation immigrant from Mexico, owns her home, but she’s struggled to make the payments since Perez’s father died about six years ago, so she can’t offer much help. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Right now, Perez said, it’s impossible for them to save any money. Her job doesn’t pay over the summer, and her husband’s hours aren’t steady. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The hours are not the same as they used to be,” Perez said of her husband’s job. “He will work maybe five days out of the week, sometimes four days out of the week.” \u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11760868\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11760868\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/RS38056__DSF3064-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/RS38056__DSF3064-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/RS38056__DSF3064-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/RS38056__DSF3064-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/RS38056__DSF3064-qut-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/RS38056__DSF3064-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Elvira Rodriguez, a volunteer at the food bank, unpacks a box full of orange juice. Volunteers themselves are often going through the same housing-related hardships as the people they serve. \u003ccite>(Chava Sanchez/LAist)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Unreliable hours are a problem for Latinos in lower-earning jobs, said Anthony Alvarez, an economic sociologist at Cal State Fullerton. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We still do see high levels of what we would call income volatility, meaning that you have changes in your income, from week to week or month to month, or even year to year,” Alvarez said. “This oftentimes makes it very difficult to accumulate savings.” \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While many groups are affected by income volatility, Latinos are \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">among those hardest hit\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">. A 2017 report from Pew Charitable Trusts found that Latinos and people with a high school diploma or less are the most likely to face income losses from unsteady earnings. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A lack of savings and emergency funds also makes it difficult for families to establish good credit, Alvarez said. Adding to this challenge is the fact that while banking rates for Latinos are gradually improving, according to federal data, many remain unbanked or under-banked. \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">According to the federal FDIC\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">, 14 percent of Latinos in 2017 did not use banking services. This is especially true among foreign-born, first-generation immigrants.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As for the second generation, extended-family obligations can be a drag on finances, such as when a parent or other family member needs money for unexpected medical costs or an emergency expense, Alvarez said. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And that makes it more difficult for you to actually meet your own bills,” Alvarez said. “So the next thing you know, you’re late on your credit card bill, or your car loan.” \u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11760880\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11760880 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/RS38054__DSF2931-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/RS38054__DSF2931-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/RS38054__DSF2931-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/RS38054__DSF2931-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/RS38054__DSF2931-qut-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/RS38054__DSF2931-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A cart loaded with fresh vegetables, eggs, and milk at the Downey Food Bank. Unreliable working hours and low-paying jobs are some of the main drivers of the Latino community’s common struggles. \u003ccite>(Chava Sanchez/LAist)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Also, for some, there’s a very big obstacle: legal status. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the Pew Research Center, the population of unauthorized immigrants in the U.S. \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">has declined substantially \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">over the past decade or so, from an estimated peak of 12.2 million in 2007 to about 10.5 million in 2017. But recent policies have made it more difficult for people to adjust their immigration status. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the church in Downey, food bank volunteer Catherine Alvarez said she’s sponsoring her husband for a green card. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He’s undocumented, so it’s really difficult for him to get a job and stay there for the long term,” said Alvarez, a Downey resident who was born in Colombia and is a naturalized U.S. citizen. “As soon as they don’t need him, they just let him go.” \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alvarez says her family of four has struggled to stay as renters in Downey, a city that’s long been a draw for middle-class Latinos, with its quiet residential streets and well-regarded schools. They wanted to keep their two teen boys in school there. But in recent years she’s had health problems that have required surgery and kept her from working, she said. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her husband takes all the work he can, from construction to odd jobs: “If he needs to clean a toilet, he’ll do it,” Alvarez said. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size='large' align='right' citation='Janette Perez, Downey mother of two']‘Our rent is like $1,375, and our car payment is almost $500, so we can’t afford anything right now.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But at times it hasn’t been enough. About three years ago, when the family was hit with medical bills, they lost the apartment they were living in. They had to stay with friends and sometimes even in their car until they could raise enough to move into a new place, Alvarez said. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She’s hopeful that if her husband gets legal status, it could change their fortunes. But she worries: What if he’s denied? \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I get sad because I don’t know,” Alvarez said. “I don’t know what’s going to happen.” \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With the pathways to middle-class status becoming rockier, will future generations of California’s Latino families have a harder time cracking the ceiling? Perhaps, said USC sociologist Vallejo. \u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11760888\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11760888\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/RS38058_Janette-Perez-qut-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/RS38058_Janette-Perez-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/RS38058_Janette-Perez-qut-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/RS38058_Janette-Perez-qut-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/RS38058_Janette-Perez-qut-1200x900.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/RS38058_Janette-Perez-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/RS38058_Janette-Perez-qut-1832x1374.jpg 1832w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/RS38058_Janette-Perez-qut-1376x1032.jpg 1376w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/RS38058_Janette-Perez-qut-1044x783.jpg 1044w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/RS38058_Janette-Perez-qut-632x474.jpg 632w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/RS38058_Janette-Perez-qut-536x402.jpg 536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Janette Perez holds her baby at the Downey First Christian Church in this undated photo. Perez said her family is barely scraping by, despite having two incomes. \u003ccite>(Leslie Berestein Rojas/KPCC)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“The California of today does not hold the same kinds of opportunities that it did 30 years ago,” Vallejo said. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But she added that there’s also reason for hope: The state has immigrant-friendly laws, she said, and has enacted recent policies like raising the minimum wage and expanding health care, widening the social safety net. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If we can make education accessible for all, if we can…invest in things like access to capital and helping ease people’s housing burdens,” Vallejo said, “all of these things could really help to promote economic stability.” \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before she left to collect her donated groceries, Janette Perez mentioned that her mother-in-law lives in Arizona. It’s cheaper there, and the thought of moving has crossed her mind – often. But her mother and siblings are in the Los Angeles area, which makes her reluctant to leave. As they stick it out in California, Perez said she tries to appreciate what they have. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I told my husband, you know what, at least we have somewhere to live,” Perez said. “There’s a lot of people that don’t even have a house. They have to live in someone’s garage or like the homeless, that have to live in the street.” \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They at least have jobs, she said, and a roof over their heads. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And they’re grateful for that. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>The California Dream series is a statewide media collaboration of CALmatters, KPBS, KPCC, KQED and Capital Public Radio, with support from the Corporation for Public Broadcasting, the James Irvine Foundation and the College Futures Foundation.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/CADreamBanner-1-800x219.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"alignnone size-full wp-image-11759951\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/CADreamBanner-1-800x219.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"219\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/CADreamBanner-1-800x219.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/CADreamBanner-1-800x219-160x44.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Even as Latinos’ economic fortunes have risen with rising median incomes and an all-time low poverty rate, census data indicates many families face a host of obstacles, especially as housing and living costs climb.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class=\"utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__dropcapShortcode__dropcap\">O\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>ne recent Saturday morning, about 100 people sat on folding chairs in a hall at the First Christian Church in Downey. They were there for the church’s weekly food distribution. Volunteers called out names from a list as people waited their turn to get in line for donated groceries. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among those waiting was Janette Perez. She sat in one row of chairs, holding her baby boy in her lap. Her 6-year-old-son played nearby. It was their first time here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was told through my job that they were donating food here at the church, so I came by to see what they could give me, since we’re struggling right now,” Perez said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Perez lives with her husband and two young children in South Gate, a short distance away. She and her husband both work. He installs car stereos. She works in nutrition at a Head Start preschool. But even with two incomes, she said, they’re just scraping by. It gets to her. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s really difficult,” she said, tearing up. “Our rent is like $1,375, and our car payment is almost $500, so we can’t afford anything right now.” \u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11760864\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11760864\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/RS38055__DSF3049-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/RS38055__DSF3049-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/RS38055__DSF3049-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/RS38055__DSF3049-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/RS38055__DSF3049-qut-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/RS38055__DSF3049-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">People arrive to the Downey First Christian Church every Saturday for groceries, pastries, coffee, and a time of community. \u003ccite>(Chava Sanchez/LAist)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Experts say that even as Latinos’ economic fortunes have risen in the U.S., with rising median incomes and the Latino poverty rate \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">at an all-time low\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">, according to census data, many families face a host of obstacles to upward mobility, especially as housing and living costs increase. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unsteady work hours and a lack of access to banking and credit are among the issues that can get in the way. An education gap persists, despite rising high school graduation rates and college enrollment, according to experts. Filial duty and other family obligations can eat into finances. As for those who lack legal immigration status, opportunities have become increasingly limited. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And here, in California, the biggest challenge these days is the cost of housing. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Traditionally, saving up and buying property has been one of the main ways that Latino families have built wealth, said Jody Agius Vallejo, a University of Southern California sociologist. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But it’s harder to do these days. While the median household income for Latinos in the U.S. is now over $50,000 a year, it doesn’t get you much in California, she said. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“The high cost of housing in California is something that really threatens economic stability,” Vallejo said. “It’s not just the fact that home ownership costs are high. Even having to pay high rents can prevent people from saving to buy a home.” \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The National Association of Hispanic Real Estate Professionals \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">reported last year \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">that Latinos in California have a lower rate of home ownership than in other states where Latinos represent more than 30 percent of the population. This includes states like Texas, New Mexico and Arizona, where Latino median household income is lower than it is in California. Housing affordability is a major factor. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Waiting her turn for groceries at the church, Perez said she and her husband wish they could buy a home, “so that my children have somewhere to live, so they won’t struggle the way we did,” she said. But it seems out of reach. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Perez said her mom, a first-generation immigrant from Mexico, owns her home, but she’s struggled to make the payments since Perez’s father died about six years ago, so she can’t offer much help. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Right now, Perez said, it’s impossible for them to save any money. Her job doesn’t pay over the summer, and her husband’s hours aren’t steady. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The hours are not the same as they used to be,” Perez said of her husband’s job. “He will work maybe five days out of the week, sometimes four days out of the week.” \u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11760868\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11760868\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/RS38056__DSF3064-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/RS38056__DSF3064-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/RS38056__DSF3064-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/RS38056__DSF3064-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/RS38056__DSF3064-qut-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/RS38056__DSF3064-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Elvira Rodriguez, a volunteer at the food bank, unpacks a box full of orange juice. Volunteers themselves are often going through the same housing-related hardships as the people they serve. \u003ccite>(Chava Sanchez/LAist)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Unreliable hours are a problem for Latinos in lower-earning jobs, said Anthony Alvarez, an economic sociologist at Cal State Fullerton. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We still do see high levels of what we would call income volatility, meaning that you have changes in your income, from week to week or month to month, or even year to year,” Alvarez said. “This oftentimes makes it very difficult to accumulate savings.” \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While many groups are affected by income volatility, Latinos are \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">among those hardest hit\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">. A 2017 report from Pew Charitable Trusts found that Latinos and people with a high school diploma or less are the most likely to face income losses from unsteady earnings. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A lack of savings and emergency funds also makes it difficult for families to establish good credit, Alvarez said. Adding to this challenge is the fact that while banking rates for Latinos are gradually improving, according to federal data, many remain unbanked or under-banked. \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">According to the federal FDIC\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">, 14 percent of Latinos in 2017 did not use banking services. This is especially true among foreign-born, first-generation immigrants.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As for the second generation, extended-family obligations can be a drag on finances, such as when a parent or other family member needs money for unexpected medical costs or an emergency expense, Alvarez said. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And that makes it more difficult for you to actually meet your own bills,” Alvarez said. “So the next thing you know, you’re late on your credit card bill, or your car loan.” \u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11760880\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11760880 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/RS38054__DSF2931-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/RS38054__DSF2931-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/RS38054__DSF2931-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/RS38054__DSF2931-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/RS38054__DSF2931-qut-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/RS38054__DSF2931-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A cart loaded with fresh vegetables, eggs, and milk at the Downey Food Bank. Unreliable working hours and low-paying jobs are some of the main drivers of the Latino community’s common struggles. \u003ccite>(Chava Sanchez/LAist)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Also, for some, there’s a very big obstacle: legal status. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the Pew Research Center, the population of unauthorized immigrants in the U.S. \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">has declined substantially \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">over the past decade or so, from an estimated peak of 12.2 million in 2007 to about 10.5 million in 2017. But recent policies have made it more difficult for people to adjust their immigration status. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the church in Downey, food bank volunteer Catherine Alvarez said she’s sponsoring her husband for a green card. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He’s undocumented, so it’s really difficult for him to get a job and stay there for the long term,” said Alvarez, a Downey resident who was born in Colombia and is a naturalized U.S. citizen. “As soon as they don’t need him, they just let him go.” \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alvarez says her family of four has struggled to stay as renters in Downey, a city that’s long been a draw for middle-class Latinos, with its quiet residential streets and well-regarded schools. They wanted to keep their two teen boys in school there. But in recent years she’s had health problems that have required surgery and kept her from working, she said. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her husband takes all the work he can, from construction to odd jobs: “If he needs to clean a toilet, he’ll do it,” Alvarez said. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘Our rent is like $1,375, and our car payment is almost $500, so we can’t afford anything right now.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But at times it hasn’t been enough. About three years ago, when the family was hit with medical bills, they lost the apartment they were living in. They had to stay with friends and sometimes even in their car until they could raise enough to move into a new place, Alvarez said. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She’s hopeful that if her husband gets legal status, it could change their fortunes. But she worries: What if he’s denied? \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I get sad because I don’t know,” Alvarez said. “I don’t know what’s going to happen.” \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With the pathways to middle-class status becoming rockier, will future generations of California’s Latino families have a harder time cracking the ceiling? Perhaps, said USC sociologist Vallejo. \u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11760888\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11760888\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/RS38058_Janette-Perez-qut-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/RS38058_Janette-Perez-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/RS38058_Janette-Perez-qut-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/RS38058_Janette-Perez-qut-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/RS38058_Janette-Perez-qut-1200x900.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/RS38058_Janette-Perez-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/RS38058_Janette-Perez-qut-1832x1374.jpg 1832w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/RS38058_Janette-Perez-qut-1376x1032.jpg 1376w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/RS38058_Janette-Perez-qut-1044x783.jpg 1044w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/RS38058_Janette-Perez-qut-632x474.jpg 632w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/RS38058_Janette-Perez-qut-536x402.jpg 536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Janette Perez holds her baby at the Downey First Christian Church in this undated photo. Perez said her family is barely scraping by, despite having two incomes. \u003ccite>(Leslie Berestein Rojas/KPCC)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“The California of today does not hold the same kinds of opportunities that it did 30 years ago,” Vallejo said. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But she added that there’s also reason for hope: The state has immigrant-friendly laws, she said, and has enacted recent policies like raising the minimum wage and expanding health care, widening the social safety net. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If we can make education accessible for all, if we can…invest in things like access to capital and helping ease people’s housing burdens,” Vallejo said, “all of these things could really help to promote economic stability.” \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before she left to collect her donated groceries, Janette Perez mentioned that her mother-in-law lives in Arizona. It’s cheaper there, and the thought of moving has crossed her mind – often. But her mother and siblings are in the Los Angeles area, which makes her reluctant to leave. As they stick it out in California, Perez said she tries to appreciate what they have. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I told my husband, you know what, at least we have somewhere to live,” Perez said. “There’s a lot of people that don’t even have a house. They have to live in someone’s garage or like the homeless, that have to live in the street.” \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They at least have jobs, she said, and a roof over their heads. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And they’re grateful for that. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>The California Dream series is a statewide media collaboration of CALmatters, KPBS, KPCC, KQED and Capital Public Radio, with support from the Corporation for Public Broadcasting, the James Irvine Foundation and the College Futures Foundation.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/CADreamBanner-1-800x219.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"alignnone size-full wp-image-11759951\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/CADreamBanner-1-800x219.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"219\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/CADreamBanner-1-800x219.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/CADreamBanner-1-800x219-160x44.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "emeryville-now-has-the-highest-minimum-wage-in-the-nation-for-now-at-least",
"title": "Emeryville Now Has the Highest Minimum Wage in the Nation ... At Least for the Time Being",
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"content": "\u003cp>When Douglas Smith, one of the owners of Rudy’s Can’t Fail Cafe, a popular Emeryville diner, returned to work on Wednesday after a week off, he had no idea what he was supposed to be paying his employees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The minimum wage was $15 an hour when he had left the week before, but there were murmurings that it had since shot up to $16.30 overnight, which would make it the highest in the nation.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">‘Our main concern is being sustainable and viable. … If you come in here, we don’t want to charge $20 for a hamburger’\u003ccite>Douglas Smith, one of the owners of Rudy’s Can’t Fail Cafe\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Indeed, the controversial increase, which has divided city leaders and the business community, had gone into effect on Tuesday night, at least temporarily, following the City Council’s acceptance of a petition to immediately implement it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Smith and other small-restaurant owners had opposed the increase, arguing that it would put undue strain on their businesses and lead to layoffs, higher prices and possible closures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our main concern is being sustainable and viable,” Smith said. “We’re a diner. If you come in here, we don’t want to charge $20 for a hamburger. … We’re all in the same boat with high labor costs already.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the higher wages could all be short-lived.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some background:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2015, Emeryville’s City Council passed a measure that established an \u003ca href=\"https://www.ci.emeryville.ca.us/1024/Minimum-Wage-Ordinance\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">annual minimum wage increase\u003c/a> through July 2020 (when it would rise to $16.42). Until now, those scheduled increases had been steeper for businesses with more than 55 employees. But they were set to level off across all businesses, regardless of size, on July 1 of this year, making the city’s minimum wage — of $16.30 — the highest in the country, more than $4 over the statewide minimum. By contrast, Oakland’s minimum wage is $13.80, while Berkeley’s is $15.59.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in May, as the date approached and concerns escalated, the council narrowly passed an amendment to stall the increase for “small independent restaurants” — those with 55 employees or fewer. Under that plank, the $15 wage would remain intact for those small restaurants until October of this year, then gradually increase over the next eight years until it was on par with other businesses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The move to delay implementation of the higher wage incensed labor advocates, who have argued that it would disproportionately impact low-income employees — those most in need of a pay bump. Opponents of the delay quickly collected enough petition signatures from residents to force the City Council to reconsider the plan, and potentially put it before the city’s voters to decide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As of that moment, when we accepted [the petition], that’s when the wages rose,” said Councilman Scott Donahue, who had voted in favor of the gradual wage phase-in. But he admitted that the current situation is confusing, and that even he “could be wrong” about some of the details.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The issue will be taken up at the next council meeting on July 23, when council members will likely vote whether to scrap the May amendment altogether or put it on the ballot for residents to decide its fate, Donahue said. But the latter option, he added, could be tricky.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Workers have already gotten a raise, living on that raise for some amount of time,” he said. “If we choose to put it on the ballot, now it would be to lower their wages. That’s an entirely different vote.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In other words, if Emeryville residents voted to the retain the council’s phase-in amendment, workers’ wages would drop to where they had been.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"related stories\" tag=\"minimum-wage\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Emeryville, a small East Bay city sandwiched between Oakland and Berkeley, is home to a handful of major companies, including Pixar Animation Studios, Peet’s Coffee & Tea and several large technology and software firms, all of which have attracted a slew of restaurants and cafes catering to their workforce. But fewer than 50 of these eateries are considered “small independent restaurants” with 55 or fewer employees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The labor advocates behind the petition to overturn the phase-in amendment say that many low-income workers have long been counting on this wage increase.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Workers have been expecting this since 2015,” said Andrea Mullarkey, a librarian and organizer with Service Employees International Union (SEIU) Local 1021, which represents some restaurant workers. “It was only at the last minute that they’re working on a carve-out, and it’s not fair. Workers have been planning for this increase. They’ve been arranging their lives around it. And then they decided to pull the rug out from under them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Councilwoman Dianne Martinez, who in May voted in favor of delaying the increase, said that while she supports a living wage for all workers in the city, she’s concerned that such a rapid spike will threaten the ability of small-business owners to maintain staffing levels and keep their doors open.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I literally think that some jobs and hours will be lost as a result of the steep increase,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Mullarkey believes these fears are overblown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m sympathetic to small businesses,” Mullarkey said. “But this has been a planned increase for a very long time. I’d like to believe they were preparing for this increase. … I don’t think this wage is actually going to do what they fear it’s going to do.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city, she added, could also take action to alleviate the initial financial pressure on small businesses by introducing tax breaks and other incentives, while still ensuring that workers she represents receive a fair wage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What’s at stake is the ability to pay their bills and manage health care costs and stay in the communities that they’ve been in,” she said. “We really believe that the minimum wage is fair and that one job should be enough to pay your bills and take care of your kids.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>When Douglas Smith, one of the owners of Rudy’s Can’t Fail Cafe, a popular Emeryville diner, returned to work on Wednesday after a week off, he had no idea what he was supposed to be paying his employees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The minimum wage was $15 an hour when he had left the week before, but there were murmurings that it had since shot up to $16.30 overnight, which would make it the highest in the nation.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">‘Our main concern is being sustainable and viable. … If you come in here, we don’t want to charge $20 for a hamburger’\u003ccite>Douglas Smith, one of the owners of Rudy’s Can’t Fail Cafe\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Indeed, the controversial increase, which has divided city leaders and the business community, had gone into effect on Tuesday night, at least temporarily, following the City Council’s acceptance of a petition to immediately implement it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Smith and other small-restaurant owners had opposed the increase, arguing that it would put undue strain on their businesses and lead to layoffs, higher prices and possible closures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our main concern is being sustainable and viable,” Smith said. “We’re a diner. If you come in here, we don’t want to charge $20 for a hamburger. … We’re all in the same boat with high labor costs already.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the higher wages could all be short-lived.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some background:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2015, Emeryville’s City Council passed a measure that established an \u003ca href=\"https://www.ci.emeryville.ca.us/1024/Minimum-Wage-Ordinance\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">annual minimum wage increase\u003c/a> through July 2020 (when it would rise to $16.42). Until now, those scheduled increases had been steeper for businesses with more than 55 employees. But they were set to level off across all businesses, regardless of size, on July 1 of this year, making the city’s minimum wage — of $16.30 — the highest in the country, more than $4 over the statewide minimum. By contrast, Oakland’s minimum wage is $13.80, while Berkeley’s is $15.59.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in May, as the date approached and concerns escalated, the council narrowly passed an amendment to stall the increase for “small independent restaurants” — those with 55 employees or fewer. Under that plank, the $15 wage would remain intact for those small restaurants until October of this year, then gradually increase over the next eight years until it was on par with other businesses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The move to delay implementation of the higher wage incensed labor advocates, who have argued that it would disproportionately impact low-income employees — those most in need of a pay bump. Opponents of the delay quickly collected enough petition signatures from residents to force the City Council to reconsider the plan, and potentially put it before the city’s voters to decide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As of that moment, when we accepted [the petition], that’s when the wages rose,” said Councilman Scott Donahue, who had voted in favor of the gradual wage phase-in. But he admitted that the current situation is confusing, and that even he “could be wrong” about some of the details.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The issue will be taken up at the next council meeting on July 23, when council members will likely vote whether to scrap the May amendment altogether or put it on the ballot for residents to decide its fate, Donahue said. But the latter option, he added, could be tricky.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Workers have already gotten a raise, living on that raise for some amount of time,” he said. “If we choose to put it on the ballot, now it would be to lower their wages. That’s an entirely different vote.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In other words, if Emeryville residents voted to the retain the council’s phase-in amendment, workers’ wages would drop to where they had been.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Emeryville, a small East Bay city sandwiched between Oakland and Berkeley, is home to a handful of major companies, including Pixar Animation Studios, Peet’s Coffee & Tea and several large technology and software firms, all of which have attracted a slew of restaurants and cafes catering to their workforce. But fewer than 50 of these eateries are considered “small independent restaurants” with 55 or fewer employees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The labor advocates behind the petition to overturn the phase-in amendment say that many low-income workers have long been counting on this wage increase.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Workers have been expecting this since 2015,” said Andrea Mullarkey, a librarian and organizer with Service Employees International Union (SEIU) Local 1021, which represents some restaurant workers. “It was only at the last minute that they’re working on a carve-out, and it’s not fair. Workers have been planning for this increase. They’ve been arranging their lives around it. And then they decided to pull the rug out from under them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Councilwoman Dianne Martinez, who in May voted in favor of delaying the increase, said that while she supports a living wage for all workers in the city, she’s concerned that such a rapid spike will threaten the ability of small-business owners to maintain staffing levels and keep their doors open.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I literally think that some jobs and hours will be lost as a result of the steep increase,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Mullarkey believes these fears are overblown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m sympathetic to small businesses,” Mullarkey said. “But this has been a planned increase for a very long time. I’d like to believe they were preparing for this increase. … I don’t think this wage is actually going to do what they fear it’s going to do.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city, she added, could also take action to alleviate the initial financial pressure on small businesses by introducing tax breaks and other incentives, while still ensuring that workers she represents receive a fair wage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What’s at stake is the ability to pay their bills and manage health care costs and stay in the communities that they’ve been in,” she said. “We really believe that the minimum wage is fair and that one job should be enough to pay your bills and take care of your kids.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>[dropcap]I[/dropcap]n the real estate firm where she works, Monica Rivera has a window office. At 29, she has a great job, managing a team of agents. She has a degree from USC. The walls of her office are adorned with the awards she’s won and family photos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the center of one wall is a small, framed photo that stands out. It’s a faded black and white snapshot of a woman with dark hair, seated at a workbench, making something with her hands. Rivera calls her Abuela Nina – her grandmother.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation='Jody Agius Vallejo, a University of Southern California sociologist']‘The Latino education gap is closing, although it’s still large, more and more Latinos are entering college than ever before. High school graduation rates have increased significantly. And so there is real progress being made.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s actually from when she came to the United States and worked in a factory, and she’s making some kind of plastic mold,” said Rivera. “One of my favorite pictures.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The photo was taken about 50 years ago, not long after Rivera’s grandparents set out from the Mexican state of Jalisco in the mid-1960s for Southern California. They found work in a metal foundry that made aircraft parts. At first, their plan was to save up and take their earnings back to Mexico. But after about five years here, they decided to stay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s when Abuela Nina had a radical idea: Why not buy property? Doing so was a decision that would change the family’s trajectory.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fast-forward a few decades, and Monica’s family is successful: Her father owns a business. Her mother works for Los Angeles County. Both have profited from real estate investments. And Monica is the first in the family to earn a college degree.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Within two generations, the Rivera family has gone from the factory floor to solid middle class. It took lots of hard work and smart financial investments. But their story is rapidly becoming that of a growing number of Latinos in California and throughout the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"The California Dream Series\" tag=\"california-dream\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re seeing increases in socioeconomic attainment with each generation since immigration,” said Jody Agius Vallejo, a University of Southern California sociologist who studies the Latino middle class.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the U.S. Census Bureau, the poverty rate among Latinos in the U.S.\u003ca href=\"https://www.census.gov/library/stories/2019/02/hispanic-poverty-rate-hit-an-all-time-low-in-2017.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\"> has dropped\u003c/a> to its lowest recorded level in history. It continues to drop in California, too. Meanwhile, the median income for Latinos in the U.S. and in California continues to rise.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More Latinos are becoming affluent: Beacon Economics \u003ca href=\"https://www.scpr.org/news/2016/03/24/58901/latinos-make-more-spend-more-in-los-angeles-county/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">reported\u003c/a> three years ago that in 2014, more than a quarter of Los Angeles County’s Latino households were bringing in between $100,000 to $200,000 a year, compared with 16 percent in 2000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve seen rates of Latino business ownership increase exponentially,” Vallejo said. “The Latino education gap is closing, although it’s still large, more and more Latinos are entering college than ever before. High school graduation rates have increased significantly. And so there is real progress being made.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vallejo added, “It absolutely contrasts with the myths and the rhetoric that is out there.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All that said, many Latino families in California are still struggling. In spite of the gains, Latinos are overrepresented among poor Americans, with 17 percent of California’s Latino population living below the federal poverty line, according to census data.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And with ever-higher housing and other costs, some of the very opportunities that gave previous generations a leg up toward the middle class in California are becoming ever more elusive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11759964\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/RIVERA-FAMILY12-800x539.jpg\" alt=\"Juan Rivera with one of their horses, photographed on May 26, 2019 in Chino.\" width=\"800\" height=\"539\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11759964\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Juan Rivera with one of their horses, photographed on May 26, 2019 in Chino. \u003ccite>(James Bernal/KPCC)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>From Have-Not to Have\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One recent morning, Rivera joined her parents for breakfast in their spacious home in Chino, a suburb about 30 miles east of Los Angeles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Juan and Helen Rivera designed and built their modern three-bedroom, Spanish-style home a few years ago. It sits on a two-acre equestrian property — the couple loves horses, and they own several of them. Out back are stables and a riding arena, on grounds lush with purple jacaranda. A convertible Mercedes sits in the driveway.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s the couple’s second horse property. Before this they lived in a five-bedroom home with stables in La Mirada. Helen, an administrator with the L.A. County Health Department, recounted the neighborhood gossip when they moved in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People, neighbors, just assumed that we were drug lords,” she said, half-laughing. “There was a rumor that came back to us, and I was, like, what?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Neighbors have assumed other things, as well. One neighbor saw Juan working on his new home and thought he was part of the construction crew, asking him where the owner was. Juan simply took off his hat and said “Hi, I’m Juan.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s just an assumption that people will make against us, you know,” Helen said, “that we can’t have anything.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But they do, and they worked for it — as did their parents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11759983\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/RS38020_RIVERA-FAMILY25-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11759983\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/RS38020_RIVERA-FAMILY25-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/RS38020_RIVERA-FAMILY25-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/RS38020_RIVERA-FAMILY25-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/RS38020_RIVERA-FAMILY25-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/RS38020_RIVERA-FAMILY25-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/RS38020_RIVERA-FAMILY25-qut-1200x800.jpg 1200w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Helen Rivera showing a photo of her with her children in the 1990s. Photographed at their home on May 26, 2019 in Chino, California. \u003ccite>(James Bernal/KPCC)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Juan was in his teens when his parents bought that first home in 1971, a triplex in the working-class community of South Gate. They’d been saving and saving, he said, never so much as going out to eat. But his parents didn’t even have legal status then, and they earned little.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When I think about it, I don’t know how they made it, because they were making minimum wage and the down payment was $3,000,” Juan said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But they made it. Pooling their resources, the family bought the units. Juan, his parents and three siblings crammed into the front house, a small two-bedroom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My mom and my dad slept in one bedroom, then my sisters slept in the other one, and we slept in the living room, the boys,” Juan said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The other units were rented out — and with that, the family began modestly building wealth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Juan, who by then was working as a welder, had pitched in some of his savings for his parents’ purchase. When he was ready to buy his first home as a young man, they helped out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Not long after, he was temporarily laid off.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So then,” Juan said, “I went selling oranges on the street.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And he kept making those mortgage payments and building equity, until he got his job back.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11759992\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/RS38021_RIVERA-FAMILY26-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11759992\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/RS38021_RIVERA-FAMILY26-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/RS38021_RIVERA-FAMILY26-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/RS38021_RIVERA-FAMILY26-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/RS38021_RIVERA-FAMILY26-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/RS38021_RIVERA-FAMILY26-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/RS38021_RIVERA-FAMILY26-qut-1200x800.jpg 1200w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Helen Rivera with her parrot, Blue Agave, photographed at her home, on May 26, 2019 in Chino, California. \u003ccite>(James Berna/KPCC)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Helen didn’t have it much easier. She grew up Mexican American, the daughter of U.S. citizens, a short distance east of downtown Los Angeles in East L.A. Her father had a union job at a company that made garbage disposals. Things were stable until she was around seven, when her mother became disabled in a devastating car accident.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bills piled up. Then, her dad’s union went on strike. At one point, money got so tight that the family resorted to scrounging for food.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My dad would wake me up early in the morning, and we’d take the bus to the big central market where they have all these trucks, and we would have shopping bags,” Helen remembers. “As a little girl, it was easier for me to go under the trucks and pick up the potatoes that fell under the truck. And then I would come back and get ready for school.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In time, the family got back on its feet. Helen’s dad began earning better pay and, over time, her parents bought a house.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They knew being homeowners that you gain a certain level of respect being a homeowner,” Helen said. “And that was something my dad explained to me at a young age.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While they absorbed these lessons from their parents, both of the Riveras struggled financially as younger adults. Both had children of their own before they met. Helen at one point worked three jobs, including waiting tables.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation='Monica Rivera']‘I believe that the American dream is to come to a place where you open up new opportunities not just for yourself, but for your family.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But they took what opportunities they could. Not long after they married in the mid-1980s, the welding-repair shop where Juan worked went up for sale. With his savings and a little help from relatives, Juan bought it. At first, just paying the bills was a stretch. But as the shop began turning a profit, the couple invested it in real estate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I read all kinds of books,” Juan said, “On doing foundation, everything to build a house. I also read principles of real estate, all this stuff to do real estate.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They started with some apartments. They did a little flipping. As property values rose, they held off. Then, the housing bubble burst. Juan, who obtained a real estate license in 2007, started going to property auctions. Monica was a teenager then, and she would go along.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I had just gotten my permit to start driving,” Monica said. “So he was basically teaching me how to drive, and we started going to auctions. And we’d literally be in the front of the line, with the bidding paddle and the auctioneer would be auctioning off the property, and he’d let me hold the paddle. And I’d get excited about that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The properties they bought, sold and refinanced helped put Monica through college. She graduated from USC in 2012 with zero student loans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I believe that the American dream is to come to a place where you open up new opportunities not just for yourself, but for your family,” Monica said. “Had it not been for the road that was paved by my parents, by my grandmother, by all of our family that came before, I would never have gotten the opportunity to go to college.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11759980\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 1348px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/RS38019_RIVERA-FAMILY6-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11759980\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/RS38019_RIVERA-FAMILY6-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1348\" height=\"2048\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/RS38019_RIVERA-FAMILY6-qut.jpg 1348w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/RS38019_RIVERA-FAMILY6-qut-160x243.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/RS38019_RIVERA-FAMILY6-qut-800x1216.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/RS38019_RIVERA-FAMILY6-qut-1020x1550.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/RS38019_RIVERA-FAMILY6-qut-790x1200.jpg 790w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/RS38019_RIVERA-FAMILY6-qut-1920x2918.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1348px) 100vw, 1348px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A gate cutout depicting Helen Rivera and one their horses under the shaed of a Loquat tree. Photographed at tehe Rivera home on May 26, 2019 in Chino, California. \u003ccite>(James Bernal/KPCC)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Planting Seeds\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today, Monica has her successful career with Keller Williams Realty in Downey, a city that in recent decades has become a magnet for middle-class Latinos and Latino-owned businesses. She and her team work closely with Latino families, including first-time homebuyers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While buying has become increasingly difficult these days, when a family succeeds in closing on their first home, she said, it often makes her think of Abuela Nina, who died a couple of years ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As Monica sees it, her hard-working family would have made it eventually. But she credits Abuela Nina’s ambitious desire to put down roots as the catalyst that helped push them forward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She said something that really stuck with me,” Monica said. “’Hay que sembrar para cosechar.’ You have to plant the seeds in order to reap the harvest.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A harvest that families like her grandmother’s hope they can reap someday, too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>The California Dream series is a statewide media collaboration of CALmatters, KPBS, KPCC, KQED and Capital Public Radio, with support from the Corporation for Public Broadcasting, the James Irvine Foundation and the College Futures Foundation.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/CADreamBanner-1-800x219.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"alignnone size-full wp-image-11759951\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/CADreamBanner-1-800x219.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"219\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/CADreamBanner-1-800x219.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/CADreamBanner-1-800x219-160x44.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class=\"utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__dropcapShortcode__dropcap\">I\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>n the real estate firm where she works, Monica Rivera has a window office. At 29, she has a great job, managing a team of agents. She has a degree from USC. The walls of her office are adorned with the awards she’s won and family photos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the center of one wall is a small, framed photo that stands out. It’s a faded black and white snapshot of a woman with dark hair, seated at a workbench, making something with her hands. Rivera calls her Abuela Nina – her grandmother.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘The Latino education gap is closing, although it’s still large, more and more Latinos are entering college than ever before. High school graduation rates have increased significantly. And so there is real progress being made.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s actually from when she came to the United States and worked in a factory, and she’s making some kind of plastic mold,” said Rivera. “One of my favorite pictures.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The photo was taken about 50 years ago, not long after Rivera’s grandparents set out from the Mexican state of Jalisco in the mid-1960s for Southern California. They found work in a metal foundry that made aircraft parts. At first, their plan was to save up and take their earnings back to Mexico. But after about five years here, they decided to stay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s when Abuela Nina had a radical idea: Why not buy property? Doing so was a decision that would change the family’s trajectory.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fast-forward a few decades, and Monica’s family is successful: Her father owns a business. Her mother works for Los Angeles County. Both have profited from real estate investments. And Monica is the first in the family to earn a college degree.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Within two generations, the Rivera family has gone from the factory floor to solid middle class. It took lots of hard work and smart financial investments. But their story is rapidly becoming that of a growing number of Latinos in California and throughout the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re seeing increases in socioeconomic attainment with each generation since immigration,” said Jody Agius Vallejo, a University of Southern California sociologist who studies the Latino middle class.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the U.S. Census Bureau, the poverty rate among Latinos in the U.S.\u003ca href=\"https://www.census.gov/library/stories/2019/02/hispanic-poverty-rate-hit-an-all-time-low-in-2017.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\"> has dropped\u003c/a> to its lowest recorded level in history. It continues to drop in California, too. Meanwhile, the median income for Latinos in the U.S. and in California continues to rise.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More Latinos are becoming affluent: Beacon Economics \u003ca href=\"https://www.scpr.org/news/2016/03/24/58901/latinos-make-more-spend-more-in-los-angeles-county/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">reported\u003c/a> three years ago that in 2014, more than a quarter of Los Angeles County’s Latino households were bringing in between $100,000 to $200,000 a year, compared with 16 percent in 2000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve seen rates of Latino business ownership increase exponentially,” Vallejo said. “The Latino education gap is closing, although it’s still large, more and more Latinos are entering college than ever before. High school graduation rates have increased significantly. And so there is real progress being made.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vallejo added, “It absolutely contrasts with the myths and the rhetoric that is out there.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All that said, many Latino families in California are still struggling. In spite of the gains, Latinos are overrepresented among poor Americans, with 17 percent of California’s Latino population living below the federal poverty line, according to census data.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And with ever-higher housing and other costs, some of the very opportunities that gave previous generations a leg up toward the middle class in California are becoming ever more elusive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11759964\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/RIVERA-FAMILY12-800x539.jpg\" alt=\"Juan Rivera with one of their horses, photographed on May 26, 2019 in Chino.\" width=\"800\" height=\"539\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11759964\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Juan Rivera with one of their horses, photographed on May 26, 2019 in Chino. \u003ccite>(James Bernal/KPCC)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>From Have-Not to Have\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One recent morning, Rivera joined her parents for breakfast in their spacious home in Chino, a suburb about 30 miles east of Los Angeles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Juan and Helen Rivera designed and built their modern three-bedroom, Spanish-style home a few years ago. It sits on a two-acre equestrian property — the couple loves horses, and they own several of them. Out back are stables and a riding arena, on grounds lush with purple jacaranda. A convertible Mercedes sits in the driveway.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s the couple’s second horse property. Before this they lived in a five-bedroom home with stables in La Mirada. Helen, an administrator with the L.A. County Health Department, recounted the neighborhood gossip when they moved in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People, neighbors, just assumed that we were drug lords,” she said, half-laughing. “There was a rumor that came back to us, and I was, like, what?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Neighbors have assumed other things, as well. One neighbor saw Juan working on his new home and thought he was part of the construction crew, asking him where the owner was. Juan simply took off his hat and said “Hi, I’m Juan.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s just an assumption that people will make against us, you know,” Helen said, “that we can’t have anything.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But they do, and they worked for it — as did their parents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11759983\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/RS38020_RIVERA-FAMILY25-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11759983\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/RS38020_RIVERA-FAMILY25-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/RS38020_RIVERA-FAMILY25-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/RS38020_RIVERA-FAMILY25-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/RS38020_RIVERA-FAMILY25-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/RS38020_RIVERA-FAMILY25-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/RS38020_RIVERA-FAMILY25-qut-1200x800.jpg 1200w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Helen Rivera showing a photo of her with her children in the 1990s. Photographed at their home on May 26, 2019 in Chino, California. \u003ccite>(James Bernal/KPCC)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Juan was in his teens when his parents bought that first home in 1971, a triplex in the working-class community of South Gate. They’d been saving and saving, he said, never so much as going out to eat. But his parents didn’t even have legal status then, and they earned little.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When I think about it, I don’t know how they made it, because they were making minimum wage and the down payment was $3,000,” Juan said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But they made it. Pooling their resources, the family bought the units. Juan, his parents and three siblings crammed into the front house, a small two-bedroom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My mom and my dad slept in one bedroom, then my sisters slept in the other one, and we slept in the living room, the boys,” Juan said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The other units were rented out — and with that, the family began modestly building wealth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Juan, who by then was working as a welder, had pitched in some of his savings for his parents’ purchase. When he was ready to buy his first home as a young man, they helped out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Not long after, he was temporarily laid off.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So then,” Juan said, “I went selling oranges on the street.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And he kept making those mortgage payments and building equity, until he got his job back.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11759992\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/RS38021_RIVERA-FAMILY26-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11759992\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/RS38021_RIVERA-FAMILY26-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/RS38021_RIVERA-FAMILY26-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/RS38021_RIVERA-FAMILY26-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/RS38021_RIVERA-FAMILY26-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/RS38021_RIVERA-FAMILY26-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/RS38021_RIVERA-FAMILY26-qut-1200x800.jpg 1200w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Helen Rivera with her parrot, Blue Agave, photographed at her home, on May 26, 2019 in Chino, California. \u003ccite>(James Berna/KPCC)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Helen didn’t have it much easier. She grew up Mexican American, the daughter of U.S. citizens, a short distance east of downtown Los Angeles in East L.A. Her father had a union job at a company that made garbage disposals. Things were stable until she was around seven, when her mother became disabled in a devastating car accident.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bills piled up. Then, her dad’s union went on strike. At one point, money got so tight that the family resorted to scrounging for food.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My dad would wake me up early in the morning, and we’d take the bus to the big central market where they have all these trucks, and we would have shopping bags,” Helen remembers. “As a little girl, it was easier for me to go under the trucks and pick up the potatoes that fell under the truck. And then I would come back and get ready for school.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In time, the family got back on its feet. Helen’s dad began earning better pay and, over time, her parents bought a house.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They knew being homeowners that you gain a certain level of respect being a homeowner,” Helen said. “And that was something my dad explained to me at a young age.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While they absorbed these lessons from their parents, both of the Riveras struggled financially as younger adults. Both had children of their own before they met. Helen at one point worked three jobs, including waiting tables.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But they took what opportunities they could. Not long after they married in the mid-1980s, the welding-repair shop where Juan worked went up for sale. With his savings and a little help from relatives, Juan bought it. At first, just paying the bills was a stretch. But as the shop began turning a profit, the couple invested it in real estate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I read all kinds of books,” Juan said, “On doing foundation, everything to build a house. I also read principles of real estate, all this stuff to do real estate.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They started with some apartments. They did a little flipping. As property values rose, they held off. Then, the housing bubble burst. Juan, who obtained a real estate license in 2007, started going to property auctions. Monica was a teenager then, and she would go along.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I had just gotten my permit to start driving,” Monica said. “So he was basically teaching me how to drive, and we started going to auctions. And we’d literally be in the front of the line, with the bidding paddle and the auctioneer would be auctioning off the property, and he’d let me hold the paddle. And I’d get excited about that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The properties they bought, sold and refinanced helped put Monica through college. She graduated from USC in 2012 with zero student loans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I believe that the American dream is to come to a place where you open up new opportunities not just for yourself, but for your family,” Monica said. “Had it not been for the road that was paved by my parents, by my grandmother, by all of our family that came before, I would never have gotten the opportunity to go to college.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11759980\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 1348px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/RS38019_RIVERA-FAMILY6-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11759980\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/RS38019_RIVERA-FAMILY6-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1348\" height=\"2048\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/RS38019_RIVERA-FAMILY6-qut.jpg 1348w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/RS38019_RIVERA-FAMILY6-qut-160x243.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/RS38019_RIVERA-FAMILY6-qut-800x1216.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/RS38019_RIVERA-FAMILY6-qut-1020x1550.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/RS38019_RIVERA-FAMILY6-qut-790x1200.jpg 790w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/RS38019_RIVERA-FAMILY6-qut-1920x2918.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1348px) 100vw, 1348px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A gate cutout depicting Helen Rivera and one their horses under the shaed of a Loquat tree. Photographed at tehe Rivera home on May 26, 2019 in Chino, California. \u003ccite>(James Bernal/KPCC)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Planting Seeds\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today, Monica has her successful career with Keller Williams Realty in Downey, a city that in recent decades has become a magnet for middle-class Latinos and Latino-owned businesses. She and her team work closely with Latino families, including first-time homebuyers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While buying has become increasingly difficult these days, when a family succeeds in closing on their first home, she said, it often makes her think of Abuela Nina, who died a couple of years ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As Monica sees it, her hard-working family would have made it eventually. But she credits Abuela Nina’s ambitious desire to put down roots as the catalyst that helped push them forward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She said something that really stuck with me,” Monica said. “’Hay que sembrar para cosechar.’ You have to plant the seeds in order to reap the harvest.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A harvest that families like her grandmother’s hope they can reap someday, too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>The California Dream series is a statewide media collaboration of CALmatters, KPBS, KPCC, KQED and Capital Public Radio, with support from the Corporation for Public Broadcasting, the James Irvine Foundation and the College Futures Foundation.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/CADreamBanner-1-800x219.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"alignnone size-full wp-image-11759951\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/CADreamBanner-1-800x219.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"219\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/CADreamBanner-1-800x219.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/CADreamBanner-1-800x219-160x44.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Thanks in large part to Redding, California’s Megan Rapinoe, the fight for equal pay in U.S. soccer has moved front and center.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The U.S. Soccer Federation pays athletes who happen to be men \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11758924/lawmakers-to-u-s-soccer-pay-national-womens-team-what-you-pay-men\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">much more than women\u003c/a>. (Even though the U.S. men’s team is currently \u003ca href=\"https://www.fifa.com/fifa-world-ranking/associations/association=usa/men/index.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">ranked 30th\u003c/a>.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now that a \u003ca href=\"https://www.vox.com/2019/7/7/20685183/us-womens-soccer-team-fifa-world-cup-title-2019-france-vs-netherlands\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">billion or so\u003c/a> people around the globe watched the 2019 Women’s World Cup, here’s hoping U.S. Soccer emerges from the Stone Age and pays the U.S. women and men’s teams equally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>You may have noticed a growing number of retailers threatening to make deliveries by drone in the near future. \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/e0fcf74b9a9d46d1a7c57463cf6f668c\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Amazon\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.reuters.com/article/us-usa-drone-alphabet/faa-paves-way-for-alphabet-unit-to-make-first-u-s-drone-deliveries-idUSKCN1RZ25N\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Google\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2019-06-12/uber-announces-plans-to-deliver-big-macs-by-drone-this-summer\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Uber\u003c/a> and others have all been developing their own systems, and while the technology might not be there quite yet, experts say it will be soon.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID='news_11755751,news_11742154,news_11660802' label='The Future of Drone Delivery']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As those threats become reality, who’s going to manage all of that potential chaos in the skies above us? Well, the agency that already manages American airspace: the Federal Aviation Administration. Eventually.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>First, researchers at \u003ca href=\"https://utm.arc.nasa.gov/index.shtml\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">NASA Ames\u003c/a> in Mountain View are developing the air traffic management system to make it possible for Amazon to deliver pizza to your neighbor without harming you in the process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unmanned aircraft systems are already in the skies for all sorts of uses, including law enforcement, search and rescue, firefighting, agriculture, medical supply delivery, moviemaking, journalism and even real estate. But these are limited-use cases compared to the hundreds of thousands of commercially owned vehicles expected to take to the skies when retailers and restaurants are given the go-ahead.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>NASA Ames researchers in Mountain View are imagining something akin to what air traffic controllers do for passenger planes, but with cloud-based software. They’ve been working on this concept since 2015, and conducted multi-drone tests this year in Nevada and Texas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11759484\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11759484\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/RS38011_ACD16-0170-023orig-qut.jpg\" alt=\"Drone operators everywhere will be able to log into a cloud-based software system NASA Ames researchers are prototyping now. \" width=\"1920\" height=\"1397\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/RS38011_ACD16-0170-023orig-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/RS38011_ACD16-0170-023orig-qut-160x116.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/RS38011_ACD16-0170-023orig-qut-800x582.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/RS38011_ACD16-0170-023orig-qut-1020x742.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/RS38011_ACD16-0170-023orig-qut-1200x873.jpg 1200w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Drone operators everywhere will be able to log into a cloud-based software system NASA Ames researchers are prototyping now. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Don Richey)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>To start with, NASA Ames researcher Abhay Borade explained, every drone operator will have to log in with a plan for every flight.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That volume, that area, that time and space, altitude. Then the system will check it against various parameters. Are you flying in a restricted air space? Are you in a national park? You’ll get a message back either that you’re accepted or rejected,” Borade said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Once the drone is airborne, its operator can track it on the software. The system communicates in real time what the drone is encountering after it leaves the operator’s line of sight: buildings, birds, bad weather and so on.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There’s a presumption the unexpected can and will happen, but it’s the drone operator’s responsibility to decide how to manage risk, at least, outside of a law enforcement emergency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In such a case, package delivery drone operators would be ordered to vacate the affected area, according to Ron Johnson, project manager for the unmanned aircraft systems traffic management project.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11759487\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1500px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11759487\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/RS38012_UAM-Landscape-Finalorig-qut.jpg\" alt=\"The concept of urban air mobility involves multiple aircraft safely operating within a city. (Yellow circles are vehicles with passengers; pink circles are vehicles without passengers.)\" width=\"1500\" height=\"1126\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/RS38012_UAM-Landscape-Finalorig-qut.jpg 1500w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/RS38012_UAM-Landscape-Finalorig-qut-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/RS38012_UAM-Landscape-Finalorig-qut-800x601.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/RS38012_UAM-Landscape-Finalorig-qut-1020x766.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/RS38012_UAM-Landscape-Finalorig-qut-1200x901.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/RS38012_UAM-Landscape-Finalorig-qut-1376x1032.jpg 1376w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/RS38012_UAM-Landscape-Finalorig-qut-1044x783.jpg 1044w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/RS38012_UAM-Landscape-Finalorig-qut-632x474.jpg 632w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/RS38012_UAM-Landscape-Finalorig-qut-536x402.jpg 536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1500px) 100vw, 1500px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The concept of urban air mobility involves multiple aircraft safely operating within a city. (Yellow circles are vehicles with passengers; pink circles are vehicles without passengers.) \u003ccite>(Courtesy of NASA)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>What happens if a drone operator refuses to comply? Or behaves badly in a myriad of other ways? The software can easily identify drones gone rogue, and it maintains records of the event.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size='small' align='right' citation='Ron Johnson, project manager at NASA Ames']‘We’re doing everything now that we’re required to. The companies themselves, it’s in their interest to keep their drones from being hijacked or fouled with.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While NASA lays the technical groundwork for this brave new world, there will be plenty of opportunity for new rules and regulations to keep bad actors in line.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not going to happen all at once. When the FAA allows more and more operations, I think there’ll be constraints put on [drone traffic],” Johnson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He’s not just talking about the FAA establishing rules. Software can manage a nearly infinite variety of local and regional rules, too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Let’s say the good citizens of Mountain View — who already live in an area full of loud noises — don’t want drones buzzing on top of all that. Or perhaps they decide to geo-fence certain areas, and require drone traffic to travel or land in prescribed zones.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11759489\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 985px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11759489\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/RS38013_tcl4-v3-qut.jpg\" alt=\"An artist's rendering of Las Vegas, Nevada, with commercial delivery drones flying about.\" width=\"985\" height=\"638\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/RS38013_tcl4-v3-qut.jpg 985w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/RS38013_tcl4-v3-qut-160x104.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/RS38013_tcl4-v3-qut-800x518.jpg 800w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 985px) 100vw, 985px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">An artist’s rendering of Las Vegas, Nevada, with commercial delivery drones flying about. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of NASA)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>As of now, in the U.S., FAA rules state that delivery-style drones must weigh less than 55 pounds and fly up to a ceiling of 400 feet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“From my experience, if a drone is flying 400 feet above, you hardly hear it,” Johnson said. “Mountain View may say, ‘OK, you can fly a drone, but it can’t be below 300 feet.’ That type of constraint would be embedded into the system here. So that when somebody proposes flying at 200 feet, that plan is going to get rejected.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What happens if a hacker gets into the system, or into the drones? Johnson professes to have a high degree of confidence that won’t happen. “We’re doing everything now that we’re required to. The companies themselves, it’s in their interest to keep their drones from being hijacked or fouled with,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation='Ron Johnson, project manager at NASA Ames']‘Right now, they already are soliciting public feedback for rules for flying over people. It’s perhaps less than a decade, but more than a couple of years [away].’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So when will you get a pizza delivered by drone?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Short answer: Not soon, even though the FAA has recently allowed a handful of companies to test drone delivery programs in urban and rural areas, and has even gone so far as to certify Alphabet’s Wing Aviation to operate as an airline.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While more than 50 countries belong to Joint Authorities for Rulemaking of Unmanned Systems, a final set of standards has yet to be agreed upon. Johnson anticipates other countries are looking to the U.S. to take the lead.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He went on to say, “We finish our major testing this summer. It will take us several months to document what we found and then the FAA gets into their processes. Right now, they already are soliciting public feedback for rules for flying over people. It’s perhaps less than a decade, but more than a couple of years [away].”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That should give us all a little more time to get used to the idea.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, NASA researchers on another team are developing a similar construct for what they call urban air mobility, or what we proverbially call air taxis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>You may have noticed a growing number of retailers threatening to make deliveries by drone in the near future. \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/e0fcf74b9a9d46d1a7c57463cf6f668c\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Amazon\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.reuters.com/article/us-usa-drone-alphabet/faa-paves-way-for-alphabet-unit-to-make-first-u-s-drone-deliveries-idUSKCN1RZ25N\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Google\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2019-06-12/uber-announces-plans-to-deliver-big-macs-by-drone-this-summer\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Uber\u003c/a> and others have all been developing their own systems, and while the technology might not be there quite yet, experts say it will be soon.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As those threats become reality, who’s going to manage all of that potential chaos in the skies above us? Well, the agency that already manages American airspace: the Federal Aviation Administration. Eventually.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>First, researchers at \u003ca href=\"https://utm.arc.nasa.gov/index.shtml\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">NASA Ames\u003c/a> in Mountain View are developing the air traffic management system to make it possible for Amazon to deliver pizza to your neighbor without harming you in the process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unmanned aircraft systems are already in the skies for all sorts of uses, including law enforcement, search and rescue, firefighting, agriculture, medical supply delivery, moviemaking, journalism and even real estate. But these are limited-use cases compared to the hundreds of thousands of commercially owned vehicles expected to take to the skies when retailers and restaurants are given the go-ahead.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>NASA Ames researchers in Mountain View are imagining something akin to what air traffic controllers do for passenger planes, but with cloud-based software. They’ve been working on this concept since 2015, and conducted multi-drone tests this year in Nevada and Texas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11759484\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11759484\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/RS38011_ACD16-0170-023orig-qut.jpg\" alt=\"Drone operators everywhere will be able to log into a cloud-based software system NASA Ames researchers are prototyping now. \" width=\"1920\" height=\"1397\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/RS38011_ACD16-0170-023orig-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/RS38011_ACD16-0170-023orig-qut-160x116.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/RS38011_ACD16-0170-023orig-qut-800x582.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/RS38011_ACD16-0170-023orig-qut-1020x742.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/RS38011_ACD16-0170-023orig-qut-1200x873.jpg 1200w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Drone operators everywhere will be able to log into a cloud-based software system NASA Ames researchers are prototyping now. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Don Richey)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>To start with, NASA Ames researcher Abhay Borade explained, every drone operator will have to log in with a plan for every flight.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That volume, that area, that time and space, altitude. Then the system will check it against various parameters. Are you flying in a restricted air space? Are you in a national park? You’ll get a message back either that you’re accepted or rejected,” Borade said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Once the drone is airborne, its operator can track it on the software. The system communicates in real time what the drone is encountering after it leaves the operator’s line of sight: buildings, birds, bad weather and so on.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There’s a presumption the unexpected can and will happen, but it’s the drone operator’s responsibility to decide how to manage risk, at least, outside of a law enforcement emergency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In such a case, package delivery drone operators would be ordered to vacate the affected area, according to Ron Johnson, project manager for the unmanned aircraft systems traffic management project.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11759487\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1500px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11759487\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/RS38012_UAM-Landscape-Finalorig-qut.jpg\" alt=\"The concept of urban air mobility involves multiple aircraft safely operating within a city. (Yellow circles are vehicles with passengers; pink circles are vehicles without passengers.)\" width=\"1500\" height=\"1126\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/RS38012_UAM-Landscape-Finalorig-qut.jpg 1500w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/RS38012_UAM-Landscape-Finalorig-qut-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/RS38012_UAM-Landscape-Finalorig-qut-800x601.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/RS38012_UAM-Landscape-Finalorig-qut-1020x766.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/RS38012_UAM-Landscape-Finalorig-qut-1200x901.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/RS38012_UAM-Landscape-Finalorig-qut-1376x1032.jpg 1376w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/RS38012_UAM-Landscape-Finalorig-qut-1044x783.jpg 1044w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/RS38012_UAM-Landscape-Finalorig-qut-632x474.jpg 632w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/RS38012_UAM-Landscape-Finalorig-qut-536x402.jpg 536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1500px) 100vw, 1500px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The concept of urban air mobility involves multiple aircraft safely operating within a city. (Yellow circles are vehicles with passengers; pink circles are vehicles without passengers.) \u003ccite>(Courtesy of NASA)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>What happens if a drone operator refuses to comply? Or behaves badly in a myriad of other ways? The software can easily identify drones gone rogue, and it maintains records of the event.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While NASA lays the technical groundwork for this brave new world, there will be plenty of opportunity for new rules and regulations to keep bad actors in line.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not going to happen all at once. When the FAA allows more and more operations, I think there’ll be constraints put on [drone traffic],” Johnson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He’s not just talking about the FAA establishing rules. Software can manage a nearly infinite variety of local and regional rules, too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Let’s say the good citizens of Mountain View — who already live in an area full of loud noises — don’t want drones buzzing on top of all that. Or perhaps they decide to geo-fence certain areas, and require drone traffic to travel or land in prescribed zones.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11759489\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 985px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11759489\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/RS38013_tcl4-v3-qut.jpg\" alt=\"An artist's rendering of Las Vegas, Nevada, with commercial delivery drones flying about.\" width=\"985\" height=\"638\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/RS38013_tcl4-v3-qut.jpg 985w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/RS38013_tcl4-v3-qut-160x104.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/RS38013_tcl4-v3-qut-800x518.jpg 800w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 985px) 100vw, 985px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">An artist’s rendering of Las Vegas, Nevada, with commercial delivery drones flying about. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of NASA)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>As of now, in the U.S., FAA rules state that delivery-style drones must weigh less than 55 pounds and fly up to a ceiling of 400 feet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“From my experience, if a drone is flying 400 feet above, you hardly hear it,” Johnson said. “Mountain View may say, ‘OK, you can fly a drone, but it can’t be below 300 feet.’ That type of constraint would be embedded into the system here. So that when somebody proposes flying at 200 feet, that plan is going to get rejected.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What happens if a hacker gets into the system, or into the drones? Johnson professes to have a high degree of confidence that won’t happen. “We’re doing everything now that we’re required to. The companies themselves, it’s in their interest to keep their drones from being hijacked or fouled with,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
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"info": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown brings listeners the wisdom of the former Governor, Mayor, and presidential candidate. Scott Shafer interviewed Brown for more than 40 hours, covering the former governor's life and half-century in the political game – and Brown has some lessons he'd like to share. ",
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"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
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"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
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"tagline": "Politics from a personal perspective",
"info": "Political Breakdown is a new series that explores the political intersection of California and the nation. Each week hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos are joined with a new special guest to unpack politics -- with personality — and offer an insider’s glimpse at how politics happens.",
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"possible": {
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"title": "Possible",
"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
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"radiolab": {
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},
"rightnowish": {
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"title": "Rightnowish",
"tagline": "Art is where you find it",
"info": "Rightnowish digs into life in the Bay Area right now… ish. Journalist Pendarvis Harshaw takes us to galleries painted on the sides of liquor stores in West Oakland. We'll dance in warehouses in the Bayview, make smoothies with kids in South Berkeley, and listen to classical music in a 1984 Cutlass Supreme in Richmond. Every week, Pen talks to movers and shakers about how the Bay Area shapes what they create, and how they shape the place we call home.",
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},
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"tagline": "Real stories with killer beats",
"info": "The Snap Judgment radio show and podcast mixes real stories with killer beats to produce cinematic, dramatic radio. Snap's musical brand of storytelling dares listeners to see the world through the eyes of another. This is storytelling... with a BEAT!! Snap first aired on public radio stations nationwide in July 2010. Today, Snap Judgment airs on over 450 public radio stations and is brought to the airwaves by KQED & PRX.",
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"soldout": {
"id": "soldout",
"title": "SOLD OUT: Rethinking Housing in America",
"tagline": "A new future for housing",
"info": "Sold Out: Rethinking Housing in America",
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