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"content": "\u003cp>Shasta County in rural Northern California has one of the state’s highest incarceration rates. Ask Robert Bowman what’s going on, and he takes a long, deep sigh.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a perfect storm of bad,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bowman, director of the county’s program that helps formerly incarcerated people transition back to life outside, identifies three main drivers of crime in Shasta County: high housing costs, untreated mental illness and drug trafficking.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those are some of the same factors blamed for crime in other California counties that rank among the highest for incarcerated people, according to \u003ca href=\"https://www.prisonpolicy.org/origin/ca/2020/report.html\">a report released this morning\u003c/a> by the Prison Policy Initiative, a nonprofit that seeks to end mass incarceration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The report takes newly available data from California prisons to show where incarcerated people come from — not just their home counties, but their neighborhoods. The group’s stated intent is to show lawmakers where they can better direct public dollars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The neighborhoods where incarcerated people come from often have a higher percentage of Black and Latino residents than the state average, according to the report, while the counties that host the prisons are predominantly white.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The effect has been “the siphoning of political power from disproportionately Black and Latino communities to pad out the mostly rural and often predominantly white regions where prisons are located,” the study found.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unsurprisingly, the most populous counties send the most people to state prison. Los Angeles County had the most people incarcerated, followed by Riverside and San Diego counties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in some counties, though they have fewer total people in state prisons, the rate of incarceration is much higher than the statewide average of 310 per 100,000 people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tiny Kings County in the San Joaquin Valley has the state’s highest incarceration rate at 666 per 100,000, the study found.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shasta County ranked second among counties that send people to prison, with 663 county residents incarcerated per 100,000 people. The county of fewer than 200,000 is framed by mountains to its north, west and east. People move there for cheap land and open spaces, or burrow further into its hills to escape creeping modernity, Bowman said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And then we have those who have moved up here for political reasons and I’ll just leave it at that,” Bowman said with a laugh.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In one Shasta County census tract that encompasses most of the city of Redding, more than one in every 100 people is in a state prison.[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Robert Bowman, director, STEP-UP\"]‘If you have billions of dollars to spend, but yet your community is overwhelmingly ‘not in my backyard,’ then you can get nothing done.’[/pullquote] Disparities also persist in cities like Los Angeles, where the neighborhoods of Watts and Crenshaw have \u003ca href=\"https://www.prisonpolicy.org/origin/ca/2020/la_neighborhood.html\">more than five times\u003c/a> the incarceration rate of Bel-Air and Brentwood, according to the study’s calculations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s fewer Beverly Hills in our community,” Bowman said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But many of the same issues that crop up in Los Angeles and San Francisco are true in far Northern California: homelessness, untreated mental illness and a resistance among locals to new construction or lower-income housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bowman points to a proposed micro-shelter at a Lutheran church in Redding that would serve as transitional housing for up to five people. Neighbors hung a sign on a chain link fence: “Tiny Houses = Big Problems.” The shelter is \u003ca href=\"https://www.redding.com/story/news/2022/05/20/homeless-housing-units-could-open-fall-after-getting-reddings-ok/9843183002/\">expected to open this fall\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you have billions of dollars to spend, but yet your community is overwhelmingly ‘not in my backyard,’ then you can get nothing done,” Bowman said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Prison Policy Initiative report is based on numbers provided by the state of California, which, for the first time in its 2020 census, counted incarcerated people in their home districts instead of the cities and counties where they’re incarcerated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The idea was to end what opponents called “prison gerrymandering,” which counted incarcerated people as residents of their prison’s county. California ended that practice in 2011 with \u003ca href=\"http://www.leginfo.ca.gov/pub/11-12/bill/asm/ab_0401-0450/ab_420_bill_20110822_amended_sen_v93.pdf\">AB 420\u003c/a>, signed by former Gov. Jerry Brown, but the law did not take effect until 2020. Ten other states have taken similar steps.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This year’s redistricting maps were the first to count incarcerated people in their home districts. The process toward final approval by a state independent commission was\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2021/12/california-redistricting-final-maps/\"> fraught and messy\u003c/a>, but has so far survived without a legal challenge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our hope is really that policymakers and service providers will use this data to kind of direct some of their thinking on how they make choices about the people that they serve,” said Prison Policy Initiative spokesperson Mike Wessler.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For lawmakers, we hope that they’ll take a look at how many people in their own communities are lost to incarceration every single day.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Prison Policy Initiative study was taken from a snapshot of the 122,000 people in state prisons on April 1, 2020. It doesn’t count people in federal prison or immigration detention, nor does it count those who were identified in court proceedings as unhoused. [pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Mike Wessler, spokesperson, Prison Policy Initiative\"]‘A lot of these rural areas are also facing significant economic challenges.’[/pullquote]Among cities with at least 20,000 people, Compton in Los Angeles County had the highest rate of incarceration, with 979 people incarcerated per 100,000 residents. It also has a higher Black and Latino population than the state average, which the report’s authors say mirrors a national trend.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This suggests that policing, arrests and incarceration are disproportionately concentrated in a handful of Black communities across the county, such as Compton with its large Black population,” wrote the report’s authors, Emily Widra and Felicia Gomez.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://censusreporter.org/profiles/14000US06029001500-census-tract-15-kern-ca/\">One census tract\u003c/a> in Kern County stands out. Just east of downtown Bakersfield, the 1-square-mile tract had 2,944 residents and 74 people in state prisons, or more than two out of every 100 people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kern County also leads the state in homicide rate, a statistic the county’s residents and law enforcement struggle to explain. For the sixth consecutive year, the county led the state with a homicide rate of 13.7 homicides per 100,000 people. The statewide average is six homicides per 100,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Some of the smaller rural counties often are overlooked but actually have some of the highest incarceration rates in the entire state,” Wessler said. “A lot of these rural areas are also facing significant economic challenges.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You don’t have to remind Bowman, of the Shasta County STEP-UP program for those recently released from incarceration. First, in 2018, the Carr Fire \u003ca href=\"https://opr.ca.gov/docs/20220817-Shasta_County_Case_Study.pdf\">displaced thousands of people\u003c/a> in an area that was already struggling to control housing costs. Then, during the pandemic, wealthier residents of the Bay Area and Sacramento Valley started moving north, pushing up rents and home values. People already on the economic fringe were pushed to its edge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Because now, landlords could charge whatever they want and there’s no reason for them to open up their homes” to affordable housing programs, Bowman said. “They can get someone who is displaced while their home’s being rebuilt (and) they can get a higher rent from that individual or family. So that’s a huge issue.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He is, however, ultimately optimistic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think that there are a lot of good people that are trying to do the very best they can,” Bowman said. “It just takes time for the numbers to come down.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/justice/2022/08/california-incarceration-rates-rural/\">This story was originally published in CalMatters.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp> Disparities also persist in cities like Los Angeles, where the neighborhoods of Watts and Crenshaw have \u003ca href=\"https://www.prisonpolicy.org/origin/ca/2020/la_neighborhood.html\">more than five times\u003c/a> the incarceration rate of Bel-Air and Brentwood, according to the study’s calculations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s fewer Beverly Hills in our community,” Bowman said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But many of the same issues that crop up in Los Angeles and San Francisco are true in far Northern California: homelessness, untreated mental illness and a resistance among locals to new construction or lower-income housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bowman points to a proposed micro-shelter at a Lutheran church in Redding that would serve as transitional housing for up to five people. Neighbors hung a sign on a chain link fence: “Tiny Houses = Big Problems.” The shelter is \u003ca href=\"https://www.redding.com/story/news/2022/05/20/homeless-housing-units-could-open-fall-after-getting-reddings-ok/9843183002/\">expected to open this fall\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you have billions of dollars to spend, but yet your community is overwhelmingly ‘not in my backyard,’ then you can get nothing done,” Bowman said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Prison Policy Initiative report is based on numbers provided by the state of California, which, for the first time in its 2020 census, counted incarcerated people in their home districts instead of the cities and counties where they’re incarcerated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The idea was to end what opponents called “prison gerrymandering,” which counted incarcerated people as residents of their prison’s county. California ended that practice in 2011 with \u003ca href=\"http://www.leginfo.ca.gov/pub/11-12/bill/asm/ab_0401-0450/ab_420_bill_20110822_amended_sen_v93.pdf\">AB 420\u003c/a>, signed by former Gov. Jerry Brown, but the law did not take effect until 2020. Ten other states have taken similar steps.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This year’s redistricting maps were the first to count incarcerated people in their home districts. The process toward final approval by a state independent commission was\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2021/12/california-redistricting-final-maps/\"> fraught and messy\u003c/a>, but has so far survived without a legal challenge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our hope is really that policymakers and service providers will use this data to kind of direct some of their thinking on how they make choices about the people that they serve,” said Prison Policy Initiative spokesperson Mike Wessler.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For lawmakers, we hope that they’ll take a look at how many people in their own communities are lost to incarceration every single day.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Prison Policy Initiative study was taken from a snapshot of the 122,000 people in state prisons on April 1, 2020. It doesn’t count people in federal prison or immigration detention, nor does it count those who were identified in court proceedings as unhoused. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘A lot of these rural areas are also facing significant economic challenges.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Among cities with at least 20,000 people, Compton in Los Angeles County had the highest rate of incarceration, with 979 people incarcerated per 100,000 residents. It also has a higher Black and Latino population than the state average, which the report’s authors say mirrors a national trend.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This suggests that policing, arrests and incarceration are disproportionately concentrated in a handful of Black communities across the county, such as Compton with its large Black population,” wrote the report’s authors, Emily Widra and Felicia Gomez.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://censusreporter.org/profiles/14000US06029001500-census-tract-15-kern-ca/\">One census tract\u003c/a> in Kern County stands out. Just east of downtown Bakersfield, the 1-square-mile tract had 2,944 residents and 74 people in state prisons, or more than two out of every 100 people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kern County also leads the state in homicide rate, a statistic the county’s residents and law enforcement struggle to explain. For the sixth consecutive year, the county led the state with a homicide rate of 13.7 homicides per 100,000 people. The statewide average is six homicides per 100,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Some of the smaller rural counties often are overlooked but actually have some of the highest incarceration rates in the entire state,” Wessler said. “A lot of these rural areas are also facing significant economic challenges.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You don’t have to remind Bowman, of the Shasta County STEP-UP program for those recently released from incarceration. First, in 2018, the Carr Fire \u003ca href=\"https://opr.ca.gov/docs/20220817-Shasta_County_Case_Study.pdf\">displaced thousands of people\u003c/a> in an area that was already struggling to control housing costs. Then, during the pandemic, wealthier residents of the Bay Area and Sacramento Valley started moving north, pushing up rents and home values. People already on the economic fringe were pushed to its edge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Because now, landlords could charge whatever they want and there’s no reason for them to open up their homes” to affordable housing programs, Bowman said. “They can get someone who is displaced while their home’s being rebuilt (and) they can get a higher rent from that individual or family. So that’s a huge issue.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He is, however, ultimately optimistic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think that there are a lot of good people that are trying to do the very best they can,” Bowman said. “It just takes time for the numbers to come down.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/justice/2022/08/california-incarceration-rates-rural/\">This story was originally published in CalMatters.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>State lawmakers approved a first-of-its-kind bill that supporters say could improve working conditions for roughly half a million fast-food employees in California and spur nationwide ramifications. Gov. Gavin Newsom has until Sept. 30, 2022, to sign or veto the legislation, amid stiff industry opposition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB257\">AB 257\u003c/a> promises to give some of the lowest-paid workers a bigger voice to shape workplace policies tackling pay and safety violations that labor experts say are \u003ca href=\"https://laborcenter.berkeley.edu/fast-recovery-act-will-raise-labor-standards-and-open-new-opportunities-for-fast-food-worker-organizing-in-california/\">rampant in the industry\u003c/a>, led by some of the country’s most recognizable corporations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_11924068,news_11913643,news_11922927\"]Dozens of people at the state Capitol erupted in cheers and chants of “Si, se pudo!” (“Yes, it could be done” in Spanish) on Monday afternoon, as a narrow majority of 21 state senators pushed past outspoken opposition from Republican colleagues. Industry lobbyists fought hard against the legislation, arguing it will hurt small franchise owners, kill jobs and raise prices for California consumers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Angelica Hernandez, a longtime fast-food worker who slept outside the state Capitol earlier this month to push for the Fast Food Accountability and Standards (FAST) Recovery Act, also celebrated its advance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s so important this bill was passed because we’ll stop suffering from wage theft and being victims of sexual harassment. That’s why I fought day after day for this bill,” said Hernandez, adding that she has worked at a McDonald’s restaurant in Los Angeles for 18 years. She spoke at a press conference organized by the Service Employees International Union, which co-sponsored the FAST Act.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AB 257 aims to create a Fast Food Council made up of worker, employer and government agency representatives to set minimum standards that would apply to large chains with 100 or more establishments nationwide. The 10-member council would have the authority to boost minimum wages for cooks and cashiers to $22 an hour next year. Subsequent minimum wage increases would be tied to the consumer price index.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At least 10,000 fast-food restaurant employees would need to sign a petition calling for the council’s creation before it’s set up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill, by Assemblymember Chris Holden (D-Pasadena), initially made fast-food corporations liable for wage theft and other law violations found at their franchise restaurants, which are owned by small-business owners who pay fees to represent the brands. But Holden nixed that section from the final bill in a compromise with critics. Another amendment limits the council’s life span to six years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, the legislation represents “one of the most important pro-worker bills in decades,” following the example of fast-food workers enjoying higher wages and benefits in countries like Denmark, said David Madland, a senior fellow at the left-leaning Center for American Progress in Washington, D.C.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s such a big deal … not only for the workers in California, but many workers all around the country who are similarly situated and have so much to gain by seeing this succeed,” said Madland, who also spoke at the press conference.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It has the potential to transform the fast-food industry, a quintessential low-wage industry, into [one that delivers] jobs with good wages and decent work and dignity,” he said. “But it also shows a path forward for other low-wage industries.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11922931\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1542px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Screen-Shot-2022-08-18-at-10.23.57-AM.png\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11922931\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Screen-Shot-2022-08-18-at-10.23.57-AM.png\" alt=\"Camping tents outside with some signs.\" width=\"1542\" height=\"1012\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Screen-Shot-2022-08-18-at-10.23.57-AM.png 1542w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Screen-Shot-2022-08-18-at-10.23.57-AM-800x525.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Screen-Shot-2022-08-18-at-10.23.57-AM-1020x669.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Screen-Shot-2022-08-18-at-10.23.57-AM-160x105.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Screen-Shot-2022-08-18-at-10.23.57-AM-1536x1008.png 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1542px) 100vw, 1542px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">AB 257 supporters set up a camp to raise awareness of the legislation at the state Capitol in Sacramento on Aug. 16, 2022. \u003ccite>(Rahul Lal/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Opponents, such as the International Franchise Association, called AB 257 a “reckless bill” that would unfairly target the industry, increase fast-food prices for consumers and risk putting small-franchise owners out of business. Those concerns were echoed by \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/22273184-usbc-ab-257\">diverse business groups\u003c/a>, including the California Black Chamber of Commerce and the CalAsian Chamber of Commerce.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Franchising has opened the door for hundreds of thousands of entrepreneurs to pursue their dreams and millions of workers to establish a career, but this bill stands to break all that down while raising prices for Californians and forcing restaurants to close their doors,” said IFA’s President and CEO Matthew Haller in a statement. “Gov. Newsom should stand up for local businesses, the people of California, and responsible government, and veto this legislation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Higher costs would translate into \u003ca href=\"https://ucreconomicforecast.org/wp-content/uploads/2022/08/WorkerCompensation_Impact_On_Prices_Limited_Service_Restaurant_8_18_2022pdf.pdf\">higher food prices and less employment in the industry\u003c/a>, according to a UC Riverside School of Business Center for Economic Forecasting and Development analysis earlier this month. The center’s director, Christopher Thornberg, who authored the study, told KQED it was commissioned by the IFA and released before the announcement of final amendments to the bill, such as a cap on minimum wage increases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The association also disputed that working conditions are worse in fast food establishments compared to other businesses. Limited-service restaurants represent a much lower proportion of wage-theft complaints per 1,000 employees filed with the state than other industries, such as transportation and warehousing, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://epionline.org/app/uploads/2022/08/220728_EPI_NotSoFAST_Doc.pdf\">study\u003c/a> by the Employment Policies Institute, a research group with ties to the restaurant industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cases of wage theft are often \u003ca href=\"https://www.epi.org/publication/wage-theft-2021/\">underreported\u003c/a>. Vulnerable workers, such as undocumented immigrants, are less likely to complain because they fear retaliation, ignore their rights, or distrust state agencies, according to advocates and researchers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A recent survey of fast-food workers by the SEIU, a main supporter of AB 257, found \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11913643/most-fast-food-workers-are-victims-of-wage-theft-survey-finds\">eight in 10 said they experienced at least one form of wage theft\u003c/a>, while prior surveys also have found a high rate of pay violations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most of the estimated 550,000 fast-food employees in California earn close to minimum wage at franchise fast-food restaurants, and are adults of color, including many immigrants.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>State lawmakers approved a first-of-its-kind bill that supporters say could improve working conditions for roughly half a million fast-food employees in California and spur nationwide ramifications. Gov. Gavin Newsom has until Sept. 30, 2022, to sign or veto the legislation, amid stiff industry opposition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB257\">AB 257\u003c/a> promises to give some of the lowest-paid workers a bigger voice to shape workplace policies tackling pay and safety violations that labor experts say are \u003ca href=\"https://laborcenter.berkeley.edu/fast-recovery-act-will-raise-labor-standards-and-open-new-opportunities-for-fast-food-worker-organizing-in-california/\">rampant in the industry\u003c/a>, led by some of the country’s most recognizable corporations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Dozens of people at the state Capitol erupted in cheers and chants of “Si, se pudo!” (“Yes, it could be done” in Spanish) on Monday afternoon, as a narrow majority of 21 state senators pushed past outspoken opposition from Republican colleagues. Industry lobbyists fought hard against the legislation, arguing it will hurt small franchise owners, kill jobs and raise prices for California consumers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Angelica Hernandez, a longtime fast-food worker who slept outside the state Capitol earlier this month to push for the Fast Food Accountability and Standards (FAST) Recovery Act, also celebrated its advance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s so important this bill was passed because we’ll stop suffering from wage theft and being victims of sexual harassment. That’s why I fought day after day for this bill,” said Hernandez, adding that she has worked at a McDonald’s restaurant in Los Angeles for 18 years. She spoke at a press conference organized by the Service Employees International Union, which co-sponsored the FAST Act.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AB 257 aims to create a Fast Food Council made up of worker, employer and government agency representatives to set minimum standards that would apply to large chains with 100 or more establishments nationwide. The 10-member council would have the authority to boost minimum wages for cooks and cashiers to $22 an hour next year. Subsequent minimum wage increases would be tied to the consumer price index.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At least 10,000 fast-food restaurant employees would need to sign a petition calling for the council’s creation before it’s set up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill, by Assemblymember Chris Holden (D-Pasadena), initially made fast-food corporations liable for wage theft and other law violations found at their franchise restaurants, which are owned by small-business owners who pay fees to represent the brands. But Holden nixed that section from the final bill in a compromise with critics. Another amendment limits the council’s life span to six years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, the legislation represents “one of the most important pro-worker bills in decades,” following the example of fast-food workers enjoying higher wages and benefits in countries like Denmark, said David Madland, a senior fellow at the left-leaning Center for American Progress in Washington, D.C.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s such a big deal … not only for the workers in California, but many workers all around the country who are similarly situated and have so much to gain by seeing this succeed,” said Madland, who also spoke at the press conference.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It has the potential to transform the fast-food industry, a quintessential low-wage industry, into [one that delivers] jobs with good wages and decent work and dignity,” he said. “But it also shows a path forward for other low-wage industries.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11922931\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1542px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Screen-Shot-2022-08-18-at-10.23.57-AM.png\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11922931\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Screen-Shot-2022-08-18-at-10.23.57-AM.png\" alt=\"Camping tents outside with some signs.\" width=\"1542\" height=\"1012\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Screen-Shot-2022-08-18-at-10.23.57-AM.png 1542w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Screen-Shot-2022-08-18-at-10.23.57-AM-800x525.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Screen-Shot-2022-08-18-at-10.23.57-AM-1020x669.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Screen-Shot-2022-08-18-at-10.23.57-AM-160x105.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Screen-Shot-2022-08-18-at-10.23.57-AM-1536x1008.png 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1542px) 100vw, 1542px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">AB 257 supporters set up a camp to raise awareness of the legislation at the state Capitol in Sacramento on Aug. 16, 2022. \u003ccite>(Rahul Lal/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Opponents, such as the International Franchise Association, called AB 257 a “reckless bill” that would unfairly target the industry, increase fast-food prices for consumers and risk putting small-franchise owners out of business. Those concerns were echoed by \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/22273184-usbc-ab-257\">diverse business groups\u003c/a>, including the California Black Chamber of Commerce and the CalAsian Chamber of Commerce.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Franchising has opened the door for hundreds of thousands of entrepreneurs to pursue their dreams and millions of workers to establish a career, but this bill stands to break all that down while raising prices for Californians and forcing restaurants to close their doors,” said IFA’s President and CEO Matthew Haller in a statement. “Gov. Newsom should stand up for local businesses, the people of California, and responsible government, and veto this legislation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Higher costs would translate into \u003ca href=\"https://ucreconomicforecast.org/wp-content/uploads/2022/08/WorkerCompensation_Impact_On_Prices_Limited_Service_Restaurant_8_18_2022pdf.pdf\">higher food prices and less employment in the industry\u003c/a>, according to a UC Riverside School of Business Center for Economic Forecasting and Development analysis earlier this month. The center’s director, Christopher Thornberg, who authored the study, told KQED it was commissioned by the IFA and released before the announcement of final amendments to the bill, such as a cap on minimum wage increases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The association also disputed that working conditions are worse in fast food establishments compared to other businesses. Limited-service restaurants represent a much lower proportion of wage-theft complaints per 1,000 employees filed with the state than other industries, such as transportation and warehousing, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://epionline.org/app/uploads/2022/08/220728_EPI_NotSoFAST_Doc.pdf\">study\u003c/a> by the Employment Policies Institute, a research group with ties to the restaurant industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cases of wage theft are often \u003ca href=\"https://www.epi.org/publication/wage-theft-2021/\">underreported\u003c/a>. Vulnerable workers, such as undocumented immigrants, are less likely to complain because they fear retaliation, ignore their rights, or distrust state agencies, according to advocates and researchers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A recent survey of fast-food workers by the SEIU, a main supporter of AB 257, found \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11913643/most-fast-food-workers-are-victims-of-wage-theft-survey-finds\">eight in 10 said they experienced at least one form of wage theft\u003c/a>, while prior surveys also have found a high rate of pay violations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most of the estimated 550,000 fast-food employees in California earn close to minimum wage at franchise fast-food restaurants, and are adults of color, including many immigrants.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Berkeley is experiencing a 1960s flashback triggered by People’s Park, a landmark that has served as a counterculture touchstone, political stepping stone and refuge for the unhoused.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 3-acre site’s colorful history, forged from the University of California, Berkeley’s seizure of the land in 1968, has been thrust back into the spotlight as the school renews efforts to pave over People’s Park, this time for a $312 million project that includes sorely needed housing for about 1,000 students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_11922900,news_11921415,arts_13917145\"]After a judge sided with the university in a legal scrum over the project, construction finally began August 3 — only to abruptly stop a few hours later after a swarm of protesters, who had been sparring with police, toppled fences surrounding the park.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The delay was only supposed to last a few days, but the coalition fighting the university’s plans won an appeals court stay that will prevent construction until at least October.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lull hasn’t muted the contentious debate around a historic spot once hailed as “a trace of anarchist heaven on Earth” by former UC Berkeley professor Todd Gitlin and derided by former city Councilmember John DeBonis as a “hippie Disneyland.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The park turned into a symbol of both resistance and mayhem during a deadly 1969 confrontation known as “Bloody Thursday,” emboldening then-California Gov. Ronald Reagan to send in 3,000 National Guard troops for a two-week occupation that evoked images of war in a city that was clamoring for peace in Vietnam.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Don Mitchell, whose father was a UC Berkeley professor during the 1969 uprising, views People’s Park as a social experiment worth saving, as more cookie-cutter communities get built in the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11923879\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11923879\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57527_002_KQED_PeoplesParkRally_08032022-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"A person speaks into a mic in front of a university building and a sign for people's park\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57527_002_KQED_PeoplesParkRally_08032022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57527_002_KQED_PeoplesParkRally_08032022-qut-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57527_002_KQED_PeoplesParkRally_08032022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57527_002_KQED_PeoplesParkRally_08032022-qut-1536x1022.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57527_002_KQED_PeoplesParkRally_08032022-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">People’s Park supporters rally at Sproul Hall to protest the construction of UC Berkeley student housing at the park in Berkeley on Aug. 3, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“People’s Park has always been a place that was made and regulated by the people who use it,” said Mitchell, a professor of human geography at Uppsala University in Sweden. “It’s a free and open space, a place where the rules of exclusion are very different. So people who were poor, people who didn’t have housing, people who didn’t fit into dominant society in all sorts of different ways could find a space there. And many did.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That ethos has long made the park a way station for unhoused people, with scattered tent clusters and makeshift kitchens. Drug use and violence have helped spur support for the university’s development plans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At Atmaa Das, 28, began spending time in People’s Park not long after leaving Alabama in 2014 and found his way there again a couple weeks after workers left behind construction equipment, now splattered with obscene graffiti — part of $1.5 million in recent protest damage, the university estimated. “I came here looking for the promised land and reckon I found it,” he said on a recent morning, strumming his guitar while singing parts of Woody Guthrie’s “This Land Is Your Land.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Don Mitchell, professor, Uppsala University in Sweden\"]‘People’s Park has always been a place that was made and regulated by the people who use it … so people who were poor, people who didn’t have housing, people who didn’t fit into dominant society in all sorts of different ways could find a space there. And many did.’[/pullquote]University officials say they are sympathetic to both the park’s heritage and the needs of unhoused people who have lived there since another set of fences surrounding the property were removed in 1972.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The school and city \u003ca href=\"https://peoplesparkhousing.berkeley.edu/rodewayinn\">moved dozens of unhoused people into a motel\u003c/a> as part of an $8 million relocation initiative, and officials promised to \u003ca href=\"https://peoplesparkhousing.berkeley.edu/new-park\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">keep most of the site as open space\u003c/a>. The school also hired award-winning architect \u003ca href=\"https://peoplesparkhousing.berkeley.edu/history-commemoration\">Walter Hood to design a memorial\u003c/a> celebrating its history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our plan will meet multiple interests to preserve the park, create urgently needed student housing, and provide permanent housing for unhoused and low-income individuals,” UC Berkeley Chancellor Carol Christ wrote in an email sent to university alumni and other supporters earlier this week. University spokesperson Dan Mogulof declined a request to interview Christ.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Not even People’s Park supporters dispute more affordable housing is needed — the median sales price for \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/projects/real-estate/bay-area-home-priceshttps://www.sfchronicle.com/projects/real-estate/bay-area-home-prices.\">a home near the university is $1.5 million\u003c/a>. But critics blame mismanagement for the crisis and contend the university could build on its other property.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11922966\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS47370_036_Berkeley_PeoplesPark_02192021-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11922966\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS47370_036_Berkeley_PeoplesPark_02192021-qut.jpg\" alt='A sign outside that reads \"Peoples Park\" with tents outside.' width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS47370_036_Berkeley_PeoplesPark_02192021-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS47370_036_Berkeley_PeoplesPark_02192021-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS47370_036_Berkeley_PeoplesPark_02192021-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS47370_036_Berkeley_PeoplesPark_02192021-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS47370_036_Berkeley_PeoplesPark_02192021-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A sign says ‘Save Peoples Park, No More Buildings’ at People’s Park in Berkeley on Feb. 19, 2021. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Under a 2005 long-range plan, UC Berkeley estimated enrollment at 33,000 students by 2020. Instead, it had about 43,000 students that year and expects roughly 45,000 this academic year — with only 10,000 campus beds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The glaring shortage is mainly why city officials back the university’s plan, including city Councilmember Rigel Robinson, who represents the People’s Park area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People’s Park has been a powerful symbol of resistance against government oppression, but it has since become a symbol of something else entirely: our failure as a region to respond to the housing crisis,” Robinson said. “The time has come to turn the page.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But this month’s protests showed that a significant part of Berkeley isn’t ready to let go, mainly because of what the park has come to symbolize since UC Berkeley seized it for $1.3 million in 1968 under eminent domain and demolished homes there. After citing a need for an intramural soccer field, the school instead let the site deteriorate into a muddy mess mostly used for parking.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After boilermaker Michael Delacour led a grassroots group to plant vegetation, turning the eyesore into a community magnet, UC Berkeley decided to fence it off on May 15, 1969.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That set the stage for rebellion. At a rally outside UC Berkeley’s administration building, incoming student body President Dan Siegel urged the crowd to “take the park.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Some of the issues now are like 1969,” said Siegel, now a lawyer in nearby Oakland. “People’s Park is both a park and a symbol of activism that is worthy of protection.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The infamous 1969 clash between hundreds of police, some of them dubbed “Blue Meanies,” and protesters became a flashpoint in the civil rights and anti-Vietnam War movements. During the hours-long melee, police fatally shot a man standing on a rooftop and blinded another who was struck in the face with bird shot. Dozens of protesters were wounded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11922963\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1024px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/GettyImages-72160036.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11922963\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/GettyImages-72160036.jpg\" alt=\"A black and white photo of several people standing outside behind barbed wire.\" width=\"1024\" height=\"695\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/GettyImages-72160036.jpg 1024w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/GettyImages-72160036-800x543.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/GettyImages-72160036-1020x692.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/GettyImages-72160036-160x109.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1024px) 100vw, 1024px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Demonstrators place flowers on a barbed wire fence in People’s Park on the UC Berkeley campus, May 30, 1969. The demonstrators were part of a group of 30,000 Berkeley residents, of a total population of 100,000, who gathered and marched to protest the May 15 killing by police of an unarmed spectator at an earlier demonstration and the subsequent occupation of their city by the National Guard. \u003ccite>(David Fenton/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Then Reagan, who had vowed “to clean up the mess in Berkeley” during his victorious 1966 gubernatorial campaign, called in military troops. Before an uneasy truce was reached May 30, 1969, hundreds more were arrested, and, in another infamous moment, an Army helicopter sprayed a crowd with what authorities called tear gas but others insisted was an even more dangerous substance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of Reagan’s detractors still believe he deliberately deployed strong-arm tactics to establish himself as a law-and-order leader while pursuing a political agenda that led to his 1980 election as president.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Harvey Smith, president of the People’s Park Historic District Advocacy Group that is spearheading the legal fight for preservation, likens UC Berkeley’s plan to Reagan’s 1969 crackdown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Reagan “wanted to wipe out the social and political history of Berkeley and now the university is carrying it forward,” Smith said on August 3 while construction crews used bulldozers and buzz saws to topple most of the park’s trees, including some that predated the school’s purchase 54 years ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The clear-cutting depressed Bertha Jones, who lived in People’s Park for several years before accepting the university’s offer to move into a nearby Rodeway Inn.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My grandparents got married at one of those trees. My mom got married at one of those trees,” Jones, 43, said. “I wanted to keep the tradition going, but obviously that isn’t going to work out now.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other former People’s Park inhabitants said they moved into the motel reluctantly, though they like having their own bed and bathroom. What they don’t like is not being given room keys, or being banned from leaving the premises from midnight to 6 a.m.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After spending most of his time in People’s Park for seven years, Eric Morales moved in early June to the Rodeway Inn with his dog, Bonita. But he will always consider People’s Park home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not like any other park,” Morales, 54, said. “You can go to other parks and you say hi and bye, then you won’t ever see them again. But People’s Park is a community, you know? We are a family.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>After a judge sided with the university in a legal scrum over the project, construction finally began August 3 — only to abruptly stop a few hours later after a swarm of protesters, who had been sparring with police, toppled fences surrounding the park.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The delay was only supposed to last a few days, but the coalition fighting the university’s plans won an appeals court stay that will prevent construction until at least October.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lull hasn’t muted the contentious debate around a historic spot once hailed as “a trace of anarchist heaven on Earth” by former UC Berkeley professor Todd Gitlin and derided by former city Councilmember John DeBonis as a “hippie Disneyland.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The park turned into a symbol of both resistance and mayhem during a deadly 1969 confrontation known as “Bloody Thursday,” emboldening then-California Gov. Ronald Reagan to send in 3,000 National Guard troops for a two-week occupation that evoked images of war in a city that was clamoring for peace in Vietnam.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Don Mitchell, whose father was a UC Berkeley professor during the 1969 uprising, views People’s Park as a social experiment worth saving, as more cookie-cutter communities get built in the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11923879\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11923879\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57527_002_KQED_PeoplesParkRally_08032022-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"A person speaks into a mic in front of a university building and a sign for people's park\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57527_002_KQED_PeoplesParkRally_08032022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57527_002_KQED_PeoplesParkRally_08032022-qut-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57527_002_KQED_PeoplesParkRally_08032022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57527_002_KQED_PeoplesParkRally_08032022-qut-1536x1022.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57527_002_KQED_PeoplesParkRally_08032022-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">People’s Park supporters rally at Sproul Hall to protest the construction of UC Berkeley student housing at the park in Berkeley on Aug. 3, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“People’s Park has always been a place that was made and regulated by the people who use it,” said Mitchell, a professor of human geography at Uppsala University in Sweden. “It’s a free and open space, a place where the rules of exclusion are very different. So people who were poor, people who didn’t have housing, people who didn’t fit into dominant society in all sorts of different ways could find a space there. And many did.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That ethos has long made the park a way station for unhoused people, with scattered tent clusters and makeshift kitchens. Drug use and violence have helped spur support for the university’s development plans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At Atmaa Das, 28, began spending time in People’s Park not long after leaving Alabama in 2014 and found his way there again a couple weeks after workers left behind construction equipment, now splattered with obscene graffiti — part of $1.5 million in recent protest damage, the university estimated. “I came here looking for the promised land and reckon I found it,” he said on a recent morning, strumming his guitar while singing parts of Woody Guthrie’s “This Land Is Your Land.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>University officials say they are sympathetic to both the park’s heritage and the needs of unhoused people who have lived there since another set of fences surrounding the property were removed in 1972.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The school and city \u003ca href=\"https://peoplesparkhousing.berkeley.edu/rodewayinn\">moved dozens of unhoused people into a motel\u003c/a> as part of an $8 million relocation initiative, and officials promised to \u003ca href=\"https://peoplesparkhousing.berkeley.edu/new-park\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">keep most of the site as open space\u003c/a>. The school also hired award-winning architect \u003ca href=\"https://peoplesparkhousing.berkeley.edu/history-commemoration\">Walter Hood to design a memorial\u003c/a> celebrating its history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our plan will meet multiple interests to preserve the park, create urgently needed student housing, and provide permanent housing for unhoused and low-income individuals,” UC Berkeley Chancellor Carol Christ wrote in an email sent to university alumni and other supporters earlier this week. University spokesperson Dan Mogulof declined a request to interview Christ.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Not even People’s Park supporters dispute more affordable housing is needed — the median sales price for \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/projects/real-estate/bay-area-home-priceshttps://www.sfchronicle.com/projects/real-estate/bay-area-home-prices.\">a home near the university is $1.5 million\u003c/a>. But critics blame mismanagement for the crisis and contend the university could build on its other property.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11922966\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS47370_036_Berkeley_PeoplesPark_02192021-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11922966\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS47370_036_Berkeley_PeoplesPark_02192021-qut.jpg\" alt='A sign outside that reads \"Peoples Park\" with tents outside.' width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS47370_036_Berkeley_PeoplesPark_02192021-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS47370_036_Berkeley_PeoplesPark_02192021-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS47370_036_Berkeley_PeoplesPark_02192021-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS47370_036_Berkeley_PeoplesPark_02192021-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS47370_036_Berkeley_PeoplesPark_02192021-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A sign says ‘Save Peoples Park, No More Buildings’ at People’s Park in Berkeley on Feb. 19, 2021. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Under a 2005 long-range plan, UC Berkeley estimated enrollment at 33,000 students by 2020. Instead, it had about 43,000 students that year and expects roughly 45,000 this academic year — with only 10,000 campus beds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The glaring shortage is mainly why city officials back the university’s plan, including city Councilmember Rigel Robinson, who represents the People’s Park area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People’s Park has been a powerful symbol of resistance against government oppression, but it has since become a symbol of something else entirely: our failure as a region to respond to the housing crisis,” Robinson said. “The time has come to turn the page.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But this month’s protests showed that a significant part of Berkeley isn’t ready to let go, mainly because of what the park has come to symbolize since UC Berkeley seized it for $1.3 million in 1968 under eminent domain and demolished homes there. After citing a need for an intramural soccer field, the school instead let the site deteriorate into a muddy mess mostly used for parking.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After boilermaker Michael Delacour led a grassroots group to plant vegetation, turning the eyesore into a community magnet, UC Berkeley decided to fence it off on May 15, 1969.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That set the stage for rebellion. At a rally outside UC Berkeley’s administration building, incoming student body President Dan Siegel urged the crowd to “take the park.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Some of the issues now are like 1969,” said Siegel, now a lawyer in nearby Oakland. “People’s Park is both a park and a symbol of activism that is worthy of protection.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The infamous 1969 clash between hundreds of police, some of them dubbed “Blue Meanies,” and protesters became a flashpoint in the civil rights and anti-Vietnam War movements. During the hours-long melee, police fatally shot a man standing on a rooftop and blinded another who was struck in the face with bird shot. Dozens of protesters were wounded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11922963\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1024px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/GettyImages-72160036.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11922963\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/GettyImages-72160036.jpg\" alt=\"A black and white photo of several people standing outside behind barbed wire.\" width=\"1024\" height=\"695\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/GettyImages-72160036.jpg 1024w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/GettyImages-72160036-800x543.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/GettyImages-72160036-1020x692.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/GettyImages-72160036-160x109.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1024px) 100vw, 1024px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Demonstrators place flowers on a barbed wire fence in People’s Park on the UC Berkeley campus, May 30, 1969. The demonstrators were part of a group of 30,000 Berkeley residents, of a total population of 100,000, who gathered and marched to protest the May 15 killing by police of an unarmed spectator at an earlier demonstration and the subsequent occupation of their city by the National Guard. \u003ccite>(David Fenton/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Then Reagan, who had vowed “to clean up the mess in Berkeley” during his victorious 1966 gubernatorial campaign, called in military troops. Before an uneasy truce was reached May 30, 1969, hundreds more were arrested, and, in another infamous moment, an Army helicopter sprayed a crowd with what authorities called tear gas but others insisted was an even more dangerous substance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of Reagan’s detractors still believe he deliberately deployed strong-arm tactics to establish himself as a law-and-order leader while pursuing a political agenda that led to his 1980 election as president.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Harvey Smith, president of the People’s Park Historic District Advocacy Group that is spearheading the legal fight for preservation, likens UC Berkeley’s plan to Reagan’s 1969 crackdown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Reagan “wanted to wipe out the social and political history of Berkeley and now the university is carrying it forward,” Smith said on August 3 while construction crews used bulldozers and buzz saws to topple most of the park’s trees, including some that predated the school’s purchase 54 years ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The clear-cutting depressed Bertha Jones, who lived in People’s Park for several years before accepting the university’s offer to move into a nearby Rodeway Inn.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My grandparents got married at one of those trees. My mom got married at one of those trees,” Jones, 43, said. “I wanted to keep the tradition going, but obviously that isn’t going to work out now.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other former People’s Park inhabitants said they moved into the motel reluctantly, though they like having their own bed and bathroom. What they don’t like is not being given room keys, or being banned from leaving the premises from midnight to 6 a.m.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After spending most of his time in People’s Park for seven years, Eric Morales moved in early June to the Rodeway Inn with his dog, Bonita. But he will always consider People’s Park home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not like any other park,” Morales, 54, said. “You can go to other parks and you say hi and bye, then you won’t ever see them again. But People’s Park is a community, you know? We are a family.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "California Budget to Cover Some Out-of-State Abortion Travel",
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"headTitle": "California Budget to Cover Some Out-of-State Abortion Travel | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>California is preparing to spend up to $20 million to bring patients seeking abortions from other states to its abortion clinics, a policy aimed at increasing access to a procedure that has been outlawed or restricted in many states since the U.S. Supreme Court overturned Roe v. Wade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom had previously \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/abortion-health-travel-california-0ef7ff0792f4818a46d3bef92c3d1280\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">restricted the money\u003c/a> in the state’s “Abortion Practical Support Fund” to in-state travel only, saying, “We have to be realistic about what we can absorb.” That decision surprised abortion-rights advocates, especially since Newsom, a Democrat, had vowed to make California a sanctuary for patients in other states seeking abortions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Abortion-rights advocates spent weeks lobbying the governor’s office on the issue. Friday, just days before the end of the legislative session, Newsom and legislative leaders revealed \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB204\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">an amendment\u003c/a> to the budget that would allow the state to spend public money on out-of-state travel for abortions. Lawmakers are scheduled to vote on it next week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the fund will receive public money, it also accepts private donations — something the Newsom administration said will be important to cover costs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As the Governor has stated, California is doing its part, but we cannot do it all — private donations and philanthropy will be critical to these efforts,” Newsom spokesperson Alex Stack said. “We all need to step up to support women who are being denied reproductive freedoms by their state governments and are forced to come to California for abortion care.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jodi Hicks, CEO and president of Planned Parenthood Affiliates of California, said the change is significant given that state officials have been working for months to increase the state’s capacity to provide abortions in the aftermath of the U.S. Supreme Court decision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“None of that matters if we’re not also ensuring that patients can get to where they need to go,” she said. “Everyone deserves to get health care, including abortion, and unfortunately for half the country they need to travel outside the state they live in in order to get that.”[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Jodi Hicks, CEO and president, Planned Parenthood Affiliates of California\"]‘Everyone deserves to get health care, including abortion, and unfortunately for half the country they need to travel outside the state they live in in order to get that.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As some states move to outlaw or restrict abortion access, some state and local governments have acted to use public money to help patients in those states travel to get the procedure. In Republican-led Missouri and Ohio, city leaders in St. Louis, Cleveland and Columbus have pledged to use public money to help patients get abortions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State lawmakers in Oregon — anticipating an abortion ban in neighboring Idaho — agreed to spend $15 million to help people seek abortions. So far, $1 million has gone to the Northwest Abortion Access Fund, a nonprofit that helps patients pay for travel and the procedure itself. The fund exhausted its planned operating budget this year and had to approve additional emergency funds amid growing demand for travel aid, according to Riley Keane, practical support lead for the group.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, some of the money could go to Access Reproductive Justice, the state’s only statewide abortion support fund. The group usually helps about 500 people per year get abortions, but director Jessica Pinckney said they’ve seen an increase since the U.S. Supreme Court decision. Recently, for the first time ever, Pinckney said the group in one week helped more women who lived in other states than women from California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re definitely seeing an increase of Texans and Arizonians. We’re also starting to see folks coming from Louisiana, Alabama — much further than we would have even anticipated,” Pinckney said. “I still don’t necessarily think we have the full story of what things are going to look like now in this post-Roe era.”[aside tag=\"abortion\" label=\"More Related Stories\"]The California Family Council, a nonprofit that opposes abortion rights, has been lobbying against the spending this year, but without much success. Jonathan Keller, the group’s president, said the state should be spending tax dollars on what he says are more pressing issues, like homelessness and housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The idea that the most pressing use of state funds would be to pay for people from red states to fly here to have abortions on the California taxpayer dime is really just a travesty,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state budget this year authorizes $4.8 billion in spending over three years on an array of housing and homelessness programs, in addition to the $9 billion lawmakers approved last year, according to the nonpartisan Legislative Analyst’s Office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>___\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Associated Press reporter Claire Rush contributed from Portland, Oregon.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "Abortion-rights advocates spent weeks lobbying the governor's office on the issue. Just days before the end of the legislative session, Newsom and legislative leaders revealed an amendment to the budget that would allow the state to spend public money on out-of-state travel for abortions.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>California is preparing to spend up to $20 million to bring patients seeking abortions from other states to its abortion clinics, a policy aimed at increasing access to a procedure that has been outlawed or restricted in many states since the U.S. Supreme Court overturned Roe v. Wade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom had previously \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/abortion-health-travel-california-0ef7ff0792f4818a46d3bef92c3d1280\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">restricted the money\u003c/a> in the state’s “Abortion Practical Support Fund” to in-state travel only, saying, “We have to be realistic about what we can absorb.” That decision surprised abortion-rights advocates, especially since Newsom, a Democrat, had vowed to make California a sanctuary for patients in other states seeking abortions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Abortion-rights advocates spent weeks lobbying the governor’s office on the issue. Friday, just days before the end of the legislative session, Newsom and legislative leaders revealed \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB204\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">an amendment\u003c/a> to the budget that would allow the state to spend public money on out-of-state travel for abortions. Lawmakers are scheduled to vote on it next week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the fund will receive public money, it also accepts private donations — something the Newsom administration said will be important to cover costs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As the Governor has stated, California is doing its part, but we cannot do it all — private donations and philanthropy will be critical to these efforts,” Newsom spokesperson Alex Stack said. “We all need to step up to support women who are being denied reproductive freedoms by their state governments and are forced to come to California for abortion care.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jodi Hicks, CEO and president of Planned Parenthood Affiliates of California, said the change is significant given that state officials have been working for months to increase the state’s capacity to provide abortions in the aftermath of the U.S. Supreme Court decision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“None of that matters if we’re not also ensuring that patients can get to where they need to go,” she said. “Everyone deserves to get health care, including abortion, and unfortunately for half the country they need to travel outside the state they live in in order to get that.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As some states move to outlaw or restrict abortion access, some state and local governments have acted to use public money to help patients in those states travel to get the procedure. In Republican-led Missouri and Ohio, city leaders in St. Louis, Cleveland and Columbus have pledged to use public money to help patients get abortions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State lawmakers in Oregon — anticipating an abortion ban in neighboring Idaho — agreed to spend $15 million to help people seek abortions. So far, $1 million has gone to the Northwest Abortion Access Fund, a nonprofit that helps patients pay for travel and the procedure itself. The fund exhausted its planned operating budget this year and had to approve additional emergency funds amid growing demand for travel aid, according to Riley Keane, practical support lead for the group.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, some of the money could go to Access Reproductive Justice, the state’s only statewide abortion support fund. The group usually helps about 500 people per year get abortions, but director Jessica Pinckney said they’ve seen an increase since the U.S. Supreme Court decision. Recently, for the first time ever, Pinckney said the group in one week helped more women who lived in other states than women from California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re definitely seeing an increase of Texans and Arizonians. We’re also starting to see folks coming from Louisiana, Alabama — much further than we would have even anticipated,” Pinckney said. “I still don’t necessarily think we have the full story of what things are going to look like now in this post-Roe era.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The California Family Council, a nonprofit that opposes abortion rights, has been lobbying against the spending this year, but without much success. Jonathan Keller, the group’s president, said the state should be spending tax dollars on what he says are more pressing issues, like homelessness and housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The idea that the most pressing use of state funds would be to pay for people from red states to fly here to have abortions on the California taxpayer dime is really just a travesty,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state budget this year authorizes $4.8 billion in spending over three years on an array of housing and homelessness programs, in addition to the $9 billion lawmakers approved last year, according to the nonpartisan Legislative Analyst’s Office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>___\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Associated Press reporter Claire Rush contributed from Portland, Oregon.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "What Is 'Quiet Quitting,' and How It May Be a Misnomer for Setting Boundaries at Work",
"title": "What Is 'Quiet Quitting,' and How It May Be a Misnomer for Setting Boundaries at Work",
"headTitle": "KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>Closing your laptop at 5 p.m. Doing only your assigned tasks. Spending more time with family. These are just some of the common examples used to define the latest workplace trend of \"quiet quitting.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some experts say it's a misnomer and should really be defined as carving out time to take care of yourself.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ed Zitron, who runs a media consulting business for tech startups and publishes the labor-focused newsletter \u003ca href=\"https://ez.substack.com/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Where's Your Ed At\u003c/a>, believes the term stems from companies exploiting their employees' labor and how these businesses benefit from a culture of overwork without additional compensation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"If you want people to go 'above and beyond,' compensate them for it. Give them $200. Pay them for the extra work,\" Zitron told NPR over email. \"Show them the direct path from 'I am going above and beyond' to 'I am being rewarded for doing so.'\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A TikTok video on quiet quitting posted in July by \u003ca href=\"https://www.tiktok.com/@zaidleppelin/video/7124414185282391342?is_copy_url=1&is_from_webapp=v1\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">@zkchillin\u003c/a> (now @zaidleppelin) went viral. Many TikTok users shared their own experiences in response, with #quietquitting gaining 8.2 million views on the platform as of 4 p.m. ET Thursday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Quiet quitting doesn't actually involve quitting. Instead, it has been deemed a response to hustle culture and burnout; employees are \"quitting\" going above and beyond and declining to do tasks they are not being paid for.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>How employees have changed their approach to work\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Workplace culture has gone through many changes during the COVID-19 pandemic, including with the \"\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2022/07/10/1108555815/pandemic-reinvention-stories-work-life-balance#:~:text=We've%20all%20heard%20about,conditions%20and%20career%20development%20opportunities.\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">great resignation\u003c/a>.\" Some workers are \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/money/2022/01/25/1075115539/the-great-resignation-more-like-the-great-renegotiation\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">negotiating\u003c/a> for better work conditions and benefits with newfound leverage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some workers have expressed a desire for a less rigid line between their \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2022/07/08/1110435807/as-americans-go-back-to-the-office-some-want-a-less-rigid-work-personal-boundary\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">work and personal selves\u003c/a>. Professionals told NPR's \u003cem>Morning Edition\u003c/em> how during the pandemic, they have made changes in their work lives, from how they dress to their career field, to align more closely with their personal values.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I started to realize that all of the hang-ups about being away from work to spend time with my kids, that was all me wanting to be a really good employee,\" Kristin Zawatski told \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2022/07/08/1110435807/as-americans-go-back-to-the-office-some-want-a-less-rigid-work-personal-boundary\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">NPR's \u003cem>Morning Edition\u003c/em>\u003c/a>. \"But my work speaks for itself.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Zawatski works in project management, a job that has afforded her the flexibility she needs as a mom of two. Although she would always make sure her work was done, she felt guilty whenever she needed to leave early or take a day off. That changed with the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Knowing that life could be short, I didn't want to waste it anymore all the time just worrying about what kind of employee I was, because my kids don't care what kind of employee I am,\" Zawatski said. \"My kids care what kind of mom I am.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Quiet quitting is in line with a larger reevaluation of how work fits into our lives and not the other way around. As Gen Z is entering the workforce, the idea of quiet quitting has gained traction as Gen Zers deal with burnout and never-ending demands.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, Gen Z is not the first generation to experience burnout, and quiet quitting is not a new idea. Zitron shared his frustrations with the framing of the term, because it mischaracterizes doing the tasks you are paid for with the idea of quitting your job.[aside tag=\"work, economy\" label=\"More Related Stories\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The term 'quiet quitting' is so offensive, because it suggests that people that do their work have somehow quit their job, framing workers as some sort of villain in an equation where they're doing exactly what they were told,\" Zitron said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Employers benefit financially from workers doing extra work without compensation and it is reasonable for employees to push back against that, he added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It's part of an overwhelming trend of pro-boss propaganda, trying to frame workers that don't do free work for their bosses as somehow stealing from the company,\" Zitron said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For employers that are dealing with workers who may be exhibiting signs of quiet quitting, Zitron has one simple message for them: Pay them for extra work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you are experiencing \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2021/03/08/974787023/burnout-isnt-just-exhaustion-heres-how-to-deal-with-it\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">burnout \u003c/a>at work, setting \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2022/07/05/1109825194/how-to-set-boundaries-nedra-tawwab\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">boundaries\u003c/a> can help you regain some control. Additionally, working on addressing \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2022/04/07/1091455113/how-to-handle-conflict-at-work\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">workplace conflict\u003c/a> head-on can make a situation easier — or be a sign it's time to move on.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2022 NPR. To see more, visit https://www.npr.org.\u003cimg src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=What+is+%27quiet+quitting%2C%27+and+how+it+may+be+a+misnomer+for+setting+boundaries+at+work&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Closing your laptop at 5 p.m. Doing only your assigned tasks. Spending more time with family. These are just some of the common examples used to define the latest workplace trend of \"quiet quitting.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some experts say it's a misnomer and should really be defined as carving out time to take care of yourself.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ed Zitron, who runs a media consulting business for tech startups and publishes the labor-focused newsletter \u003ca href=\"https://ez.substack.com/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Where's Your Ed At\u003c/a>, believes the term stems from companies exploiting their employees' labor and how these businesses benefit from a culture of overwork without additional compensation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"If you want people to go 'above and beyond,' compensate them for it. Give them $200. Pay them for the extra work,\" Zitron told NPR over email. \"Show them the direct path from 'I am going above and beyond' to 'I am being rewarded for doing so.'\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A TikTok video on quiet quitting posted in July by \u003ca href=\"https://www.tiktok.com/@zaidleppelin/video/7124414185282391342?is_copy_url=1&is_from_webapp=v1\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">@zkchillin\u003c/a> (now @zaidleppelin) went viral. Many TikTok users shared their own experiences in response, with #quietquitting gaining 8.2 million views on the platform as of 4 p.m. ET Thursday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Quiet quitting doesn't actually involve quitting. Instead, it has been deemed a response to hustle culture and burnout; employees are \"quitting\" going above and beyond and declining to do tasks they are not being paid for.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>How employees have changed their approach to work\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Workplace culture has gone through many changes during the COVID-19 pandemic, including with the \"\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2022/07/10/1108555815/pandemic-reinvention-stories-work-life-balance#:~:text=We've%20all%20heard%20about,conditions%20and%20career%20development%20opportunities.\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">great resignation\u003c/a>.\" Some workers are \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/money/2022/01/25/1075115539/the-great-resignation-more-like-the-great-renegotiation\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">negotiating\u003c/a> for better work conditions and benefits with newfound leverage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some workers have expressed a desire for a less rigid line between their \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2022/07/08/1110435807/as-americans-go-back-to-the-office-some-want-a-less-rigid-work-personal-boundary\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">work and personal selves\u003c/a>. Professionals told NPR's \u003cem>Morning Edition\u003c/em> how during the pandemic, they have made changes in their work lives, from how they dress to their career field, to align more closely with their personal values.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I started to realize that all of the hang-ups about being away from work to spend time with my kids, that was all me wanting to be a really good employee,\" Kristin Zawatski told \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2022/07/08/1110435807/as-americans-go-back-to-the-office-some-want-a-less-rigid-work-personal-boundary\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">NPR's \u003cem>Morning Edition\u003c/em>\u003c/a>. \"But my work speaks for itself.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Zawatski works in project management, a job that has afforded her the flexibility she needs as a mom of two. Although she would always make sure her work was done, she felt guilty whenever she needed to leave early or take a day off. That changed with the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Knowing that life could be short, I didn't want to waste it anymore all the time just worrying about what kind of employee I was, because my kids don't care what kind of employee I am,\" Zawatski said. \"My kids care what kind of mom I am.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Quiet quitting is in line with a larger reevaluation of how work fits into our lives and not the other way around. As Gen Z is entering the workforce, the idea of quiet quitting has gained traction as Gen Zers deal with burnout and never-ending demands.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, Gen Z is not the first generation to experience burnout, and quiet quitting is not a new idea. Zitron shared his frustrations with the framing of the term, because it mischaracterizes doing the tasks you are paid for with the idea of quitting your job.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The term 'quiet quitting' is so offensive, because it suggests that people that do their work have somehow quit their job, framing workers as some sort of villain in an equation where they're doing exactly what they were told,\" Zitron said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Employers benefit financially from workers doing extra work without compensation and it is reasonable for employees to push back against that, he added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It's part of an overwhelming trend of pro-boss propaganda, trying to frame workers that don't do free work for their bosses as somehow stealing from the company,\" Zitron said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For employers that are dealing with workers who may be exhibiting signs of quiet quitting, Zitron has one simple message for them: Pay them for extra work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you are experiencing \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2021/03/08/974787023/burnout-isnt-just-exhaustion-heres-how-to-deal-with-it\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">burnout \u003c/a>at work, setting \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2022/07/05/1109825194/how-to-set-boundaries-nedra-tawwab\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">boundaries\u003c/a> can help you regain some control. Additionally, working on addressing \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2022/04/07/1091455113/how-to-handle-conflict-at-work\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">workplace conflict\u003c/a> head-on can make a situation easier — or be a sign it's time to move on.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2022 NPR. To see more, visit https://www.npr.org.\u003cimg src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=What+is+%27quiet+quitting%2C%27+and+how+it+may+be+a+misnomer+for+setting+boundaries+at+work&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "why-are-california-unemployment-checks-so-hard-to-get-new-report-has-ideas",
"title": "Why Are California Unemployment Checks So Hard to Get? New Report Has Ideas",
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"content": "\u003cp>If you get laid off, there’s a system that’s supposed to help you get by: unemployment benefits. Whenever California stares down a pandemic or a possible recession, the partial wage-replacement program is one of the most important economic safeguards for workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the benefits have become more difficult for workers to access, due to the program’s design and decisions made by California’s embattled Employment Development Department. That’s according to an\u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/reports/2022/4615/Improving-CA-UI-Program-080822.pdf\"> in-depth report released Monday from the Legislative Analyst’s Office\u003c/a>, a nonpartisan agency that provides advice to the Legislature.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The report found that the benefits program’s orientation toward businesses — which fund the benefits and have an incentive to keep costs down — led the department to emphasize holding down costs. Pressure from the federal government to avoid errors led the department to try, however successfully, to minimize fraud.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The result, according to the report: The department pursued lowering costs and hindering fraud over making it easy for workers to access benefits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Looked at individually, one of these policies might seem totally reasonable, either to limit fraud or to minimize business costs,” said Chas Alamo, the report’s author and principal fiscal and policy analyst with the Legislative Analyst’s Office. “But when you look at them, and kind of step back and look at the suite of policies that have been made over several decades, it becomes clear that there’s a sort of imbalance in the system.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom’s press office directed questions about the report to the Employment Development Department, saying it was best suited to talk about the report.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Department spokesperson Gareth Lacy wrote in a statement that EDD “appreciates and will carefully review the LAO’s ideas for further simplifying processes and speeding up the delivery of services to Californians. Many of these ideas, such as limiting improper claim denials and minimizing delays, have been incorporated into \u003ca href=\"https://edd.ca.gov/siteassets/files/pdf/edd-2021-year-in-review_v06.pdf\">EDD actions over the past year.\u003c/a>”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lacy also pointed to a modernization push at the department to improve call centers, simplify forms and notices, including user testing, developing data analysis tools to continue curbing fraud, and upgrading department training to increase the pace of application processing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Related Stories\" tag=\"unemployment\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Early in the COVID pandemic as joblessness rates soared, the department \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/explainers/california-unemployment-benefits/\">struggled to keep up with a surge of benefits claims\u003c/a> — leaving some Californians repeatedly calling the department in frustration and waiting weeks or months for the money to arrive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then came sensational reports that the department had paid out as much as\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/newsletters/whatmatters/2021/10/california-edd-fixes/?utm_source=CalMatters+Newsletters&utm_campaign=785df30e77-WHATMATTERS&utm_medium=email&utm_term=0_faa7be558d-785df30e77-151436580&mc_cid=785df30e77&mc_eid=582122f089\"> $20 billion in fraudulent benefits\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last December, the department froze 345,000 disability insurance claims due to suspected fraud. As it tried to root out disability benefits fraud, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/economy/2022/06/edd-disability-calls/?utm_source=CalMatters+Newsletters&utm_campaign=785df30e77-WHATMATTERS&utm_medium=email&utm_term=0_faa7be558d-785df30e77-151436580&mc_cid=785df30e77&mc_eid=582122f089\">calls to the department with questions surged\u003c/a>, and many went unanswered.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite an increase in fraud during the pandemic, fraud has historically been uncommon in California’s unemployment benefits, likely “representing less than 1 percent of claims,” the report found. The vast majority of fraud that occurred during the pandemic was concentrated in a temporary federal program that has now ended.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The report lays out evidence that unemployment benefits have become too difficult for workers to access.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When workers are denied benefits, for example, they’re allowed to file appeals. The report found that more than half of denials are overturned on appeal, meaning those workers should have gotten the benefits in the first place. By contrast, “less than one-quarter are overturned in the rest of the country,” the report found.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Also slowing the process: extensive, and sometimes confusing, steps to prove eligibility for California unemployment benefits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The department’s actions during the pandemic suggest that getting payments to workers is not its highest priority, the report said. For example, the department disqualified about 1 in 4 unemployment benefits claims during the pandemic for failing to respond to the department’s requests for additional information — or because the department was not able to process the additional information provided in the allotted time frame.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, \u003ca href=\"https://www.govops.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/sites/11/2020/09/Assessment.pdf\">a September 2020 report\u003c/a> written by a strike team assembled by Gov. Gavin Newsom found that during the same period, each department field office “had an estimated 450 pounds of unopened mail and had no system for processing unopened mail. Further, at the state’s call centers, less than 1 percent of callers reached an EDD staff member.”[pullquote size='medium' align='left' citation=\"Jim Patterson, Republican state assemblymember from Fresno\"]‘We’re just seeing the result of a bureaucratic system that wasn’t capable of doing its fundamental mission.’[/pullquote]The Legislative Analyst’s Office report also revealed that the Employment Development Department mischaracterized the number of people seeking jobless benefits that it was disqualifying or denying in reports to the Legislature.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>From the start of the pandemic to June 30, 2021, the department sent weekly dispatches to the Legislature. During that period, the department reported that it had disqualified or denied 705,000 unemployment benefits claims, according to the Legislative Analyst’s Office’s report. But the LAO found that the department disqualified at least 3.4 million during that period.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When asked about this discrepancy, the department said it had interpreted the requirement to report to the Legislature to mean the number of people who were found not to qualify under state and federal eligibility rules, and so it did not report the number of people being disqualified by procedural rules.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People should get fired for this,” said Jim Patterson, a Republican state assemblymember from Fresno, citing how the Legislature was misled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The report corroborated what Patterson already sensed, he said — his office has helped about 3,000 constituents who had problems with the department. Through that process, he added, he saw how confounding the communication from the department to unemployed people sometimes is. “They write to constituents as if they’re creating a treatise for a master’s degree in confusion,” Patterson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re just seeing the result of a bureaucratic system that wasn’t capable of doing its fundamental mission,” Patterson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The LAO’s report makes over a dozen suggestions to remedy the issues it identifies, including recommendations for how to limit improper claim denials, minimize delays and simplify benefits applications.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Legislature is investing in modernizing the system and bolstering cybersecurity resilience, Assemblymember Cottie Petrie-Norris, a Democrat from Costa Mesa who chairs the Committee on Accountability and Administrative Review, said in a statement. She added that she hoped that would lead to “major advances in how quickly the department can assess threats and resolve claims.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Making sure unemployment benefits work effectively isn’t just important for workers who have been laid off — it’s important for the whole economy, said Irena Asmundson, a research scholar at the Stanford Institute for Economic Policy Research and former chief economist for California’s Department of Finance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If people who lose their jobs in an economic downturn don’t have unemployment benefits, she said, then they have to pull back on their spending — making a bad situation worse. So unemployment benefits are meant to act as a stabilizer, giving laid-off workers some money to spend and blunting a downward spiral for the whole economy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The report “misunderstands EDD’s recent activities to improve the process, and the deeper problems with [unemployment insurance] that go beyond the issues referenced in the report,” said former department director Michael Bernick, who is now special counsel with Duane Morris, a law firm. Bernick, who has also worked as a volunteer helping people who are trying to get benefits over the past two years, agrees that the process is too complex.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yet many of the anti-fraud measures that the report blames for slowing down payments are required by federal protocols, Bernick wrote in an email.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The truth is that EDD must balance rapid payout and anti-fraud — a process that has become increasingly difficult with the heightened sophistication of identity theft rings, and the amount of money going through the system,” Bernick said. He added that newer measures to combat identity theft, including the addition of online verification tool ID.me, are on the right path.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/economy/2022/08/california-unemployment-benefits-3/\">This story originally appeared in CalMatters.\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>If you get laid off, there’s a system that’s supposed to help you get by: unemployment benefits. Whenever California stares down a pandemic or a possible recession, the partial wage-replacement program is one of the most important economic safeguards for workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the benefits have become more difficult for workers to access, due to the program’s design and decisions made by California’s embattled Employment Development Department. That’s according to an\u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/reports/2022/4615/Improving-CA-UI-Program-080822.pdf\"> in-depth report released Monday from the Legislative Analyst’s Office\u003c/a>, a nonpartisan agency that provides advice to the Legislature.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The report found that the benefits program’s orientation toward businesses — which fund the benefits and have an incentive to keep costs down — led the department to emphasize holding down costs. Pressure from the federal government to avoid errors led the department to try, however successfully, to minimize fraud.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The result, according to the report: The department pursued lowering costs and hindering fraud over making it easy for workers to access benefits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Looked at individually, one of these policies might seem totally reasonable, either to limit fraud or to minimize business costs,” said Chas Alamo, the report’s author and principal fiscal and policy analyst with the Legislative Analyst’s Office. “But when you look at them, and kind of step back and look at the suite of policies that have been made over several decades, it becomes clear that there’s a sort of imbalance in the system.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom’s press office directed questions about the report to the Employment Development Department, saying it was best suited to talk about the report.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Department spokesperson Gareth Lacy wrote in a statement that EDD “appreciates and will carefully review the LAO’s ideas for further simplifying processes and speeding up the delivery of services to Californians. Many of these ideas, such as limiting improper claim denials and minimizing delays, have been incorporated into \u003ca href=\"https://edd.ca.gov/siteassets/files/pdf/edd-2021-year-in-review_v06.pdf\">EDD actions over the past year.\u003c/a>”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lacy also pointed to a modernization push at the department to improve call centers, simplify forms and notices, including user testing, developing data analysis tools to continue curbing fraud, and upgrading department training to increase the pace of application processing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Early in the COVID pandemic as joblessness rates soared, the department \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/explainers/california-unemployment-benefits/\">struggled to keep up with a surge of benefits claims\u003c/a> — leaving some Californians repeatedly calling the department in frustration and waiting weeks or months for the money to arrive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then came sensational reports that the department had paid out as much as\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/newsletters/whatmatters/2021/10/california-edd-fixes/?utm_source=CalMatters+Newsletters&utm_campaign=785df30e77-WHATMATTERS&utm_medium=email&utm_term=0_faa7be558d-785df30e77-151436580&mc_cid=785df30e77&mc_eid=582122f089\"> $20 billion in fraudulent benefits\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last December, the department froze 345,000 disability insurance claims due to suspected fraud. As it tried to root out disability benefits fraud, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/economy/2022/06/edd-disability-calls/?utm_source=CalMatters+Newsletters&utm_campaign=785df30e77-WHATMATTERS&utm_medium=email&utm_term=0_faa7be558d-785df30e77-151436580&mc_cid=785df30e77&mc_eid=582122f089\">calls to the department with questions surged\u003c/a>, and many went unanswered.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite an increase in fraud during the pandemic, fraud has historically been uncommon in California’s unemployment benefits, likely “representing less than 1 percent of claims,” the report found. The vast majority of fraud that occurred during the pandemic was concentrated in a temporary federal program that has now ended.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The report lays out evidence that unemployment benefits have become too difficult for workers to access.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When workers are denied benefits, for example, they’re allowed to file appeals. The report found that more than half of denials are overturned on appeal, meaning those workers should have gotten the benefits in the first place. By contrast, “less than one-quarter are overturned in the rest of the country,” the report found.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Also slowing the process: extensive, and sometimes confusing, steps to prove eligibility for California unemployment benefits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The department’s actions during the pandemic suggest that getting payments to workers is not its highest priority, the report said. For example, the department disqualified about 1 in 4 unemployment benefits claims during the pandemic for failing to respond to the department’s requests for additional information — or because the department was not able to process the additional information provided in the allotted time frame.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, \u003ca href=\"https://www.govops.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/sites/11/2020/09/Assessment.pdf\">a September 2020 report\u003c/a> written by a strike team assembled by Gov. Gavin Newsom found that during the same period, each department field office “had an estimated 450 pounds of unopened mail and had no system for processing unopened mail. Further, at the state’s call centers, less than 1 percent of callers reached an EDD staff member.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The Legislative Analyst’s Office report also revealed that the Employment Development Department mischaracterized the number of people seeking jobless benefits that it was disqualifying or denying in reports to the Legislature.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>From the start of the pandemic to June 30, 2021, the department sent weekly dispatches to the Legislature. During that period, the department reported that it had disqualified or denied 705,000 unemployment benefits claims, according to the Legislative Analyst’s Office’s report. But the LAO found that the department disqualified at least 3.4 million during that period.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When asked about this discrepancy, the department said it had interpreted the requirement to report to the Legislature to mean the number of people who were found not to qualify under state and federal eligibility rules, and so it did not report the number of people being disqualified by procedural rules.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People should get fired for this,” said Jim Patterson, a Republican state assemblymember from Fresno, citing how the Legislature was misled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The report corroborated what Patterson already sensed, he said — his office has helped about 3,000 constituents who had problems with the department. Through that process, he added, he saw how confounding the communication from the department to unemployed people sometimes is. “They write to constituents as if they’re creating a treatise for a master’s degree in confusion,” Patterson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re just seeing the result of a bureaucratic system that wasn’t capable of doing its fundamental mission,” Patterson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The LAO’s report makes over a dozen suggestions to remedy the issues it identifies, including recommendations for how to limit improper claim denials, minimize delays and simplify benefits applications.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Legislature is investing in modernizing the system and bolstering cybersecurity resilience, Assemblymember Cottie Petrie-Norris, a Democrat from Costa Mesa who chairs the Committee on Accountability and Administrative Review, said in a statement. She added that she hoped that would lead to “major advances in how quickly the department can assess threats and resolve claims.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Making sure unemployment benefits work effectively isn’t just important for workers who have been laid off — it’s important for the whole economy, said Irena Asmundson, a research scholar at the Stanford Institute for Economic Policy Research and former chief economist for California’s Department of Finance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If people who lose their jobs in an economic downturn don’t have unemployment benefits, she said, then they have to pull back on their spending — making a bad situation worse. So unemployment benefits are meant to act as a stabilizer, giving laid-off workers some money to spend and blunting a downward spiral for the whole economy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The report “misunderstands EDD’s recent activities to improve the process, and the deeper problems with [unemployment insurance] that go beyond the issues referenced in the report,” said former department director Michael Bernick, who is now special counsel with Duane Morris, a law firm. Bernick, who has also worked as a volunteer helping people who are trying to get benefits over the past two years, agrees that the process is too complex.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yet many of the anti-fraud measures that the report blames for slowing down payments are required by federal protocols, Bernick wrote in an email.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The truth is that EDD must balance rapid payout and anti-fraud — a process that has become increasingly difficult with the heightened sophistication of identity theft rings, and the amount of money going through the system,” Bernick said. He added that newer measures to combat identity theft, including the addition of online verification tool ID.me, are on the right path.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cb>Smithfield Foods Factory Closes\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Last week, the meat-packing giant Smithfield Foods announced it will close its factory in Vernon, CA, citing the high cost of doing business in the Golden State. About 1,800 employees will lose their jobs in February next year, although some could relocate to other Smithfield facilities outside of California.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">We talk to New York Times economics correspondent \u003c/span>\u003cb>Kurtis Lee, \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">who reported on the Smithfield Foods story and what it says about doing business in California.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Are People Leaving the Golden State?\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The pandemic and high housing prices are often cited as fueling a wave of departures from the San Francisco Bay area, but are people and businesses actually fleeing in search of better opportunities elsewhere? We look at shifts in the Bay Area’s demographics and workforce. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Guests:\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Abbie Langston, Director of Equitable Economy, PolicyLink\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Rachael Myrow, KQED Silicon Valley Desk senior editor\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Jeremy C. Owens, San Francisco bureau chief, MarketWatch \u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Something Beautiful: Bill Russell\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Last Sunday, the Bay Area and the basketball world lost an icon: Bill Russell is arguably the greatest champion the sport has ever seen. Yet, Russell’s legacy off the court is where he really left a mark. This week’s Something Beautiful celebrates Bill Russell’s impact on sports and the civil rights movement. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The defendant, a dark-haired woman named Dahbia Benakli, watched nervously as the prosecutor took the stand one final time.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The prosecutor, Steven Pinza, was defiant as he gave his closing statement. “If you don’t believe me,” he said to the jury, “one last thing. If you guys don’t believe me, let’s extend this trial.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The judge interrupted: “Mr. Pinza, your time is up. And no, we’re not extending the trial. The trial is going to be over.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">It was a scene straight out of any courtroom, except for one thing: This case was about an eviction lawsuit, a kind of proceeding that almost never goes before a jury in California. Benakli was a tenant, waiting to find out whether the court was going to evict her. Pinza was Benakli’s landlord, a local real estate investor and president of the Pinza Group, representing himself in an eviction lawsuit against her.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Benakli’s case, unique as it was, also reveals what many tenants may be facing outside the public eye. More than two years after the beginning of the pandemic, evictions are on the rise. Many of the far-reaching emergency housing protections passed in 2020 have since expired, \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101889929/as-pandemic-renter-protections-expire-wave-of-evictions-could-follow\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">leaving millions of renters facing eviction\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">As new rules for California tenants and landlords vanish and the old rules return, Benakli’s case — and its aftermath — show the challenges renters face in charting their way through this moment of uncertainty and change.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11920845\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202111066457-scaled.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11920845\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202111066457-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"A young girl in a lavender cotton shift with short sleeves stands at the end of a bed, leaning over and resting her torso on top of a folded pink blanket. Her brown hair is pulled back into a bun, with a fuzzy white band around it, and a pink clip on the side of her head. Light filters through a wide window covered with translucent white curtains that are patterned with rows of pink and grey roses and swirls. The quilt on her bed is white with pale flowers in pink and lavender. Two throw pillows in the same fabric are tossed against two white bed pillows at the head of the bed. The walls of the room are white. \" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202111066457-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202111066457-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202111066457-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202111066457-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202111066457-2048x1365.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202111066457-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Leah rests in the bedroom she shared with her mother and sister at their Walnut Creek apartment in November 2021. \u003ccite>(Kori Suzuki/Special to KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Part 1: The notice\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">It was May 2021 when Steven Pinza bought the wide, gray apartment building where Dahbia Benakli had lived for 11 years.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Benakli, a single mother and preschool teacher in Walnut Creek, didn’t think anything of the change in ownership at first. She said she had always had a good relationship with the previous management and wasn’t expecting anything different. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">At the time, she also had other priorities. Benakli was a single mom taking care of her two young daughters — Leah, 7, and Elina, 2 — by herself, juggling \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11898058/is-he-going-to-kick-us-to-the-street-a-walnut-creek-mom-fights-to-keep-her-apartment-amid-alleged-landlord-harassment\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">a frantic job search and gig work during the pandemic, in a year-long scramble to pay her bills\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Then, later that month, the eviction notices began to arrive. Pinza told 11 of the building’s 18 tenants they needed to move out. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“If I was someone that’s not paying rent or just pay part, and he gets tired of that situation, I would understand,” Benakli told me. “But I’m someone that pays the full rent. I do nothing illegal.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Benakli is one of a growing number of California residents facing eviction as millions of people across the state wrestle with the return of pre-pandemic housing laws.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">[pullquote size='small' citation='Dahbia Banakli']‘I want to move. I want to have two bedrooms. I want to have a backyard for my kids. I do want to have all that — but I cannot afford it right now.’[/pullquote]Between July 1, 2020, and June 30, 2021, \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.courts.ca.gov/documents/2022-Court-Statistics-Report.pdf\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">landlords filed nearly 4,000 eviction lawsuits across the Bay Area\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> — more than 700 of them in Contra Costa County, where Benakli lives.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And the number of eviction lockouts in the Bay Area — that’s when sheriff’s deputies physically remove people who were evicted in court from their homes — rose from 184 in March-December 2020, to 349 during the same months of 2021, according to \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/bayarea/article/COVID-eviction-battles-have-moved-to-the-Bay-Area-16845195.php\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">an analysis by The San Francisco Chronicle\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">In the case of Benakli and her neighbors, Pinza was ordering them to move out because he claimed the building needed major renovations.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“While we wish these repairs were not necessary or could be done without you moving out, it is not possible,” he wrote in a letter to the tenants.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">He gave tenants the option to relocate for two months at their own expense “while renovations are made,” then pay an additional $600 per month when they returned — a proposition Benakli could not afford.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11920822\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202111066646-scaled-e1659123208651.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11920822\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202111066646-scaled-e1659123208651-800x515.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"515\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202111066646-scaled-e1659123208651-800x515.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202111066646-scaled-e1659123208651-1020x657.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202111066646-scaled-e1659123208651-160x103.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202111066646-scaled-e1659123208651-1536x989.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202111066646-scaled-e1659123208651-2048x1318.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202111066646-scaled-e1659123208651-1920x1236.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Benakli hands her daughter Leah a cup of juice at their Walnut Creek apartment in November 2021. \u003ccite>(Kori Suzuki/Special to KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">She had lived in her one-bedroom apartment for 11 years, and her monthly rent was still only $1,000 — \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.zillow.com/rental-manager/market-trends/walnut-creek-ca/?propertyTypes=apartment-condo&bedrooms=1\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">less than half the market rate in Walnut Creek\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“I want to move,” Benakli said. “I want to have two bedrooms. I want to have a backyard for my kids. I do want to have all that — but I cannot afford it right now.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Upon receiving the letters, most of the tenants moved out. But Benakli, DeCher Young and John Taylor decided to stay and wait for the landlord to file an eviction lawsuit.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“I do understand he got this building and he wants to raise up the price,” Benakli said. “I do understand that he’s the new owner. I do understand he doesn’t know us. But he does not have the right to treat us less than a regular person.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Steven Pinza declined to speak on the record for this story.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Part 2: The lawsuit\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Benakli and her neighbors thought they stood a chance of fighting Steven Pinza’s lawsuit in court, and in an unusual request, they wanted a jury to decide the case.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Experts say eviction cases almost never go to a jury trial. In roughly the first year of the pandemic, \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.courts.ca.gov/documents/2022-Court-Statistics-Report.pdf\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">3,000 eviction cases went to trial and only 16 of them were decided by a jury\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"mceTemp\">\u003c/div>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11920832\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202204018493-scaled-e1659123268479.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11920832\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202204018493-scaled-e1659123268479-800x497.jpg\" alt=\"A man with rosy skin and silve-and-grey hair stands in a window looking out at the green leaves of a tree. Sunlight dapples his blue shirt. He wears slate green khaki pants and holds a grey zipped computer case under one arm. The window frames are dark wood.\" width=\"800\" height=\"497\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202204018493-scaled-e1659123268479-800x497.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202204018493-scaled-e1659123268479-1020x634.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202204018493-scaled-e1659123268479-160x99.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202204018493-scaled-e1659123268479-1536x955.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202204018493-scaled-e1659123268479-2048x1273.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202204018493-scaled-e1659123268479-1920x1194.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Housing attorney David Levin poses for a portrait in Berkeley on April 1, 2022. ‘We’re just seeing, now, some of the first cases that define the contours of law,’ he said. \u003ccite>(Kori Suzuki/Special to KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">But representing Benakli and her neighbors was David Levin, a Bay Area-based housing attorney, who saw cracks in the foundation of Pinza’s legal reasoning — specifically, two of them. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">According to court filings, Pinza had initially sent eviction notices to tenants who were mostly Black, Algerian or other people of color. Of the eight tenants who had decided to move out voluntarily, seven had been replaced by white renters. Levin planned to make the case that the evictions were racially motivated.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">His second argument was that the repairs Pinza planned would not “substantially remodel” the building.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billCompareClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB1482\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Tenant Protection Act of 2019\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> gives landlords the right to remove their renters for a major remodel if the repairs are extensive enough that the renter has to move out for their own safety — for at least 30 days.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">But what “substantially remodel” means is murky, according to multiple attorneys who specialize in housing cases, because the Tenant Protection Act has not been tested in court.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And to Levin, its vague language presented a potential foothold to challenge Pinza’s eviction lawsuit. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">It’s hard to overstate how much was at stake for Benakli, Young and Taylor. If they lost, their eviction would be public in a court record, visible to any future landlord. Some tenants’ advocates call this the “scarlet E.” Families who are evicted also tend to lose their jobs or have to switch their children’s schools, and they report \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/abs/pii/S0277953617300102?via%3Dihub\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">higher rates of anxiety and depression\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11920899\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202111066717-scaled-e1659121725698.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11920899\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202111066717-scaled-e1659121725698-800x821.jpg\" alt=\"A woman with brown skin and dark brown hair leans down to clasp her daughter, age 7, to her chest with a smile. Her left arm encircles the child's head and her right arm encircles the child's back. The woman wears a white dress with an elaborate, brightly colored collar about the neck, coming down to end in a ruffle over her shoulders. The colors are red, orange, green, and yellow. The child is wearing a white shirt, and has her brown hair pulled into a bun. Her eyes closed, she wraps her arms around her mother.\" width=\"800\" height=\"821\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202111066717-scaled-e1659121725698-800x821.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202111066717-scaled-e1659121725698-1020x1047.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202111066717-scaled-e1659121725698-160x164.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202111066717-scaled-e1659121725698-1497x1536.jpg 1497w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202111066717-scaled-e1659121725698.jpg 1708w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Benakli and Leah embrace at their former apartment in Walnut Creek in November 2021. \u003ccite>(Kori Suzuki/Special to KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Somehow, though, Benakli wasn’t nervous. She had faith that the courts would hear their concerns and would find in their favor.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“He wants to take it to the court?” she said. “That’s my dream. I want to go to the court with him. Because I know the truth will always win in the end.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Part 3: The trial\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The trial began at the end of February in the Superior Court for Contra Costa County, a tall, gray, downtown building in the sleepy Bay Area suburb of Martinez.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before he could use a particular argument in front of the jury, Levin had to convince Judge Danielle Douglas of it: that Pinza had shown a pattern of discrimination by evicting mostly tenants of color and bringing in white renters to replace them. But Douglas tossed it out, saying Levin couldn’t prove Pinza \u003ci data-stringify-type=\"italic\">intended \u003c/i>to discriminate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">As the jurors arrived the next day, Benakli, in a black shirt with pink flowers, sat with her neighbors in the front row of the courtroom. Levin, in a dark suit, sat between them and the judge like a shield, with a rolling bin full of legal papers on the floor next to him. To his left, at the prosecutor’s table, sat Pinza in a crisp suit of light gray. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pinza, who had elected to represent himself, argued that his plans to renovate the apartments \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">—\u003c/span> which included adjustments to the plumbing and electrical systems and installing new stoves, dishwashers and ceiling fans \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">—\u003c/span> were extensive. He said his expert witnesses would demonstrate that the scale of these renovations did justify evicting Benakli and her neighbors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size='small' citation='Judge Danielle Douglas, Contra Costa County Superior Court']‘Mr. Pinza. Mr. Pinza. Let the witness answer the question.’[/pullquote]Levin said his expert witnesses would show that Pinza’s plans for the apartments were minor and would not have required the tenants to move out. There was an ulterior motive at work, he argued: Kicking out Benakli and her neighbors would allow Pinza to raise the rent for their units substantially.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Pinza interrupted the witnesses frequently, prompting Judge Douglas to step in and reprimand him for breaking courtroom rules.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“It’s just the bathroom,” Benakli said, in answer to a question from Pinza. “The floor is popping out a little bit.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Pinza interrupted: “Oh, so there is damage to the bathroom. OK, so maybe your floors do need to be repaired. Good enough.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“Mr. Pinza,” Judge Douglas said sharply. “Mr. Pinza. Let the witness answer the question.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">On the way back to my car at the end of the third day, I ran into Benakli and one of the other tenants, DeCher Young. They were leaning over the railing on the top floor of the parking lot. Dahbia was smoking a cigarette — she said she’d just started smoking again. They didn’t seem worried. Not that they were confident, simply resigned to whatever was going to happen.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The next afternoon, Pinza gave a defiant closing statement, reiterating that his expert witness had done “thousands of remodels.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“So who do you believe?” Pinza asked the jury. “[Levin’s] guy? Who’s never been a contractor? He’s done as much construction work as I have, and that’s not a lot.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Levin spoke next, using his time to focus on the key question. “This whole case comes down to the time that a substantial remodel will take,” he said. “So now it’s your job to figure out where this line is in this case, based on the law and the facts.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">After two hours of jury deliberation, Judge Douglas called everyone back into the courtroom. The clerk read the verdict: 11 to 1, in Pinza’s favor.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Benakli and her neighbors had lost. They were going to be evicted.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11920855\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202203031817-scaled.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11920855\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202203031817-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"The image is from the back seat of the car, looking through the windshield at a blurred foreground of an apartment building on the right and the brake lights of the car in front of them, the red reflection casting pink light inside the car and on the auburn hair of the driver. The driver wears a white shirt with small dark polka dots and a ruffle at the shoulder over the long sleeves. The woman in the passenger seat has short dark hair and her arm, in a black sweater, rests on the back of the driver. A scented pine tree hangs from the rear view mirror. \" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202203031817-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202203031817-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202203031817-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202203031817-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202203031817-2048x1365.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202203031817-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">DeCher Young rests her hand on Benakli’s shoulder as they drive home from the trial through Walnut Creek on March 3, 2022. \u003ccite>(Kori Suzuki/Special to KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Part 4: The way home\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">That evening, Benakli and Young drove back to Walnut Creek together to pick up Benakli’s daughter from school. They let me ride with them in the back seat.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Benakli and Young were shaken. As they drove, they talked about how the trial had gone and what losing meant — court fees and having the eviction on their record.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“I don’t think I’m going to go to sleep tonight, looking for an apartment,” Benakli said.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“When, when I get home, I’m going to start looking for places,” Young said. “After I finish looking, then I’m gonna start dashing for a little bit to get my extra money on the side,” she added, referring to her side job driving for DoorDash.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“I can’t dash tonight,” Benakli said. “There’s just no way.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">As Benakli drove through downtown Walnut Creek, they stopped at a red light and Young looked out the window.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“I’mma miss living over here, I really am,” she said.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“That’s so true, girl,” Benakli said. “So true.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11920904\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202205221790-1-scaled.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11920904\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202205221790-1-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"A view from high in the forested hills over the Bay Area. In the foreground are rolling hills covered with oak and pine, with a few mansions visible in nooks and crannies of the canyons. In the middle of the photo is a wide urban spread o, with the bay in the distance on the right of the image, and the Bay Bridge a faint line across. Above the urban landscape are bluish hills in the distance and a line of orange and yellow light on the horizon as the sun rises into a pale blue sky.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202205221790-1-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202205221790-1-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202205221790-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202205221790-1-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202205221790-1-2048x1365.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202205221790-1-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The East Bay, from an overlook along Grizzly Peak Boulevard in Berkeley. \u003ccite>(Kori Suzuki/Special to KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>What happened in this case, housing experts say, is part of a pattern of gentrification and displacement in the Bay Area that stretches back to long before the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Benakli and Young both used to live in cities like Berkeley and Oakland and San Francisco, which have stronger protections for renters. Eventually, though, like many of those in lower- and middle-income households — disproportionately Black and brown — they saw their rent and other costs rise too high and left for Walnut Creek, where rent was lower, but there were also fewer protections.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“It’s a general story about inequality in America,” said Tim Thomas, research director at the \u003ca class=\"c-link\" href=\"https://www.urbandisplacement.org/team/tim-thomas-ph-d/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\" data-stringify-link=\"https://www.urbandisplacement.org/team/tim-thomas-ph-d/\" data-sk=\"tooltip_parent\" data-remove-tab-index=\"true\">Urban Displacement Project\u003c/a>.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Some parts of California are working to clarify how substantial remodel evictions work, by requiring landlords to help pay relocation costs, for example. State lawmakers are considering a bill requiring landlords to get local government permits before they can issue substantial remodel eviction notices. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Back in Walnut Creek, Benakli and Young arrived at the school of Benakli’s daughter, Leah. Young waited in the car while Benakli went inside. Minutes later, Leah clambered into the back seat.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I lost a tooth today in school, and I got this from the office,” she said to me, holding up a small, plastic, tooth-shaped container.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11920884\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202203031814-scaled-e1659122908973.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11920884\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202203031814-scaled-e1659122908973-800x482.jpg\" alt=\"A young girl's hands in the center of the photo hold a white plastic box shaped like a molar. Only her hands and the tooth box are in focus. Her purple jacket and pink and purple pants are blurred, and the car door on the other side of her is dark with white reflections\" width=\"800\" height=\"482\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202203031814-scaled-e1659122908973-800x482.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202203031814-scaled-e1659122908973-1020x614.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202203031814-scaled-e1659122908973-160x96.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202203031814-scaled-e1659122908973-1536x925.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202203031814-scaled-e1659122908973-2048x1234.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202203031814-scaled-e1659122908973-1920x1157.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Leah shows me her tooth box as Benakli and Young drive home from the trial on March 3, 2022. \u003ccite>(Kori Suzuki/Special to KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Benakli and Young drove home, talking about going up to Concord to look at apartments later that week. As they spoke, Leah told me about the money she was going to get from the tooth fairy and her plans to buy her sister, Elina, a present.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“I think I will get her a puppy,” she said. “A toy puppy set.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">It was a moment of extreme contrast: a kid being a kid in the back seat, while adult conversations went on in the background. It was also a reminder of who this could fall on the most — and who, years from now, might look back on this as a moment that changed everything.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Epilogue\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">In the months since their case ended in mid-March, Benakli, Young and their third neighbor, John Taylor, have all moved out.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“It was maybe one of the darkest moments in my life,” Benakli said of the days after the case ended, in a recent interview.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">A few days after the case ended, she received an email from her attorney, who said Pinza was asking for back rent and court fees — several thousand dollars.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Benakli panicked. She packed what she could, grabbed her two daughters, and left for a motel in Walnut Creek. She tried to disguise the move for the kids, offering them Starbucks for breakfast as a special treat, but she knew they could tell something was wrong.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“I was asking myself questions,” she said. “Am I a good mom? Am I a good person? What did I do wrong?”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">They were at the motel for three days. Benakli spent the entire time trying to figure out what to do next.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Eventually she got in touch with a friend of a friend who had already applied for a lease and needed a roommate, meaning Benakli didn’t have to worry about the eviction on her record.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">She was nervous about the thought of moving her family in with some strange man she didn’t know. But she didn’t have much of a choice.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Two weeks after Benakli had left her apartment in the dead of night, she and her daughters moved into their new unit, and slowly, a bit of their stress faded.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“It’s just like we’re right back home,” Benakli said. And on top of that, their new roommate was kind and caring.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">She knows the repercussions of the case — the “scarlet E” on her record and the money Pinza was asking for — are going to follow her for a long time, although her attorney says the real amount she will have to pay is still uncertain.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Benakli has lost a lot of faith in the court and other government institutions. As all of this was happening, she says, she would receive calls from canvassers trying to get her to register to vote.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“I don’t want to vote,” Benakli said. “There’s no laws protecting me. Nothing is protecting me.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">In Benakli’s eyes, the only people who were really able to help her were her friends and her family. At the end of the day, she said, that’s all some of us really have.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci data-stringify-type=\"italic\">\u003ca href=\"https://mobile.twitter.com/koritsuzuki\">Kori Suzuki \u003c/a>produced this story for a class at the UC Berkeley Graduate School of Journalism.\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"title": "Taking an Eviction Case to Court Is Risky. But This Mom Decided to Try It | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The defendant, a dark-haired woman named Dahbia Benakli, watched nervously as the prosecutor took the stand one final time.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The prosecutor, Steven Pinza, was defiant as he gave his closing statement. “If you don’t believe me,” he said to the jury, “one last thing. If you guys don’t believe me, let’s extend this trial.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The judge interrupted: “Mr. Pinza, your time is up. And no, we’re not extending the trial. The trial is going to be over.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">It was a scene straight out of any courtroom, except for one thing: This case was about an eviction lawsuit, a kind of proceeding that almost never goes before a jury in California. Benakli was a tenant, waiting to find out whether the court was going to evict her. Pinza was Benakli’s landlord, a local real estate investor and president of the Pinza Group, representing himself in an eviction lawsuit against her.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Benakli’s case, unique as it was, also reveals what many tenants may be facing outside the public eye. More than two years after the beginning of the pandemic, evictions are on the rise. Many of the far-reaching emergency housing protections passed in 2020 have since expired, \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101889929/as-pandemic-renter-protections-expire-wave-of-evictions-could-follow\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">leaving millions of renters facing eviction\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">As new rules for California tenants and landlords vanish and the old rules return, Benakli’s case — and its aftermath — show the challenges renters face in charting their way through this moment of uncertainty and change.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11920845\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202111066457-scaled.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11920845\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202111066457-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"A young girl in a lavender cotton shift with short sleeves stands at the end of a bed, leaning over and resting her torso on top of a folded pink blanket. Her brown hair is pulled back into a bun, with a fuzzy white band around it, and a pink clip on the side of her head. Light filters through a wide window covered with translucent white curtains that are patterned with rows of pink and grey roses and swirls. The quilt on her bed is white with pale flowers in pink and lavender. Two throw pillows in the same fabric are tossed against two white bed pillows at the head of the bed. The walls of the room are white. \" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202111066457-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202111066457-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202111066457-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202111066457-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202111066457-2048x1365.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202111066457-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Leah rests in the bedroom she shared with her mother and sister at their Walnut Creek apartment in November 2021. \u003ccite>(Kori Suzuki/Special to KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Part 1: The notice\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">It was May 2021 when Steven Pinza bought the wide, gray apartment building where Dahbia Benakli had lived for 11 years.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Benakli, a single mother and preschool teacher in Walnut Creek, didn’t think anything of the change in ownership at first. She said she had always had a good relationship with the previous management and wasn’t expecting anything different. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">At the time, she also had other priorities. Benakli was a single mom taking care of her two young daughters — Leah, 7, and Elina, 2 — by herself, juggling \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11898058/is-he-going-to-kick-us-to-the-street-a-walnut-creek-mom-fights-to-keep-her-apartment-amid-alleged-landlord-harassment\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">a frantic job search and gig work during the pandemic, in a year-long scramble to pay her bills\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Then, later that month, the eviction notices began to arrive. Pinza told 11 of the building’s 18 tenants they needed to move out. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“If I was someone that’s not paying rent or just pay part, and he gets tired of that situation, I would understand,” Benakli told me. “But I’m someone that pays the full rent. I do nothing illegal.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Benakli is one of a growing number of California residents facing eviction as millions of people across the state wrestle with the return of pre-pandemic housing laws.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘I want to move. I want to have two bedrooms. I want to have a backyard for my kids. I do want to have all that — but I cannot afford it right now.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Between July 1, 2020, and June 30, 2021, \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.courts.ca.gov/documents/2022-Court-Statistics-Report.pdf\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">landlords filed nearly 4,000 eviction lawsuits across the Bay Area\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> — more than 700 of them in Contra Costa County, where Benakli lives.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And the number of eviction lockouts in the Bay Area — that’s when sheriff’s deputies physically remove people who were evicted in court from their homes — rose from 184 in March-December 2020, to 349 during the same months of 2021, according to \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/bayarea/article/COVID-eviction-battles-have-moved-to-the-Bay-Area-16845195.php\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">an analysis by The San Francisco Chronicle\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">In the case of Benakli and her neighbors, Pinza was ordering them to move out because he claimed the building needed major renovations.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“While we wish these repairs were not necessary or could be done without you moving out, it is not possible,” he wrote in a letter to the tenants.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">He gave tenants the option to relocate for two months at their own expense “while renovations are made,” then pay an additional $600 per month when they returned — a proposition Benakli could not afford.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11920822\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202111066646-scaled-e1659123208651.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11920822\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202111066646-scaled-e1659123208651-800x515.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"515\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202111066646-scaled-e1659123208651-800x515.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202111066646-scaled-e1659123208651-1020x657.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202111066646-scaled-e1659123208651-160x103.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202111066646-scaled-e1659123208651-1536x989.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202111066646-scaled-e1659123208651-2048x1318.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202111066646-scaled-e1659123208651-1920x1236.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Benakli hands her daughter Leah a cup of juice at their Walnut Creek apartment in November 2021. \u003ccite>(Kori Suzuki/Special to KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">She had lived in her one-bedroom apartment for 11 years, and her monthly rent was still only $1,000 — \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.zillow.com/rental-manager/market-trends/walnut-creek-ca/?propertyTypes=apartment-condo&bedrooms=1\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">less than half the market rate in Walnut Creek\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“I want to move,” Benakli said. “I want to have two bedrooms. I want to have a backyard for my kids. I do want to have all that — but I cannot afford it right now.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Upon receiving the letters, most of the tenants moved out. But Benakli, DeCher Young and John Taylor decided to stay and wait for the landlord to file an eviction lawsuit.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“I do understand he got this building and he wants to raise up the price,” Benakli said. “I do understand that he’s the new owner. I do understand he doesn’t know us. But he does not have the right to treat us less than a regular person.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Steven Pinza declined to speak on the record for this story.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Part 2: The lawsuit\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Benakli and her neighbors thought they stood a chance of fighting Steven Pinza’s lawsuit in court, and in an unusual request, they wanted a jury to decide the case.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Experts say eviction cases almost never go to a jury trial. In roughly the first year of the pandemic, \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.courts.ca.gov/documents/2022-Court-Statistics-Report.pdf\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">3,000 eviction cases went to trial and only 16 of them were decided by a jury\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"mceTemp\">\u003c/div>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11920832\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202204018493-scaled-e1659123268479.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11920832\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202204018493-scaled-e1659123268479-800x497.jpg\" alt=\"A man with rosy skin and silve-and-grey hair stands in a window looking out at the green leaves of a tree. Sunlight dapples his blue shirt. He wears slate green khaki pants and holds a grey zipped computer case under one arm. The window frames are dark wood.\" width=\"800\" height=\"497\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202204018493-scaled-e1659123268479-800x497.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202204018493-scaled-e1659123268479-1020x634.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202204018493-scaled-e1659123268479-160x99.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202204018493-scaled-e1659123268479-1536x955.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202204018493-scaled-e1659123268479-2048x1273.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202204018493-scaled-e1659123268479-1920x1194.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Housing attorney David Levin poses for a portrait in Berkeley on April 1, 2022. ‘We’re just seeing, now, some of the first cases that define the contours of law,’ he said. \u003ccite>(Kori Suzuki/Special to KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">But representing Benakli and her neighbors was David Levin, a Bay Area-based housing attorney, who saw cracks in the foundation of Pinza’s legal reasoning — specifically, two of them. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">According to court filings, Pinza had initially sent eviction notices to tenants who were mostly Black, Algerian or other people of color. Of the eight tenants who had decided to move out voluntarily, seven had been replaced by white renters. Levin planned to make the case that the evictions were racially motivated.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">His second argument was that the repairs Pinza planned would not “substantially remodel” the building.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billCompareClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB1482\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Tenant Protection Act of 2019\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> gives landlords the right to remove their renters for a major remodel if the repairs are extensive enough that the renter has to move out for their own safety — for at least 30 days.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">But what “substantially remodel” means is murky, according to multiple attorneys who specialize in housing cases, because the Tenant Protection Act has not been tested in court.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And to Levin, its vague language presented a potential foothold to challenge Pinza’s eviction lawsuit. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">It’s hard to overstate how much was at stake for Benakli, Young and Taylor. If they lost, their eviction would be public in a court record, visible to any future landlord. Some tenants’ advocates call this the “scarlet E.” Families who are evicted also tend to lose their jobs or have to switch their children’s schools, and they report \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/abs/pii/S0277953617300102?via%3Dihub\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">higher rates of anxiety and depression\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11920899\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202111066717-scaled-e1659121725698.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11920899\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202111066717-scaled-e1659121725698-800x821.jpg\" alt=\"A woman with brown skin and dark brown hair leans down to clasp her daughter, age 7, to her chest with a smile. Her left arm encircles the child's head and her right arm encircles the child's back. The woman wears a white dress with an elaborate, brightly colored collar about the neck, coming down to end in a ruffle over her shoulders. The colors are red, orange, green, and yellow. The child is wearing a white shirt, and has her brown hair pulled into a bun. Her eyes closed, she wraps her arms around her mother.\" width=\"800\" height=\"821\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202111066717-scaled-e1659121725698-800x821.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202111066717-scaled-e1659121725698-1020x1047.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202111066717-scaled-e1659121725698-160x164.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202111066717-scaled-e1659121725698-1497x1536.jpg 1497w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202111066717-scaled-e1659121725698.jpg 1708w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Benakli and Leah embrace at their former apartment in Walnut Creek in November 2021. \u003ccite>(Kori Suzuki/Special to KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Somehow, though, Benakli wasn’t nervous. She had faith that the courts would hear their concerns and would find in their favor.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“He wants to take it to the court?” she said. “That’s my dream. I want to go to the court with him. Because I know the truth will always win in the end.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Part 3: The trial\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The trial began at the end of February in the Superior Court for Contra Costa County, a tall, gray, downtown building in the sleepy Bay Area suburb of Martinez.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before he could use a particular argument in front of the jury, Levin had to convince Judge Danielle Douglas of it: that Pinza had shown a pattern of discrimination by evicting mostly tenants of color and bringing in white renters to replace them. But Douglas tossed it out, saying Levin couldn’t prove Pinza \u003ci data-stringify-type=\"italic\">intended \u003c/i>to discriminate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">As the jurors arrived the next day, Benakli, in a black shirt with pink flowers, sat with her neighbors in the front row of the courtroom. Levin, in a dark suit, sat between them and the judge like a shield, with a rolling bin full of legal papers on the floor next to him. To his left, at the prosecutor’s table, sat Pinza in a crisp suit of light gray. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pinza, who had elected to represent himself, argued that his plans to renovate the apartments \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">—\u003c/span> which included adjustments to the plumbing and electrical systems and installing new stoves, dishwashers and ceiling fans \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">—\u003c/span> were extensive. He said his expert witnesses would demonstrate that the scale of these renovations did justify evicting Benakli and her neighbors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘Mr. Pinza. Mr. Pinza. Let the witness answer the question.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Levin said his expert witnesses would show that Pinza’s plans for the apartments were minor and would not have required the tenants to move out. There was an ulterior motive at work, he argued: Kicking out Benakli and her neighbors would allow Pinza to raise the rent for their units substantially.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Pinza interrupted the witnesses frequently, prompting Judge Douglas to step in and reprimand him for breaking courtroom rules.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“It’s just the bathroom,” Benakli said, in answer to a question from Pinza. “The floor is popping out a little bit.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Pinza interrupted: “Oh, so there is damage to the bathroom. OK, so maybe your floors do need to be repaired. Good enough.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“Mr. Pinza,” Judge Douglas said sharply. “Mr. Pinza. Let the witness answer the question.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">On the way back to my car at the end of the third day, I ran into Benakli and one of the other tenants, DeCher Young. They were leaning over the railing on the top floor of the parking lot. Dahbia was smoking a cigarette — she said she’d just started smoking again. They didn’t seem worried. Not that they were confident, simply resigned to whatever was going to happen.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The next afternoon, Pinza gave a defiant closing statement, reiterating that his expert witness had done “thousands of remodels.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“So who do you believe?” Pinza asked the jury. “[Levin’s] guy? Who’s never been a contractor? He’s done as much construction work as I have, and that’s not a lot.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Levin spoke next, using his time to focus on the key question. “This whole case comes down to the time that a substantial remodel will take,” he said. “So now it’s your job to figure out where this line is in this case, based on the law and the facts.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">After two hours of jury deliberation, Judge Douglas called everyone back into the courtroom. The clerk read the verdict: 11 to 1, in Pinza’s favor.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Benakli and her neighbors had lost. They were going to be evicted.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11920855\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202203031817-scaled.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11920855\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202203031817-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"The image is from the back seat of the car, looking through the windshield at a blurred foreground of an apartment building on the right and the brake lights of the car in front of them, the red reflection casting pink light inside the car and on the auburn hair of the driver. The driver wears a white shirt with small dark polka dots and a ruffle at the shoulder over the long sleeves. The woman in the passenger seat has short dark hair and her arm, in a black sweater, rests on the back of the driver. A scented pine tree hangs from the rear view mirror. \" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202203031817-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202203031817-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202203031817-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202203031817-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202203031817-2048x1365.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202203031817-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">DeCher Young rests her hand on Benakli’s shoulder as they drive home from the trial through Walnut Creek on March 3, 2022. \u003ccite>(Kori Suzuki/Special to KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Part 4: The way home\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">That evening, Benakli and Young drove back to Walnut Creek together to pick up Benakli’s daughter from school. They let me ride with them in the back seat.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Benakli and Young were shaken. As they drove, they talked about how the trial had gone and what losing meant — court fees and having the eviction on their record.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“I don’t think I’m going to go to sleep tonight, looking for an apartment,” Benakli said.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“When, when I get home, I’m going to start looking for places,” Young said. “After I finish looking, then I’m gonna start dashing for a little bit to get my extra money on the side,” she added, referring to her side job driving for DoorDash.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“I can’t dash tonight,” Benakli said. “There’s just no way.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">As Benakli drove through downtown Walnut Creek, they stopped at a red light and Young looked out the window.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“I’mma miss living over here, I really am,” she said.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“That’s so true, girl,” Benakli said. “So true.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11920904\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202205221790-1-scaled.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11920904\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202205221790-1-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"A view from high in the forested hills over the Bay Area. In the foreground are rolling hills covered with oak and pine, with a few mansions visible in nooks and crannies of the canyons. In the middle of the photo is a wide urban spread o, with the bay in the distance on the right of the image, and the Bay Bridge a faint line across. Above the urban landscape are bluish hills in the distance and a line of orange and yellow light on the horizon as the sun rises into a pale blue sky.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202205221790-1-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202205221790-1-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202205221790-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202205221790-1-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202205221790-1-2048x1365.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202205221790-1-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The East Bay, from an overlook along Grizzly Peak Boulevard in Berkeley. \u003ccite>(Kori Suzuki/Special to KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>What happened in this case, housing experts say, is part of a pattern of gentrification and displacement in the Bay Area that stretches back to long before the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Benakli and Young both used to live in cities like Berkeley and Oakland and San Francisco, which have stronger protections for renters. Eventually, though, like many of those in lower- and middle-income households — disproportionately Black and brown — they saw their rent and other costs rise too high and left for Walnut Creek, where rent was lower, but there were also fewer protections.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“It’s a general story about inequality in America,” said Tim Thomas, research director at the \u003ca class=\"c-link\" href=\"https://www.urbandisplacement.org/team/tim-thomas-ph-d/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\" data-stringify-link=\"https://www.urbandisplacement.org/team/tim-thomas-ph-d/\" data-sk=\"tooltip_parent\" data-remove-tab-index=\"true\">Urban Displacement Project\u003c/a>.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Some parts of California are working to clarify how substantial remodel evictions work, by requiring landlords to help pay relocation costs, for example. State lawmakers are considering a bill requiring landlords to get local government permits before they can issue substantial remodel eviction notices. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Back in Walnut Creek, Benakli and Young arrived at the school of Benakli’s daughter, Leah. Young waited in the car while Benakli went inside. Minutes later, Leah clambered into the back seat.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I lost a tooth today in school, and I got this from the office,” she said to me, holding up a small, plastic, tooth-shaped container.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11920884\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202203031814-scaled-e1659122908973.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11920884\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202203031814-scaled-e1659122908973-800x482.jpg\" alt=\"A young girl's hands in the center of the photo hold a white plastic box shaped like a molar. Only her hands and the tooth box are in focus. Her purple jacket and pink and purple pants are blurred, and the car door on the other side of her is dark with white reflections\" width=\"800\" height=\"482\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202203031814-scaled-e1659122908973-800x482.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202203031814-scaled-e1659122908973-1020x614.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202203031814-scaled-e1659122908973-160x96.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202203031814-scaled-e1659122908973-1536x925.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202203031814-scaled-e1659122908973-2048x1234.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202203031814-scaled-e1659122908973-1920x1157.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Leah shows me her tooth box as Benakli and Young drive home from the trial on March 3, 2022. \u003ccite>(Kori Suzuki/Special to KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Benakli and Young drove home, talking about going up to Concord to look at apartments later that week. As they spoke, Leah told me about the money she was going to get from the tooth fairy and her plans to buy her sister, Elina, a present.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“I think I will get her a puppy,” she said. “A toy puppy set.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">It was a moment of extreme contrast: a kid being a kid in the back seat, while adult conversations went on in the background. It was also a reminder of who this could fall on the most — and who, years from now, might look back on this as a moment that changed everything.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Epilogue\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">In the months since their case ended in mid-March, Benakli, Young and their third neighbor, John Taylor, have all moved out.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“It was maybe one of the darkest moments in my life,” Benakli said of the days after the case ended, in a recent interview.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">A few days after the case ended, she received an email from her attorney, who said Pinza was asking for back rent and court fees — several thousand dollars.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Benakli panicked. She packed what she could, grabbed her two daughters, and left for a motel in Walnut Creek. She tried to disguise the move for the kids, offering them Starbucks for breakfast as a special treat, but she knew they could tell something was wrong.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“I was asking myself questions,” she said. “Am I a good mom? Am I a good person? What did I do wrong?”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">They were at the motel for three days. Benakli spent the entire time trying to figure out what to do next.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Eventually she got in touch with a friend of a friend who had already applied for a lease and needed a roommate, meaning Benakli didn’t have to worry about the eviction on her record.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">She was nervous about the thought of moving her family in with some strange man she didn’t know. But she didn’t have much of a choice.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Two weeks after Benakli had left her apartment in the dead of night, she and her daughters moved into their new unit, and slowly, a bit of their stress faded.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“It’s just like we’re right back home,” Benakli said. And on top of that, their new roommate was kind and caring.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">She knows the repercussions of the case — the “scarlet E” on her record and the money Pinza was asking for — are going to follow her for a long time, although her attorney says the real amount she will have to pay is still uncertain.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Benakli has lost a lot of faith in the court and other government institutions. As all of this was happening, she says, she would receive calls from canvassers trying to get her to register to vote.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“I don’t want to vote,” Benakli said. “There’s no laws protecting me. Nothing is protecting me.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">In Benakli’s eyes, the only people who were really able to help her were her friends and her family. At the end of the day, she said, that’s all some of us really have.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci data-stringify-type=\"italic\">\u003ca href=\"https://mobile.twitter.com/koritsuzuki\">Kori Suzuki \u003c/a>produced this story for a class at the UC Berkeley Graduate School of Journalism.\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Update 4:30 p.m. Monday\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Marine terminals were open and again operating normally at the Port of Oakland following a five-day long near-total shutdown by truckers, port officials said Monday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Port of Oakland has resumed full operations” on Saturday, said port executive director Danny Wan. “We appreciate the independent truck drivers’ use of the designated Free Speech Zones and we thank local law enforcement for their continued assistance.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oakland police and other law enforcement agencies are working to keep traffic at the port moving, officials said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Port spokesman Robert Bernardo said it will still likely take weeks to alleviate the backlog of goods at the port, resulting in further delays of product shipments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Last updated, 4:30 p.m. Friday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cargo operations at the Port of Oakland remained largely stalled on Friday, as a convoy of truckers continued to block access to the facility for the fifth straight day to protest California’s gig-worker law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The demonstrations that began Monday involve hundreds of independent big-rig truckers who have prevented the movement of cargo in and out of the port’s terminals, in a bid to remain classified as independent contractors\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> – \u003c/span>rather than employees. Truckers held similar \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/newsletters/whatmatters/2022/07/ab-5-law-california-trucking/\">protests last week at the ports of Los Angeles and Long Beach\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think it’s very clear that there is so much uncertainty about how these independent drivers, these entrepreneurs, are going to be able to stay in business,” said Matt Schrap, CEO of the Harbor Trucking Association. The organization represents truckers servicing West Coast ports.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The blockade, which couldn’t come at a worse time for the port, is further exacerbating longstanding global supply-chain issues spurred by the pandemic that have led to months of epic cargo ship traffic jams, with mountains of goods stockpiled on docks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.portofoakland.com/wp-content/uploads/Open-letter-for-truckers-07-21-2022.pdf\">In an open letter sent on Thursday evening\u003c/a>, Danny Wan, executive director of the port, said he had met with protest organizers, and emphasized that he understood their frustrations, offering to support them in any negotiations with state. But he implored them to allow operations at the port to resume, warning of the collateral damage further disruptions would inflict.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wan said the port had set aside “free speech zones” for truckers to protest without disrupting the flow of commerce, and warned that any demonstrators whose trucks continued to obstruct terminal entrances or exits could be cited and face additional penalties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Port officials and organizers planned to meet again on Friday afternoon.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At issue is \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB5\">Assembly Bill 5\u003c/a>, a law passed in 2019 making it harder for companies to legally classify many workers as independent contractors instead of as employees. Under state labor law, employees are entitled to minimum wage and benefits such as workers compensation, overtime and sick pay. The law\u003ca href=\"https://scocal.stanford.edu/opinion/dynamex-operations-west-inc-v-superior-court-34584\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\"> codified a 2018 state Supreme Court decision\u003c/a> that required companies to treat workers as employees if their jobs are considered a key part of business operations. It also spurred Lyft, Uber and DoorDash to throw a huge amount of cash behind \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11843123/prop-22-explained-why-gig-companies-are-spending-huge-money-on-an-unprecedented-measure\">Proposition 22\u003c/a>, a 2020 ballot measure approved by voters that exempted most rideshare drivers\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> – \u003c/span>and that last year was ruled unconstitutional by a state court judge. (The companies have since appealed and don’t have to comply while court proceedings play out.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, a federal appeals court \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-courts-economy-business-government-and-politics-332e244b793604ba65946a3f3b99e271\">ruled last year that the law applies to some 70,000 truck drivers in the state \u003c/a>who are independent operators and don’t work for any one single company. The decision essentially requires companies that commission their services to classify them as employees, rather than independent contractors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although the International Brotherhood of Teamsters called the ruling a “massive victory” for exploited truckers, the California Trucking Association staunchly objected, arguing the change would limit the flexibility of drivers who own their trucks and operate on their own hours. Ultimately, the association said, classifying truckers as employees would hinder their ability to make a living.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The trade group appealed to the U.S. Supreme Court, stalling enforcement of the law, \u003ca href=\"https://www.supremecourt.gov/docket/docketfiles/html/public/21-194.html\">but the court last month denied their petition\u003c/a>, allowing the lower-court ruling to stand.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Protesters say the strike is largely intended to push Gov. Gavin Newsom and lawmakers to exempt truck drivers from California labor law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So the law is going to make us into employees of the company, even though I own my own truck, I pay for diesel, I pay for insurance,” said Randeep Dhillon, a self-employed trucker. Under the new law, he said, “I’m going to have to work under somebody else. My boss is going to tell me, ‘Hey, you have to be here at this time. You have to go at this time. You got to do this many loads.’ Now, if I feel like taking a day off, I can take a day off. If I want to reject a load … I’m like, ‘Hey, I don’t want to go.’ I’m an independent contractor. I have that right.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But there’s been no word on when the state might begin enforcing the law, which is still being contested in lower courts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Labor coverage\" tag=\"labor\"]In a statement on Thursday, a spokesperson for Newsom said “no one should be caught by surprise by the law’s requirements at this time,” and urged the trucking industry “to support this transition just as California has and continues to do.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“California is committed to supporting our truck drivers and ensuring [they] receive the protections and compensation they are entitled to,” the spokesperson said, pointing to available resources like employment tax incentives and small business financing. “The state will continue to partner with truckers and the ports to ensure the continued movement of goods to California’s residents and businesses, which is critical to all of us.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lorena Gonzalez Fletcher, the former Assemblymember who authored AB 5 and now heads the California Labor Federation, took to Twitter this week to defend the law, arguing that it’s meant to help protect truckers from being exploited by some of the companies that hire them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What the law says is that you can’t pretend a driver/worker is an independent business to avoid paying gas/equipment, workers comp, social security, wages for hours waiting, etc. by simply saying ‘they own their own truck,'” \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/LorenaSGonzalez/status/1550088780408713217\">she said in a tweet\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Schrap of the Harbor Trucking Association says there needs to be some type of clarification about AB 5 and its impact on truckers. He pointed to the spate of industries exempted under the law, and questioned why trucking wasn’t among them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Obviously, there’s still outstanding questions,” he said. “If there weren’t outstanding questions about how this is going to apply, I don’t think any of these men and women would be down there protesting.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are plenty of opportunities for truckers to become employees if they want to, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The fact of the matter is, is that these individuals do not want to be employees,” he said. “That’s where the clarification is needed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ci data-stringify-type=\"italic\">KQED’s Holly J. McDede contributed reporting to this story. \u003c/i>This story also includes reporting from the Associated Press.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Update 4:30 p.m. Monday\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Marine terminals were open and again operating normally at the Port of Oakland following a five-day long near-total shutdown by truckers, port officials said Monday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Port of Oakland has resumed full operations” on Saturday, said port executive director Danny Wan. “We appreciate the independent truck drivers’ use of the designated Free Speech Zones and we thank local law enforcement for their continued assistance.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oakland police and other law enforcement agencies are working to keep traffic at the port moving, officials said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Port spokesman Robert Bernardo said it will still likely take weeks to alleviate the backlog of goods at the port, resulting in further delays of product shipments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Last updated, 4:30 p.m. Friday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cargo operations at the Port of Oakland remained largely stalled on Friday, as a convoy of truckers continued to block access to the facility for the fifth straight day to protest California’s gig-worker law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The demonstrations that began Monday involve hundreds of independent big-rig truckers who have prevented the movement of cargo in and out of the port’s terminals, in a bid to remain classified as independent contractors\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> – \u003c/span>rather than employees. Truckers held similar \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/newsletters/whatmatters/2022/07/ab-5-law-california-trucking/\">protests last week at the ports of Los Angeles and Long Beach\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think it’s very clear that there is so much uncertainty about how these independent drivers, these entrepreneurs, are going to be able to stay in business,” said Matt Schrap, CEO of the Harbor Trucking Association. The organization represents truckers servicing West Coast ports.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The blockade, which couldn’t come at a worse time for the port, is further exacerbating longstanding global supply-chain issues spurred by the pandemic that have led to months of epic cargo ship traffic jams, with mountains of goods stockpiled on docks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.portofoakland.com/wp-content/uploads/Open-letter-for-truckers-07-21-2022.pdf\">In an open letter sent on Thursday evening\u003c/a>, Danny Wan, executive director of the port, said he had met with protest organizers, and emphasized that he understood their frustrations, offering to support them in any negotiations with state. But he implored them to allow operations at the port to resume, warning of the collateral damage further disruptions would inflict.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wan said the port had set aside “free speech zones” for truckers to protest without disrupting the flow of commerce, and warned that any demonstrators whose trucks continued to obstruct terminal entrances or exits could be cited and face additional penalties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Port officials and organizers planned to meet again on Friday afternoon.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At issue is \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB5\">Assembly Bill 5\u003c/a>, a law passed in 2019 making it harder for companies to legally classify many workers as independent contractors instead of as employees. Under state labor law, employees are entitled to minimum wage and benefits such as workers compensation, overtime and sick pay. The law\u003ca href=\"https://scocal.stanford.edu/opinion/dynamex-operations-west-inc-v-superior-court-34584\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\"> codified a 2018 state Supreme Court decision\u003c/a> that required companies to treat workers as employees if their jobs are considered a key part of business operations. It also spurred Lyft, Uber and DoorDash to throw a huge amount of cash behind \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11843123/prop-22-explained-why-gig-companies-are-spending-huge-money-on-an-unprecedented-measure\">Proposition 22\u003c/a>, a 2020 ballot measure approved by voters that exempted most rideshare drivers\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> – \u003c/span>and that last year was ruled unconstitutional by a state court judge. (The companies have since appealed and don’t have to comply while court proceedings play out.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, a federal appeals court \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-courts-economy-business-government-and-politics-332e244b793604ba65946a3f3b99e271\">ruled last year that the law applies to some 70,000 truck drivers in the state \u003c/a>who are independent operators and don’t work for any one single company. The decision essentially requires companies that commission their services to classify them as employees, rather than independent contractors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although the International Brotherhood of Teamsters called the ruling a “massive victory” for exploited truckers, the California Trucking Association staunchly objected, arguing the change would limit the flexibility of drivers who own their trucks and operate on their own hours. Ultimately, the association said, classifying truckers as employees would hinder their ability to make a living.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The trade group appealed to the U.S. Supreme Court, stalling enforcement of the law, \u003ca href=\"https://www.supremecourt.gov/docket/docketfiles/html/public/21-194.html\">but the court last month denied their petition\u003c/a>, allowing the lower-court ruling to stand.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Protesters say the strike is largely intended to push Gov. Gavin Newsom and lawmakers to exempt truck drivers from California labor law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So the law is going to make us into employees of the company, even though I own my own truck, I pay for diesel, I pay for insurance,” said Randeep Dhillon, a self-employed trucker. Under the new law, he said, “I’m going to have to work under somebody else. My boss is going to tell me, ‘Hey, you have to be here at this time. You have to go at this time. You got to do this many loads.’ Now, if I feel like taking a day off, I can take a day off. If I want to reject a load … I’m like, ‘Hey, I don’t want to go.’ I’m an independent contractor. I have that right.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But there’s been no word on when the state might begin enforcing the law, which is still being contested in lower courts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cb>San Francisco District Attorney Brooke Jenkins\u003c/b>\u003cb>\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Last week, San Francisco Mayor London Breed appointed Brooke Jenkins as the city’s new district attorney, after former DA Chesa Boudin was ousted in a contentious recall election. Jenkins worked for Boudin as a prosecutor, but quit in protest over some of his decisions, and joined the effort to recall Boudin as lead spokesperson. Now that she’s got her former boss’s job, Jenkins has said she wants to review dozens of former drug cases and may overturn decisions made by her predecessor.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Assemblymember Phil Ting’s New Gun Control Law\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">There have been more than 300 mass shootings in the United States so far this year, according to the \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.gunviolencearchive.org/reports/mass-shooting\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Gun Violence Archive\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">California lawmakers have acted swiftly to respond to these recent events and pushed through a new package of gun control laws. We talk to state Assemblymember Phil Ting, D-San Francisco, about the new law he authored, which carves a pathway to sue gun makers. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>This Week in California News and Politics\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The first six months of the year have been the driest in California’s recorded history, setting us up for a serious wildfire season. Crews have been battling wildfire in Yosemite National Park, where a big blaze has threatened ancient sequoias. We tackle this and more of the week’s big stories with our panel of reporters.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Guests: \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Guy Marzorati, KQED politics and government reporter\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Kevin Stark, KQED climate editor\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Grace Toohey, Los Angeles Times breaking news reporter\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>James Webb Telescope\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Nearly a million miles away, an array of 18 hexagonal mirrors made from rare metals is capturing stunning images of our universe. There’s a special California connection to the James Webb Telescope: It was partly assembled in Southern California, and many Californian engineers worked on the project for years. This week’s Something Beautiful showcases the story of this remarkable piece of technology that taps into our collective human spirit of invention, exploration and wonder.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cp>Hundreds of unionized workers who’ve been striking against Chevron’s Richmond refinery for more than two months have voted to ratify a contract with the energy giant, ending a bitter labor dispute at one of the West Coast’s major oil-refining facilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Results out Saturday afternoon show the new four-year contract was approved by a slim majority of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.usw5.org/\">United Steelworkers Local 5\u003c/a> members who work at the plant, according to B.K. White, vice president of the union chapter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m proud of the women and men who held the line for over two months. They showed unbelievable solidarity and resolve as they exercised their right to strike in an attempt to improve their and their co-workers’ lives,” White said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chevron representatives say the striking employees will return to work in the coming weeks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>USW Local 5 and Chevron have yet to release details of the contract, but it looks like union members may not have gained much from the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11908916/a-strike-at-chevrons-richmond-refinery\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">walkout\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before the strike, Chevron offered to give the Richmond workers a $2,500 bonus on top of what was agreed to between the national union and a group of oil companies in February, in what’s known as a “\u003ca href=\"https://m.usw.org/news/media-center/releases/2022/usw-reaches-tentative-agreement-with-marathon-to-set-four-year-pattern-for-oil-sector-bargaining\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">pattern\u003c/a>.” The contract the local workers approved Saturday included a $1,500 bonus, according to White.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Richmond City Councilmember Claudia Jimenez\"]‘It should not have taken workers striking to get the benefits they were asking for. Chevron fought the workers every step of the way.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said the two-months-long strike began to wear on his members, who’d missed out on several paychecks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On March 19 the local union chapter announced their 500 members would walk off the job after the two sides could not agree on a variety of sticking points that included worker safety improvements, pay and benefits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The following evening Chevron escorted the USW Local 5 workers from the facility. Hours after that, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11908722/they-own-the-oil-but-the-people-are-ours-workers-strike-at-chevrons-richmond-refinery\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">the pickets went up\u003c/a>. Community members, activists and some members of the Richmond City Council, who’ve long criticized the refinery over its environmental record, joined the striking workers on the picket lines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11903874\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11903874\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/RS53159_013_Richmond_ChevronRefinery_01132022-qut.jpg\" alt=\"Steam rises from Chevron's oil refinery in Richmond, California.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/RS53159_013_Richmond_ChevronRefinery_01132022-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/RS53159_013_Richmond_ChevronRefinery_01132022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/RS53159_013_Richmond_ChevronRefinery_01132022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/RS53159_013_Richmond_ChevronRefinery_01132022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/RS53159_013_Richmond_ChevronRefinery_01132022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Chevron’s Richmond refinery viewed from Point Richmond in January 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Since then, refinery managers and contract workers have been running the plant themselves. The two sides talked at the negotiating table only a few times during the strike, trading and rejecting several offers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But on Thursday afternoon they reached a tentative contract that’s now been ratified.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Richmond City Councilmember Claudia Jimenez said it shouldn’t have taken so long, or been such a hard fight, to reach a deal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I am glad that the workers got a contract,” Jimenez said. “However, it should not have taken workers striking to get the benefits they were asking for. Chevron fought the workers every step of the way.”[aside postID=\"news_11908852,news_11908916,news_11908722\" label=\"Related Posts\"]Chevron’s decision to have managers and non-USW Local 5 workers operate the refinery led to concerns among activists and some elected officials that having inexperienced employees run the facility would lead to an accident.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since the strike began, there have been nine flaring operations at the refinery, according to the Contra Costa County Hazardous Materials Programs. That typically happens when there’s a malfunction at the facility, and the facility needs to send gases to its flares to relieve pressure, a process the industry and regulators say is needed for safety.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Flaring operations often involve flames and smoke coming from the refinery’s stacks, and releases of toxic chemicals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m glad the United Steelworkers have reached an agreement with Chevron to bring back experienced workers and improve safety at the refinery,” said Contra Costa Supervisor John Gioia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chevron officials \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11912101/chevron-calls-to-police-during-strike-prompt-pushback-strain-on-resources\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">called police to respond to picketers\u003c/a> dozens of times during the strike. The company also arranged financial agreements with the Richmond and San Pablo police departments in response to the strike.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In late April, \u003ca href=\"https://www.chevron.com/-/media/chevron/stories/documents/1Q22-earnings-press-release.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Chevron announced a profit of $6.3 billion\u003c/a> for the first three months of this year, more than quadruple its earnings for the same period a year ago.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "The more than two-months-long strike at Richmond's Chevron refinery saw managers and non-USW Local 5 workers operate the refinery, leading to concerns among activists and some elected officials.",
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"title": "Chevron Richmond Refinery Workers OK Deal to End First Strike in Over 40 Years | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Hundreds of unionized workers who’ve been striking against Chevron’s Richmond refinery for more than two months have voted to ratify a contract with the energy giant, ending a bitter labor dispute at one of the West Coast’s major oil-refining facilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Results out Saturday afternoon show the new four-year contract was approved by a slim majority of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.usw5.org/\">United Steelworkers Local 5\u003c/a> members who work at the plant, according to B.K. White, vice president of the union chapter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m proud of the women and men who held the line for over two months. They showed unbelievable solidarity and resolve as they exercised their right to strike in an attempt to improve their and their co-workers’ lives,” White said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chevron representatives say the striking employees will return to work in the coming weeks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>USW Local 5 and Chevron have yet to release details of the contract, but it looks like union members may not have gained much from the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11908916/a-strike-at-chevrons-richmond-refinery\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">walkout\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before the strike, Chevron offered to give the Richmond workers a $2,500 bonus on top of what was agreed to between the national union and a group of oil companies in February, in what’s known as a “\u003ca href=\"https://m.usw.org/news/media-center/releases/2022/usw-reaches-tentative-agreement-with-marathon-to-set-four-year-pattern-for-oil-sector-bargaining\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">pattern\u003c/a>.” The contract the local workers approved Saturday included a $1,500 bonus, according to White.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said the two-months-long strike began to wear on his members, who’d missed out on several paychecks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On March 19 the local union chapter announced their 500 members would walk off the job after the two sides could not agree on a variety of sticking points that included worker safety improvements, pay and benefits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The following evening Chevron escorted the USW Local 5 workers from the facility. Hours after that, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11908722/they-own-the-oil-but-the-people-are-ours-workers-strike-at-chevrons-richmond-refinery\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">the pickets went up\u003c/a>. Community members, activists and some members of the Richmond City Council, who’ve long criticized the refinery over its environmental record, joined the striking workers on the picket lines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11903874\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11903874\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/RS53159_013_Richmond_ChevronRefinery_01132022-qut.jpg\" alt=\"Steam rises from Chevron's oil refinery in Richmond, California.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/RS53159_013_Richmond_ChevronRefinery_01132022-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/RS53159_013_Richmond_ChevronRefinery_01132022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/RS53159_013_Richmond_ChevronRefinery_01132022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/RS53159_013_Richmond_ChevronRefinery_01132022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/RS53159_013_Richmond_ChevronRefinery_01132022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Chevron’s Richmond refinery viewed from Point Richmond in January 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Since then, refinery managers and contract workers have been running the plant themselves. The two sides talked at the negotiating table only a few times during the strike, trading and rejecting several offers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But on Thursday afternoon they reached a tentative contract that’s now been ratified.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Richmond City Councilmember Claudia Jimenez said it shouldn’t have taken so long, or been such a hard fight, to reach a deal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I am glad that the workers got a contract,” Jimenez said. “However, it should not have taken workers striking to get the benefits they were asking for. Chevron fought the workers every step of the way.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Chevron’s decision to have managers and non-USW Local 5 workers operate the refinery led to concerns among activists and some elected officials that having inexperienced employees run the facility would lead to an accident.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since the strike began, there have been nine flaring operations at the refinery, according to the Contra Costa County Hazardous Materials Programs. That typically happens when there’s a malfunction at the facility, and the facility needs to send gases to its flares to relieve pressure, a process the industry and regulators say is needed for safety.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Flaring operations often involve flames and smoke coming from the refinery’s stacks, and releases of toxic chemicals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m glad the United Steelworkers have reached an agreement with Chevron to bring back experienced workers and improve safety at the refinery,” said Contra Costa Supervisor John Gioia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chevron officials \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11912101/chevron-calls-to-police-during-strike-prompt-pushback-strain-on-resources\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">called police to respond to picketers\u003c/a> dozens of times during the strike. The company also arranged financial agreements with the Richmond and San Pablo police departments in response to the strike.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In late April, \u003ca href=\"https://www.chevron.com/-/media/chevron/stories/documents/1Q22-earnings-press-release.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Chevron announced a profit of $6.3 billion\u003c/a> for the first three months of this year, more than quadruple its earnings for the same period a year ago.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"id": "closealltabs",
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"order": 1
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"title": "Code Switch / Life Kit",
"info": "\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em>, which listeners will hear in the first part of the hour, has fearless and much-needed conversations about race. Hosted by journalists of color, the show tackles the subject of race head-on, exploring how it impacts every part of society — from politics and pop culture to history, sports and more.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em>, which will be in the second part of the hour, guides you through spaces and feelings no one prepares you for — from finances to mental health, from workplace microaggressions to imposter syndrome, from relationships to parenting. The show features experts with real world experience and shares their knowledge. Because everyone needs a little help being human.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/podcasts/510312/codeswitch\">\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/lifekit\">\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />",
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"meta": {
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"id": "commonwealth-club",
"title": "Commonwealth Club of California Podcast",
"info": "The Commonwealth Club of California is the nation's oldest and largest public affairs forum. As a non-partisan forum, The Club brings to the public airwaves diverse viewpoints on important topics. The Club's weekly radio broadcast - the oldest in the U.S., dating back to 1924 - is carried across the nation on public radio stations and is now podcasting. Our website archive features audio of our recent programs, as well as selected speeches from our long and distinguished history. This podcast feed is usually updated twice a week and is always un-edited.",
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"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Commonwealth-Club-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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"meta": {
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"source": "Commonwealth Club of California"
},
"link": "/radio/program/commonwealth-club",
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cDovL3d3dy5jb21tb253ZWFsdGhjbHViLm9yZy9hdWRpby9wb2RjYXN0L3dlZWtseS54bWw",
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"id": "forum",
"title": "Forum",
"tagline": "The conversation starts here",
"info": "KQED’s live call-in program discussing local, state, national and international issues, as well as in-depth interviews.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 9am-11am, 10pm-11pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Forum-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED Forum with Mina Kim and Alexis Madrigal",
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 9
},
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"id": "freakonomics-radio",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "http://freakonomics.com/",
"airtime": "SUN 1am-2am, SAT 3pm-4pm",
"meta": {
"site": "radio",
"source": "WNYC"
},
"link": "/radio/program/freakonomics-radio",
"subscribe": {
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/freakonomics-radio/id354668519",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/podcasts/WNYC-Podcasts/Freakonomics-Radio-p272293/",
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},
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"id": "fresh-air",
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"link": "/radio/program/fresh-air",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/WebObjects/MZStore.woa/wa/viewPodcast?s=143441&mt=2&id=214089682&at=11l79Y&ct=nprdirectory",
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"info": "A live production of NPR and WBUR Boston, in collaboration with stations across the country, Here & Now reflects the fluid world of news as it's happening in the middle of the day, with timely, in-depth news, interviews and conversation. Hosted by Robin Young, Jeremy Hobson and Tonya Mosley.",
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"hidden-brain": {
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"info": "Shankar Vedantam uses science and storytelling to reveal the unconscious patterns that drive human behavior, shape our choices and direct our relationships.",
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"airtime": "SUN 7pm-8pm",
"meta": {
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"source": "NPR"
},
"link": "/radio/program/hidden-brain",
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"how-i-built-this": {
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"title": "How I Built This with Guy Raz",
"info": "Guy Raz dives into the stories behind some of the world's best known companies. How I Built This weaves a narrative journey about innovators, entrepreneurs and idealists—and the movements they built.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/howIBuiltThis.png",
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"airtime": "SUN 7:30pm-8pm",
"meta": {
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"link": "/radio/program/how-i-built-this",
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"npr": "https://rpb3r.app.goo.gl/3zxy",
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/how-i-built-this-with-guy-raz/id1150510297?mt=2",
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"hyphenacion": {
"id": "hyphenacion",
"title": "Hyphenación",
"tagline": "Where conversation and cultura meet",
"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/03/Hyphenacion_FinalAssets_PodcastTile.png",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/hyphenacion",
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"order": 15
},
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},
"jerrybrown": {
"id": "jerrybrown",
"title": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown",
"tagline": "Lessons from a lifetime in politics",
"info": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown brings listeners the wisdom of the former Governor, Mayor, and presidential candidate. Scott Shafer interviewed Brown for more than 40 hours, covering the former governor's life and half-century in the political game – and Brown has some lessons he'd like to share. ",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-Political-Mind-of-Jerry-Brown-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/jerrybrown",
"meta": {
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"order": 18
},
"link": "/podcasts/jerrybrown",
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},
"latino-usa": {
"id": "latino-usa",
"title": "Latino USA",
"airtime": "MON 1am-2am, SUN 6pm-7pm",
"info": "Latino USA, the radio journal of news and culture, is the only national, English-language radio program produced from a Latino perspective.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/latinoUsa.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "http://latinousa.org/",
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"link": "/radio/program/latino-usa",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/WebObjects/MZStore.woa/wa/viewPodcast?s=143441&mt=2&id=79681317&at=11l79Y&ct=nprdirectory",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510016/podcast.xml"
}
},
"marketplace": {
"id": "marketplace",
"title": "Marketplace",
"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 4pm-4:30pm, MON-WED 6:30pm-7pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Marketplace-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.marketplace.org/",
"meta": {
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"source": "American Public Media"
},
"link": "/radio/program/marketplace",
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},
"masters-of-scale": {
"id": "masters-of-scale",
"title": "Masters of Scale",
"info": "Masters of Scale is an original podcast in which LinkedIn co-founder and Greylock Partner Reid Hoffman sets out to describe and prove theories that explain how great entrepreneurs take their companies from zero to a gazillion in ingenious fashion.",
"airtime": "Every other Wednesday June 12 through October 16 at 8pm (repeats Thursdays at 2am)",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "https://mastersofscale.com/",
"meta": {
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"source": "WaitWhat"
},
"link": "/radio/program/masters-of-scale",
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"apple": "http://mastersofscale.app.link/",
"rss": "https://rss.art19.com/masters-of-scale"
}
},
"mindshift": {
"id": "mindshift",
"title": "MindShift",
"tagline": "A podcast about the future of learning and how we raise our kids",
"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Mindshift-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED MindShift: How We Will Learn",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/mindshift/",
"meta": {
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 12
},
"link": "/podcasts/mindshift",
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM1NzY0NjAwNDI5",
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}
},
"morning-edition": {
"id": "morning-edition",
"title": "Morning Edition",
"info": "\u003cem>Morning Edition\u003c/em> takes listeners around the country and the world with multi-faceted stories and commentaries every weekday. Hosts Steve Inskeep, David Greene and Rachel Martin bring you the latest breaking news and features to prepare you for the day.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 3am-9am",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Morning-Edition-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/programs/morning-edition/",
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"link": "/radio/program/morning-edition"
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"onourwatch": {
"id": "onourwatch",
"title": "On Our Watch",
"tagline": "Deeply-reported investigative journalism",
"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/On-Our-Watch-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "On Our Watch from NPR and KQED",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/onourwatch",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "kqed",
"order": 11
},
"link": "/podcasts/onourwatch",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "https://podcasts.apple.com/podcast/id1567098962",
"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5ucHIub3JnLzUxMDM2MC9wb2RjYXN0LnhtbD9zYz1nb29nbGVwb2RjYXN0cw",
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"stitcher": "https://www.stitcher.com/show/on-our-watch",
"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510360/podcast.xml"
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},
"on-the-media": {
"id": "on-the-media",
"title": "On The Media",
"info": "Our weekly podcast explores how the media 'sausage' is made, casts an incisive eye on fluctuations in the marketplace of ideas, and examines threats to the freedom of information and expression in America and abroad. For one hour a week, the show tries to lift the veil from the process of \"making media,\" especially news media, because it's through that lens that we see the world and the world sees us",
"airtime": "SUN 2pm-3pm, MON 12am-1am",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/onTheMedia.png",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.wnycstudios.org/shows/otm",
"meta": {
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"source": "wnyc"
},
"link": "/radio/program/on-the-media",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/on-the-media/id73330715?mt=2",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/radio/On-the-Media-p69/",
"rss": "http://feeds.wnyc.org/onthemedia"
}
},
"pbs-newshour": {
"id": "pbs-newshour",
"title": "PBS NewsHour",
"info": "Analysis, background reports and updates from the PBS NewsHour putting today's news in context.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 3pm-4pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/PBS-News-Hour-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.pbs.org/newshour/",
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"source": "pbs"
},
"link": "/radio/program/pbs-newshour",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/pbs-newshour-full-show/id394432287?mt=2",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/radio/PBS-NewsHour---Full-Show-p425698/",
"rss": "https://www.pbs.org/newshour/feeds/rss/podcasts/show"
}
},
"perspectives": {
"id": "perspectives",
"title": "Perspectives",
"tagline": "KQED's series of daily listener commentaries since 1991",
"info": "KQED's series of daily listener commentaries since 1991.",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/01/Perspectives_Tile_Final.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED Perspectives",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/perspectives/",
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 14
},
"link": "/perspectives",
"subscribe": {
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"npr": "https://www.npr.org/podcasts/432309616/perspectives",
"rss": "https://ww2.kqed.org/perspectives/category/perspectives/feed/",
"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly93dzIua3FlZC5vcmcvcGVyc3BlY3RpdmVzL2NhdGVnb3J5L3BlcnNwZWN0aXZlcy9mZWVkLw"
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},
"planet-money": {
"id": "planet-money",
"title": "Planet Money",
"info": "The economy explained. Imagine you could call up a friend and say, Meet me at the bar and tell me what's going on with the economy. Now imagine that's actually a fun evening.",
"airtime": "SUN 3pm-4pm",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/planetmoney.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/sections/money/",
"meta": {
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"source": "npr"
},
"link": "/radio/program/planet-money",
"subscribe": {
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/planet-money/id290783428?mt=2",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/podcasts/Business--Economics-Podcasts/Planet-Money-p164680/",
"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510289/podcast.xml"
}
},
"politicalbreakdown": {
"id": "politicalbreakdown",
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