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"disqusTitle": "Getting Food Stamps to Poor Californians Is Surprisingly Difficult",
"title": "Getting Food Stamps to Poor Californians Is Surprisingly Difficult",
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"content": "\u003cp>In May 2017, the Los Angeles County Board of Supervisors set an ambitious goal: enroll 70,000 new families in food stamps in two years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"news_11762399\" label=\"Related Coverage\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Home to the state’s highest \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/publication/poverty-in-california/\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">poverty\u003c/a> rate and a growing homeless crisis, the county was enrolling just \u003ca href=\"https://public.tableau.com/profile/california.department.of.social.services#!/vizhome/CFdashboard-PUBLIC/Home\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">69%\u003c/a> of residents who were eligible for CalFresh, the state’s name for the federal food stamps program. With full participation, the county would have been expected to gain $560 million in federal funding for its poor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The social services department got to work, doubling down on outreach, simplifying the application process with new technology, and producing data-driven progress reports each month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two years later, enrollment had only \u003ca href=\"http://file.lacounty.gov/SDSInter/bos/supdocs/114141.pdf\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">budged slightly\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“At the end of the day, we only got 3,000 new (households). And that was a lot of work we did,” said Antonia Jiménez, director of the Los Angeles Department of Public Social Services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California has long struggled to get food stamps to the hungry. The \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/poverty/2019/07/california-food-stamp-enrollment-rate-calfresh/\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">state enrolled just 72% of eligible residents in CalFresh in 2016\u003c/a>, the fifth lowest rate in the nation, leaving behind about \u003ca href=\"https://cfpa.net/CalFresh/CFPAPublications/LDEP-FullReport-2019.pdf\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">$1.8 billion in federal funding\u003c/a> earmarked for the hungry. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Increased scrutiny on the participation gap has prompted a debate among state leaders over how much improvement can be gained by pressuring counties to be more efficient and how much will depend on more money for county eligibility workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California is one of only 10 states that manage the food assistance program at the county level, with a wide range of application procedures, technologies and staffing levels. State Sen. Scott Wiener, a San Francisco Democrat, said the root of the state’s participation gap is an application process that varies from “incredibly easy” to “unnecessarily complicated and onerous,” depending on which county you live in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s really all over the map and short of transferring responsibility of the program to the state, which would be politically very difficult, we should at least have statewide standards in terms of streamlining the application process and improving awareness among our residents,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A bill by Wiener would have set a goal for California to enroll 95% of eligible households by 2024, but didn’t survive a committee vote on Friday. The legislation would have required the state to oversee improvement plans and provide technical assistance to the state’s 58 counties, while counties would be required to offer applications entirely over the phone. But it included no money for eligibility workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe src=\"https://e.infogram.com/0d401842-3020-4e81-9f47-76fc721d444c?src=embed\" title=\"CalFresh access by county\" width=\"739\" height=\"1575\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border:none;\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the experience in Los Angeles and other counties suggest, however, increasing efficiency alone may not be enough to achieve the state’s goal. County and state officials, including Wiener, say more state funding is needed. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state’s 2019-2020 budget to administer CalFresh was $639 million. Kimberley Johnson, the newly appointed director of the California Department of Social Services, said she will revisit the way CalFresh is funded in next year’s budget.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s one of our huge safety net programs that we know makes a difference at disrupting poverty and that’s critical, so it’s certainly a priority of ours,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The demand for increased funding comes even though California already spends more on administrative costs for food stamp programs than nearly every other state, according to a recent federal \u003ca href=\"https://fns-prod.azureedge.net/sites/default/files/media/file/SNAP-State-Variation-Admin-Costs-FullReport.pdf\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">study\u003c/a>. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Each California food stamp case cost $808 to administer in 2016, compared to the national average of $348. The study also found that states in which counties run the program spent 24% more per case than other states, after controlling for economic, demographic and policy differences. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Frank Mecca, executive director of the County Welfare Directors Association of California, said California is simply a much more expensive place to do business. “California is one of the highest cost places in the country,” he said. “Our salaries are higher, the cost of living is higher, workers get more humane benefits.” \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mecca also said the state estimate that each CalFresh eligibility worker should cost $58.27 per hour, including salaries, benefits and overhead costs, is out of date. The association calculates that counties currently pay about $105 per hour.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CalFresh staffing levels vary significantly by county, as do participation rates. Take Fresno and Contra Costa counties, for example.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The two counties operate their CalFresh programs in the same old-school way. The application involves three separate steps — answering lengthy questions, providing documentary evidence and participating in an interview during business hours. It takes days to weeks to complete. Neither county has a telephone-only application. And both assign interview times that may or may not conflict with applicants’ schedules.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yet Fresno County enrolls about 90% of its eligible population in CalFresh, while Contra Costa enrolls less than 60%, \u003ca href=\"https://public.tableau.com/profile/california.department.of.social.services#!/vizhome/CFdashboard-PUBLIC/Home\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">according to state data averaged across 2015 through 2017\u003c/a>. With full participation, Contra Costa County would have been expected to receive an additional $67 million in federal funds for hungry residents in 2017.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe src=\"https://e.infogram.com/88e8b621-0e6a-4530-983c-c1485995ff68?src=embed\" title=\"CalFresh participation rates in 2017\" width=\"550\" height=\"1057\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border:none;\" allowfullscreen=\"allowfullscreen\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Staffing data from the two counties indicates that Fresno has about 1.6 CalFresh workers per 1,000 people eligible compared to just under 1 per 1,000 in Contra Costa, based on state estimates of the eligible populations in 2017.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mecca cautioned that the state’s participation rate data are imperfect and don’t reflect gains made by counties over the last two years. Kathy Gallagher, director of the Contra Costa Employment and Human Services Department, also warned that comparing staffing levels is misleading because the two counties have different business models and client needs. But she acknowledged Contra Costa’s program is understaffed. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Recently, Gallagher said the county had more than 100 CalFresh interviews scheduled out more than a month, out of compliance with the state’s requirement that eligibility be determined within 30 days of an application.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>County resident Eduardo Mendoza, 66, applied for CalFresh in mid-July, but his interview was scheduled for mid-October. Until then, Mendoza said he would continue getting daily free meals at a local soup kitchen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m patient, you know,” Mendoza said. “I know I’ll survive.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mendoza became eligible for CalFresh in June after state lawmakers voted to make the program available to recipients of Supplemental Security Income (SSI), an assistance program for the elderly and disabled. The expansion made 500,000 more people eligible for the program statewide and overwhelmed Contra Costa.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For years, advocates have implored the county to upgrade technology, increase outreach, and above all, hire more staff. A \u003ca href=\"http://www.cc-courts.org/civil/docs/grandjury/Rpt%201502_Signed_CalFresh.pdf\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">2015 grand jury report\u003c/a> on the county’s underutilization of CalFresh recommended the same.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Counties pay 15% of administrative costs for CalFresh while the state pays 35% and the federal government pays the rest. Each county’s budget is also based on last year’s CalFresh enrollment rather than the total number of eligible people in a county, leaving struggling counties with limited resources to close the gap.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gallagher said, unlike Contra Costa, other Bay Area counties set aside additional money to support CalFresh to keep up with the high costs of the area. Meanwhile, Contra Costa, struggling with tight budgets and a hiring freeze, didn’t pay its full 15% share of administrative costs in several recent years, reducing the amount of federal and state matching funds it received.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think Contra Costa is in the position of many other counties that don’t have local revenue measures that supplement their property tax,” John Gioia, chair of the county Board of Supervisors, said. “Contra Costa County relies on state funding ... but the state funding is really not sufficient to do the best job.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11771904\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/09/food-stamps-photo-1-1920-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Elizabeth Ambriz, an outreach worker for the Food Bank of Contra Costa and Solano, helps a man sign up for CalFresh in a Pittsburg health clinic.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11771904\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/09/food-stamps-photo-1-1920-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/09/food-stamps-photo-1-1920-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/09/food-stamps-photo-1-1920-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/09/food-stamps-photo-1-1920-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/09/food-stamps-photo-1-1920.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Elizabeth Ambriz, an outreach worker for the Food Bank of Contra Costa and Solano, helps a man sign up for CalFresh in a Pittsburg health clinic. \u003ccite>(Anne Wernikoff/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In Los Angeles, county supervisors hoped to add 70,000 new households over two years by increasing efficiency without adding more money. If it had been successful, the Los Angeles participation rate might have grown from 69% to 80% and the county’s poor would have been expected to gain an additional $201 million in federal assistance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jiménez speaks proudly of the changes she made. The department mailed people on Medi-Cal, the state’s health insurance for low-income residents, an estimate of their CalFresh benefit if they applied. It targeted outreach to students. It rolled out a new one-and-done call center which allows some people to finish the entire application in a single phone call. It also began texting reminders to people to submit their semi-annual recertification reports. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The county processed 899,000 CalFresh applications over the two years, but nearly as many families dropped off. One lesson learned: “It wasn’t really getting people in the door that was the problem, the problem was keeping them in the system,” Jiménez said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite adding just 3,000 additional households, county officials say the program was a partial success. One reason is that the number of eligible households dropped statewide during the period because of the strong economy. Had the county kept pace with the state’s enrollment decline, over 40,000 households might have unenrolled over the two years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Also, officials say the specter of a Trump administration proposal that would jeopardize green cards for legal immigrants deemed likely to use public assistance caused immigrant families to \u003ca href=\"https://www.urban.org/urban-wire/public-charge-rule-looming-one-seven-adults-immigrant-families-reported-avoiding-public-benefit-programs-2018\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">opt out of public benefits\u003c/a>. They expect that chilling effect will grow after the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/immigration/2019/08/what-trump-public-charge-immigration-green-card-crackdown-means-for-california/\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">Trump administration announced the final so-called “public charge”\u003c/a> rule in August (California \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/2018/03/becerra-v-trump-california-using-courts-fight-administration/\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">filed suit\u003c/a> against the government days later).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What would it have taken to hit Wiener’s goal of a 95% participation rate? Way more staff, Jiménez said. “But you know, to be honest, I don’t believe in arbitrary goals.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even in Fresno, with its high participation rate, Department of Social Services Deputy Director Linda Du’Chene said her CalFresh program is “grossly underfunded.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s really about the clients,” Du’Chene said. “More funding means more workers; more workers means more efficiency in our ability to process applications” on time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Du’Chene said a key to Fresno’s high participation rate is the county’s partnership with more than 50 community organizations that help reach eligible people. Contra Costa and Los Angeles officials said they’ve had less success with outreach through nonprofits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11771906\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/09/Jerrene-Richardson_Fresno_CalFresh-800x534.jpeg\" alt=\"Jerrene Richardson, a college student, began her CalFresh application at the West Fresno Family Resource Center’s annual back to school event in August. \" width=\"800\" height=\"534\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11771906\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/09/Jerrene-Richardson_Fresno_CalFresh-800x534.jpeg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/09/Jerrene-Richardson_Fresno_CalFresh-160x107.jpeg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/09/Jerrene-Richardson_Fresno_CalFresh-1020x681.jpeg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/09/Jerrene-Richardson_Fresno_CalFresh.jpeg 1024w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Jerrene Richardson, a college student, began her CalFresh application at the West Fresno Family Resource Center’s annual back to school event in August. \u003ccite>(Photo via Jerrene Richardson)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The West Fresno Family Resource Center, a community group that helped more than 700 families sign up for CalFresh in 2018, drew over 200 families to its 17th annual back to school event in early August. Organizers kept track of attendee data like primary language spoken, ethnicity and participation or eligibility in CalFresh. Over 100 families showed a need, according to Executive Director Yolanda Randles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Despite what folks are saying about the economy being great, there are families still suffering,” Randles said. “To be able to go to the grocery store and purchase food, I can’t tell you the impact that has on families.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jerrene Richardson, a 20-year-old college student, began her application at the event. Unemployed and living alone, Richardson said she hoped CalFresh could help her move a step closer to being independent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I really want to be able to get my own food without any trouble,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Cresencio Rodriguez-Delgado is a journalist at The Fresno Bee. Jackie Botts is a journalist at CalMatters. This article is part of \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/category/california-divide/\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">The California Divide\u003c/a>, a collaboration among newsrooms examining income inequity and economic survival in California.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">CalMatters.org\u003c/a> is a nonprofit, nonpartisan media venture explaining California policies and politics.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "Pressure is increasing on counties to sign up more people for food stamps since the state’s participation rate is one of the lowest in the nation. But greater enrollment may require more money or more state intervention.",
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"description": "Pressure is increasing on counties to sign up more people for food stamps since the state’s participation rate is one of the lowest in the nation. But greater enrollment may require more money or more state intervention.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>In May 2017, the Los Angeles County Board of Supervisors set an ambitious goal: enroll 70,000 new families in food stamps in two years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Home to the state’s highest \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/publication/poverty-in-california/\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">poverty\u003c/a> rate and a growing homeless crisis, the county was enrolling just \u003ca href=\"https://public.tableau.com/profile/california.department.of.social.services#!/vizhome/CFdashboard-PUBLIC/Home\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">69%\u003c/a> of residents who were eligible for CalFresh, the state’s name for the federal food stamps program. With full participation, the county would have been expected to gain $560 million in federal funding for its poor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The social services department got to work, doubling down on outreach, simplifying the application process with new technology, and producing data-driven progress reports each month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two years later, enrollment had only \u003ca href=\"http://file.lacounty.gov/SDSInter/bos/supdocs/114141.pdf\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">budged slightly\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“At the end of the day, we only got 3,000 new (households). And that was a lot of work we did,” said Antonia Jiménez, director of the Los Angeles Department of Public Social Services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California has long struggled to get food stamps to the hungry. The \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/poverty/2019/07/california-food-stamp-enrollment-rate-calfresh/\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">state enrolled just 72% of eligible residents in CalFresh in 2016\u003c/a>, the fifth lowest rate in the nation, leaving behind about \u003ca href=\"https://cfpa.net/CalFresh/CFPAPublications/LDEP-FullReport-2019.pdf\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">$1.8 billion in federal funding\u003c/a> earmarked for the hungry. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Increased scrutiny on the participation gap has prompted a debate among state leaders over how much improvement can be gained by pressuring counties to be more efficient and how much will depend on more money for county eligibility workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California is one of only 10 states that manage the food assistance program at the county level, with a wide range of application procedures, technologies and staffing levels. State Sen. Scott Wiener, a San Francisco Democrat, said the root of the state’s participation gap is an application process that varies from “incredibly easy” to “unnecessarily complicated and onerous,” depending on which county you live in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s really all over the map and short of transferring responsibility of the program to the state, which would be politically very difficult, we should at least have statewide standards in terms of streamlining the application process and improving awareness among our residents,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A bill by Wiener would have set a goal for California to enroll 95% of eligible households by 2024, but didn’t survive a committee vote on Friday. The legislation would have required the state to oversee improvement plans and provide technical assistance to the state’s 58 counties, while counties would be required to offer applications entirely over the phone. But it included no money for eligibility workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe src=\"https://e.infogram.com/0d401842-3020-4e81-9f47-76fc721d444c?src=embed\" title=\"CalFresh access by county\" width=\"739\" height=\"1575\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border:none;\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the experience in Los Angeles and other counties suggest, however, increasing efficiency alone may not be enough to achieve the state’s goal. County and state officials, including Wiener, say more state funding is needed. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state’s 2019-2020 budget to administer CalFresh was $639 million. Kimberley Johnson, the newly appointed director of the California Department of Social Services, said she will revisit the way CalFresh is funded in next year’s budget.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s one of our huge safety net programs that we know makes a difference at disrupting poverty and that’s critical, so it’s certainly a priority of ours,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The demand for increased funding comes even though California already spends more on administrative costs for food stamp programs than nearly every other state, according to a recent federal \u003ca href=\"https://fns-prod.azureedge.net/sites/default/files/media/file/SNAP-State-Variation-Admin-Costs-FullReport.pdf\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">study\u003c/a>. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Each California food stamp case cost $808 to administer in 2016, compared to the national average of $348. The study also found that states in which counties run the program spent 24% more per case than other states, after controlling for economic, demographic and policy differences. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Frank Mecca, executive director of the County Welfare Directors Association of California, said California is simply a much more expensive place to do business. “California is one of the highest cost places in the country,” he said. “Our salaries are higher, the cost of living is higher, workers get more humane benefits.” \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mecca also said the state estimate that each CalFresh eligibility worker should cost $58.27 per hour, including salaries, benefits and overhead costs, is out of date. The association calculates that counties currently pay about $105 per hour.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CalFresh staffing levels vary significantly by county, as do participation rates. Take Fresno and Contra Costa counties, for example.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The two counties operate their CalFresh programs in the same old-school way. The application involves three separate steps — answering lengthy questions, providing documentary evidence and participating in an interview during business hours. It takes days to weeks to complete. Neither county has a telephone-only application. And both assign interview times that may or may not conflict with applicants’ schedules.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yet Fresno County enrolls about 90% of its eligible population in CalFresh, while Contra Costa enrolls less than 60%, \u003ca href=\"https://public.tableau.com/profile/california.department.of.social.services#!/vizhome/CFdashboard-PUBLIC/Home\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">according to state data averaged across 2015 through 2017\u003c/a>. With full participation, Contra Costa County would have been expected to receive an additional $67 million in federal funds for hungry residents in 2017.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe src=\"https://e.infogram.com/88e8b621-0e6a-4530-983c-c1485995ff68?src=embed\" title=\"CalFresh participation rates in 2017\" width=\"550\" height=\"1057\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border:none;\" allowfullscreen=\"allowfullscreen\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Staffing data from the two counties indicates that Fresno has about 1.6 CalFresh workers per 1,000 people eligible compared to just under 1 per 1,000 in Contra Costa, based on state estimates of the eligible populations in 2017.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mecca cautioned that the state’s participation rate data are imperfect and don’t reflect gains made by counties over the last two years. Kathy Gallagher, director of the Contra Costa Employment and Human Services Department, also warned that comparing staffing levels is misleading because the two counties have different business models and client needs. But she acknowledged Contra Costa’s program is understaffed. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Recently, Gallagher said the county had more than 100 CalFresh interviews scheduled out more than a month, out of compliance with the state’s requirement that eligibility be determined within 30 days of an application.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>County resident Eduardo Mendoza, 66, applied for CalFresh in mid-July, but his interview was scheduled for mid-October. Until then, Mendoza said he would continue getting daily free meals at a local soup kitchen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m patient, you know,” Mendoza said. “I know I’ll survive.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mendoza became eligible for CalFresh in June after state lawmakers voted to make the program available to recipients of Supplemental Security Income (SSI), an assistance program for the elderly and disabled. The expansion made 500,000 more people eligible for the program statewide and overwhelmed Contra Costa.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For years, advocates have implored the county to upgrade technology, increase outreach, and above all, hire more staff. A \u003ca href=\"http://www.cc-courts.org/civil/docs/grandjury/Rpt%201502_Signed_CalFresh.pdf\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">2015 grand jury report\u003c/a> on the county’s underutilization of CalFresh recommended the same.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Counties pay 15% of administrative costs for CalFresh while the state pays 35% and the federal government pays the rest. Each county’s budget is also based on last year’s CalFresh enrollment rather than the total number of eligible people in a county, leaving struggling counties with limited resources to close the gap.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gallagher said, unlike Contra Costa, other Bay Area counties set aside additional money to support CalFresh to keep up with the high costs of the area. Meanwhile, Contra Costa, struggling with tight budgets and a hiring freeze, didn’t pay its full 15% share of administrative costs in several recent years, reducing the amount of federal and state matching funds it received.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think Contra Costa is in the position of many other counties that don’t have local revenue measures that supplement their property tax,” John Gioia, chair of the county Board of Supervisors, said. “Contra Costa County relies on state funding ... but the state funding is really not sufficient to do the best job.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11771904\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/09/food-stamps-photo-1-1920-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Elizabeth Ambriz, an outreach worker for the Food Bank of Contra Costa and Solano, helps a man sign up for CalFresh in a Pittsburg health clinic.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11771904\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/09/food-stamps-photo-1-1920-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/09/food-stamps-photo-1-1920-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/09/food-stamps-photo-1-1920-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/09/food-stamps-photo-1-1920-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/09/food-stamps-photo-1-1920.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Elizabeth Ambriz, an outreach worker for the Food Bank of Contra Costa and Solano, helps a man sign up for CalFresh in a Pittsburg health clinic. \u003ccite>(Anne Wernikoff/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In Los Angeles, county supervisors hoped to add 70,000 new households over two years by increasing efficiency without adding more money. If it had been successful, the Los Angeles participation rate might have grown from 69% to 80% and the county’s poor would have been expected to gain an additional $201 million in federal assistance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jiménez speaks proudly of the changes she made. The department mailed people on Medi-Cal, the state’s health insurance for low-income residents, an estimate of their CalFresh benefit if they applied. It targeted outreach to students. It rolled out a new one-and-done call center which allows some people to finish the entire application in a single phone call. It also began texting reminders to people to submit their semi-annual recertification reports. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The county processed 899,000 CalFresh applications over the two years, but nearly as many families dropped off. One lesson learned: “It wasn’t really getting people in the door that was the problem, the problem was keeping them in the system,” Jiménez said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite adding just 3,000 additional households, county officials say the program was a partial success. One reason is that the number of eligible households dropped statewide during the period because of the strong economy. Had the county kept pace with the state’s enrollment decline, over 40,000 households might have unenrolled over the two years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Also, officials say the specter of a Trump administration proposal that would jeopardize green cards for legal immigrants deemed likely to use public assistance caused immigrant families to \u003ca href=\"https://www.urban.org/urban-wire/public-charge-rule-looming-one-seven-adults-immigrant-families-reported-avoiding-public-benefit-programs-2018\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">opt out of public benefits\u003c/a>. They expect that chilling effect will grow after the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/immigration/2019/08/what-trump-public-charge-immigration-green-card-crackdown-means-for-california/\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">Trump administration announced the final so-called “public charge”\u003c/a> rule in August (California \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/2018/03/becerra-v-trump-california-using-courts-fight-administration/\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">filed suit\u003c/a> against the government days later).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What would it have taken to hit Wiener’s goal of a 95% participation rate? Way more staff, Jiménez said. “But you know, to be honest, I don’t believe in arbitrary goals.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even in Fresno, with its high participation rate, Department of Social Services Deputy Director Linda Du’Chene said her CalFresh program is “grossly underfunded.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s really about the clients,” Du’Chene said. “More funding means more workers; more workers means more efficiency in our ability to process applications” on time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Du’Chene said a key to Fresno’s high participation rate is the county’s partnership with more than 50 community organizations that help reach eligible people. Contra Costa and Los Angeles officials said they’ve had less success with outreach through nonprofits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11771906\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/09/Jerrene-Richardson_Fresno_CalFresh-800x534.jpeg\" alt=\"Jerrene Richardson, a college student, began her CalFresh application at the West Fresno Family Resource Center’s annual back to school event in August. \" width=\"800\" height=\"534\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11771906\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/09/Jerrene-Richardson_Fresno_CalFresh-800x534.jpeg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/09/Jerrene-Richardson_Fresno_CalFresh-160x107.jpeg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/09/Jerrene-Richardson_Fresno_CalFresh-1020x681.jpeg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/09/Jerrene-Richardson_Fresno_CalFresh.jpeg 1024w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Jerrene Richardson, a college student, began her CalFresh application at the West Fresno Family Resource Center’s annual back to school event in August. \u003ccite>(Photo via Jerrene Richardson)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The West Fresno Family Resource Center, a community group that helped more than 700 families sign up for CalFresh in 2018, drew over 200 families to its 17th annual back to school event in early August. Organizers kept track of attendee data like primary language spoken, ethnicity and participation or eligibility in CalFresh. Over 100 families showed a need, according to Executive Director Yolanda Randles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Despite what folks are saying about the economy being great, there are families still suffering,” Randles said. “To be able to go to the grocery store and purchase food, I can’t tell you the impact that has on families.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jerrene Richardson, a 20-year-old college student, began her application at the event. Unemployed and living alone, Richardson said she hoped CalFresh could help her move a step closer to being independent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I really want to be able to get my own food without any trouble,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Cresencio Rodriguez-Delgado is a journalist at The Fresno Bee. Jackie Botts is a journalist at CalMatters. This article is part of \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/category/california-divide/\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">The California Divide\u003c/a>, a collaboration among newsrooms examining income inequity and economic survival in California.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Democratic presidential candidate Andrew Yang wants to give cash to every American each month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Susie Garza has never heard of Yang. But since February, she’s been getting $500 a month from a nonprofit in Stockton, as part of an experiment that offers something unusual in presidential politics: a trial run of a campaign promise, highlighting the benefits and challenges in real time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Garza can spend the money however she wants. She uses $150 of it to pay for her cellphone and another $100 or so to pay off her dog’s veterinarian bills. She spends the rest on her two grandsons now that she can afford to buy them birthday presents online and let them get the big bag of chips at the 7-Eleven.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve never been able to do that. I thought it was just the coolest thing,” said Garza, who is unemployed and previously was addicted to drugs, though she said she has been sober for 18 years following a stint in prison. “I like it because I feel more independent, like I’m in charge. I really have something that’s my own.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation=\"Susie Garza, Stockton resident\"]‘I like it because I feel more independent, like I’m in charge. I really have something that’s my own.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Garza is part of an experiment testing the impact of “universal basic income,” an old idea getting new life thanks to the 2020 presidential race, although Stockton’s project is an independent one and has no connection to any presidential race.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yang, a tech entrepreneur, has anchored his long-shot bid with a proposal to give $1,000 in cash to every American, saying the payments will shield workers from the pain of certain job losses caused by automation. The idea has helped him win unexpected support, and even muscle out some better-known candidates from the debate stages. His proposal isn’t too far off from one by U.S. Sen. Kamala Harris, one of the top contenders for the Democratic nomination, who has a proposal to give up to $500 a month to working families.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stockton, once known as the foreclosure capital of the country and for one of the nation’s largest municipal bankruptcies, is a step ahead of both candidates. In February, the city launched the Stockton Economic Empowerment Demonstration, a pilot program spearheaded by a new mayor and financed in part by a nonprofit led by Facebook co-founder Chris Hughes. The city chose 125 people who live in census tracts at or below the city’s median household income of $46,033. They get the money on a debit card on the 15th of each month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think poverty is immoral, I think it is antiquated and I think it shouldn’t exist,” said Michael Tubbs, the city’s 29-year-old Democratic mayor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tubbs’ personal story includes a cousin who was killed, a father who is in prison and a mother who, as a teenager, raised him with the help of multiple jobs. He found his way to Stanford and public service, where he persuaded his beleaguered city to sign on to a provocative new idea: guaranteed cash.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stockton residents, who have elected Republican mayors for 16 out of the last 22 years, were skeptical, worried about encouraging people not to work. Tubbs said he calmed their fears by noting the money came from private donations, not taxpayer dollars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I would tell people all that time that would be upset or would call angry, I would say, well, I’m just as angry as you are, but I’m angry about the problem. I’m not angry about possible solutions,” Tubbs said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A team of researchers is monitoring the participants. Their chief interest is not finances but happiness. They are using what they call a “mattering scale” to measure how much people feel like they matter to society.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Do people notice you are there? Those things are correlated to health and well-being,” said Stacia Martin-West, a researcher at the University of Tennessee who is working on the program, along with Amy Castro Baker at the University of Pennsylvania.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside tag=\"universal-basic-income\" label=\"Related coverage\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The money has made Jovan Bravo happier. The 31-year-old Stockton native and construction worker is married and has three children, ages 13, 8 and 4. He said he didn’t see enough of his children when he worked six days a week to pay the bills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That changed when he started getting $500 a month. Now he only works one Saturday a month. He uses the other Saturdays to take his kids to the amusement park and ride bikes with them in the park.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s made a huge difference,” he said. “Just being able to spend more time with the wife and kids, it brings us closer together.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stockton officials do not release the names of the program participants. They arrange interviews with journalists only for those who volunteer to discuss their experiences.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The idea of a guaranteed income dates back to at least the 18th century and has crossed ideological and cultural lines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the 1960s and 1970s, Republicans Donald Rumsfeld and Dick Cheney oversaw four guaranteed-income experiments scattered across the country when Rumsfeld, later a defense secretary, was director of President Richard Nixon’s Office of Economic Opportunity and Cheney, the future vice president, was his deputy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The program had some hiccups, including a woman who spent all the money on alcohol and a man who went into debt buying expensive furniture for his government-subsidized apartment, according to a 1970 New York Times story. But the experiment concluded that the money did not stop people from working and led Nixon to propose expanding the program, which ultimately did not pass Congress.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since then, other studies have reached similar results. A 2018 study in Alaska, where residents have gotten a share of the state’s oil revenue every year since 1982, found the money has not shrunk the state’s labor force. The same was found in a 2010 UCLA study in North Carolina, where the Eastern Band of Cherokee Indians has shared casino revenue with its members since the mid-1990s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The latest momentum comes with the help of the technology industry, which is grappling with how to prepare for the job losses likely to come with automation and artificial intelligence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The tech connection has drawn criticism from left-leaning labor unions skeptical of the industry’s motives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We think the future of work should be defined by working people, not tech billionaires,” said Steve Smith, spokesman for the California Labor Federation, a group of 1,200 unions and a reliable ally for some of the state’s most liberal policies. “If there are no jobs available, you are pretty much stuck with your $1,000 a month check while the CEO of the tech company that automated you out of a job is being paid a billion dollars a year.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other critics note that the programs can chip away at the social safety net. Yang’s plan requires recipients to decline food stamps and some other government assistance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There’s also the question of how to pay for it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stockton’s program, giving 125 people $500 per month for 18 months, will cost just over $1.1 million. Harris’ plan, which covers working families making up to $100,000 annually, would cost about $275 billion per year, according to the Tax Policy Center. To pay for it, she says she would repeal some of the 2017 GOP tax cuts and impose new taxes on corporations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yang’s plan, which covers every adult in the United States, would cost $2.8 trillion per year. He would impose a new tax on businesses’ goods and services while shrinking some other government assistance programs. Representatives for Yang and Harris did not respond to interview requests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Stockton experiment runs through July 2020. Researchers expect to release their first round of data this fall, when the presidential campaigns are preparing for the Iowa caucuses and state primaries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tubbs says he already sees success in making the city a focal point in the discussion about the future of capitalism and the U.S. economy. But once the experiment is over, he’s not sure what’s next. He says guaranteed income would need to be much bigger — at least statewide — to really have an impact.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Garza does not know what’s next for her either. She relies on her husband for most things, and he recently lost his job. The extra $500 a month was so helpful, it left her wondering how she was lucky enough to get it — a question she posed to the program’s director.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She goes, ‘Because you’re blessed,’ ” Garza said. “And I just left it at that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Garza is part of an experiment testing the impact of “universal basic income,” an old idea getting new life thanks to the 2020 presidential race, although Stockton’s project is an independent one and has no connection to any presidential race.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yang, a tech entrepreneur, has anchored his long-shot bid with a proposal to give $1,000 in cash to every American, saying the payments will shield workers from the pain of certain job losses caused by automation. The idea has helped him win unexpected support, and even muscle out some better-known candidates from the debate stages. His proposal isn’t too far off from one by U.S. Sen. Kamala Harris, one of the top contenders for the Democratic nomination, who has a proposal to give up to $500 a month to working families.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stockton, once known as the foreclosure capital of the country and for one of the nation’s largest municipal bankruptcies, is a step ahead of both candidates. In February, the city launched the Stockton Economic Empowerment Demonstration, a pilot program spearheaded by a new mayor and financed in part by a nonprofit led by Facebook co-founder Chris Hughes. The city chose 125 people who live in census tracts at or below the city’s median household income of $46,033. They get the money on a debit card on the 15th of each month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think poverty is immoral, I think it is antiquated and I think it shouldn’t exist,” said Michael Tubbs, the city’s 29-year-old Democratic mayor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tubbs’ personal story includes a cousin who was killed, a father who is in prison and a mother who, as a teenager, raised him with the help of multiple jobs. He found his way to Stanford and public service, where he persuaded his beleaguered city to sign on to a provocative new idea: guaranteed cash.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stockton residents, who have elected Republican mayors for 16 out of the last 22 years, were skeptical, worried about encouraging people not to work. Tubbs said he calmed their fears by noting the money came from private donations, not taxpayer dollars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I would tell people all that time that would be upset or would call angry, I would say, well, I’m just as angry as you are, but I’m angry about the problem. I’m not angry about possible solutions,” Tubbs said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A team of researchers is monitoring the participants. Their chief interest is not finances but happiness. They are using what they call a “mattering scale” to measure how much people feel like they matter to society.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Do people notice you are there? Those things are correlated to health and well-being,” said Stacia Martin-West, a researcher at the University of Tennessee who is working on the program, along with Amy Castro Baker at the University of Pennsylvania.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The money has made Jovan Bravo happier. The 31-year-old Stockton native and construction worker is married and has three children, ages 13, 8 and 4. He said he didn’t see enough of his children when he worked six days a week to pay the bills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That changed when he started getting $500 a month. Now he only works one Saturday a month. He uses the other Saturdays to take his kids to the amusement park and ride bikes with them in the park.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s made a huge difference,” he said. “Just being able to spend more time with the wife and kids, it brings us closer together.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stockton officials do not release the names of the program participants. They arrange interviews with journalists only for those who volunteer to discuss their experiences.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The idea of a guaranteed income dates back to at least the 18th century and has crossed ideological and cultural lines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the 1960s and 1970s, Republicans Donald Rumsfeld and Dick Cheney oversaw four guaranteed-income experiments scattered across the country when Rumsfeld, later a defense secretary, was director of President Richard Nixon’s Office of Economic Opportunity and Cheney, the future vice president, was his deputy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The program had some hiccups, including a woman who spent all the money on alcohol and a man who went into debt buying expensive furniture for his government-subsidized apartment, according to a 1970 New York Times story. But the experiment concluded that the money did not stop people from working and led Nixon to propose expanding the program, which ultimately did not pass Congress.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since then, other studies have reached similar results. A 2018 study in Alaska, where residents have gotten a share of the state’s oil revenue every year since 1982, found the money has not shrunk the state’s labor force. The same was found in a 2010 UCLA study in North Carolina, where the Eastern Band of Cherokee Indians has shared casino revenue with its members since the mid-1990s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The latest momentum comes with the help of the technology industry, which is grappling with how to prepare for the job losses likely to come with automation and artificial intelligence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The tech connection has drawn criticism from left-leaning labor unions skeptical of the industry’s motives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We think the future of work should be defined by working people, not tech billionaires,” said Steve Smith, spokesman for the California Labor Federation, a group of 1,200 unions and a reliable ally for some of the state’s most liberal policies. “If there are no jobs available, you are pretty much stuck with your $1,000 a month check while the CEO of the tech company that automated you out of a job is being paid a billion dollars a year.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other critics note that the programs can chip away at the social safety net. Yang’s plan requires recipients to decline food stamps and some other government assistance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There’s also the question of how to pay for it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stockton’s program, giving 125 people $500 per month for 18 months, will cost just over $1.1 million. Harris’ plan, which covers working families making up to $100,000 annually, would cost about $275 billion per year, according to the Tax Policy Center. To pay for it, she says she would repeal some of the 2017 GOP tax cuts and impose new taxes on corporations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yang’s plan, which covers every adult in the United States, would cost $2.8 trillion per year. He would impose a new tax on businesses’ goods and services while shrinking some other government assistance programs. Representatives for Yang and Harris did not respond to interview requests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Stockton experiment runs through July 2020. Researchers expect to release their first round of data this fall, when the presidential campaigns are preparing for the Iowa caucuses and state primaries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tubbs says he already sees success in making the city a focal point in the discussion about the future of capitalism and the U.S. economy. But once the experiment is over, he’s not sure what’s next. He says guaranteed income would need to be much bigger — at least statewide — to really have an impact.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Garza does not know what’s next for her either. She relies on her husband for most things, and he recently lost his job. The extra $500 a month was so helpful, it left her wondering how she was lucky enough to get it — a question she posed to the program’s director.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She goes, ‘Because you’re blessed,’ ” Garza said. “And I just left it at that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>California’s investor-owned utilities are urging state regulators to authorize bigger profits for shareholders. On Tuesday, Pacific Gas & Electric, Southern California Edison and San Diego Gas & Electric are expected to tell the California Public Utilities Commission (CPUC) that investors — spooked by the utilities’ liabilities from sparking recent wildfires — demand more incentive to hold stock in the companies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ratepayers would get hit with higher bills if the CPUC greenlights the boosted profit payouts, known in finance as the “return on equity.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11742177/a-major-state-utility-pushes-to-hike-up-prices\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">asking\u003c/a> for significantly higher payouts in April, in recent weeks the utilities have scaled back their profit proposals. Those revisions come in the wake of \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11760492/california-legislature-approves-wildfire-bill-utility-customers-to-pay-10-5-billion-into-fund\">Assembly Bill 1054\u003c/a>, which lawmakers passed on an urgent basis this summer. The law establishes a wildfire fund paid for by both ratepayers and shareholders.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>PG&E, California’s largest investor-owned utility, had initially asked the CPUC to let it hike its return on equity from the current 10.25% to 16%. But with AB 1054, PG&E argues that investors are likely to accept a smaller bump in profits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Because of the leadership of the Governor and the Legislature in creating a statewide fund to cover the costs of future wildfires in California, PG&E is able to reduce its proposed return on equity from 16% to 12%,” a PG&E spokeswoman told KQED in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"The PG&E Bankruptcy\" tag=\"pge-bankruptcy\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said the change would support investments in its infrastructure and service reliability.\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11721763/pge-just-filed-for-bankruptcy-heres-what-happens-next\"> PG&E has been in \u003c/a>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11721763/pge-just-filed-for-bankruptcy-heres-what-happens-next\">bankruptcy protection\u003c/a>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11721763/pge-just-filed-for-bankruptcy-heres-what-happens-next\"> since January, shortly after its equipment sparked the 2018 \u003c/a>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11760156/report-pge-knew-about-extensive-power-line-problems-but-delayed-repairs-for-years\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Camp Fire\u003c/a>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11721763/pge-just-filed-for-bankruptcy-heres-what-happens-next\">, the deadliest and most destructive fire in state history.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Critics argue that the CPUC shouldn’t agree to the utilities’ proposals because of how AB 1054 weakens the standard for holding the companies accountable when their equipment causes fires.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“AB 1054 gives away the whole store to the utilities financially,” said Loretta Lynch, former president of the CPUC. “They’re playing a shell game with financial concepts, using the guise of wildfire risks to pump up their profits.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In testimony submitted on its behalf ahead of Tuesday’s CPUC hearing (see below), PG&E acknowledges that AB 1054 “improv[es] the credit quality and risk perception of PG&E in connection with wildfires.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But PG&E\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>also maintains that uncertainty for investors remains, including the possibility that the wildfire fund could run out of money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>PG&E’s request for a higher return on equity is part of the CPUC’s “cost of capital” proceeding, which comes as the utility is embroiled in another fight to hike rates in its General Rate Case, or GRC. California utilities are required to submit a GRC every three years to justify the rates they plan to charge consumers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"More related Coverage\" tag=\"pge\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The debate over the return on equity “is the battle behind that other battle over the rate increase,” said UC Berkeley Haas School of Business Professor Severin Borenstein. “The rate of return establishes how much revenue they should be allowed to recover. That, in turn, establishes how much they’re allowed to charge.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For PG&E customers, the utility’s efforts to increase both rates and the return on equity could cost the average residential customer an extra $360 a year by 2022, according to \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/economy/2019/08/pges-rate-increases-what-you-need-to-know/\">CalMatters\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>PG&E has the added challenge of trying to attract investors while being the nation’s only investor-owned utility that currently pays no dividend, a consistent payout that’s a key incentive for shareholders. \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The utility \u003ca href=\"http://investor.pgecorp.com/shareholders/dividend-information/default.aspx\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">suspended\u003c/a> its quarterly cash dividend after the deadly 2017 North Bay fires.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. District Judge William Alsup, who oversees PG&E’s felony \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11745625/pges-probation-sentence-judge-tells-board-to-visit-disaster-scenes\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">probation\u003c/a> for the San Bruno \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/search?q=gas%20pipeline%20explosion&site=news\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">gas pipeline explosion\u003c/a>, has \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11760306/judge-orders-pge-to-answer-newspaper-report-on-its-response-to-power-line-dangers\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">questioned\u003c/a> why PG&E was paying dividends when company officials knew it was falling behind on system maintenance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With so many factors involved, experts say figuring out an accurate payout for shareholders is more art than science.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What we’re predicting here is what it will take in additional return to get investors to still want to buy this stock,” said Borenstein. “Nobody really knows the answer to that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[documentcloud url=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/6374430-PDFA-CostofCapital2020-Test-PGE-20190801.html\" responsive=true height=800]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>California’s investor-owned utilities are urging state regulators to authorize bigger profits for shareholders. On Tuesday, Pacific Gas & Electric, Southern California Edison and San Diego Gas & Electric are expected to tell the California Public Utilities Commission (CPUC) that investors — spooked by the utilities’ liabilities from sparking recent wildfires — demand more incentive to hold stock in the companies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ratepayers would get hit with higher bills if the CPUC greenlights the boosted profit payouts, known in finance as the “return on equity.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11742177/a-major-state-utility-pushes-to-hike-up-prices\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">asking\u003c/a> for significantly higher payouts in April, in recent weeks the utilities have scaled back their profit proposals. Those revisions come in the wake of \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11760492/california-legislature-approves-wildfire-bill-utility-customers-to-pay-10-5-billion-into-fund\">Assembly Bill 1054\u003c/a>, which lawmakers passed on an urgent basis this summer. The law establishes a wildfire fund paid for by both ratepayers and shareholders.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>PG&E, California’s largest investor-owned utility, had initially asked the CPUC to let it hike its return on equity from the current 10.25% to 16%. But with AB 1054, PG&E argues that investors are likely to accept a smaller bump in profits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Because of the leadership of the Governor and the Legislature in creating a statewide fund to cover the costs of future wildfires in California, PG&E is able to reduce its proposed return on equity from 16% to 12%,” a PG&E spokeswoman told KQED in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said the change would support investments in its infrastructure and service reliability.\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11721763/pge-just-filed-for-bankruptcy-heres-what-happens-next\"> PG&E has been in \u003c/a>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11721763/pge-just-filed-for-bankruptcy-heres-what-happens-next\">bankruptcy protection\u003c/a>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11721763/pge-just-filed-for-bankruptcy-heres-what-happens-next\"> since January, shortly after its equipment sparked the 2018 \u003c/a>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11760156/report-pge-knew-about-extensive-power-line-problems-but-delayed-repairs-for-years\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Camp Fire\u003c/a>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11721763/pge-just-filed-for-bankruptcy-heres-what-happens-next\">, the deadliest and most destructive fire in state history.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Critics argue that the CPUC shouldn’t agree to the utilities’ proposals because of how AB 1054 weakens the standard for holding the companies accountable when their equipment causes fires.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“AB 1054 gives away the whole store to the utilities financially,” said Loretta Lynch, former president of the CPUC. “They’re playing a shell game with financial concepts, using the guise of wildfire risks to pump up their profits.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In testimony submitted on its behalf ahead of Tuesday’s CPUC hearing (see below), PG&E acknowledges that AB 1054 “improv[es] the credit quality and risk perception of PG&E in connection with wildfires.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But PG&E\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>also maintains that uncertainty for investors remains, including the possibility that the wildfire fund could run out of money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>PG&E’s request for a higher return on equity is part of the CPUC’s “cost of capital” proceeding, which comes as the utility is embroiled in another fight to hike rates in its General Rate Case, or GRC. California utilities are required to submit a GRC every three years to justify the rates they plan to charge consumers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The debate over the return on equity “is the battle behind that other battle over the rate increase,” said UC Berkeley Haas School of Business Professor Severin Borenstein. “The rate of return establishes how much revenue they should be allowed to recover. That, in turn, establishes how much they’re allowed to charge.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For PG&E customers, the utility’s efforts to increase both rates and the return on equity could cost the average residential customer an extra $360 a year by 2022, according to \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/economy/2019/08/pges-rate-increases-what-you-need-to-know/\">CalMatters\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>PG&E has the added challenge of trying to attract investors while being the nation’s only investor-owned utility that currently pays no dividend, a consistent payout that’s a key incentive for shareholders. \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The utility \u003ca href=\"http://investor.pgecorp.com/shareholders/dividend-information/default.aspx\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">suspended\u003c/a> its quarterly cash dividend after the deadly 2017 North Bay fires.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. District Judge William Alsup, who oversees PG&E’s felony \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11745625/pges-probation-sentence-judge-tells-board-to-visit-disaster-scenes\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">probation\u003c/a> for the San Bruno \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/search?q=gas%20pipeline%20explosion&site=news\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">gas pipeline explosion\u003c/a>, has \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11760306/judge-orders-pge-to-answer-newspaper-report-on-its-response-to-power-line-dangers\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">questioned\u003c/a> why PG&E was paying dividends when company officials knew it was falling behind on system maintenance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With so many factors involved, experts say figuring out an accurate payout for shareholders is more art than science.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What we’re predicting here is what it will take in additional return to get investors to still want to buy this stock,” said Borenstein. “Nobody really knows the answer to that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom reached a deal with apartment owners and developers Friday on legislation that would cap how rapidly rents can rise as the state grapples with a housing crisis. The deal would cap annual rent increases at 5% plus inflation, with a 10% maximum increase.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That's lower than the 7% threshold lawmakers had previously negotiated amid strong resistance from the real estate and development industries. Staff members Newsom's office shared details of the deal, which is not yet in print.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Gov. Gavin Newsom, Democratic Assemblyman David Chiu of San Francisco, and legislative leaders, in a statement\"]\"The bill will protect millions of renters from rent-gouging and evictions and build on the Legislature's work this year to address our broader housing crisis.\"[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It marks a victory for renters who say they are being priced out as rents rise, though many renters and social justice groups likely want an even stricter proposal. Democratic Assemblyman David Chiu of San Francisco, the bill's author, had made numerous concessions to the real estate and development industries to even get the bill to the state Senate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the new deal is in renters' favor by lowering the allowable rent increase from 7% to 5%, it changes the exemption for newer properties from those built within the last 10 years to within the last 15. The rent caps would sunset in 2030. The cost of inflation would be determined on a regional basis, meaning it could be a different percentage in San Francisco than in the Central Valley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposal still needs to clear the state Legislature, which adjourns for the year in two weeks. But it is likely to pass now that the California Apartment Association and California Building Industry Association have agreed not to fight it, Newsom's office said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The bill will protect millions of renters from rent-gouging and evictions and build on the Legislature's work this year to address our broader housing crisis,\" Newsom, Chiu, and legislative leaders said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">[aside tag=\"rent-control\" label=\"Related coverage\"]\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A rent cap is different than rent control, which California law bans on apartments built after 1995 and single family homes. An effort to lift those restrictions failed at the ballot last November. Backers of that ballot measure have threatened to mount another initiative if lawmakers don't act. It wasn't immediately clear if were satisfied with Newsom's proposal, which would not change that state law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California needs to build about 180,000 new homes each year to meet demand for its nearly 40 million people. But the state has averaged 80,000 new homes in each of the past 10 years, according to a report from the California Department of Housing and Community Development.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This year, lawmakers proposed a number of bills that would have addressed the crisis, but many of them failed to pass. One high-profile measure by Democratic Sen. Scott Wiener would have overridden local zoning rules to allow for more housing in some areas, including near transit. It failed to get out of the state Senate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A rent cap is different than rent control, which California law bans on apartments built after 1995 and single family homes. An effort to lift those restrictions failed at the ballot last November. Backers of that ballot measure have threatened to mount another initiative if lawmakers don't act. It wasn't immediately clear if were satisfied with Newsom's proposal, which would not change that state law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California needs to build about 180,000 new homes each year to meet demand for its nearly 40 million people. But the state has averaged 80,000 new homes in each of the past 10 years, according to a report from the California Department of Housing and Community Development.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This year, lawmakers proposed a number of bills that would have addressed the crisis, but many of them failed to pass. One high-profile measure by Democratic Sen. Scott Wiener would have overridden local zoning rules to allow for more housing in some areas, including near transit. It failed to get out of the state Senate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>A bill that would change the nature of work in California cleared a key hurdle on Friday, when it passed off the Senate Appropriations Committee suspense file and moved to the Senate floor. [aside label=\"The wide ramifications of AB 5\" link1=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11769741/is-the-gig-up-what-dynamex-means-for-the-future-of-contracting-in-california,What Dynamex Means for the Future of Contracting in California\" hero=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/AB-5-Dynamex-1020x690.jpg\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB5\">Assembly Bill 5\u003c/a> codifies a \u003ca href=\"https://scocal.stanford.edu/opinion/dynamex-operations-west-inc-v-superior-court-34584\">2018 California Supreme Court decision\u003c/a> that found workers who are performing core services of a business — like driving for Uber — must be classified as employees rather than contractors. That change would make them eligible not just for higher pay but for benefits, including disability and workers' compensation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AB 5 now exempts numerous professions from the requirement, including doctors, dentists, hairdressers and barbers. Ride-hailing companies Uber and Lyft are calling for separate legislation to deal with workers in the gig economy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If that doesn't happen, they are warning that they may \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11771081/uber-lyft-funding-possible-2020-ballot-initiative-to-regulate-gig-workers\">pursue a ballot initiative\u003c/a> for California's 2020 ballot. The two transportation platform companies, along with the delivery service DoorDash, on Thursday pledged a combined $90 million to fund that potential initiative.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Friday was the deadline for legislation to clear fiscal committees in the Senate and Assembly. Bills that didn't make it through cannot be considered until next year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Vaccine Exemption Oversight Passes Committee\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11771519\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11771519\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/RS16169_JV0A7575-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Alexis Tjian holds her 5-year-old daughter as she receives a vaccination from Etzel Rubio at Berkeley Pediatrics. Senate Bill 276 would bar physicians from charging for vaccine exemptions, and allow the state to review certain exemptions that have been granted.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/RS16169_JV0A7575-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/RS16169_JV0A7575-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/RS16169_JV0A7575-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/RS16169_JV0A7575-qut-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/RS16169_JV0A7575-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Alexis Tjian holds her 5-year-old daughter as she receives a vaccination from Etzel Rubio at Berkeley Pediatrics. Senate Bill 276 would bar physicians from charging for vaccine exemptions, and allow the state to review certain exemptions that have already been granted. \u003ccite>(Jeremy Raff/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In the Assembly on Friday, the Appropriations Committee hearing was briefly interrupted by protesters of a bill that would add state oversight to vaccine exemptions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That legislation, \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200SB276\">Senate Bill 276\u003c/a>, passed the committee, but opponents continued their protest for the rest of the meeting — forcing chair Lorena Gonzalez to read the fate of dozens of other bills over their chants of disapproval.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Currently, schoolchildren are only allowed an exemption from vaccinations if approved by a physician.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SB 276 would bar physicians from charging for these exemptions, and allow the state to review certain exemptions that have been granted. The vaccine legislation has led to contentious hearings throughout its legislative journey, and last week an opponent was \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11768991/anti-vaccine-activist-assaults-state-sen-richard-pan-posts-video-to-facebook\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">arrested for assaulting bill author Richard Pan\u003c/a>, D-Sacramento.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Paper Receipt Ban Was a Step Too Far\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11771594\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11771594\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/kevin-eckery-calmatters-800x566.jpg\" alt=\"Carol Dahmen poses with a receipt that's more than 4 feet long — for the purchase of a single item. \" width=\"800\" height=\"566\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/kevin-eckery-calmatters-800x566.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/kevin-eckery-calmatters-160x113.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/kevin-eckery-calmatters.jpg 1020w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Carol Dahmen poses with a receipt that's more than 4 feet long — for the purchase of a single item. \u003ccite>(Kevin Eckery/CALmatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Body-length receipts have come out on top ― for now. A Legislative committee voted against sending to the Senate floor \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11734654/skip-the-slip-california-lawmaker-wants-email-receipts-to-replace-paper-ones\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">a bill that would have banned paper receipts unless requested by a customer\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democratic Sen. Anthony Portantino, chairman of the legislative committee that blocked AB 161 on Friday, said some retailers use the receipts for quality control, and he noted people like to get the coupons that sometimes come with their purchase.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Legislature will consider hundreds of bills before it adjourns for the year on Sept. 13.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB5\">Assembly Bill 5\u003c/a> codifies a \u003ca href=\"https://scocal.stanford.edu/opinion/dynamex-operations-west-inc-v-superior-court-34584\">2018 California Supreme Court decision\u003c/a> that found workers who are performing core services of a business — like driving for Uber — must be classified as employees rather than contractors. That change would make them eligible not just for higher pay but for benefits, including disability and workers' compensation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AB 5 now exempts numerous professions from the requirement, including doctors, dentists, hairdressers and barbers. Ride-hailing companies Uber and Lyft are calling for separate legislation to deal with workers in the gig economy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If that doesn't happen, they are warning that they may \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11771081/uber-lyft-funding-possible-2020-ballot-initiative-to-regulate-gig-workers\">pursue a ballot initiative\u003c/a> for California's 2020 ballot. The two transportation platform companies, along with the delivery service DoorDash, on Thursday pledged a combined $90 million to fund that potential initiative.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Friday was the deadline for legislation to clear fiscal committees in the Senate and Assembly. Bills that didn't make it through cannot be considered until next year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Vaccine Exemption Oversight Passes Committee\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11771519\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11771519\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/RS16169_JV0A7575-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Alexis Tjian holds her 5-year-old daughter as she receives a vaccination from Etzel Rubio at Berkeley Pediatrics. Senate Bill 276 would bar physicians from charging for vaccine exemptions, and allow the state to review certain exemptions that have been granted.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/RS16169_JV0A7575-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/RS16169_JV0A7575-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/RS16169_JV0A7575-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/RS16169_JV0A7575-qut-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/RS16169_JV0A7575-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Alexis Tjian holds her 5-year-old daughter as she receives a vaccination from Etzel Rubio at Berkeley Pediatrics. Senate Bill 276 would bar physicians from charging for vaccine exemptions, and allow the state to review certain exemptions that have already been granted. \u003ccite>(Jeremy Raff/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In the Assembly on Friday, the Appropriations Committee hearing was briefly interrupted by protesters of a bill that would add state oversight to vaccine exemptions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That legislation, \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200SB276\">Senate Bill 276\u003c/a>, passed the committee, but opponents continued their protest for the rest of the meeting — forcing chair Lorena Gonzalez to read the fate of dozens of other bills over their chants of disapproval.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Currently, schoolchildren are only allowed an exemption from vaccinations if approved by a physician.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SB 276 would bar physicians from charging for these exemptions, and allow the state to review certain exemptions that have been granted. The vaccine legislation has led to contentious hearings throughout its legislative journey, and last week an opponent was \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11768991/anti-vaccine-activist-assaults-state-sen-richard-pan-posts-video-to-facebook\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">arrested for assaulting bill author Richard Pan\u003c/a>, D-Sacramento.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Paper Receipt Ban Was a Step Too Far\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11771594\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11771594\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/kevin-eckery-calmatters-800x566.jpg\" alt=\"Carol Dahmen poses with a receipt that's more than 4 feet long — for the purchase of a single item. \" width=\"800\" height=\"566\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/kevin-eckery-calmatters-800x566.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/kevin-eckery-calmatters-160x113.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/kevin-eckery-calmatters.jpg 1020w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Carol Dahmen poses with a receipt that's more than 4 feet long — for the purchase of a single item. \u003ccite>(Kevin Eckery/CALmatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Body-length receipts have come out on top ― for now. A Legislative committee voted against sending to the Senate floor \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11734654/skip-the-slip-california-lawmaker-wants-email-receipts-to-replace-paper-ones\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">a bill that would have banned paper receipts unless requested by a customer\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democratic Sen. Anthony Portantino, chairman of the legislative committee that blocked AB 161 on Friday, said some retailers use the receipts for quality control, and he noted people like to get the coupons that sometimes come with their purchase.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Legislature will consider hundreds of bills before it adjourns for the year on Sept. 13.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "San Francisco's First Safe Parking Lot for People Living in Vehicles Takes Step Forward",
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"content": "\u003cp>The San Francisco Planning Commission on Thursday unanimously approved a proposal to open a lot near the Balboa Park BART Station as a safe place for people to park and sleep in their vehicles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\" District 11 Supervisor Ahsha Safaí\"]‘One of the challenges of getting people out of their vehicles is this is their only asset. So if we have a space where they can store and then transition … into more permanent housing options, this provides that gateway.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The pilot program would provide space for 33 vehicles, bathrooms, showers, laundry facilities, a kitchen and eating areas. The facility would also have 24-hour security and office space for on-site services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“One of the challenges of getting people out of their vehicles is this is their only asset,” said San Francisco Supervisor Ahsha Safaí, who introduced the legislation. “So if we have a space where they can store it and then transition them into more permanent housing options, this provides that gateway.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Safaí said people would need to be referred by the Homeless Outreach Team to get a parking spot. Residents would be allowed to stay for up to 90 days, with the potential for an extension at the director’s discretion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mayor London Breed allocated $1 million to fund the project, and the \u003ca href=\"https://sfbos.org/sites/default/files/Proposed_37M_Spending_Plan.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Board of Supervisors appropriated $200,000\u003c/a> as well.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It will cost the city an estimated $500,000 to get the site ready for use by the end of this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11771302\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11771302\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Balboa_Park_BART_station_platform_1-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"The San Francisco Board of Supervisors will vote next month on whether to approve a safe parking lot near the Balboa Park BART Station.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The San Francisco Board of Supervisors will vote next month on whether to approve a safe parking lot near the Balboa Park BART Station. \u003ccite>(BrokenSphere/Wikimedia Commons)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But the space would serve only as a temporary spot. According to the plan, the center would be located at the future site of Balboa Upper Yards, a 138-unit affordable housing complex slated to begin construction in October 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"news_11761759,forum_2010101872238,news_11689446\" label=\"RELATED COVERAGE\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city’s 2019 homeless \u003ca href=\"http://hsh.sfgov.org/wp-content/uploads/FINAL-PIT-Report-2019-San-Francisco.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">point-in-time count\u003c/a> found 7% of unsheltered homeless people reported their usual place to sleep was a vehicle, but 35% were currently sleeping in vehicles at the time of the survey. This number has increased by more than 20% since 2015.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although the center would allow camping, Safaí said the goal of the program is to ultimately get people living in their vehicles into permanent housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Given this crisis, given the growing number of people living in their vehicles, not just RVs but vans and cars as well, we felt like this would be an appropriate time now more than ever,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ordinance to amend the planning code still needs the approval of the Board of Supervisors next month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If approved, the center could open as early as November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s Peter Jon Shuler contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The San Francisco Planning Commission on Thursday unanimously approved a proposal to open a lot near the Balboa Park BART Station as a safe place for people to park and sleep in their vehicles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘One of the challenges of getting people out of their vehicles is this is their only asset. So if we have a space where they can store and then transition … into more permanent housing options, this provides that gateway.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The pilot program would provide space for 33 vehicles, bathrooms, showers, laundry facilities, a kitchen and eating areas. The facility would also have 24-hour security and office space for on-site services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“One of the challenges of getting people out of their vehicles is this is their only asset,” said San Francisco Supervisor Ahsha Safaí, who introduced the legislation. “So if we have a space where they can store it and then transition them into more permanent housing options, this provides that gateway.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Safaí said people would need to be referred by the Homeless Outreach Team to get a parking spot. Residents would be allowed to stay for up to 90 days, with the potential for an extension at the director’s discretion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mayor London Breed allocated $1 million to fund the project, and the \u003ca href=\"https://sfbos.org/sites/default/files/Proposed_37M_Spending_Plan.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Board of Supervisors appropriated $200,000\u003c/a> as well.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It will cost the city an estimated $500,000 to get the site ready for use by the end of this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11771302\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11771302\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Balboa_Park_BART_station_platform_1-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"The San Francisco Board of Supervisors will vote next month on whether to approve a safe parking lot near the Balboa Park BART Station.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The San Francisco Board of Supervisors will vote next month on whether to approve a safe parking lot near the Balboa Park BART Station. \u003ccite>(BrokenSphere/Wikimedia Commons)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But the space would serve only as a temporary spot. According to the plan, the center would be located at the future site of Balboa Upper Yards, a 138-unit affordable housing complex slated to begin construction in October 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city’s 2019 homeless \u003ca href=\"http://hsh.sfgov.org/wp-content/uploads/FINAL-PIT-Report-2019-San-Francisco.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">point-in-time count\u003c/a> found 7% of unsheltered homeless people reported their usual place to sleep was a vehicle, but 35% were currently sleeping in vehicles at the time of the survey. This number has increased by more than 20% since 2015.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although the center would allow camping, Safaí said the goal of the program is to ultimately get people living in their vehicles into permanent housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Given this crisis, given the growing number of people living in their vehicles, not just RVs but vans and cars as well, we felt like this would be an appropriate time now more than ever,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ordinance to amend the planning code still needs the approval of the Board of Supervisors next month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If approved, the center could open as early as November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s Peter Jon Shuler contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"disqusTitle": "California's Section 8 Renters Face a Severe Housing Shortage. Can Lawmakers Help?",
"title": "California's Section 8 Renters Face a Severe Housing Shortage. Can Lawmakers Help?",
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"content": "\u003cp>As California struggles with a crisis in affordable housing, state lawmakers are trying to improve a severe shortage of housing available to renters who have federal Section 8 vouchers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The vouchers allow tenants to pay only 30% of their income toward rent with federal assistance to pay the rest. But most landlords do not accept tenants who pay with vouchers, saying they are too burdensome.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation=\"Reina Richter, disabled Fresno resident who has been unable to find housing with her Section 8 voucher\"]'That ‘No’ is powerful. It’s a struggle ... If I lose my voucher, [I don't know] what I’m going to do.'[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, applicants can wait years to qualify for the Section 8 vouchers and, when they do, they often can’t find housing before the vouchers expire, usually within 60 days. Last year in Fresno, roughly 17% of the 21,000 people who applied for a voucher got one. But less than half who did found a place before the clock ran out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s billed as a golden ticket,” said Alexander Harnden, a policy advocate for the Western Center on Law and Poverty. “At this point, I describe it as a ticket to last summer’s movie. If you can find where it’s playing, that’s great. Otherwise it’s just a piece of paper.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Preston Prince, executive director of Fresno’s housing authority, attributed the trouble in securing housing to multiple factors: rising housing costs, poor credit scores and renting histories, and landlords who refuse to accept Section 8 vouchers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State lawmakers are weighing two very different remedies to the problem in a state with an intensifying housing crisis that has become a pillar of Gov. Gavin Newsom’s first-year agenda.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200SB521\">One of the bills,\u003c/a> introduced by Sen. Anthony Portantino, a La Cañada Flintridge Democrat, would give landlords more incentive to accept Section 8 tenants by providing a tax break equal to 3% of the voucher’s value. The bill is estimated to cost the state $48.5 million over the next three years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200SB329\">The other bill\u003c/a> from Sen. Holly Mitchell, a Los Angeles Democrat, would make it illegal for landlords to discriminate against tenants who receive federal housing vouchers or local housing assistance. Current law prohibits landlords from several categories of discrimination including income. Mitchell’s bill would expand the law to require that landlords consider tenants equally regardless of whether housing assistance is one of their sources of income. Landlords believed to discriminate would risk lawsuits from the state Department of Fair Employment and Housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both bills are scheduled to be considered Friday in the state Assembly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Section 8 in California\" tag=\"section-8\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alongside “no smoking” and “no pets,” California landlords often write “No Section 8” in their rental ads on websites like Craigslist and Zillow.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A recent search on Zumper.com, a rental website that includes a Section 8 filter, found fewer than 1% of the more than 16,500 rental postings for Los Angeles, San Diego, San Francisco, Sacramento, San Jose, Fresno and Oakland combined accepted Section 8 vouchers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The search is even more difficult for units that are priced within the limits of Section 8 vouchers. Voucher holders must find apartments priced within the standard set by their local housing authority, which ranges from 90% to 110% of the Fair Market Rent, a county-wide number set by the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Across those same cities, a Zumper search found just one Oakland unit and two Fresno units that accepted Section 8 vouchers among a total of 770 two-bedroom listings that had monthly rents below each city’s Fair Market Rent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For the last two months, Fresno resident Reina Richter has spent upwards of five hours browsing the internet, calling landlords, and visiting apartment complexes, three to four days a week, to find someone who will take her voucher.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That ‘No’ is powerful,” said Richter. “It’s detouring. It’s a struggle.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Richter, who has dwarfism and diabetes, receives disability and supplemental security income from the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t even know how someone would have a full time job and try to find a place,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation=\"Leah Simon-Weisberg, Centro Legal de la Raza\"]'In the same way it’s unacceptable to say ‘No Jews’…, it has to be equally unacceptable to say ‘No Section 8.' '[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She worries about what will happen if she can’t find an apartment in time, before her voucher expires.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I would end up homeless. Or maybe I move in with a family member ... I don’t know at that point, if I lose my voucher, what I’m going to do.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nicknamed after Section 8 of the federal Housing Act, the Housing Choice Voucher program is the country’s largest low-income housing assistance program, helping about 2.2 million households secure housing in the private rental market. The program was created in the 1970s as an alternative to public housing projects.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, advocates for the poor say that landlords often reject Section 8 tenants based on racist or class stereotypes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s gotten so bad that it’s almost completely undermined the initial purpose of the Section 8 program in that it was supposed to allow people that were financially disadvantaged to live in high-resource communities,” said Leah Simon-Weisberg, who leads the tenants rights program at Centro Legal de la Raza in Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In the same way it’s unacceptable to say ‘No Jews’…, it has to be equally unacceptable to say ‘No Section 8.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11771041\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Section-8-photo-text-body-800x500.jpg\" alt=\"Reina Richter says applicants far outnumber the available housing in Fresno.\" width=\"800\" height=\"500\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11771041\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Section-8-photo-text-body-800x500.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Section-8-photo-text-body-160x100.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Section-8-photo-text-body-1020x637.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Section-8-photo-text-body-1200x749.jpg 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Section-8-photo-text-body.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Reina Richter says applicants far outnumber the available housing in Fresno. \u003ccite>(Craig Kohlruss/The Fresno Bee)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Landlord and real estate lobbies oppose Mitchell’s bill because they say the red tape required to work with federal agencies is burdensome and can cost money through vacancies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Greg Terzakis, senior vice president of the California Apartment Association, said it can take weeks to get inspections, which are required before units can qualify for Section 8 vouchers. He also said the federal money is sometimes late. Plus, Section 8 requires a one-year lease while some landlords prefer month-to-month contracts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Normally, renters give you an application, you run a background check, credit, say yes or no and you’re done,” he said. “But with Section 8, there’s an additional paperwork packet. You have to take it to the housing authority, once it’s reviewed they have to send you a letter telling you when the inspection is going to be.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fresno’s Housing Authority acknowledged the process can be difficult.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There may be some inconsistencies on our part. Those are things we are working on through monitoring and training. We hear them,” said Angie Nguyen, chief of staff at the Fresno Housing Authority.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Affordable Housing\" tag=\"affordable-housing\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Portantino’s bill attempts to address landlords’ concerns. If passed together, the two pending bills could represent a comprehensive solution, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Section 8 — It’s real money, it’s valid resources,” he said. “There’s really no reason not to take it. I think reminding the landlords that there’s no reason not to take it and then providing them an incentive for taking it, that’s a complementary approach.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A handful of local governments have seen improvement after passing incentives similar to those proposed by Portantino’s bill, sometimes in conjunction with discrimination bans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2016, Marin County offered up to $3,000 to protect landlords from income loss due to vacancies or property damage related to Section 8 tenants, and passed a ban on voucher discrimination.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The rate at which Marin voucher holders found rentals before their vouchers expired nearly doubled, from 30% in 2015 to 60% in 2018. Costs have been a problem, however, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://www.huduser.gov/portal/periodicals/em/winter19/highlight3.html\">HUD report\u003c/a> published this year. And rent increases in the area have prevented the housing authority from issuing \u003ca href=\"https://www.marinhousing.org/waitlist.html\">any new vouchers\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several local governments have also approved bans on voucher discrimination similar to the state proposal in Mitchell’s bill including Santa Clara County, San Francisco, San Diego and Berkeley. \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/business/la-fi-section-8-discrimination-20190618-story.html\">Los Angeles\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2019/08/13/san-jose-considers-new-law-barring-section-8-voucher-discrimination/\">San Jose\u003c/a> passed similar protections this summer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Berkeley ban, passed in 2017 has had little impact because the city didn’t invest in landlord education or enforcement, according to Simon-Weisberg, who also serves on the Berkeley housing advisory commission. San Francisco’s ban is more effective because the city attorney has \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfcityattorney.org/2018/04/12/herrera-wins-victory-low-income-tenants/\">proactively sued landlords\u003c/a>, sending a strong message across the city, Simon-Weisberg said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in both cities, online rental postings that explicitly don’t accept Section 8 vouchers abound, despite the local laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In other parts of the country, research indicates the discrimination law change has had more impact. Just 31% of screened rental ads denied vouchers in Newark, New Jersey, where a statewide anti-discrimination law has been in place since 2002, compared to 76% in Los Angeles, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://www.huduser.gov/portal/portal/sites/default/files/pdf/Landlord-Acceptance-of-Housing-Choice-Vouchers.pdf\">2018 Urban Institute study commissioned by\u003c/a> HUD. The rate was just 15% in Washington, D.C.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sen. Mitchell says that outlawing voucher discrimination won’t solve the shortage of landlords who take Section 8, but it will make a worthwhile dent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The whole point of this bill is, give me a shot. It doesn’t mandate that you accept Section 8. But it does say, stop disallowing me from even applying,” Mitchell told CalMatters’ Matt Levin and Los Angeles Times’ Liam Dillon \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/multimedia/podcasts/gimme-shelter/2019/08/podcast-how-housing-vouchers-work-or-dont-in-california/\">on this week’s episode of “Gimme Shelter\u003c/a>: The California Housing Crisis Podcast.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Manuela Tobias is a journalist at The Fresno Bee. Jackie Botts is a journalist at CalMatters. This article is part of The California Divide, a collaboration among newsrooms examining income inequity and economic survival in California.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, applicants can wait years to qualify for the Section 8 vouchers and, when they do, they often can’t find housing before the vouchers expire, usually within 60 days. Last year in Fresno, roughly 17% of the 21,000 people who applied for a voucher got one. But less than half who did found a place before the clock ran out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s billed as a golden ticket,” said Alexander Harnden, a policy advocate for the Western Center on Law and Poverty. “At this point, I describe it as a ticket to last summer’s movie. If you can find where it’s playing, that’s great. Otherwise it’s just a piece of paper.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Preston Prince, executive director of Fresno’s housing authority, attributed the trouble in securing housing to multiple factors: rising housing costs, poor credit scores and renting histories, and landlords who refuse to accept Section 8 vouchers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State lawmakers are weighing two very different remedies to the problem in a state with an intensifying housing crisis that has become a pillar of Gov. Gavin Newsom’s first-year agenda.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200SB521\">One of the bills,\u003c/a> introduced by Sen. Anthony Portantino, a La Cañada Flintridge Democrat, would give landlords more incentive to accept Section 8 tenants by providing a tax break equal to 3% of the voucher’s value. The bill is estimated to cost the state $48.5 million over the next three years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200SB329\">The other bill\u003c/a> from Sen. Holly Mitchell, a Los Angeles Democrat, would make it illegal for landlords to discriminate against tenants who receive federal housing vouchers or local housing assistance. Current law prohibits landlords from several categories of discrimination including income. Mitchell’s bill would expand the law to require that landlords consider tenants equally regardless of whether housing assistance is one of their sources of income. Landlords believed to discriminate would risk lawsuits from the state Department of Fair Employment and Housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both bills are scheduled to be considered Friday in the state Assembly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alongside “no smoking” and “no pets,” California landlords often write “No Section 8” in their rental ads on websites like Craigslist and Zillow.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A recent search on Zumper.com, a rental website that includes a Section 8 filter, found fewer than 1% of the more than 16,500 rental postings for Los Angeles, San Diego, San Francisco, Sacramento, San Jose, Fresno and Oakland combined accepted Section 8 vouchers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The search is even more difficult for units that are priced within the limits of Section 8 vouchers. Voucher holders must find apartments priced within the standard set by their local housing authority, which ranges from 90% to 110% of the Fair Market Rent, a county-wide number set by the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Across those same cities, a Zumper search found just one Oakland unit and two Fresno units that accepted Section 8 vouchers among a total of 770 two-bedroom listings that had monthly rents below each city’s Fair Market Rent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For the last two months, Fresno resident Reina Richter has spent upwards of five hours browsing the internet, calling landlords, and visiting apartment complexes, three to four days a week, to find someone who will take her voucher.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That ‘No’ is powerful,” said Richter. “It’s detouring. It’s a struggle.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Richter, who has dwarfism and diabetes, receives disability and supplemental security income from the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t even know how someone would have a full time job and try to find a place,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "'In the same way it’s unacceptable to say ‘No Jews’…, it has to be equally unacceptable to say ‘No Section 8.' '",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She worries about what will happen if she can’t find an apartment in time, before her voucher expires.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I would end up homeless. Or maybe I move in with a family member ... I don’t know at that point, if I lose my voucher, what I’m going to do.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nicknamed after Section 8 of the federal Housing Act, the Housing Choice Voucher program is the country’s largest low-income housing assistance program, helping about 2.2 million households secure housing in the private rental market. The program was created in the 1970s as an alternative to public housing projects.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, advocates for the poor say that landlords often reject Section 8 tenants based on racist or class stereotypes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s gotten so bad that it’s almost completely undermined the initial purpose of the Section 8 program in that it was supposed to allow people that were financially disadvantaged to live in high-resource communities,” said Leah Simon-Weisberg, who leads the tenants rights program at Centro Legal de la Raza in Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In the same way it’s unacceptable to say ‘No Jews’…, it has to be equally unacceptable to say ‘No Section 8.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11771041\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Section-8-photo-text-body-800x500.jpg\" alt=\"Reina Richter says applicants far outnumber the available housing in Fresno.\" width=\"800\" height=\"500\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11771041\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Section-8-photo-text-body-800x500.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Section-8-photo-text-body-160x100.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Section-8-photo-text-body-1020x637.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Section-8-photo-text-body-1200x749.jpg 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Section-8-photo-text-body.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Reina Richter says applicants far outnumber the available housing in Fresno. \u003ccite>(Craig Kohlruss/The Fresno Bee)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Landlord and real estate lobbies oppose Mitchell’s bill because they say the red tape required to work with federal agencies is burdensome and can cost money through vacancies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Greg Terzakis, senior vice president of the California Apartment Association, said it can take weeks to get inspections, which are required before units can qualify for Section 8 vouchers. He also said the federal money is sometimes late. Plus, Section 8 requires a one-year lease while some landlords prefer month-to-month contracts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Normally, renters give you an application, you run a background check, credit, say yes or no and you’re done,” he said. “But with Section 8, there’s an additional paperwork packet. You have to take it to the housing authority, once it’s reviewed they have to send you a letter telling you when the inspection is going to be.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fresno’s Housing Authority acknowledged the process can be difficult.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There may be some inconsistencies on our part. Those are things we are working on through monitoring and training. We hear them,” said Angie Nguyen, chief of staff at the Fresno Housing Authority.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Portantino’s bill attempts to address landlords’ concerns. If passed together, the two pending bills could represent a comprehensive solution, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Section 8 — It’s real money, it’s valid resources,” he said. “There’s really no reason not to take it. I think reminding the landlords that there’s no reason not to take it and then providing them an incentive for taking it, that’s a complementary approach.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A handful of local governments have seen improvement after passing incentives similar to those proposed by Portantino’s bill, sometimes in conjunction with discrimination bans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2016, Marin County offered up to $3,000 to protect landlords from income loss due to vacancies or property damage related to Section 8 tenants, and passed a ban on voucher discrimination.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The rate at which Marin voucher holders found rentals before their vouchers expired nearly doubled, from 30% in 2015 to 60% in 2018. Costs have been a problem, however, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://www.huduser.gov/portal/periodicals/em/winter19/highlight3.html\">HUD report\u003c/a> published this year. And rent increases in the area have prevented the housing authority from issuing \u003ca href=\"https://www.marinhousing.org/waitlist.html\">any new vouchers\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several local governments have also approved bans on voucher discrimination similar to the state proposal in Mitchell’s bill including Santa Clara County, San Francisco, San Diego and Berkeley. \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/business/la-fi-section-8-discrimination-20190618-story.html\">Los Angeles\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2019/08/13/san-jose-considers-new-law-barring-section-8-voucher-discrimination/\">San Jose\u003c/a> passed similar protections this summer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Berkeley ban, passed in 2017 has had little impact because the city didn’t invest in landlord education or enforcement, according to Simon-Weisberg, who also serves on the Berkeley housing advisory commission. San Francisco’s ban is more effective because the city attorney has \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfcityattorney.org/2018/04/12/herrera-wins-victory-low-income-tenants/\">proactively sued landlords\u003c/a>, sending a strong message across the city, Simon-Weisberg said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in both cities, online rental postings that explicitly don’t accept Section 8 vouchers abound, despite the local laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In other parts of the country, research indicates the discrimination law change has had more impact. Just 31% of screened rental ads denied vouchers in Newark, New Jersey, where a statewide anti-discrimination law has been in place since 2002, compared to 76% in Los Angeles, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://www.huduser.gov/portal/portal/sites/default/files/pdf/Landlord-Acceptance-of-Housing-Choice-Vouchers.pdf\">2018 Urban Institute study commissioned by\u003c/a> HUD. The rate was just 15% in Washington, D.C.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sen. Mitchell says that outlawing voucher discrimination won’t solve the shortage of landlords who take Section 8, but it will make a worthwhile dent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The whole point of this bill is, give me a shot. It doesn’t mandate that you accept Section 8. But it does say, stop disallowing me from even applying,” Mitchell told CalMatters’ Matt Levin and Los Angeles Times’ Liam Dillon \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/multimedia/podcasts/gimme-shelter/2019/08/podcast-how-housing-vouchers-work-or-dont-in-california/\">on this week’s episode of “Gimme Shelter\u003c/a>: The California Housing Crisis Podcast.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Manuela Tobias is a journalist at The Fresno Bee. Jackie Botts is a journalist at CalMatters. This article is part of The California Divide, a collaboration among newsrooms examining income inequity and economic survival in California.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Ride-hailing companies Uber and Lyft on Thursday announced they are putting $30 million each into a campaign account for a possible 2020 California ballot initiative to regulate so-called gig economy workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Uber Chief Legal Officer Tony West said the companies will pursue a ballot measure if the Legislature doesn’t take action on its own — but he said the ballot measure isn’t the company’s first preference.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That is a reluctant second choice,” he said. “We don’t think that is the best use of funds. We don’t think that is the best alternative. We think negotiating a historic deal with the right stakeholders around the table in this legislative session is the best path forward.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>DoorDash also announced a $30 million “initial commitment” later on Thursday afternoon.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Is the 'Gig' Up?\" link1=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11769741/is-the-gig-up-what-dynamex-means-for-the-future-of-contracting-in-california,What Dynamex Means for the Future of Contracting in California\" hero=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/AB-5-Dynamex-1020x690.jpg\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gig economy companies are facing pressure to update their employment model after the 2018 \u003ca href=\"https://scocal.stanford.edu/opinion/dynamex-operations-west-inc-v-superior-court-34584\">California Supreme Court Dynamex decision\u003c/a> that changes who can be classified as an employee versus a contractor. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That decision stated that if a worker performs a core function for a business — like driving for Uber — that worker must be classified as an employee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB5\">Assembly Bill 5\u003c/a>, currently in the Legislature, would codify that ruling. The Senate Appropriations Committee is expected to decide on Friday whether the bill will advance further through the Legislature and face a vote on the Senate floor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AB 5 author Lorena Gonzalez (D, San Diego) said tech companies shouldn’t get to create their own rules for workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No company, no corporation, no type of employment is so special that they get to absolve themselves of basic labor laws,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, ride-hailing advocates point out AB 5 does contain numerous exemptions for industries that use a contractor model. Uber and Lyft have been negotiating with Gov. Gavin Newsom’s administration for legislation outside of AB 5 that would clarify their industry regulations. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>West said the state can provide a new model for gig workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have the opportunity in California to modernize the legal framework on how independent workers in the gig economy are treated,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Any new bill that would give ride-hailing companies what they want in this legislative session would need to be fast-tracked. The session ends for the year in two weeks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Ride-hailing companies Uber and Lyft on Thursday announced they are putting $30 million each into a campaign account for a possible 2020 California ballot initiative to regulate so-called gig economy workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Uber Chief Legal Officer Tony West said the companies will pursue a ballot measure if the Legislature doesn’t take action on its own — but he said the ballot measure isn’t the company’s first preference.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That is a reluctant second choice,” he said. “We don’t think that is the best use of funds. We don’t think that is the best alternative. We think negotiating a historic deal with the right stakeholders around the table in this legislative session is the best path forward.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>DoorDash also announced a $30 million “initial commitment” later on Thursday afternoon.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gig economy companies are facing pressure to update their employment model after the 2018 \u003ca href=\"https://scocal.stanford.edu/opinion/dynamex-operations-west-inc-v-superior-court-34584\">California Supreme Court Dynamex decision\u003c/a> that changes who can be classified as an employee versus a contractor. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That decision stated that if a worker performs a core function for a business — like driving for Uber — that worker must be classified as an employee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB5\">Assembly Bill 5\u003c/a>, currently in the Legislature, would codify that ruling. The Senate Appropriations Committee is expected to decide on Friday whether the bill will advance further through the Legislature and face a vote on the Senate floor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AB 5 author Lorena Gonzalez (D, San Diego) said tech companies shouldn’t get to create their own rules for workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No company, no corporation, no type of employment is so special that they get to absolve themselves of basic labor laws,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, ride-hailing advocates point out AB 5 does contain numerous exemptions for industries that use a contractor model. Uber and Lyft have been negotiating with Gov. Gavin Newsom’s administration for legislation outside of AB 5 that would clarify their industry regulations. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>West said the state can provide a new model for gig workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have the opportunity in California to modernize the legal framework on how independent workers in the gig economy are treated,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Any new bill that would give ride-hailing companies what they want in this legislative session would need to be fast-tracked. The session ends for the year in two weeks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>[dropcap]D[/dropcap]o you freelance in California? Have a side hustle? Drive trucks? Work on political campaigns? Then you may want to pay attention to a major employment fight coming to a head in Sacramento.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state Legislature is currently considering \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB5\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Assembly Bill 5\u003c/a>, which would make it harder to classify workers as independent contractors, officially codifying a sweeping 2018 California Supreme Court decision. The so-called \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/companies-beg-for-relief-from-pro-labor-gig-worker-ruling/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Dynamex bill\u003c/a>, supported by organized labor and named for the court case, has made headlines for threatening on-demand business models made popular by the likes of Uber, DoorDash and Postmates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation=\"Veena Dubal, UC Hastings law professor\"]‘It’s pretty clear that most workers in the gig economy need labor and employment law protections under California law.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this week, Lyft and Uber drivers caravaned across the state to show their support for the bill, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11770427/uber-lyft-drivers-rally-in-s-f-in-support-of-controversial-gig-employee-bill\">rallying\u003c/a> in front of Uber headquarters in San Francisco and calling for the right to unionize.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This Friday, the Senate Appropriations Committee is expected to decide whether the bill will advance further through the Legislature and face a vote on the Senate floor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AB 5 could affect some 2 million workers in industries far from the so-called gig economy or the tech sector, from general contractors to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11737567/strippers-clash-over-employment-status-in-dueling-l-a-protests\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">strippers\u003c/a>. The proposed legislation would rewrite the rules not just for workers, but also for employers, like media outlets (including KQED), winemakers, private investigators or music schools.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Does AB 5 have very wide repercussions? Yes, that’s what makes the negotiations very complicated,” said labor rights attorney Bill Sokol, who teaches employment law at San Francisco State University and is not a part of the negotiations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"related stories\" tag=\"gig-economy\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AB 5 has put Gov. Gavin Newsom, who wants to be viewed as an ally to both labor and tech, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/politics/article/Gavin-Newsom-dodges-taking-a-stand-on-14047109.php?psid=4CZ4T\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">in an awkward position.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Opposing the bill are mainstream businesses that have banded together with some in the gig economy to wage an \u003ca href=\"https://imindependent.co/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">“I’m Independent”\u003c/a> campaign against it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lobbying heavily in favor of the bill is organized labor, which wants to see gig economy workers get workplace protections, including the right to collective bargaining.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California has long led the nation on employment practices, and the Dynamex bill may be just the beginning as policymakers wrestle with updating labor codes for a changing workplace.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Everything is up for grabs,” Sokol said. “There’s no way to predict who’s going to end up with what. But labor recognizes that the American workplace they have traditionally organized — those worker relationships — have changed, and the laws have not kept up with them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>What was the Dynamex decision all about?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The state Supreme Court decision in \u003ca href=\"https://www.courts.ca.gov/opinions/archive/S222732.PDF\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Dynamex Operations West, Inc. v. Superior Court of Los Angeles\u003c/a> dealt with a same-day courier service that, to save money, had converted all its employees into independent contractors. A former employee claimed the shift was a state Labor Code violation, and the litigation that ensued ended up reinterpreting how workers are classified. The ruling established a three-part test for certifying independent contractors.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch4>The Dynamex ABC Test\u003cbr>\n\u003cbr>\u003c/h4>\n\u003cp>A) The worker is free from the control and direction of the hiring entity in connection with the performance of the work, both under the contract for the performance of the work and in fact; \u003cem>and\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>B) The worker performs work that is outside the usual course of the hiring entity’s business; \u003cem>and\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>C) The worker is customarily engaged in an independently established trade, occupation, or business of the same nature as the work performed for the hirer.\u003c/p>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Even though the Dynamex decision is already law, labor representatives say many companies have been flouting it. AB 5 would ensure that workers would not have to file suit on a case-by-case basis to seek enforcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s a whole bunch of things that they’re currently being cheated out of, frankly,” said Steve Smith with the Labor Federation. “With respect to Uber and Lyft, it’s the exploitation they subject their workers to on a daily basis. Many of these workers are not receiving minimum wage. They are misclassified as contractors when they actually should be considered employees, meaning there’s a whole host of benefits they’re not getting that they should get like everyone else.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In steering more workers to employee status, the bill would force companies to offer basic worker protections that contractors don’t currently receive, such as guaranteed minimum wage, overtime pay, contributions to Social Security and Medicare, and unemployment and disability insurance. Those workers would also be eligible for workers’ compensation, sick and family leave and would be protected from discrimination at work, none of which are currently afforded to contractors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a really important bill. States all over the country are watching to see what happens,” said Veena Dubal, a UC Hastings employment law professor, who spent several years representing San Francisco taxi drivers. “It’s pretty clear that most workers in the gig economy need labor and employment law protections under California law. … It’s vital that we have legal analysis that is clear both to businesses and workers so there’s less ambiguity.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation=\"Jennifer Barrera, California Chamber of Commerce\"]‘We have a huge group of individuals who really value their flexibility and control over their own schedule and I don’t think it has to be one or the other.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state estimates it loses about \u003ca href=\"https://doc-0o-2c-apps-viewer.googleusercontent.com/viewer/secure/pdf/5kl0815j43d7pmccu5rm1nkdu5n97vtk/k78ohtjvmpriqu94toehk5vasugk1or8/1561398375000/gmail/12954669112312320069/ACFrOgCqTnPx2m9ygcyL_K7HjnqRWqbcoV4Y7z8aWyyKuEzX_tSdhj74hCCpDeNj8FN7h9FivoRreI\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">$7 billion\u003c/a> a year in payroll tax revenue due to worker misclassification — money that could be supporting schools, roads and other public services. And by avoiding unemployment insurance taxes and workers’ compensation premiums, businesses shift the burden to the state when workers get laid off, sick or injured on the job.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These billion dollar companies can complain, but we have to ask ourselves as taxpayers: Should we subsidize their business by subsidizing their workers?” said Democratic Assemblywoman Lorena Gonzalez, a former labor organizer from San Diego who introduced the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gonzalez dismisses the idea, often touted by opponents, that Uber and Lyft will flee California if forced to reclassify their workers as employees. More likely, she predicts, Uber and Lyft will make the changes required by law because there’s a massive market for transporting individuals and goods in California, the fifth-largest economy in the world. And if they can’t swing it, then someone else will, she has said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Where do labor and business groups stand?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11769747\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11769747\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/DYNAMEX-GRAPHIC-1-800x1485.jpg\" alt=\"It's not just Uber and Lyft drivers whose jobs would be reclassified.\" width=\"800\" height=\"1485\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/DYNAMEX-GRAPHIC-1-800x1485.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/DYNAMEX-GRAPHIC-1-160x297.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/DYNAMEX-GRAPHIC-1-1020x1893.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/DYNAMEX-GRAPHIC-1-646x1200.jpg 646w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/DYNAMEX-GRAPHIC-1-1920x3564.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/DYNAMEX-GRAPHIC-1.jpg 1103w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">It’s not just Uber and Lyft drivers whose jobs would be reclassified. \u003ccite>(CALmatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Labor groups, led by the 2 million-member California Labor Federation, have united behind legislation. Their contention is that the gig economy has opened the door to mass exploitation of low-wage workers, a trend that is worsening income inequality.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But business advocates warn that the change would dramatically increase labor costs in California and have dire consequences for the state’s economy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have a completely different economy,” said Jennifer Barrera, executive vice president of the California Chamber of Commerce. “We have a huge group of individuals who really value their flexibility and control over their own schedule and I don’t think it has to be one or the other.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As for Uber and Lyft, the rideshare companies have sought compromise and held backchannel negotiations with the Teamsters and Service Employees International Union.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Their hope is to carve out a way to allow employers to grant some benefits without having to categorize workers as full employees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an \u003ca href=\"//www.sfchronicle.com/opinion/openforum/article/Open-Forum-Uber-Lyft-ready-to-do-our-part-for-13969843.php\">open letter\u003c/a>, Uber Chief Executive Dara Khosrowshahi and Lyft co-founders Logan Green and John Zimmer proposed maintaining their drivers’ freelance status but granting access to some employee benefits such as paid time off and retirement accounts. The executives, whose combined worth is over $1 billion, have also offered to form a new driver association to advocate for drivers’ interests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are public companies that tens of millions of people rely on for mobility and work,” they wrote. “If there ever was a time for new policies, it’s now.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11770516\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11770516\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/RS38761__M6A2496-qut-1-800x502.jpg\" alt='Taking care of his mother and family, Uber and Lyft driver Malik Ali calls on Uber CEO Dara Khosrowshahi to help drivers keep a living wage. \"You see one driver but you don’t see the family behind. At least give us our share. I have to work every day, because of the strict rules for the driver, which is ripping us off. I can’t afford to miss days to pay my rent. They don’t see the family behind us.”' width=\"800\" height=\"502\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/RS38761__M6A2496-qut-1-800x502.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/RS38761__M6A2496-qut-1-160x100.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/RS38761__M6A2496-qut-1-1020x640.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/RS38761__M6A2496-qut-1-1200x753.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/RS38761__M6A2496-qut-1.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Taking care of his mother and family, Uber and Lyft driver Malik Ali calls on Uber CEO Dara Khosrowshahi to help drivers keep a living wage. “You see one driver but you don’t see the family behind. At least give us our share. I have to work every day, because of the strict rules for the driver, which is ripping us off. I can’t afford to miss days to pay my rent. They don’t see the family behind us.” \u003ccite>(Sruti Mamidanna/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>On the other side are drivers like 62-year-old Ann Glatt, who joined the \u003ca href=\"https://www.gigworkersrising.org/\">Gig Workers Rising\u003c/a> movement after noticing her share of fares declining over time with Lyft. She said she was lucky to make $700 a week and would like to see changes to how drivers like herself are categorized.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Teachers are in unions. We’re not able to unionize because we’re independent contractors,” Glatt said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She added that how companies describe their drivers can be misleading.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Uber and Lyft are not transportation companies — they are platforms,” she said. “So that makes us customers and the passengers are the end user. But really it kinda just means Uber and Lyft are not responsible for basic labor standards for people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a follow-up interview, Glatt said she stopped driving for Lyft because she wasn’t able to make ends meet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>What about more traditional industries?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The impact of the Dynamex court ruling has been felt far more broadly than many Californians had expected, and AB 5 ‘s impact could be similarly widespread.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gonzalez said she’s heard from newspaper publishers who want to keep using freelance journalists and beauty salons that rely on nail technicians. Her bill has even rattled folks in the world of politics, because it would reclassify campaign workers as employees instead of contractors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Weighing in against the new rules are also representatives of the construction and trucking industries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Peter Tateishi, CEO of the Associated General Contractors of California, which represents construction firms, said the bill would disadvantage small businesses, including many women-owned and minority-owned shops, because the builders that have long hired them as subcontractors won’t be able to do so anymore.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The trucking industry has \u003ca href=\"https://www.truckinginfo.com/328560/lawsuit-challenging-california-independent-contractor-rule-dismissed\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">challenged\u003c/a> the Dynamex decision in federal court, arguing that federal laws governing motor carriers preempt the state test.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11769749\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11769749\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/DYNAMEX-GRAPHIC-3-800x1665.jpg\" alt=\"Business interests are pressing for more exemptions to AB 5.\" width=\"800\" height=\"1665\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/DYNAMEX-GRAPHIC-3-800x1665.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/DYNAMEX-GRAPHIC-3-160x333.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/DYNAMEX-GRAPHIC-3-1020x2123.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/DYNAMEX-GRAPHIC-3-576x1200.jpg 576w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/DYNAMEX-GRAPHIC-3-1920x3997.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/DYNAMEX-GRAPHIC-3.jpg 984w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Business interests are pressing for more exemptions to AB 5. \u003ccite>(CALmatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Chris Shimoda, vice president of government affairs for the California Trucking Association, says trucking has long been a career option for those without advanced degrees. About 80% of drivers in the industry have a high school education or less, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But under Dynamex’s rules, truck drivers who own their own $150,000 Class 8 heavy duty trucks may start finding it difficult to get work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We all agree there should be a pathway, especially for the blue-collar working class to rise up the economic ladder,” Shimoda said. “If there are specific things that have been abused, then what are those and how do we reconcile that through this bill?”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Will some industries be exempt?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Lawmakers and lobbyists are continuing to negotiate the details of the Dynamex bill. So far, Gonzalez has agreed to exempt doctors, insurance and real estate agents, hair stylists and barbers who hold a booth rental permit, dentists, architects, engineers and accountants out of the law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But business interests are pressing for more exemptions. Barrera of CalChamber said the organization would also like to carve out licensed occupations like court reporters and family therapists.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While Gonzalez said she intends to sort through more requests, the exemptions will need to stop at some point.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I have a driver’s license,” she said. “That doesn’t make me a business owner.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s Matthew Green contributed reporting to this article.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>CALmatters.org is a nonprofit, nonpartisan media venture explaining California policies and politics.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "A California bill threatens the likes of Uber, Lyft, Postmates and DoorDash. But Assembly Bill 5 could also sweep up some 2 million workers from truck drivers and general contractors to strippers and nail salons.",
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"title": "Is the 'Gig' Up? What Dynamex Means for the Future of Contracting in California | KQED",
"description": "A California bill threatens the likes of Uber, Lyft, Postmates and DoorDash. But Assembly Bill 5 could also sweep up some 2 million workers from truck drivers and general contractors to strippers and nail salons.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class=\"utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__dropcapShortcode__dropcap\">D\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>o you freelance in California? Have a side hustle? Drive trucks? Work on political campaigns? Then you may want to pay attention to a major employment fight coming to a head in Sacramento.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state Legislature is currently considering \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB5\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Assembly Bill 5\u003c/a>, which would make it harder to classify workers as independent contractors, officially codifying a sweeping 2018 California Supreme Court decision. The so-called \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/companies-beg-for-relief-from-pro-labor-gig-worker-ruling/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Dynamex bill\u003c/a>, supported by organized labor and named for the court case, has made headlines for threatening on-demand business models made popular by the likes of Uber, DoorDash and Postmates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this week, Lyft and Uber drivers caravaned across the state to show their support for the bill, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11770427/uber-lyft-drivers-rally-in-s-f-in-support-of-controversial-gig-employee-bill\">rallying\u003c/a> in front of Uber headquarters in San Francisco and calling for the right to unionize.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This Friday, the Senate Appropriations Committee is expected to decide whether the bill will advance further through the Legislature and face a vote on the Senate floor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AB 5 could affect some 2 million workers in industries far from the so-called gig economy or the tech sector, from general contractors to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11737567/strippers-clash-over-employment-status-in-dueling-l-a-protests\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">strippers\u003c/a>. The proposed legislation would rewrite the rules not just for workers, but also for employers, like media outlets (including KQED), winemakers, private investigators or music schools.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Does AB 5 have very wide repercussions? Yes, that’s what makes the negotiations very complicated,” said labor rights attorney Bill Sokol, who teaches employment law at San Francisco State University and is not a part of the negotiations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AB 5 has put Gov. Gavin Newsom, who wants to be viewed as an ally to both labor and tech, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/politics/article/Gavin-Newsom-dodges-taking-a-stand-on-14047109.php?psid=4CZ4T\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">in an awkward position.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Opposing the bill are mainstream businesses that have banded together with some in the gig economy to wage an \u003ca href=\"https://imindependent.co/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">“I’m Independent”\u003c/a> campaign against it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lobbying heavily in favor of the bill is organized labor, which wants to see gig economy workers get workplace protections, including the right to collective bargaining.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California has long led the nation on employment practices, and the Dynamex bill may be just the beginning as policymakers wrestle with updating labor codes for a changing workplace.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Everything is up for grabs,” Sokol said. “There’s no way to predict who’s going to end up with what. But labor recognizes that the American workplace they have traditionally organized — those worker relationships — have changed, and the laws have not kept up with them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>What was the Dynamex decision all about?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The state Supreme Court decision in \u003ca href=\"https://www.courts.ca.gov/opinions/archive/S222732.PDF\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Dynamex Operations West, Inc. v. Superior Court of Los Angeles\u003c/a> dealt with a same-day courier service that, to save money, had converted all its employees into independent contractors. A former employee claimed the shift was a state Labor Code violation, and the litigation that ensued ended up reinterpreting how workers are classified. The ruling established a three-part test for certifying independent contractors.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch4>The Dynamex ABC Test\u003cbr>\n\u003cbr>\u003c/h4>\n\u003cp>A) The worker is free from the control and direction of the hiring entity in connection with the performance of the work, both under the contract for the performance of the work and in fact; \u003cem>and\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>B) The worker performs work that is outside the usual course of the hiring entity’s business; \u003cem>and\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>C) The worker is customarily engaged in an independently established trade, occupation, or business of the same nature as the work performed for the hirer.\u003c/p>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Even though the Dynamex decision is already law, labor representatives say many companies have been flouting it. AB 5 would ensure that workers would not have to file suit on a case-by-case basis to seek enforcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s a whole bunch of things that they’re currently being cheated out of, frankly,” said Steve Smith with the Labor Federation. “With respect to Uber and Lyft, it’s the exploitation they subject their workers to on a daily basis. Many of these workers are not receiving minimum wage. They are misclassified as contractors when they actually should be considered employees, meaning there’s a whole host of benefits they’re not getting that they should get like everyone else.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In steering more workers to employee status, the bill would force companies to offer basic worker protections that contractors don’t currently receive, such as guaranteed minimum wage, overtime pay, contributions to Social Security and Medicare, and unemployment and disability insurance. Those workers would also be eligible for workers’ compensation, sick and family leave and would be protected from discrimination at work, none of which are currently afforded to contractors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a really important bill. States all over the country are watching to see what happens,” said Veena Dubal, a UC Hastings employment law professor, who spent several years representing San Francisco taxi drivers. “It’s pretty clear that most workers in the gig economy need labor and employment law protections under California law. … It’s vital that we have legal analysis that is clear both to businesses and workers so there’s less ambiguity.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state estimates it loses about \u003ca href=\"https://doc-0o-2c-apps-viewer.googleusercontent.com/viewer/secure/pdf/5kl0815j43d7pmccu5rm1nkdu5n97vtk/k78ohtjvmpriqu94toehk5vasugk1or8/1561398375000/gmail/12954669112312320069/ACFrOgCqTnPx2m9ygcyL_K7HjnqRWqbcoV4Y7z8aWyyKuEzX_tSdhj74hCCpDeNj8FN7h9FivoRreI\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">$7 billion\u003c/a> a year in payroll tax revenue due to worker misclassification — money that could be supporting schools, roads and other public services. And by avoiding unemployment insurance taxes and workers’ compensation premiums, businesses shift the burden to the state when workers get laid off, sick or injured on the job.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These billion dollar companies can complain, but we have to ask ourselves as taxpayers: Should we subsidize their business by subsidizing their workers?” said Democratic Assemblywoman Lorena Gonzalez, a former labor organizer from San Diego who introduced the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gonzalez dismisses the idea, often touted by opponents, that Uber and Lyft will flee California if forced to reclassify their workers as employees. More likely, she predicts, Uber and Lyft will make the changes required by law because there’s a massive market for transporting individuals and goods in California, the fifth-largest economy in the world. And if they can’t swing it, then someone else will, she has said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Where do labor and business groups stand?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11769747\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11769747\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/DYNAMEX-GRAPHIC-1-800x1485.jpg\" alt=\"It's not just Uber and Lyft drivers whose jobs would be reclassified.\" width=\"800\" height=\"1485\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/DYNAMEX-GRAPHIC-1-800x1485.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/DYNAMEX-GRAPHIC-1-160x297.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/DYNAMEX-GRAPHIC-1-1020x1893.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/DYNAMEX-GRAPHIC-1-646x1200.jpg 646w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/DYNAMEX-GRAPHIC-1-1920x3564.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/DYNAMEX-GRAPHIC-1.jpg 1103w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">It’s not just Uber and Lyft drivers whose jobs would be reclassified. \u003ccite>(CALmatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Labor groups, led by the 2 million-member California Labor Federation, have united behind legislation. Their contention is that the gig economy has opened the door to mass exploitation of low-wage workers, a trend that is worsening income inequality.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But business advocates warn that the change would dramatically increase labor costs in California and have dire consequences for the state’s economy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have a completely different economy,” said Jennifer Barrera, executive vice president of the California Chamber of Commerce. “We have a huge group of individuals who really value their flexibility and control over their own schedule and I don’t think it has to be one or the other.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As for Uber and Lyft, the rideshare companies have sought compromise and held backchannel negotiations with the Teamsters and Service Employees International Union.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Their hope is to carve out a way to allow employers to grant some benefits without having to categorize workers as full employees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an \u003ca href=\"//www.sfchronicle.com/opinion/openforum/article/Open-Forum-Uber-Lyft-ready-to-do-our-part-for-13969843.php\">open letter\u003c/a>, Uber Chief Executive Dara Khosrowshahi and Lyft co-founders Logan Green and John Zimmer proposed maintaining their drivers’ freelance status but granting access to some employee benefits such as paid time off and retirement accounts. The executives, whose combined worth is over $1 billion, have also offered to form a new driver association to advocate for drivers’ interests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are public companies that tens of millions of people rely on for mobility and work,” they wrote. “If there ever was a time for new policies, it’s now.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11770516\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11770516\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/RS38761__M6A2496-qut-1-800x502.jpg\" alt='Taking care of his mother and family, Uber and Lyft driver Malik Ali calls on Uber CEO Dara Khosrowshahi to help drivers keep a living wage. \"You see one driver but you don’t see the family behind. At least give us our share. I have to work every day, because of the strict rules for the driver, which is ripping us off. I can’t afford to miss days to pay my rent. They don’t see the family behind us.”' width=\"800\" height=\"502\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/RS38761__M6A2496-qut-1-800x502.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/RS38761__M6A2496-qut-1-160x100.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/RS38761__M6A2496-qut-1-1020x640.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/RS38761__M6A2496-qut-1-1200x753.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/RS38761__M6A2496-qut-1.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Taking care of his mother and family, Uber and Lyft driver Malik Ali calls on Uber CEO Dara Khosrowshahi to help drivers keep a living wage. “You see one driver but you don’t see the family behind. At least give us our share. I have to work every day, because of the strict rules for the driver, which is ripping us off. I can’t afford to miss days to pay my rent. They don’t see the family behind us.” \u003ccite>(Sruti Mamidanna/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>On the other side are drivers like 62-year-old Ann Glatt, who joined the \u003ca href=\"https://www.gigworkersrising.org/\">Gig Workers Rising\u003c/a> movement after noticing her share of fares declining over time with Lyft. She said she was lucky to make $700 a week and would like to see changes to how drivers like herself are categorized.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Teachers are in unions. We’re not able to unionize because we’re independent contractors,” Glatt said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She added that how companies describe their drivers can be misleading.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Uber and Lyft are not transportation companies — they are platforms,” she said. “So that makes us customers and the passengers are the end user. But really it kinda just means Uber and Lyft are not responsible for basic labor standards for people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a follow-up interview, Glatt said she stopped driving for Lyft because she wasn’t able to make ends meet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>What about more traditional industries?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The impact of the Dynamex court ruling has been felt far more broadly than many Californians had expected, and AB 5 ‘s impact could be similarly widespread.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gonzalez said she’s heard from newspaper publishers who want to keep using freelance journalists and beauty salons that rely on nail technicians. Her bill has even rattled folks in the world of politics, because it would reclassify campaign workers as employees instead of contractors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Weighing in against the new rules are also representatives of the construction and trucking industries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Peter Tateishi, CEO of the Associated General Contractors of California, which represents construction firms, said the bill would disadvantage small businesses, including many women-owned and minority-owned shops, because the builders that have long hired them as subcontractors won’t be able to do so anymore.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The trucking industry has \u003ca href=\"https://www.truckinginfo.com/328560/lawsuit-challenging-california-independent-contractor-rule-dismissed\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">challenged\u003c/a> the Dynamex decision in federal court, arguing that federal laws governing motor carriers preempt the state test.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11769749\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11769749\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/DYNAMEX-GRAPHIC-3-800x1665.jpg\" alt=\"Business interests are pressing for more exemptions to AB 5.\" width=\"800\" height=\"1665\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/DYNAMEX-GRAPHIC-3-800x1665.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/DYNAMEX-GRAPHIC-3-160x333.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/DYNAMEX-GRAPHIC-3-1020x2123.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/DYNAMEX-GRAPHIC-3-576x1200.jpg 576w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/DYNAMEX-GRAPHIC-3-1920x3997.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/DYNAMEX-GRAPHIC-3.jpg 984w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Business interests are pressing for more exemptions to AB 5. \u003ccite>(CALmatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Chris Shimoda, vice president of government affairs for the California Trucking Association, says trucking has long been a career option for those without advanced degrees. About 80% of drivers in the industry have a high school education or less, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But under Dynamex’s rules, truck drivers who own their own $150,000 Class 8 heavy duty trucks may start finding it difficult to get work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We all agree there should be a pathway, especially for the blue-collar working class to rise up the economic ladder,” Shimoda said. “If there are specific things that have been abused, then what are those and how do we reconcile that through this bill?”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Will some industries be exempt?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Lawmakers and lobbyists are continuing to negotiate the details of the Dynamex bill. So far, Gonzalez has agreed to exempt doctors, insurance and real estate agents, hair stylists and barbers who hold a booth rental permit, dentists, architects, engineers and accountants out of the law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But business interests are pressing for more exemptions. Barrera of CalChamber said the organization would also like to carve out licensed occupations like court reporters and family therapists.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While Gonzalez said she intends to sort through more requests, the exemptions will need to stop at some point.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I have a driver’s license,” she said. “That doesn’t make me a business owner.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s Matthew Green contributed reporting to this article.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>CALmatters.org is a nonprofit, nonpartisan media venture explaining California policies and politics.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"disqusTitle": "In California, Nearly 40% of Young Adults Live With Their Parents. Here's How They Do It",
"title": "In California, Nearly 40% of Young Adults Live With Their Parents. Here's How They Do It",
"headTitle": "The California Dream | The California Report | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>It’s a Saturday night at Patsy’s Irish Pub in Mission Viejo, a wealthy suburb in south Orange County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Patsy’s looks like a lot of other California bars in 2019 — a young woman belting off-key Katy Perry karaoke, a crowd of patrons vaping outside in a strip mall parking lot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And loads of 20 and 30-year-olds who still live with their parents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Jacob Ostheimer, 24-years-old, lives with his mother, step-father and his wife\"]'I'm here right now getting drunk with my mom... The whole family’s here.'[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m here right now getting drunk with my mom,” said Jacob Ostheimer, a 24-year old who lives with his mother and step-father … and his wife. “The whole family’s here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ostheimer, who said he was co-founding a cannabis company with his stepfather, is not alone. Statewide, roughly 37% of Californians age 18 to 34 live with their parents, according to U.S.Census Bureau data.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In this pricey part of Southern California, where the average home is valued at well over $700,000, about 55% of young adults shack up with mom and/or dad.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[My wife and I] had an apartment here for two years,” said Ostheimer. “But I was spending like 30 grand a year in rent, and I could have had that in my savings right now.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite a booming economy and sizzling job market, millennial, and now Generation Z, Californians are as likely to live at home as young Californians were a decade ago during the depths of the Great Recession.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This has, I think, surprised many of us, including myself,” said Richard Fry, a senior researcher with the Pew Research Center, who says he expected multi-generational living arrangements to decline as the economy recovered.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Clearly in certain areas rents have gone up and the cost of living independently has increased.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here’s everything you need to know about the roughly 3.6 million Californians living with mom and dad into their 20’s and early 30’s. Yes, including the sex stuff.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>The Geography of Living With Your Parents\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>California is not the only state with a high rate of young adults living with mom and dad. The living arrangement is equally common in high-cost states such as New York and Massachusetts. In New Jersey, an astonishing 46% of 18- to 34-year olds stay with at least one of their parents, according to Census Bureau data.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Looking at where in California young adults are living with their parents explains a lot about the reasons why. Somewhat counterintuitively, expensive urban cores in places such as San Diego and San Francisco actually have relatively low rates of young adults living at home, owing to the large numbers of twenty-somethings who shack up with roommates to defray housing costs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hotspots where stay-at-homers are most ubiquitous usually come in one of two flavors: affluent suburbs near the coast, or lower-income areas often farther inland and with a high concentration of Latino households.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Places like Mission Viejo, with a median household income of over $100,000, are a good example of that first flavor. So are expensive Southern California communities like Palos Verdes or Bay Area burbs like Cupertino and Saratoga, where more than half of young adults live at home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11770089\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11770089\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/GRAPHIC_1-800x576.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"576\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/GRAPHIC_1-800x576.png 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/GRAPHIC_1-160x115.png 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/GRAPHIC_1-1020x734.png 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/GRAPHIC_1-1200x863.png 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/GRAPHIC_1.png 1832w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">CalMatters and \u003ca href=\"https://esrimedia.maps.arcgis.com/apps/Minimalist/index.html?appid=b0422b74cdb442b1bdbe5d23a9835e0c\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Esri\u003c/a> analysis of American Community Survey data. For the number of young adults living at home for every county in the U.S. see \u003ca href=\"https://esrimedia.maps.arcgis.com/apps/Minimalist/index.html?appid=b0422b74cdb442b1bdbe5d23a9835e0c\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">full interactive map.\u003c/a>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>On the other end of the income spectrum are places like Imperial County, in the southeast tip of the state, or portions of Fresno and Merced counties in the Central Valley. Housing prices are relatively low, but poverty rates are high. Here, young adults are often providing essential financial support to their families.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11770145\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-11770145 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Image_2-800x513.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"513\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Image_2-800x513.png 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Image_2-160x103.png 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Image_2-1020x654.png 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Image_2-1200x770.png 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Image_2-1920x1232.png 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Image_2.png 2048w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">CalMatters and Esri analysis of American Community Survey data. For the number of young adults living at home for every county in the U.S. see \u003ca href=\"https://esrimedia.maps.arcgis.com/apps/Minimalist/index.html?appid=b0422b74cdb442b1bdbe5d23a9835e0c\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">full interactive map\u003c/a>.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“The degree of help that young people are giving their parents, particularly among Hispanics, is important to keep in mind,” said Jessica Hardie, professor of sociology at Hunter College, CUNY, who studies transitions to adulthood. “I think it’s important to think about how it’s benefitting the parents, not just the young adults.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11770146\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1675px\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-11770146 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Map_1.1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1675\" height=\"767\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Map_1.1.jpg 1675w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Map_1.1-160x73.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Map_1.1-800x366.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Map_1.1-1020x467.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Map_1.1-1200x549.jpg 1200w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1675px) 100vw, 1675px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">CalMatters and Esri analysis of American Community Survey data. \u003ca href=\"https://esrimedia.maps.arcgis.com/apps/Minimalist/index.html?appid=dfc61465833343899544bc3b3269678e\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Full interactive map\u003c/a>.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>Who are These Young People, Exactly?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Not all of them are so young. About 1 of every 4 Californians between 25 and 34 live with their parents — around 1.5 million people, according to a CalMatters analysis of Census Bureau data.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stay-at-homers are more likely to be male than female, are more likely to be a person of color than white, and are more likely to live in an immigrant household than their counterparts who have flown the coop.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Beyond the financial benefits of living at home, cultural differences in the stigmas attached to staying with parents — and feelings of obligation to family — also contribute to the trend. Nearly half of California Latinos between 18 and 34 live at home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[Hispanics] tend to have higher levels of what we call familism — high regard for family, obligations to family, closeness to family members,” said Hardie, who researches young adult living arrangements.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe src=\"https://e.infogram.com/bdda5524-e7ee-4372-bbde-18ba06cbaa7e?src=embed\" title=\"Demographics of living at home\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stereotypes of unemployed, shiftless man-children playing X-Box in their parents’ basement aren’t really borne out by the data. More than 40% of California stay-at-homers are enrolled in school of some sort, often community college. The vast majority who are not in school are working at least part time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Perhaps unsurprisingly, those who are working typically aren’t making much money. The median income for a working stay-at-homer over the age of 25 is just north of $22,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Love and Sex, with Parents Down the Hall\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Where do young Californians living at home get intimate with their partners? Some are resorting to a tried and true form of privacy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A Hyundai. Sedan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[The car] is small. Very small. Compact, really,” laughed Vicki, a 22-year-old college student who lives with her parents in the suburbs of Sacramento.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vicki and her boyfriend Logan, 25, have fond memories of a parking lot across from the football field at Sacramento State University. Vicki and Logan are pseudonyms — they requested their real names not be used for this story.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Logan also lives with his parents, which made finding a place to have sex somewhat problematic, at least early in the relationship. Vicki’s parents forbid Logan from spending the night.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So on weekdays after class, Vicki would tell her parents she would be studying late — like 3 a.m. late.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“At times it would have been more comfortable or more convenient if we could go to like an apartment or a room in general,” said Vicki. “But for a while it was fun.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Three months into the relationship, Vicki and Logan now typically get intimate in Logan’s bedroom at his parents’ place. Logan says his parents generally don’t care, or at least haven’t told him if they do. He chips in on the mortgage anyway.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a new world for both parents and children,” said Dr. Helen Fisher, a researcher on sex and love at the Kinsey Institute. “In my day, one never took a boy home. Never.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside tag=\"housing\" label=\"More Articles on Housing\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fisher said parents are generally less concerned about their adult children having sex in their house than they are about their children saving up enough money to buy a house of their own one day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And a certain type of parent might actually prefer to keep their children and their partners this close.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Some people might be pleased with it because they get to know their child in a new way, and they get to know some of the people they are going around with,” said Fisher. “They’re helicopter parents.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But even while parents are more sexually permissive than they used to be, it doesn’t mean it’s a boon to your average young person’s sex life.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s impacting their love life in an important way — they’re having less sex,” said Fisher. \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Lots of ink has been spilled in recent years on the so-called “\u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.theatlantic.com/magazine/archive/2018/12/the-sex-recession/573949/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">sex recession\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">” — why younger people are having less sex than they used to. Researchers have hypothesized explanations ranging from the prevalence of online pornography to hook-up culture and dating apps. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And while some couples like Vicki and Logan have resorted to a vehicular bedroom, their parking spot is actually the exception, not the rule. Public sex is likely down among younger adults, said Fisher.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11770026\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11770026\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Sac_State_Parking_Lot-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The parking lot where some Sacramento State students who live with their parents have sex. \u003ccite>(Matt Levin for CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>Chicken-and-egg Marriage Questions\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Lame dad jokes aside, people in long-term relationships or marriages are much more likely to be having sex than singles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Which raises a head-scratching question for those who study multi-generational households: Are young people living with their parents longer because they’re not in long-term relationships, or are they not in relationships because it’s tough to attract a partner when you’re living at home?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t know which is the chicken and which is the egg,” said Richard Fry, the Pew researcher. “The evidence is pretty clear that young adults who live with a partner or spouse don’t usually live with mom or dad. But over the last 60 years, young adults are substantially less likely to be partnered or to be married.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s high cost of living is complicating that reasoning. In south Orange County, where living with your parents well into young adulthood is relatively free of stigma, moving out is no guarantee your love life will improve.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ian Baker is 29 and works two low-wage jobs, one at a bowling alley near Mission Viejo. He moved out of his mother’s place a little less than a year ago, and hasn’t been on a date since.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Living with my parents it actually wasn't that hard to try and meet girls. Honestly it became harder when I moved out, just because of the fact that in order to move out I had to start working two jobs,\" said Baker.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Baker now pays $700 a month in rent to split a two-bedroom apartment with three roommates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The irony isn’t lost on him. But Baker takes solace in the fact that he enjoys a romantic step-up from at least one of his roommates. The one who lives in the living room.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"At least I have a door, he doesn’t” said Baker. “So I think it’s a little bit harder for him.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11770147\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-11770147 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Spouse_Last_Image-800x349.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"349\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Spouse_Last_Image-800x349.png 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Spouse_Last_Image-160x70.png 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Spouse_Last_Image-1020x445.png 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Spouse_Last_Image-1200x523.png 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Spouse_Last_Image-1920x838.png 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Spouse_Last_Image.png 1999w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Does your county have more young people living with a spouse or with their parents? \u003ca href=\"https://esrimedia.maps.arcgis.com/apps/Minimalist/index.html?appid=cdc36635a1c6488091e5e8ae1433d3d1\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Click the map for the full interactive.\u003c/a>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>The California Dream series is a statewide media collaboration of CalMatters, KPBS, KPCC, KQED and Capital Public Radio, with support from the Corporation for Public Broadcasting, the James Irvine Foundation and the College Futures Foundation.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/CADreamBanner-1-800x219.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"alignnone size-full wp-image-11768052\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/CADreamBanner-1-800x219.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"219\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/CADreamBanner-1-800x219.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/CADreamBanner-1-800x219-160x44.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Nearly 40% of young adult Californians live with their parents. How much money do they make, and how do they manage dating with parents around? Dive into the data exploring who they are, where they are and why they still live at home. ",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>It’s a Saturday night at Patsy’s Irish Pub in Mission Viejo, a wealthy suburb in south Orange County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Patsy’s looks like a lot of other California bars in 2019 — a young woman belting off-key Katy Perry karaoke, a crowd of patrons vaping outside in a strip mall parking lot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And loads of 20 and 30-year-olds who still live with their parents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m here right now getting drunk with my mom,” said Jacob Ostheimer, a 24-year old who lives with his mother and step-father … and his wife. “The whole family’s here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ostheimer, who said he was co-founding a cannabis company with his stepfather, is not alone. Statewide, roughly 37% of Californians age 18 to 34 live with their parents, according to U.S.Census Bureau data.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In this pricey part of Southern California, where the average home is valued at well over $700,000, about 55% of young adults shack up with mom and/or dad.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[My wife and I] had an apartment here for two years,” said Ostheimer. “But I was spending like 30 grand a year in rent, and I could have had that in my savings right now.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite a booming economy and sizzling job market, millennial, and now Generation Z, Californians are as likely to live at home as young Californians were a decade ago during the depths of the Great Recession.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This has, I think, surprised many of us, including myself,” said Richard Fry, a senior researcher with the Pew Research Center, who says he expected multi-generational living arrangements to decline as the economy recovered.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Clearly in certain areas rents have gone up and the cost of living independently has increased.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here’s everything you need to know about the roughly 3.6 million Californians living with mom and dad into their 20’s and early 30’s. Yes, including the sex stuff.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>The Geography of Living With Your Parents\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>California is not the only state with a high rate of young adults living with mom and dad. The living arrangement is equally common in high-cost states such as New York and Massachusetts. In New Jersey, an astonishing 46% of 18- to 34-year olds stay with at least one of their parents, according to Census Bureau data.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Looking at where in California young adults are living with their parents explains a lot about the reasons why. Somewhat counterintuitively, expensive urban cores in places such as San Diego and San Francisco actually have relatively low rates of young adults living at home, owing to the large numbers of twenty-somethings who shack up with roommates to defray housing costs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hotspots where stay-at-homers are most ubiquitous usually come in one of two flavors: affluent suburbs near the coast, or lower-income areas often farther inland and with a high concentration of Latino households.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Places like Mission Viejo, with a median household income of over $100,000, are a good example of that first flavor. So are expensive Southern California communities like Palos Verdes or Bay Area burbs like Cupertino and Saratoga, where more than half of young adults live at home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11770089\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11770089\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/GRAPHIC_1-800x576.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"576\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/GRAPHIC_1-800x576.png 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/GRAPHIC_1-160x115.png 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/GRAPHIC_1-1020x734.png 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/GRAPHIC_1-1200x863.png 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/GRAPHIC_1.png 1832w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">CalMatters and \u003ca href=\"https://esrimedia.maps.arcgis.com/apps/Minimalist/index.html?appid=b0422b74cdb442b1bdbe5d23a9835e0c\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Esri\u003c/a> analysis of American Community Survey data. For the number of young adults living at home for every county in the U.S. see \u003ca href=\"https://esrimedia.maps.arcgis.com/apps/Minimalist/index.html?appid=b0422b74cdb442b1bdbe5d23a9835e0c\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">full interactive map.\u003c/a>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>On the other end of the income spectrum are places like Imperial County, in the southeast tip of the state, or portions of Fresno and Merced counties in the Central Valley. Housing prices are relatively low, but poverty rates are high. Here, young adults are often providing essential financial support to their families.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11770145\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-11770145 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Image_2-800x513.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"513\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Image_2-800x513.png 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Image_2-160x103.png 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Image_2-1020x654.png 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Image_2-1200x770.png 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Image_2-1920x1232.png 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Image_2.png 2048w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">CalMatters and Esri analysis of American Community Survey data. For the number of young adults living at home for every county in the U.S. see \u003ca href=\"https://esrimedia.maps.arcgis.com/apps/Minimalist/index.html?appid=b0422b74cdb442b1bdbe5d23a9835e0c\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">full interactive map\u003c/a>.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“The degree of help that young people are giving their parents, particularly among Hispanics, is important to keep in mind,” said Jessica Hardie, professor of sociology at Hunter College, CUNY, who studies transitions to adulthood. “I think it’s important to think about how it’s benefitting the parents, not just the young adults.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11770146\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1675px\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-11770146 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Map_1.1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1675\" height=\"767\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Map_1.1.jpg 1675w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Map_1.1-160x73.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Map_1.1-800x366.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Map_1.1-1020x467.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Map_1.1-1200x549.jpg 1200w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1675px) 100vw, 1675px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">CalMatters and Esri analysis of American Community Survey data. \u003ca href=\"https://esrimedia.maps.arcgis.com/apps/Minimalist/index.html?appid=dfc61465833343899544bc3b3269678e\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Full interactive map\u003c/a>.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>Who are These Young People, Exactly?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Not all of them are so young. About 1 of every 4 Californians between 25 and 34 live with their parents — around 1.5 million people, according to a CalMatters analysis of Census Bureau data.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stay-at-homers are more likely to be male than female, are more likely to be a person of color than white, and are more likely to live in an immigrant household than their counterparts who have flown the coop.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Beyond the financial benefits of living at home, cultural differences in the stigmas attached to staying with parents — and feelings of obligation to family — also contribute to the trend. Nearly half of California Latinos between 18 and 34 live at home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[Hispanics] tend to have higher levels of what we call familism — high regard for family, obligations to family, closeness to family members,” said Hardie, who researches young adult living arrangements.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe src=\"https://e.infogram.com/bdda5524-e7ee-4372-bbde-18ba06cbaa7e?src=embed\" title=\"Demographics of living at home\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stereotypes of unemployed, shiftless man-children playing X-Box in their parents’ basement aren’t really borne out by the data. More than 40% of California stay-at-homers are enrolled in school of some sort, often community college. The vast majority who are not in school are working at least part time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Perhaps unsurprisingly, those who are working typically aren’t making much money. The median income for a working stay-at-homer over the age of 25 is just north of $22,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Love and Sex, with Parents Down the Hall\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Where do young Californians living at home get intimate with their partners? Some are resorting to a tried and true form of privacy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A Hyundai. Sedan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[The car] is small. Very small. Compact, really,” laughed Vicki, a 22-year-old college student who lives with her parents in the suburbs of Sacramento.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vicki and her boyfriend Logan, 25, have fond memories of a parking lot across from the football field at Sacramento State University. Vicki and Logan are pseudonyms — they requested their real names not be used for this story.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Logan also lives with his parents, which made finding a place to have sex somewhat problematic, at least early in the relationship. Vicki’s parents forbid Logan from spending the night.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So on weekdays after class, Vicki would tell her parents she would be studying late — like 3 a.m. late.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“At times it would have been more comfortable or more convenient if we could go to like an apartment or a room in general,” said Vicki. “But for a while it was fun.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Three months into the relationship, Vicki and Logan now typically get intimate in Logan’s bedroom at his parents’ place. Logan says his parents generally don’t care, or at least haven’t told him if they do. He chips in on the mortgage anyway.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a new world for both parents and children,” said Dr. Helen Fisher, a researcher on sex and love at the Kinsey Institute. “In my day, one never took a boy home. Never.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fisher said parents are generally less concerned about their adult children having sex in their house than they are about their children saving up enough money to buy a house of their own one day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And a certain type of parent might actually prefer to keep their children and their partners this close.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Some people might be pleased with it because they get to know their child in a new way, and they get to know some of the people they are going around with,” said Fisher. “They’re helicopter parents.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But even while parents are more sexually permissive than they used to be, it doesn’t mean it’s a boon to your average young person’s sex life.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s impacting their love life in an important way — they’re having less sex,” said Fisher. \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Lots of ink has been spilled in recent years on the so-called “\u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.theatlantic.com/magazine/archive/2018/12/the-sex-recession/573949/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">sex recession\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">” — why younger people are having less sex than they used to. Researchers have hypothesized explanations ranging from the prevalence of online pornography to hook-up culture and dating apps. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And while some couples like Vicki and Logan have resorted to a vehicular bedroom, their parking spot is actually the exception, not the rule. Public sex is likely down among younger adults, said Fisher.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11770026\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11770026\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Sac_State_Parking_Lot-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The parking lot where some Sacramento State students who live with their parents have sex. \u003ccite>(Matt Levin for CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>Chicken-and-egg Marriage Questions\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Lame dad jokes aside, people in long-term relationships or marriages are much more likely to be having sex than singles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Which raises a head-scratching question for those who study multi-generational households: Are young people living with their parents longer because they’re not in long-term relationships, or are they not in relationships because it’s tough to attract a partner when you’re living at home?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t know which is the chicken and which is the egg,” said Richard Fry, the Pew researcher. “The evidence is pretty clear that young adults who live with a partner or spouse don’t usually live with mom or dad. But over the last 60 years, young adults are substantially less likely to be partnered or to be married.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s high cost of living is complicating that reasoning. In south Orange County, where living with your parents well into young adulthood is relatively free of stigma, moving out is no guarantee your love life will improve.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ian Baker is 29 and works two low-wage jobs, one at a bowling alley near Mission Viejo. He moved out of his mother’s place a little less than a year ago, and hasn’t been on a date since.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Living with my parents it actually wasn't that hard to try and meet girls. Honestly it became harder when I moved out, just because of the fact that in order to move out I had to start working two jobs,\" said Baker.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Baker now pays $700 a month in rent to split a two-bedroom apartment with three roommates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The irony isn’t lost on him. But Baker takes solace in the fact that he enjoys a romantic step-up from at least one of his roommates. The one who lives in the living room.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"At least I have a door, he doesn’t” said Baker. “So I think it’s a little bit harder for him.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11770147\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-11770147 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Spouse_Last_Image-800x349.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"349\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Spouse_Last_Image-800x349.png 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Spouse_Last_Image-160x70.png 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Spouse_Last_Image-1020x445.png 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Spouse_Last_Image-1200x523.png 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Spouse_Last_Image-1920x838.png 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/Spouse_Last_Image.png 1999w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Does your county have more young people living with a spouse or with their parents? \u003ca href=\"https://esrimedia.maps.arcgis.com/apps/Minimalist/index.html?appid=cdc36635a1c6488091e5e8ae1433d3d1\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Click the map for the full interactive.\u003c/a>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>The California Dream series is a statewide media collaboration of CalMatters, KPBS, KPCC, KQED and Capital Public Radio, with support from the Corporation for Public Broadcasting, the James Irvine Foundation and the College Futures Foundation.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/CADreamBanner-1-800x219.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"alignnone size-full wp-image-11768052\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/CADreamBanner-1-800x219.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"219\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/CADreamBanner-1-800x219.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/CADreamBanner-1-800x219-160x44.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"disqusTitle": "Trump Says He Has Second Thoughts on China Tariffs; White House Says He Does Not",
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"content": "\u003cp>President Trump is meeting with his counterparts at the G-7 summit in France, where he walked back previous \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11769794/trump-increases-tariffs-on-goods-from-china-orders-u-s-companies-to-cut-ties-with-the-country\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">statements\u003c/a> on trade with China.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Friday, Trump hiked tariffs on Chinese imports and threatened to invoke a \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/statuses/1165111122510237696\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">1977 act\u003c/a> authorizing the president emergency powers to force U.S. businesses out of China.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Sunday in Biarritz, France, Trump affirmed that he has the right to force American companies out of China but said, \"I have no plan right now. Actually, we're getting along very well with China right now. We're talking.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Asked if he had second thoughts about tariffs on Chinese goods, Trump said, \"Yeah, sure, why not? Might as well. Might as well. I have second thoughts about everything.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He also told reporters that allies were not pressuring him on trade with China. \"I think they respect the trade war,\" Trump said. \"I can't say what they've been doing to the U.K. and to other places, but from the standpoint of the United States, what [China] has done is outrageous.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About five hours after Trump's statements, White House press secretary Stephanie Grisham said reporters were misinterpreting them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"This morning in the bilat with the UK, the President was asked if he had 'any second thought on escalating the trade war with China'. His answer has been greatly misinterpreted. President Trump responded in the affirmative - because he regrets not raising the tariffs higher,\" Grisham said in a statement emailed to reporters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The G-7 summit is a meeting of the world's biggest economic powers, including the United States, Germany, France, Japan, Italy, Canada and the United Kingdom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump met Sunday with Britain's new prime minister, Boris Johnson, who says he will withdraw Britain from the European Union by the scheduled date of Oct. 31, with or without an agreement with the EU.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A trade deal with the U.S. would replace weakening trade ties with the EU and attempt to shore up Britain's economy. Trump called Johnson \"the right man\" to deliver Brexit and said he planned to form \"a very big trade deal\" with Britain.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Sunday, Trump also said he is working on \"a very big deal\" with Japan, saying, \"It will be one of the biggest deals we've ever made with Japan.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Iranian Foreign Minister Mohammad Javad Zarif arrived in Biarritz on Sunday, but his spokesman said he did not plan to meet with U.S. officials. NPR's Jake Cigainero reports that French officials say Zarif was invited to meet with his French counterpart, Jean-Yves Le Drian, after meeting with President Emmanuel Macron in Paris just days ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Macron has tried to take the diplomatic lead in saving the 2015 Iran nuclear agreement, which Trump pulled the U.S. out of in 2018. Tensions between the U.S. and Iran have risen in recent years over Iran's nuclear program and its role in Syria and other conflicts in the Middle East.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2019 NPR. To see more, visit https://www.npr.org.\u003cimg src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=Trump+Walks+Back+Statements+On+China%3B+White+House+Walks+Them+Forward&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\n",
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"link": "/californiareportmagazine",
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM3NjkwNjk1OTAz",
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},
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"info": "A one-hour radio program to hear celebrated writers, artists and thinkers address contemporary ideas and values, often discussing the creative process. Please note: tapes or transcripts are not available",
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"airtime": "SUN 1pm-2pm, TUE 10pm, WED 1am",
"meta": {
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"source": "City Arts & Lectures"
},
"link": "https://www.cityarts.net",
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"rss": "https://www.cityarts.net/feed/"
}
},
"closealltabs": {
"id": "closealltabs",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/closealltabs",
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"order": 1
},
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"id": "code-switch-life-kit",
"title": "Code Switch / Life Kit",
"info": "\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em>, which listeners will hear in the first part of the hour, has fearless and much-needed conversations about race. Hosted by journalists of color, the show tackles the subject of race head-on, exploring how it impacts every part of society — from politics and pop culture to history, sports and more.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em>, which will be in the second part of the hour, guides you through spaces and feelings no one prepares you for — from finances to mental health, from workplace microaggressions to imposter syndrome, from relationships to parenting. The show features experts with real world experience and shares their knowledge. Because everyone needs a little help being human.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/podcasts/510312/codeswitch\">\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/lifekit\">\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />",
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"id": "commonwealth-club",
"title": "Commonwealth Club of California Podcast",
"info": "The Commonwealth Club of California is the nation's oldest and largest public affairs forum. As a non-partisan forum, The Club brings to the public airwaves diverse viewpoints on important topics. The Club's weekly radio broadcast - the oldest in the U.S., dating back to 1924 - is carried across the nation on public radio stations and is now podcasting. Our website archive features audio of our recent programs, as well as selected speeches from our long and distinguished history. This podcast feed is usually updated twice a week and is always un-edited.",
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"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Commonwealth-Club-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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"meta": {
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"source": "Commonwealth Club of California"
},
"link": "/radio/program/commonwealth-club",
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cDovL3d3dy5jb21tb253ZWFsdGhjbHViLm9yZy9hdWRpby9wb2RjYXN0L3dlZWtseS54bWw",
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"id": "forum",
"title": "Forum",
"tagline": "The conversation starts here",
"info": "KQED’s live call-in program discussing local, state, national and international issues, as well as in-depth interviews.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 9am-11am, 10pm-11pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Forum-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED Forum with Mina Kim and Alexis Madrigal",
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 9
},
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM5NTU3MzgxNjMz",
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"meta": {
"site": "radio",
"source": "WNYC"
},
"link": "/radio/program/freakonomics-radio",
"subscribe": {
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/freakonomics-radio/id354668519",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/podcasts/WNYC-Podcasts/Freakonomics-Radio-p272293/",
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},
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"id": "fresh-air",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/WebObjects/MZStore.woa/wa/viewPodcast?s=143441&mt=2&id=214089682&at=11l79Y&ct=nprdirectory",
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"info": "A live production of NPR and WBUR Boston, in collaboration with stations across the country, Here & Now reflects the fluid world of news as it's happening in the middle of the day, with timely, in-depth news, interviews and conversation. Hosted by Robin Young, Jeremy Hobson and Tonya Mosley.",
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},
"hidden-brain": {
"id": "hidden-brain",
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"info": "Shankar Vedantam uses science and storytelling to reveal the unconscious patterns that drive human behavior, shape our choices and direct our relationships.",
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"airtime": "SUN 7pm-8pm",
"meta": {
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"source": "NPR"
},
"link": "/radio/program/hidden-brain",
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"how-i-built-this": {
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"title": "How I Built This with Guy Raz",
"info": "Guy Raz dives into the stories behind some of the world's best known companies. How I Built This weaves a narrative journey about innovators, entrepreneurs and idealists—and the movements they built.",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/podcasts/510313/how-i-built-this",
"airtime": "SUN 7:30pm-8pm",
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},
"link": "/radio/program/how-i-built-this",
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"npr": "https://rpb3r.app.goo.gl/3zxy",
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/how-i-built-this-with-guy-raz/id1150510297?mt=2",
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"hyphenacion": {
"id": "hyphenacion",
"title": "Hyphenación",
"tagline": "Where conversation and cultura meet",
"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/03/Hyphenacion_FinalAssets_PodcastTile.png",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/hyphenacion",
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"order": 15
},
"link": "/podcasts/hyphenacion",
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"spotify": "https://open.spotify.com/show/2p3Fifq96nw9BPcmFdIq0o?si=39209f7b25774f38",
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},
"jerrybrown": {
"id": "jerrybrown",
"title": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown",
"tagline": "Lessons from a lifetime in politics",
"info": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown brings listeners the wisdom of the former Governor, Mayor, and presidential candidate. Scott Shafer interviewed Brown for more than 40 hours, covering the former governor's life and half-century in the political game – and Brown has some lessons he'd like to share. ",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-Political-Mind-of-Jerry-Brown-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/jerrybrown",
"meta": {
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 18
},
"link": "/podcasts/jerrybrown",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/id1492194549",
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}
},
"latino-usa": {
"id": "latino-usa",
"title": "Latino USA",
"airtime": "MON 1am-2am, SUN 6pm-7pm",
"info": "Latino USA, the radio journal of news and culture, is the only national, English-language radio program produced from a Latino perspective.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/latinoUsa.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "http://latinousa.org/",
"meta": {
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"source": "npr"
},
"link": "/radio/program/latino-usa",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/WebObjects/MZStore.woa/wa/viewPodcast?s=143441&mt=2&id=79681317&at=11l79Y&ct=nprdirectory",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510016/podcast.xml"
}
},
"marketplace": {
"id": "marketplace",
"title": "Marketplace",
"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 4pm-4:30pm, MON-WED 6:30pm-7pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Marketplace-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.marketplace.org/",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "American Public Media"
},
"link": "/radio/program/marketplace",
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"rss": "https://feeds.publicradio.org/public_feeds/marketplace-pm/rss/rss"
}
},
"masters-of-scale": {
"id": "masters-of-scale",
"title": "Masters of Scale",
"info": "Masters of Scale is an original podcast in which LinkedIn co-founder and Greylock Partner Reid Hoffman sets out to describe and prove theories that explain how great entrepreneurs take their companies from zero to a gazillion in ingenious fashion.",
"airtime": "Every other Wednesday June 12 through October 16 at 8pm (repeats Thursdays at 2am)",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "https://mastersofscale.com/",
"meta": {
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"source": "WaitWhat"
},
"link": "/radio/program/masters-of-scale",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "http://mastersofscale.app.link/",
"rss": "https://rss.art19.com/masters-of-scale"
}
},
"mindshift": {
"id": "mindshift",
"title": "MindShift",
"tagline": "A podcast about the future of learning and how we raise our kids",
"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Mindshift-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED MindShift: How We Will Learn",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/mindshift/",
"meta": {
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 12
},
"link": "/podcasts/mindshift",
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM1NzY0NjAwNDI5",
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}
},
"morning-edition": {
"id": "morning-edition",
"title": "Morning Edition",
"info": "\u003cem>Morning Edition\u003c/em> takes listeners around the country and the world with multi-faceted stories and commentaries every weekday. Hosts Steve Inskeep, David Greene and Rachel Martin bring you the latest breaking news and features to prepare you for the day.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 3am-9am",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Morning-Edition-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/programs/morning-edition/",
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"link": "/radio/program/morning-edition"
},
"onourwatch": {
"id": "onourwatch",
"title": "On Our Watch",
"tagline": "Deeply-reported investigative journalism",
"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/On-Our-Watch-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/onourwatch",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "kqed",
"order": 11
},
"link": "/podcasts/onourwatch",
"subscribe": {
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5ucHIub3JnLzUxMDM2MC9wb2RjYXN0LnhtbD9zYz1nb29nbGVwb2RjYXN0cw",
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},
"on-the-media": {
"id": "on-the-media",
"title": "On The Media",
"info": "Our weekly podcast explores how the media 'sausage' is made, casts an incisive eye on fluctuations in the marketplace of ideas, and examines threats to the freedom of information and expression in America and abroad. For one hour a week, the show tries to lift the veil from the process of \"making media,\" especially news media, because it's through that lens that we see the world and the world sees us",
"airtime": "SUN 2pm-3pm, MON 12am-1am",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/onTheMedia.png",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.wnycstudios.org/shows/otm",
"meta": {
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"source": "wnyc"
},
"link": "/radio/program/on-the-media",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/on-the-media/id73330715?mt=2",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/radio/On-the-Media-p69/",
"rss": "http://feeds.wnyc.org/onthemedia"
}
},
"pbs-newshour": {
"id": "pbs-newshour",
"title": "PBS NewsHour",
"info": "Analysis, background reports and updates from the PBS NewsHour putting today's news in context.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 3pm-4pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/PBS-News-Hour-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.pbs.org/newshour/",
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"source": "pbs"
},
"link": "/radio/program/pbs-newshour",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/pbs-newshour-full-show/id394432287?mt=2",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/radio/PBS-NewsHour---Full-Show-p425698/",
"rss": "https://www.pbs.org/newshour/feeds/rss/podcasts/show"
}
},
"perspectives": {
"id": "perspectives",
"title": "Perspectives",
"tagline": "KQED's series of daily listener commentaries since 1991",
"info": "KQED's series of daily listener commentaries since 1991.",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/01/Perspectives_Tile_Final.jpg",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/perspectives/",
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 14
},
"link": "/perspectives",
"subscribe": {
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