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"content": "\u003cp>California is preparing to spend up to $20 million to bring patients seeking abortions from other states to its abortion clinics, a policy aimed at increasing access to a procedure that has been outlawed or restricted in many states since the U.S. Supreme Court overturned Roe v. Wade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom had previously \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/abortion-health-travel-california-0ef7ff0792f4818a46d3bef92c3d1280\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">restricted the money\u003c/a> in the state’s “Abortion Practical Support Fund” to in-state travel only, saying, “We have to be realistic about what we can absorb.” That decision surprised abortion-rights advocates, especially since Newsom, a Democrat, had vowed to make California a sanctuary for patients in other states seeking abortions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Abortion-rights advocates spent weeks lobbying the governor’s office on the issue. Friday, just days before the end of the legislative session, Newsom and legislative leaders revealed \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB204\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">an amendment\u003c/a> to the budget that would allow the state to spend public money on out-of-state travel for abortions. Lawmakers are scheduled to vote on it next week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the fund will receive public money, it also accepts private donations — something the Newsom administration said will be important to cover costs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As the Governor has stated, California is doing its part, but we cannot do it all — private donations and philanthropy will be critical to these efforts,” Newsom spokesperson Alex Stack said. “We all need to step up to support women who are being denied reproductive freedoms by their state governments and are forced to come to California for abortion care.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jodi Hicks, CEO and president of Planned Parenthood Affiliates of California, said the change is significant given that state officials have been working for months to increase the state’s capacity to provide abortions in the aftermath of the U.S. Supreme Court decision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“None of that matters if we’re not also ensuring that patients can get to where they need to go,” she said. “Everyone deserves to get health care, including abortion, and unfortunately for half the country they need to travel outside the state they live in in order to get that.”[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Jodi Hicks, CEO and president, Planned Parenthood Affiliates of California\"]‘Everyone deserves to get health care, including abortion, and unfortunately for half the country they need to travel outside the state they live in in order to get that.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As some states move to outlaw or restrict abortion access, some state and local governments have acted to use public money to help patients in those states travel to get the procedure. In Republican-led Missouri and Ohio, city leaders in St. Louis, Cleveland and Columbus have pledged to use public money to help patients get abortions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State lawmakers in Oregon — anticipating an abortion ban in neighboring Idaho — agreed to spend $15 million to help people seek abortions. So far, $1 million has gone to the Northwest Abortion Access Fund, a nonprofit that helps patients pay for travel and the procedure itself. The fund exhausted its planned operating budget this year and had to approve additional emergency funds amid growing demand for travel aid, according to Riley Keane, practical support lead for the group.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, some of the money could go to Access Reproductive Justice, the state’s only statewide abortion support fund. The group usually helps about 500 people per year get abortions, but director Jessica Pinckney said they’ve seen an increase since the U.S. Supreme Court decision. Recently, for the first time ever, Pinckney said the group in one week helped more women who lived in other states than women from California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re definitely seeing an increase of Texans and Arizonians. We’re also starting to see folks coming from Louisiana, Alabama — much further than we would have even anticipated,” Pinckney said. “I still don’t necessarily think we have the full story of what things are going to look like now in this post-Roe era.”[aside tag=\"abortion\" label=\"More Related Stories\"]The California Family Council, a nonprofit that opposes abortion rights, has been lobbying against the spending this year, but without much success. Jonathan Keller, the group’s president, said the state should be spending tax dollars on what he says are more pressing issues, like homelessness and housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The idea that the most pressing use of state funds would be to pay for people from red states to fly here to have abortions on the California taxpayer dime is really just a travesty,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state budget this year authorizes $4.8 billion in spending over three years on an array of housing and homelessness programs, in addition to the $9 billion lawmakers approved last year, according to the nonpartisan Legislative Analyst’s Office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>___\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Associated Press reporter Claire Rush contributed from Portland, Oregon.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The California Family Council, a nonprofit that opposes abortion rights, has been lobbying against the spending this year, but without much success. Jonathan Keller, the group’s president, said the state should be spending tax dollars on what he says are more pressing issues, like homelessness and housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The idea that the most pressing use of state funds would be to pay for people from red states to fly here to have abortions on the California taxpayer dime is really just a travesty,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state budget this year authorizes $4.8 billion in spending over three years on an array of housing and homelessness programs, in addition to the $9 billion lawmakers approved last year, according to the nonpartisan Legislative Analyst’s Office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>___\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Associated Press reporter Claire Rush contributed from Portland, Oregon.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "What Is 'Quiet Quitting,' and How It May Be a Misnomer for Setting Boundaries at Work",
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"content": "\u003cp>Closing your laptop at 5 p.m. Doing only your assigned tasks. Spending more time with family. These are just some of the common examples used to define the latest workplace trend of \"quiet quitting.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some experts say it's a misnomer and should really be defined as carving out time to take care of yourself.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ed Zitron, who runs a media consulting business for tech startups and publishes the labor-focused newsletter \u003ca href=\"https://ez.substack.com/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Where's Your Ed At\u003c/a>, believes the term stems from companies exploiting their employees' labor and how these businesses benefit from a culture of overwork without additional compensation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"If you want people to go 'above and beyond,' compensate them for it. Give them $200. Pay them for the extra work,\" Zitron told NPR over email. \"Show them the direct path from 'I am going above and beyond' to 'I am being rewarded for doing so.'\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A TikTok video on quiet quitting posted in July by \u003ca href=\"https://www.tiktok.com/@zaidleppelin/video/7124414185282391342?is_copy_url=1&is_from_webapp=v1\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">@zkchillin\u003c/a> (now @zaidleppelin) went viral. Many TikTok users shared their own experiences in response, with #quietquitting gaining 8.2 million views on the platform as of 4 p.m. ET Thursday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Quiet quitting doesn't actually involve quitting. Instead, it has been deemed a response to hustle culture and burnout; employees are \"quitting\" going above and beyond and declining to do tasks they are not being paid for.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>How employees have changed their approach to work\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Workplace culture has gone through many changes during the COVID-19 pandemic, including with the \"\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2022/07/10/1108555815/pandemic-reinvention-stories-work-life-balance#:~:text=We've%20all%20heard%20about,conditions%20and%20career%20development%20opportunities.\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">great resignation\u003c/a>.\" Some workers are \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/money/2022/01/25/1075115539/the-great-resignation-more-like-the-great-renegotiation\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">negotiating\u003c/a> for better work conditions and benefits with newfound leverage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some workers have expressed a desire for a less rigid line between their \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2022/07/08/1110435807/as-americans-go-back-to-the-office-some-want-a-less-rigid-work-personal-boundary\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">work and personal selves\u003c/a>. Professionals told NPR's \u003cem>Morning Edition\u003c/em> how during the pandemic, they have made changes in their work lives, from how they dress to their career field, to align more closely with their personal values.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I started to realize that all of the hang-ups about being away from work to spend time with my kids, that was all me wanting to be a really good employee,\" Kristin Zawatski told \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2022/07/08/1110435807/as-americans-go-back-to-the-office-some-want-a-less-rigid-work-personal-boundary\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">NPR's \u003cem>Morning Edition\u003c/em>\u003c/a>. \"But my work speaks for itself.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Zawatski works in project management, a job that has afforded her the flexibility she needs as a mom of two. Although she would always make sure her work was done, she felt guilty whenever she needed to leave early or take a day off. That changed with the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Knowing that life could be short, I didn't want to waste it anymore all the time just worrying about what kind of employee I was, because my kids don't care what kind of employee I am,\" Zawatski said. \"My kids care what kind of mom I am.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Quiet quitting is in line with a larger reevaluation of how work fits into our lives and not the other way around. As Gen Z is entering the workforce, the idea of quiet quitting has gained traction as Gen Zers deal with burnout and never-ending demands.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, Gen Z is not the first generation to experience burnout, and quiet quitting is not a new idea. Zitron shared his frustrations with the framing of the term, because it mischaracterizes doing the tasks you are paid for with the idea of quitting your job.[aside tag=\"work, economy\" label=\"More Related Stories\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The term 'quiet quitting' is so offensive, because it suggests that people that do their work have somehow quit their job, framing workers as some sort of villain in an equation where they're doing exactly what they were told,\" Zitron said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Employers benefit financially from workers doing extra work without compensation and it is reasonable for employees to push back against that, he added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It's part of an overwhelming trend of pro-boss propaganda, trying to frame workers that don't do free work for their bosses as somehow stealing from the company,\" Zitron said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For employers that are dealing with workers who may be exhibiting signs of quiet quitting, Zitron has one simple message for them: Pay them for extra work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you are experiencing \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2021/03/08/974787023/burnout-isnt-just-exhaustion-heres-how-to-deal-with-it\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">burnout \u003c/a>at work, setting \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2022/07/05/1109825194/how-to-set-boundaries-nedra-tawwab\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">boundaries\u003c/a> can help you regain some control. Additionally, working on addressing \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2022/04/07/1091455113/how-to-handle-conflict-at-work\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">workplace conflict\u003c/a> head-on can make a situation easier — or be a sign it's time to move on.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2022 NPR. To see more, visit https://www.npr.org.\u003cimg src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=What+is+%27quiet+quitting%2C%27+and+how+it+may+be+a+misnomer+for+setting+boundaries+at+work&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Closing your laptop at 5 p.m. Doing only your assigned tasks. Spending more time with family. These are just some of the common examples used to define the latest workplace trend of \"quiet quitting.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some experts say it's a misnomer and should really be defined as carving out time to take care of yourself.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ed Zitron, who runs a media consulting business for tech startups and publishes the labor-focused newsletter \u003ca href=\"https://ez.substack.com/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Where's Your Ed At\u003c/a>, believes the term stems from companies exploiting their employees' labor and how these businesses benefit from a culture of overwork without additional compensation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"If you want people to go 'above and beyond,' compensate them for it. Give them $200. Pay them for the extra work,\" Zitron told NPR over email. \"Show them the direct path from 'I am going above and beyond' to 'I am being rewarded for doing so.'\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A TikTok video on quiet quitting posted in July by \u003ca href=\"https://www.tiktok.com/@zaidleppelin/video/7124414185282391342?is_copy_url=1&is_from_webapp=v1\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">@zkchillin\u003c/a> (now @zaidleppelin) went viral. Many TikTok users shared their own experiences in response, with #quietquitting gaining 8.2 million views on the platform as of 4 p.m. ET Thursday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Quiet quitting doesn't actually involve quitting. Instead, it has been deemed a response to hustle culture and burnout; employees are \"quitting\" going above and beyond and declining to do tasks they are not being paid for.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>How employees have changed their approach to work\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Workplace culture has gone through many changes during the COVID-19 pandemic, including with the \"\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2022/07/10/1108555815/pandemic-reinvention-stories-work-life-balance#:~:text=We've%20all%20heard%20about,conditions%20and%20career%20development%20opportunities.\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">great resignation\u003c/a>.\" Some workers are \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/money/2022/01/25/1075115539/the-great-resignation-more-like-the-great-renegotiation\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">negotiating\u003c/a> for better work conditions and benefits with newfound leverage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some workers have expressed a desire for a less rigid line between their \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2022/07/08/1110435807/as-americans-go-back-to-the-office-some-want-a-less-rigid-work-personal-boundary\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">work and personal selves\u003c/a>. Professionals told NPR's \u003cem>Morning Edition\u003c/em> how during the pandemic, they have made changes in their work lives, from how they dress to their career field, to align more closely with their personal values.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I started to realize that all of the hang-ups about being away from work to spend time with my kids, that was all me wanting to be a really good employee,\" Kristin Zawatski told \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2022/07/08/1110435807/as-americans-go-back-to-the-office-some-want-a-less-rigid-work-personal-boundary\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">NPR's \u003cem>Morning Edition\u003c/em>\u003c/a>. \"But my work speaks for itself.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Zawatski works in project management, a job that has afforded her the flexibility she needs as a mom of two. Although she would always make sure her work was done, she felt guilty whenever she needed to leave early or take a day off. That changed with the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Knowing that life could be short, I didn't want to waste it anymore all the time just worrying about what kind of employee I was, because my kids don't care what kind of employee I am,\" Zawatski said. \"My kids care what kind of mom I am.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Quiet quitting is in line with a larger reevaluation of how work fits into our lives and not the other way around. As Gen Z is entering the workforce, the idea of quiet quitting has gained traction as Gen Zers deal with burnout and never-ending demands.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, Gen Z is not the first generation to experience burnout, and quiet quitting is not a new idea. Zitron shared his frustrations with the framing of the term, because it mischaracterizes doing the tasks you are paid for with the idea of quitting your job.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The term 'quiet quitting' is so offensive, because it suggests that people that do their work have somehow quit their job, framing workers as some sort of villain in an equation where they're doing exactly what they were told,\" Zitron said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Employers benefit financially from workers doing extra work without compensation and it is reasonable for employees to push back against that, he added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It's part of an overwhelming trend of pro-boss propaganda, trying to frame workers that don't do free work for their bosses as somehow stealing from the company,\" Zitron said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For employers that are dealing with workers who may be exhibiting signs of quiet quitting, Zitron has one simple message for them: Pay them for extra work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you are experiencing \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2021/03/08/974787023/burnout-isnt-just-exhaustion-heres-how-to-deal-with-it\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">burnout \u003c/a>at work, setting \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2022/07/05/1109825194/how-to-set-boundaries-nedra-tawwab\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">boundaries\u003c/a> can help you regain some control. Additionally, working on addressing \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2022/04/07/1091455113/how-to-handle-conflict-at-work\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">workplace conflict\u003c/a> head-on can make a situation easier — or be a sign it's time to move on.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2022 NPR. To see more, visit https://www.npr.org.\u003cimg src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=What+is+%27quiet+quitting%2C%27+and+how+it+may+be+a+misnomer+for+setting+boundaries+at+work&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>If you get laid off, there’s a system that’s supposed to help you get by: unemployment benefits. Whenever California stares down a pandemic or a possible recession, the partial wage-replacement program is one of the most important economic safeguards for workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the benefits have become more difficult for workers to access, due to the program’s design and decisions made by California’s embattled Employment Development Department. That’s according to an\u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/reports/2022/4615/Improving-CA-UI-Program-080822.pdf\"> in-depth report released Monday from the Legislative Analyst’s Office\u003c/a>, a nonpartisan agency that provides advice to the Legislature.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The report found that the benefits program’s orientation toward businesses — which fund the benefits and have an incentive to keep costs down — led the department to emphasize holding down costs. Pressure from the federal government to avoid errors led the department to try, however successfully, to minimize fraud.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The result, according to the report: The department pursued lowering costs and hindering fraud over making it easy for workers to access benefits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Looked at individually, one of these policies might seem totally reasonable, either to limit fraud or to minimize business costs,” said Chas Alamo, the report’s author and principal fiscal and policy analyst with the Legislative Analyst’s Office. “But when you look at them, and kind of step back and look at the suite of policies that have been made over several decades, it becomes clear that there’s a sort of imbalance in the system.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom’s press office directed questions about the report to the Employment Development Department, saying it was best suited to talk about the report.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Department spokesperson Gareth Lacy wrote in a statement that EDD “appreciates and will carefully review the LAO’s ideas for further simplifying processes and speeding up the delivery of services to Californians. Many of these ideas, such as limiting improper claim denials and minimizing delays, have been incorporated into \u003ca href=\"https://edd.ca.gov/siteassets/files/pdf/edd-2021-year-in-review_v06.pdf\">EDD actions over the past year.\u003c/a>”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lacy also pointed to a modernization push at the department to improve call centers, simplify forms and notices, including user testing, developing data analysis tools to continue curbing fraud, and upgrading department training to increase the pace of application processing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Related Stories\" tag=\"unemployment\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Early in the COVID pandemic as joblessness rates soared, the department \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/explainers/california-unemployment-benefits/\">struggled to keep up with a surge of benefits claims\u003c/a> — leaving some Californians repeatedly calling the department in frustration and waiting weeks or months for the money to arrive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then came sensational reports that the department had paid out as much as\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/newsletters/whatmatters/2021/10/california-edd-fixes/?utm_source=CalMatters+Newsletters&utm_campaign=785df30e77-WHATMATTERS&utm_medium=email&utm_term=0_faa7be558d-785df30e77-151436580&mc_cid=785df30e77&mc_eid=582122f089\"> $20 billion in fraudulent benefits\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last December, the department froze 345,000 disability insurance claims due to suspected fraud. As it tried to root out disability benefits fraud, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/economy/2022/06/edd-disability-calls/?utm_source=CalMatters+Newsletters&utm_campaign=785df30e77-WHATMATTERS&utm_medium=email&utm_term=0_faa7be558d-785df30e77-151436580&mc_cid=785df30e77&mc_eid=582122f089\">calls to the department with questions surged\u003c/a>, and many went unanswered.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite an increase in fraud during the pandemic, fraud has historically been uncommon in California’s unemployment benefits, likely “representing less than 1 percent of claims,” the report found. The vast majority of fraud that occurred during the pandemic was concentrated in a temporary federal program that has now ended.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The report lays out evidence that unemployment benefits have become too difficult for workers to access.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When workers are denied benefits, for example, they’re allowed to file appeals. The report found that more than half of denials are overturned on appeal, meaning those workers should have gotten the benefits in the first place. By contrast, “less than one-quarter are overturned in the rest of the country,” the report found.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Also slowing the process: extensive, and sometimes confusing, steps to prove eligibility for California unemployment benefits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The department’s actions during the pandemic suggest that getting payments to workers is not its highest priority, the report said. For example, the department disqualified about 1 in 4 unemployment benefits claims during the pandemic for failing to respond to the department’s requests for additional information — or because the department was not able to process the additional information provided in the allotted time frame.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, \u003ca href=\"https://www.govops.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/sites/11/2020/09/Assessment.pdf\">a September 2020 report\u003c/a> written by a strike team assembled by Gov. Gavin Newsom found that during the same period, each department field office “had an estimated 450 pounds of unopened mail and had no system for processing unopened mail. Further, at the state’s call centers, less than 1 percent of callers reached an EDD staff member.”[pullquote size='medium' align='left' citation=\"Jim Patterson, Republican state assemblymember from Fresno\"]‘We’re just seeing the result of a bureaucratic system that wasn’t capable of doing its fundamental mission.’[/pullquote]The Legislative Analyst’s Office report also revealed that the Employment Development Department mischaracterized the number of people seeking jobless benefits that it was disqualifying or denying in reports to the Legislature.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>From the start of the pandemic to June 30, 2021, the department sent weekly dispatches to the Legislature. During that period, the department reported that it had disqualified or denied 705,000 unemployment benefits claims, according to the Legislative Analyst’s Office’s report. But the LAO found that the department disqualified at least 3.4 million during that period.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When asked about this discrepancy, the department said it had interpreted the requirement to report to the Legislature to mean the number of people who were found not to qualify under state and federal eligibility rules, and so it did not report the number of people being disqualified by procedural rules.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People should get fired for this,” said Jim Patterson, a Republican state assemblymember from Fresno, citing how the Legislature was misled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The report corroborated what Patterson already sensed, he said — his office has helped about 3,000 constituents who had problems with the department. Through that process, he added, he saw how confounding the communication from the department to unemployed people sometimes is. “They write to constituents as if they’re creating a treatise for a master’s degree in confusion,” Patterson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re just seeing the result of a bureaucratic system that wasn’t capable of doing its fundamental mission,” Patterson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The LAO’s report makes over a dozen suggestions to remedy the issues it identifies, including recommendations for how to limit improper claim denials, minimize delays and simplify benefits applications.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Legislature is investing in modernizing the system and bolstering cybersecurity resilience, Assemblymember Cottie Petrie-Norris, a Democrat from Costa Mesa who chairs the Committee on Accountability and Administrative Review, said in a statement. She added that she hoped that would lead to “major advances in how quickly the department can assess threats and resolve claims.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Making sure unemployment benefits work effectively isn’t just important for workers who have been laid off — it’s important for the whole economy, said Irena Asmundson, a research scholar at the Stanford Institute for Economic Policy Research and former chief economist for California’s Department of Finance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If people who lose their jobs in an economic downturn don’t have unemployment benefits, she said, then they have to pull back on their spending — making a bad situation worse. So unemployment benefits are meant to act as a stabilizer, giving laid-off workers some money to spend and blunting a downward spiral for the whole economy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The report “misunderstands EDD’s recent activities to improve the process, and the deeper problems with [unemployment insurance] that go beyond the issues referenced in the report,” said former department director Michael Bernick, who is now special counsel with Duane Morris, a law firm. Bernick, who has also worked as a volunteer helping people who are trying to get benefits over the past two years, agrees that the process is too complex.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yet many of the anti-fraud measures that the report blames for slowing down payments are required by federal protocols, Bernick wrote in an email.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The truth is that EDD must balance rapid payout and anti-fraud — a process that has become increasingly difficult with the heightened sophistication of identity theft rings, and the amount of money going through the system,” Bernick said. He added that newer measures to combat identity theft, including the addition of online verification tool ID.me, are on the right path.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/economy/2022/08/california-unemployment-benefits-3/\">This story originally appeared in CalMatters.\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>If you get laid off, there’s a system that’s supposed to help you get by: unemployment benefits. Whenever California stares down a pandemic or a possible recession, the partial wage-replacement program is one of the most important economic safeguards for workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the benefits have become more difficult for workers to access, due to the program’s design and decisions made by California’s embattled Employment Development Department. That’s according to an\u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/reports/2022/4615/Improving-CA-UI-Program-080822.pdf\"> in-depth report released Monday from the Legislative Analyst’s Office\u003c/a>, a nonpartisan agency that provides advice to the Legislature.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The report found that the benefits program’s orientation toward businesses — which fund the benefits and have an incentive to keep costs down — led the department to emphasize holding down costs. Pressure from the federal government to avoid errors led the department to try, however successfully, to minimize fraud.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The result, according to the report: The department pursued lowering costs and hindering fraud over making it easy for workers to access benefits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Looked at individually, one of these policies might seem totally reasonable, either to limit fraud or to minimize business costs,” said Chas Alamo, the report’s author and principal fiscal and policy analyst with the Legislative Analyst’s Office. “But when you look at them, and kind of step back and look at the suite of policies that have been made over several decades, it becomes clear that there’s a sort of imbalance in the system.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom’s press office directed questions about the report to the Employment Development Department, saying it was best suited to talk about the report.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Department spokesperson Gareth Lacy wrote in a statement that EDD “appreciates and will carefully review the LAO’s ideas for further simplifying processes and speeding up the delivery of services to Californians. Many of these ideas, such as limiting improper claim denials and minimizing delays, have been incorporated into \u003ca href=\"https://edd.ca.gov/siteassets/files/pdf/edd-2021-year-in-review_v06.pdf\">EDD actions over the past year.\u003c/a>”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lacy also pointed to a modernization push at the department to improve call centers, simplify forms and notices, including user testing, developing data analysis tools to continue curbing fraud, and upgrading department training to increase the pace of application processing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Early in the COVID pandemic as joblessness rates soared, the department \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/explainers/california-unemployment-benefits/\">struggled to keep up with a surge of benefits claims\u003c/a> — leaving some Californians repeatedly calling the department in frustration and waiting weeks or months for the money to arrive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then came sensational reports that the department had paid out as much as\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/newsletters/whatmatters/2021/10/california-edd-fixes/?utm_source=CalMatters+Newsletters&utm_campaign=785df30e77-WHATMATTERS&utm_medium=email&utm_term=0_faa7be558d-785df30e77-151436580&mc_cid=785df30e77&mc_eid=582122f089\"> $20 billion in fraudulent benefits\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last December, the department froze 345,000 disability insurance claims due to suspected fraud. As it tried to root out disability benefits fraud, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/economy/2022/06/edd-disability-calls/?utm_source=CalMatters+Newsletters&utm_campaign=785df30e77-WHATMATTERS&utm_medium=email&utm_term=0_faa7be558d-785df30e77-151436580&mc_cid=785df30e77&mc_eid=582122f089\">calls to the department with questions surged\u003c/a>, and many went unanswered.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite an increase in fraud during the pandemic, fraud has historically been uncommon in California’s unemployment benefits, likely “representing less than 1 percent of claims,” the report found. The vast majority of fraud that occurred during the pandemic was concentrated in a temporary federal program that has now ended.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The report lays out evidence that unemployment benefits have become too difficult for workers to access.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When workers are denied benefits, for example, they’re allowed to file appeals. The report found that more than half of denials are overturned on appeal, meaning those workers should have gotten the benefits in the first place. By contrast, “less than one-quarter are overturned in the rest of the country,” the report found.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Also slowing the process: extensive, and sometimes confusing, steps to prove eligibility for California unemployment benefits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The department’s actions during the pandemic suggest that getting payments to workers is not its highest priority, the report said. For example, the department disqualified about 1 in 4 unemployment benefits claims during the pandemic for failing to respond to the department’s requests for additional information — or because the department was not able to process the additional information provided in the allotted time frame.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, \u003ca href=\"https://www.govops.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/sites/11/2020/09/Assessment.pdf\">a September 2020 report\u003c/a> written by a strike team assembled by Gov. Gavin Newsom found that during the same period, each department field office “had an estimated 450 pounds of unopened mail and had no system for processing unopened mail. Further, at the state’s call centers, less than 1 percent of callers reached an EDD staff member.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The Legislative Analyst’s Office report also revealed that the Employment Development Department mischaracterized the number of people seeking jobless benefits that it was disqualifying or denying in reports to the Legislature.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>From the start of the pandemic to June 30, 2021, the department sent weekly dispatches to the Legislature. During that period, the department reported that it had disqualified or denied 705,000 unemployment benefits claims, according to the Legislative Analyst’s Office’s report. But the LAO found that the department disqualified at least 3.4 million during that period.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When asked about this discrepancy, the department said it had interpreted the requirement to report to the Legislature to mean the number of people who were found not to qualify under state and federal eligibility rules, and so it did not report the number of people being disqualified by procedural rules.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People should get fired for this,” said Jim Patterson, a Republican state assemblymember from Fresno, citing how the Legislature was misled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The report corroborated what Patterson already sensed, he said — his office has helped about 3,000 constituents who had problems with the department. Through that process, he added, he saw how confounding the communication from the department to unemployed people sometimes is. “They write to constituents as if they’re creating a treatise for a master’s degree in confusion,” Patterson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re just seeing the result of a bureaucratic system that wasn’t capable of doing its fundamental mission,” Patterson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The LAO’s report makes over a dozen suggestions to remedy the issues it identifies, including recommendations for how to limit improper claim denials, minimize delays and simplify benefits applications.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Legislature is investing in modernizing the system and bolstering cybersecurity resilience, Assemblymember Cottie Petrie-Norris, a Democrat from Costa Mesa who chairs the Committee on Accountability and Administrative Review, said in a statement. She added that she hoped that would lead to “major advances in how quickly the department can assess threats and resolve claims.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Making sure unemployment benefits work effectively isn’t just important for workers who have been laid off — it’s important for the whole economy, said Irena Asmundson, a research scholar at the Stanford Institute for Economic Policy Research and former chief economist for California’s Department of Finance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If people who lose their jobs in an economic downturn don’t have unemployment benefits, she said, then they have to pull back on their spending — making a bad situation worse. So unemployment benefits are meant to act as a stabilizer, giving laid-off workers some money to spend and blunting a downward spiral for the whole economy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The report “misunderstands EDD’s recent activities to improve the process, and the deeper problems with [unemployment insurance] that go beyond the issues referenced in the report,” said former department director Michael Bernick, who is now special counsel with Duane Morris, a law firm. Bernick, who has also worked as a volunteer helping people who are trying to get benefits over the past two years, agrees that the process is too complex.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yet many of the anti-fraud measures that the report blames for slowing down payments are required by federal protocols, Bernick wrote in an email.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The truth is that EDD must balance rapid payout and anti-fraud — a process that has become increasingly difficult with the heightened sophistication of identity theft rings, and the amount of money going through the system,” Bernick said. He added that newer measures to combat identity theft, including the addition of online verification tool ID.me, are on the right path.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cb>Smithfield Foods Factory Closes\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Last week, the meat-packing giant Smithfield Foods announced it will close its factory in Vernon, CA, citing the high cost of doing business in the Golden State. About 1,800 employees will lose their jobs in February next year, although some could relocate to other Smithfield facilities outside of California.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">We talk to New York Times economics correspondent \u003c/span>\u003cb>Kurtis Lee, \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">who reported on the Smithfield Foods story and what it says about doing business in California.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Are People Leaving the Golden State?\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The pandemic and high housing prices are often cited as fueling a wave of departures from the San Francisco Bay area, but are people and businesses actually fleeing in search of better opportunities elsewhere? We look at shifts in the Bay Area’s demographics and workforce. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Guests:\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Abbie Langston, Director of Equitable Economy, PolicyLink\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Rachael Myrow, KQED Silicon Valley Desk senior editor\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Jeremy C. Owens, San Francisco bureau chief, MarketWatch \u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Something Beautiful: Bill Russell\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Last Sunday, the Bay Area and the basketball world lost an icon: Bill Russell is arguably the greatest champion the sport has ever seen. Yet, Russell’s legacy off the court is where he really left a mark. This week’s Something Beautiful celebrates Bill Russell’s impact on sports and the civil rights movement. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The defendant, a dark-haired woman named Dahbia Benakli, watched nervously as the prosecutor took the stand one final time.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The prosecutor, Steven Pinza, was defiant as he gave his closing statement. “If you don’t believe me,” he said to the jury, “one last thing. If you guys don’t believe me, let’s extend this trial.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The judge interrupted: “Mr. Pinza, your time is up. And no, we’re not extending the trial. The trial is going to be over.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">It was a scene straight out of any courtroom, except for one thing: This case was about an eviction lawsuit, a kind of proceeding that almost never goes before a jury in California. Benakli was a tenant, waiting to find out whether the court was going to evict her. Pinza was Benakli’s landlord, a local real estate investor and president of the Pinza Group, representing himself in an eviction lawsuit against her.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Benakli’s case, unique as it was, also reveals what many tenants may be facing outside the public eye. More than two years after the beginning of the pandemic, evictions are on the rise. Many of the far-reaching emergency housing protections passed in 2020 have since expired, \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101889929/as-pandemic-renter-protections-expire-wave-of-evictions-could-follow\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">leaving millions of renters facing eviction\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">As new rules for California tenants and landlords vanish and the old rules return, Benakli’s case — and its aftermath — show the challenges renters face in charting their way through this moment of uncertainty and change.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11920845\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202111066457-scaled.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11920845\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202111066457-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"A young girl in a lavender cotton shift with short sleeves stands at the end of a bed, leaning over and resting her torso on top of a folded pink blanket. Her brown hair is pulled back into a bun, with a fuzzy white band around it, and a pink clip on the side of her head. Light filters through a wide window covered with translucent white curtains that are patterned with rows of pink and grey roses and swirls. The quilt on her bed is white with pale flowers in pink and lavender. Two throw pillows in the same fabric are tossed against two white bed pillows at the head of the bed. The walls of the room are white. \" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202111066457-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202111066457-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202111066457-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202111066457-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202111066457-2048x1365.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202111066457-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Leah rests in the bedroom she shared with her mother and sister at their Walnut Creek apartment in November 2021. \u003ccite>(Kori Suzuki/Special to KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Part 1: The notice\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">It was May 2021 when Steven Pinza bought the wide, gray apartment building where Dahbia Benakli had lived for 11 years.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Benakli, a single mother and preschool teacher in Walnut Creek, didn’t think anything of the change in ownership at first. She said she had always had a good relationship with the previous management and wasn’t expecting anything different. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">At the time, she also had other priorities. Benakli was a single mom taking care of her two young daughters — Leah, 7, and Elina, 2 — by herself, juggling \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11898058/is-he-going-to-kick-us-to-the-street-a-walnut-creek-mom-fights-to-keep-her-apartment-amid-alleged-landlord-harassment\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">a frantic job search and gig work during the pandemic, in a year-long scramble to pay her bills\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Then, later that month, the eviction notices began to arrive. Pinza told 11 of the building’s 18 tenants they needed to move out. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“If I was someone that’s not paying rent or just pay part, and he gets tired of that situation, I would understand,” Benakli told me. “But I’m someone that pays the full rent. I do nothing illegal.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Benakli is one of a growing number of California residents facing eviction as millions of people across the state wrestle with the return of pre-pandemic housing laws.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">[pullquote size='small' citation='Dahbia Banakli']‘I want to move. I want to have two bedrooms. I want to have a backyard for my kids. I do want to have all that — but I cannot afford it right now.’[/pullquote]Between July 1, 2020, and June 30, 2021, \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.courts.ca.gov/documents/2022-Court-Statistics-Report.pdf\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">landlords filed nearly 4,000 eviction lawsuits across the Bay Area\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> — more than 700 of them in Contra Costa County, where Benakli lives.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And the number of eviction lockouts in the Bay Area — that’s when sheriff’s deputies physically remove people who were evicted in court from their homes — rose from 184 in March-December 2020, to 349 during the same months of 2021, according to \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/bayarea/article/COVID-eviction-battles-have-moved-to-the-Bay-Area-16845195.php\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">an analysis by The San Francisco Chronicle\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">In the case of Benakli and her neighbors, Pinza was ordering them to move out because he claimed the building needed major renovations.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“While we wish these repairs were not necessary or could be done without you moving out, it is not possible,” he wrote in a letter to the tenants.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">He gave tenants the option to relocate for two months at their own expense “while renovations are made,” then pay an additional $600 per month when they returned — a proposition Benakli could not afford.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11920822\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202111066646-scaled-e1659123208651.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11920822\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202111066646-scaled-e1659123208651-800x515.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"515\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202111066646-scaled-e1659123208651-800x515.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202111066646-scaled-e1659123208651-1020x657.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202111066646-scaled-e1659123208651-160x103.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202111066646-scaled-e1659123208651-1536x989.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202111066646-scaled-e1659123208651-2048x1318.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202111066646-scaled-e1659123208651-1920x1236.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Benakli hands her daughter Leah a cup of juice at their Walnut Creek apartment in November 2021. \u003ccite>(Kori Suzuki/Special to KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">She had lived in her one-bedroom apartment for 11 years, and her monthly rent was still only $1,000 — \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.zillow.com/rental-manager/market-trends/walnut-creek-ca/?propertyTypes=apartment-condo&bedrooms=1\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">less than half the market rate in Walnut Creek\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“I want to move,” Benakli said. “I want to have two bedrooms. I want to have a backyard for my kids. I do want to have all that — but I cannot afford it right now.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Upon receiving the letters, most of the tenants moved out. But Benakli, DeCher Young and John Taylor decided to stay and wait for the landlord to file an eviction lawsuit.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“I do understand he got this building and he wants to raise up the price,” Benakli said. “I do understand that he’s the new owner. I do understand he doesn’t know us. But he does not have the right to treat us less than a regular person.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Steven Pinza declined to speak on the record for this story.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Part 2: The lawsuit\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Benakli and her neighbors thought they stood a chance of fighting Steven Pinza’s lawsuit in court, and in an unusual request, they wanted a jury to decide the case.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Experts say eviction cases almost never go to a jury trial. In roughly the first year of the pandemic, \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.courts.ca.gov/documents/2022-Court-Statistics-Report.pdf\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">3,000 eviction cases went to trial and only 16 of them were decided by a jury\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"mceTemp\">\u003c/div>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11920832\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202204018493-scaled-e1659123268479.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11920832\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202204018493-scaled-e1659123268479-800x497.jpg\" alt=\"A man with rosy skin and silve-and-grey hair stands in a window looking out at the green leaves of a tree. Sunlight dapples his blue shirt. He wears slate green khaki pants and holds a grey zipped computer case under one arm. The window frames are dark wood.\" width=\"800\" height=\"497\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202204018493-scaled-e1659123268479-800x497.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202204018493-scaled-e1659123268479-1020x634.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202204018493-scaled-e1659123268479-160x99.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202204018493-scaled-e1659123268479-1536x955.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202204018493-scaled-e1659123268479-2048x1273.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202204018493-scaled-e1659123268479-1920x1194.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Housing attorney David Levin poses for a portrait in Berkeley on April 1, 2022. ‘We’re just seeing, now, some of the first cases that define the contours of law,’ he said. \u003ccite>(Kori Suzuki/Special to KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">But representing Benakli and her neighbors was David Levin, a Bay Area-based housing attorney, who saw cracks in the foundation of Pinza’s legal reasoning — specifically, two of them. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">According to court filings, Pinza had initially sent eviction notices to tenants who were mostly Black, Algerian or other people of color. Of the eight tenants who had decided to move out voluntarily, seven had been replaced by white renters. Levin planned to make the case that the evictions were racially motivated.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">His second argument was that the repairs Pinza planned would not “substantially remodel” the building.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billCompareClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB1482\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Tenant Protection Act of 2019\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> gives landlords the right to remove their renters for a major remodel if the repairs are extensive enough that the renter has to move out for their own safety — for at least 30 days.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">But what “substantially remodel” means is murky, according to multiple attorneys who specialize in housing cases, because the Tenant Protection Act has not been tested in court.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And to Levin, its vague language presented a potential foothold to challenge Pinza’s eviction lawsuit. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">It’s hard to overstate how much was at stake for Benakli, Young and Taylor. If they lost, their eviction would be public in a court record, visible to any future landlord. Some tenants’ advocates call this the “scarlet E.” Families who are evicted also tend to lose their jobs or have to switch their children’s schools, and they report \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/abs/pii/S0277953617300102?via%3Dihub\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">higher rates of anxiety and depression\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11920899\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202111066717-scaled-e1659121725698.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11920899\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202111066717-scaled-e1659121725698-800x821.jpg\" alt=\"A woman with brown skin and dark brown hair leans down to clasp her daughter, age 7, to her chest with a smile. Her left arm encircles the child's head and her right arm encircles the child's back. The woman wears a white dress with an elaborate, brightly colored collar about the neck, coming down to end in a ruffle over her shoulders. The colors are red, orange, green, and yellow. The child is wearing a white shirt, and has her brown hair pulled into a bun. Her eyes closed, she wraps her arms around her mother.\" width=\"800\" height=\"821\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202111066717-scaled-e1659121725698-800x821.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202111066717-scaled-e1659121725698-1020x1047.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202111066717-scaled-e1659121725698-160x164.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202111066717-scaled-e1659121725698-1497x1536.jpg 1497w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202111066717-scaled-e1659121725698.jpg 1708w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Benakli and Leah embrace at their former apartment in Walnut Creek in November 2021. \u003ccite>(Kori Suzuki/Special to KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Somehow, though, Benakli wasn’t nervous. She had faith that the courts would hear their concerns and would find in their favor.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“He wants to take it to the court?” she said. “That’s my dream. I want to go to the court with him. Because I know the truth will always win in the end.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Part 3: The trial\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The trial began at the end of February in the Superior Court for Contra Costa County, a tall, gray, downtown building in the sleepy Bay Area suburb of Martinez.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before he could use a particular argument in front of the jury, Levin had to convince Judge Danielle Douglas of it: that Pinza had shown a pattern of discrimination by evicting mostly tenants of color and bringing in white renters to replace them. But Douglas tossed it out, saying Levin couldn’t prove Pinza \u003ci data-stringify-type=\"italic\">intended \u003c/i>to discriminate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">As the jurors arrived the next day, Benakli, in a black shirt with pink flowers, sat with her neighbors in the front row of the courtroom. Levin, in a dark suit, sat between them and the judge like a shield, with a rolling bin full of legal papers on the floor next to him. To his left, at the prosecutor’s table, sat Pinza in a crisp suit of light gray. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pinza, who had elected to represent himself, argued that his plans to renovate the apartments \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">—\u003c/span> which included adjustments to the plumbing and electrical systems and installing new stoves, dishwashers and ceiling fans \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">—\u003c/span> were extensive. He said his expert witnesses would demonstrate that the scale of these renovations did justify evicting Benakli and her neighbors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size='small' citation='Judge Danielle Douglas, Contra Costa County Superior Court']‘Mr. Pinza. Mr. Pinza. Let the witness answer the question.’[/pullquote]Levin said his expert witnesses would show that Pinza’s plans for the apartments were minor and would not have required the tenants to move out. There was an ulterior motive at work, he argued: Kicking out Benakli and her neighbors would allow Pinza to raise the rent for their units substantially.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Pinza interrupted the witnesses frequently, prompting Judge Douglas to step in and reprimand him for breaking courtroom rules.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“It’s just the bathroom,” Benakli said, in answer to a question from Pinza. “The floor is popping out a little bit.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Pinza interrupted: “Oh, so there is damage to the bathroom. OK, so maybe your floors do need to be repaired. Good enough.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“Mr. Pinza,” Judge Douglas said sharply. “Mr. Pinza. Let the witness answer the question.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">On the way back to my car at the end of the third day, I ran into Benakli and one of the other tenants, DeCher Young. They were leaning over the railing on the top floor of the parking lot. Dahbia was smoking a cigarette — she said she’d just started smoking again. They didn’t seem worried. Not that they were confident, simply resigned to whatever was going to happen.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The next afternoon, Pinza gave a defiant closing statement, reiterating that his expert witness had done “thousands of remodels.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“So who do you believe?” Pinza asked the jury. “[Levin’s] guy? Who’s never been a contractor? He’s done as much construction work as I have, and that’s not a lot.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Levin spoke next, using his time to focus on the key question. “This whole case comes down to the time that a substantial remodel will take,” he said. “So now it’s your job to figure out where this line is in this case, based on the law and the facts.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">After two hours of jury deliberation, Judge Douglas called everyone back into the courtroom. The clerk read the verdict: 11 to 1, in Pinza’s favor.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Benakli and her neighbors had lost. They were going to be evicted.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11920855\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202203031817-scaled.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11920855\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202203031817-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"The image is from the back seat of the car, looking through the windshield at a blurred foreground of an apartment building on the right and the brake lights of the car in front of them, the red reflection casting pink light inside the car and on the auburn hair of the driver. The driver wears a white shirt with small dark polka dots and a ruffle at the shoulder over the long sleeves. The woman in the passenger seat has short dark hair and her arm, in a black sweater, rests on the back of the driver. A scented pine tree hangs from the rear view mirror. \" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202203031817-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202203031817-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202203031817-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202203031817-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202203031817-2048x1365.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202203031817-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">DeCher Young rests her hand on Benakli’s shoulder as they drive home from the trial through Walnut Creek on March 3, 2022. \u003ccite>(Kori Suzuki/Special to KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Part 4: The way home\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">That evening, Benakli and Young drove back to Walnut Creek together to pick up Benakli’s daughter from school. They let me ride with them in the back seat.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Benakli and Young were shaken. As they drove, they talked about how the trial had gone and what losing meant — court fees and having the eviction on their record.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“I don’t think I’m going to go to sleep tonight, looking for an apartment,” Benakli said.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“When, when I get home, I’m going to start looking for places,” Young said. “After I finish looking, then I’m gonna start dashing for a little bit to get my extra money on the side,” she added, referring to her side job driving for DoorDash.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“I can’t dash tonight,” Benakli said. “There’s just no way.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">As Benakli drove through downtown Walnut Creek, they stopped at a red light and Young looked out the window.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“I’mma miss living over here, I really am,” she said.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“That’s so true, girl,” Benakli said. “So true.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11920904\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202205221790-1-scaled.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11920904\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202205221790-1-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"A view from high in the forested hills over the Bay Area. In the foreground are rolling hills covered with oak and pine, with a few mansions visible in nooks and crannies of the canyons. In the middle of the photo is a wide urban spread o, with the bay in the distance on the right of the image, and the Bay Bridge a faint line across. Above the urban landscape are bluish hills in the distance and a line of orange and yellow light on the horizon as the sun rises into a pale blue sky.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202205221790-1-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202205221790-1-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202205221790-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202205221790-1-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202205221790-1-2048x1365.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202205221790-1-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The East Bay, from an overlook along Grizzly Peak Boulevard in Berkeley. \u003ccite>(Kori Suzuki/Special to KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>What happened in this case, housing experts say, is part of a pattern of gentrification and displacement in the Bay Area that stretches back to long before the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Benakli and Young both used to live in cities like Berkeley and Oakland and San Francisco, which have stronger protections for renters. Eventually, though, like many of those in lower- and middle-income households — disproportionately Black and brown — they saw their rent and other costs rise too high and left for Walnut Creek, where rent was lower, but there were also fewer protections.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“It’s a general story about inequality in America,” said Tim Thomas, research director at the \u003ca class=\"c-link\" href=\"https://www.urbandisplacement.org/team/tim-thomas-ph-d/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\" data-stringify-link=\"https://www.urbandisplacement.org/team/tim-thomas-ph-d/\" data-sk=\"tooltip_parent\" data-remove-tab-index=\"true\">Urban Displacement Project\u003c/a>.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Some parts of California are working to clarify how substantial remodel evictions work, by requiring landlords to help pay relocation costs, for example. State lawmakers are considering a bill requiring landlords to get local government permits before they can issue substantial remodel eviction notices. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Back in Walnut Creek, Benakli and Young arrived at the school of Benakli’s daughter, Leah. Young waited in the car while Benakli went inside. Minutes later, Leah clambered into the back seat.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I lost a tooth today in school, and I got this from the office,” she said to me, holding up a small, plastic, tooth-shaped container.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11920884\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202203031814-scaled-e1659122908973.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11920884\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202203031814-scaled-e1659122908973-800x482.jpg\" alt=\"A young girl's hands in the center of the photo hold a white plastic box shaped like a molar. Only her hands and the tooth box are in focus. Her purple jacket and pink and purple pants are blurred, and the car door on the other side of her is dark with white reflections\" width=\"800\" height=\"482\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202203031814-scaled-e1659122908973-800x482.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202203031814-scaled-e1659122908973-1020x614.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202203031814-scaled-e1659122908973-160x96.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202203031814-scaled-e1659122908973-1536x925.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202203031814-scaled-e1659122908973-2048x1234.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202203031814-scaled-e1659122908973-1920x1157.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Leah shows me her tooth box as Benakli and Young drive home from the trial on March 3, 2022. \u003ccite>(Kori Suzuki/Special to KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Benakli and Young drove home, talking about going up to Concord to look at apartments later that week. As they spoke, Leah told me about the money she was going to get from the tooth fairy and her plans to buy her sister, Elina, a present.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“I think I will get her a puppy,” she said. “A toy puppy set.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">It was a moment of extreme contrast: a kid being a kid in the back seat, while adult conversations went on in the background. It was also a reminder of who this could fall on the most — and who, years from now, might look back on this as a moment that changed everything.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Epilogue\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">In the months since their case ended in mid-March, Benakli, Young and their third neighbor, John Taylor, have all moved out.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“It was maybe one of the darkest moments in my life,” Benakli said of the days after the case ended, in a recent interview.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">A few days after the case ended, she received an email from her attorney, who said Pinza was asking for back rent and court fees — several thousand dollars.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Benakli panicked. She packed what she could, grabbed her two daughters, and left for a motel in Walnut Creek. She tried to disguise the move for the kids, offering them Starbucks for breakfast as a special treat, but she knew they could tell something was wrong.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“I was asking myself questions,” she said. “Am I a good mom? Am I a good person? What did I do wrong?”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">They were at the motel for three days. Benakli spent the entire time trying to figure out what to do next.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Eventually she got in touch with a friend of a friend who had already applied for a lease and needed a roommate, meaning Benakli didn’t have to worry about the eviction on her record.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">She was nervous about the thought of moving her family in with some strange man she didn’t know. But she didn’t have much of a choice.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Two weeks after Benakli had left her apartment in the dead of night, she and her daughters moved into their new unit, and slowly, a bit of their stress faded.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“It’s just like we’re right back home,” Benakli said. And on top of that, their new roommate was kind and caring.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">She knows the repercussions of the case — the “scarlet E” on her record and the money Pinza was asking for — are going to follow her for a long time, although her attorney says the real amount she will have to pay is still uncertain.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Benakli has lost a lot of faith in the court and other government institutions. As all of this was happening, she says, she would receive calls from canvassers trying to get her to register to vote.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“I don’t want to vote,” Benakli said. “There’s no laws protecting me. Nothing is protecting me.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">In Benakli’s eyes, the only people who were really able to help her were her friends and her family. At the end of the day, she said, that’s all some of us really have.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci data-stringify-type=\"italic\">\u003ca href=\"https://mobile.twitter.com/koritsuzuki\">Kori Suzuki \u003c/a>produced this story for a class at the UC Berkeley Graduate School of Journalism.\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"title": "Taking an Eviction Case to Court Is Risky. But This Mom Decided to Try It | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The defendant, a dark-haired woman named Dahbia Benakli, watched nervously as the prosecutor took the stand one final time.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The prosecutor, Steven Pinza, was defiant as he gave his closing statement. “If you don’t believe me,” he said to the jury, “one last thing. If you guys don’t believe me, let’s extend this trial.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The judge interrupted: “Mr. Pinza, your time is up. And no, we’re not extending the trial. The trial is going to be over.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">It was a scene straight out of any courtroom, except for one thing: This case was about an eviction lawsuit, a kind of proceeding that almost never goes before a jury in California. Benakli was a tenant, waiting to find out whether the court was going to evict her. Pinza was Benakli’s landlord, a local real estate investor and president of the Pinza Group, representing himself in an eviction lawsuit against her.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Benakli’s case, unique as it was, also reveals what many tenants may be facing outside the public eye. More than two years after the beginning of the pandemic, evictions are on the rise. Many of the far-reaching emergency housing protections passed in 2020 have since expired, \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101889929/as-pandemic-renter-protections-expire-wave-of-evictions-could-follow\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">leaving millions of renters facing eviction\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">As new rules for California tenants and landlords vanish and the old rules return, Benakli’s case — and its aftermath — show the challenges renters face in charting their way through this moment of uncertainty and change.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11920845\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202111066457-scaled.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11920845\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202111066457-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"A young girl in a lavender cotton shift with short sleeves stands at the end of a bed, leaning over and resting her torso on top of a folded pink blanket. Her brown hair is pulled back into a bun, with a fuzzy white band around it, and a pink clip on the side of her head. Light filters through a wide window covered with translucent white curtains that are patterned with rows of pink and grey roses and swirls. The quilt on her bed is white with pale flowers in pink and lavender. Two throw pillows in the same fabric are tossed against two white bed pillows at the head of the bed. The walls of the room are white. \" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202111066457-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202111066457-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202111066457-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202111066457-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202111066457-2048x1365.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202111066457-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Leah rests in the bedroom she shared with her mother and sister at their Walnut Creek apartment in November 2021. \u003ccite>(Kori Suzuki/Special to KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Part 1: The notice\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">It was May 2021 when Steven Pinza bought the wide, gray apartment building where Dahbia Benakli had lived for 11 years.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Benakli, a single mother and preschool teacher in Walnut Creek, didn’t think anything of the change in ownership at first. She said she had always had a good relationship with the previous management and wasn’t expecting anything different. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">At the time, she also had other priorities. Benakli was a single mom taking care of her two young daughters — Leah, 7, and Elina, 2 — by herself, juggling \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11898058/is-he-going-to-kick-us-to-the-street-a-walnut-creek-mom-fights-to-keep-her-apartment-amid-alleged-landlord-harassment\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">a frantic job search and gig work during the pandemic, in a year-long scramble to pay her bills\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Then, later that month, the eviction notices began to arrive. Pinza told 11 of the building’s 18 tenants they needed to move out. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“If I was someone that’s not paying rent or just pay part, and he gets tired of that situation, I would understand,” Benakli told me. “But I’m someone that pays the full rent. I do nothing illegal.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Benakli is one of a growing number of California residents facing eviction as millions of people across the state wrestle with the return of pre-pandemic housing laws.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘I want to move. I want to have two bedrooms. I want to have a backyard for my kids. I do want to have all that — but I cannot afford it right now.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Between July 1, 2020, and June 30, 2021, \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.courts.ca.gov/documents/2022-Court-Statistics-Report.pdf\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">landlords filed nearly 4,000 eviction lawsuits across the Bay Area\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> — more than 700 of them in Contra Costa County, where Benakli lives.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And the number of eviction lockouts in the Bay Area — that’s when sheriff’s deputies physically remove people who were evicted in court from their homes — rose from 184 in March-December 2020, to 349 during the same months of 2021, according to \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/bayarea/article/COVID-eviction-battles-have-moved-to-the-Bay-Area-16845195.php\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">an analysis by The San Francisco Chronicle\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">In the case of Benakli and her neighbors, Pinza was ordering them to move out because he claimed the building needed major renovations.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“While we wish these repairs were not necessary or could be done without you moving out, it is not possible,” he wrote in a letter to the tenants.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">He gave tenants the option to relocate for two months at their own expense “while renovations are made,” then pay an additional $600 per month when they returned — a proposition Benakli could not afford.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11920822\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202111066646-scaled-e1659123208651.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11920822\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202111066646-scaled-e1659123208651-800x515.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"515\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202111066646-scaled-e1659123208651-800x515.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202111066646-scaled-e1659123208651-1020x657.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202111066646-scaled-e1659123208651-160x103.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202111066646-scaled-e1659123208651-1536x989.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202111066646-scaled-e1659123208651-2048x1318.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202111066646-scaled-e1659123208651-1920x1236.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Benakli hands her daughter Leah a cup of juice at their Walnut Creek apartment in November 2021. \u003ccite>(Kori Suzuki/Special to KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">She had lived in her one-bedroom apartment for 11 years, and her monthly rent was still only $1,000 — \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.zillow.com/rental-manager/market-trends/walnut-creek-ca/?propertyTypes=apartment-condo&bedrooms=1\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">less than half the market rate in Walnut Creek\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“I want to move,” Benakli said. “I want to have two bedrooms. I want to have a backyard for my kids. I do want to have all that — but I cannot afford it right now.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Upon receiving the letters, most of the tenants moved out. But Benakli, DeCher Young and John Taylor decided to stay and wait for the landlord to file an eviction lawsuit.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“I do understand he got this building and he wants to raise up the price,” Benakli said. “I do understand that he’s the new owner. I do understand he doesn’t know us. But he does not have the right to treat us less than a regular person.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Steven Pinza declined to speak on the record for this story.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Part 2: The lawsuit\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Benakli and her neighbors thought they stood a chance of fighting Steven Pinza’s lawsuit in court, and in an unusual request, they wanted a jury to decide the case.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Experts say eviction cases almost never go to a jury trial. In roughly the first year of the pandemic, \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.courts.ca.gov/documents/2022-Court-Statistics-Report.pdf\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">3,000 eviction cases went to trial and only 16 of them were decided by a jury\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"mceTemp\">\u003c/div>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11920832\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202204018493-scaled-e1659123268479.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11920832\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202204018493-scaled-e1659123268479-800x497.jpg\" alt=\"A man with rosy skin and silve-and-grey hair stands in a window looking out at the green leaves of a tree. Sunlight dapples his blue shirt. He wears slate green khaki pants and holds a grey zipped computer case under one arm. The window frames are dark wood.\" width=\"800\" height=\"497\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202204018493-scaled-e1659123268479-800x497.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202204018493-scaled-e1659123268479-1020x634.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202204018493-scaled-e1659123268479-160x99.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202204018493-scaled-e1659123268479-1536x955.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202204018493-scaled-e1659123268479-2048x1273.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202204018493-scaled-e1659123268479-1920x1194.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Housing attorney David Levin poses for a portrait in Berkeley on April 1, 2022. ‘We’re just seeing, now, some of the first cases that define the contours of law,’ he said. \u003ccite>(Kori Suzuki/Special to KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">But representing Benakli and her neighbors was David Levin, a Bay Area-based housing attorney, who saw cracks in the foundation of Pinza’s legal reasoning — specifically, two of them. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">According to court filings, Pinza had initially sent eviction notices to tenants who were mostly Black, Algerian or other people of color. Of the eight tenants who had decided to move out voluntarily, seven had been replaced by white renters. Levin planned to make the case that the evictions were racially motivated.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">His second argument was that the repairs Pinza planned would not “substantially remodel” the building.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billCompareClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB1482\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Tenant Protection Act of 2019\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> gives landlords the right to remove their renters for a major remodel if the repairs are extensive enough that the renter has to move out for their own safety — for at least 30 days.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">But what “substantially remodel” means is murky, according to multiple attorneys who specialize in housing cases, because the Tenant Protection Act has not been tested in court.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And to Levin, its vague language presented a potential foothold to challenge Pinza’s eviction lawsuit. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">It’s hard to overstate how much was at stake for Benakli, Young and Taylor. If they lost, their eviction would be public in a court record, visible to any future landlord. Some tenants’ advocates call this the “scarlet E.” Families who are evicted also tend to lose their jobs or have to switch their children’s schools, and they report \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/abs/pii/S0277953617300102?via%3Dihub\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">higher rates of anxiety and depression\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11920899\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202111066717-scaled-e1659121725698.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11920899\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202111066717-scaled-e1659121725698-800x821.jpg\" alt=\"A woman with brown skin and dark brown hair leans down to clasp her daughter, age 7, to her chest with a smile. Her left arm encircles the child's head and her right arm encircles the child's back. The woman wears a white dress with an elaborate, brightly colored collar about the neck, coming down to end in a ruffle over her shoulders. The colors are red, orange, green, and yellow. The child is wearing a white shirt, and has her brown hair pulled into a bun. Her eyes closed, she wraps her arms around her mother.\" width=\"800\" height=\"821\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202111066717-scaled-e1659121725698-800x821.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202111066717-scaled-e1659121725698-1020x1047.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202111066717-scaled-e1659121725698-160x164.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202111066717-scaled-e1659121725698-1497x1536.jpg 1497w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202111066717-scaled-e1659121725698.jpg 1708w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Benakli and Leah embrace at their former apartment in Walnut Creek in November 2021. \u003ccite>(Kori Suzuki/Special to KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Somehow, though, Benakli wasn’t nervous. She had faith that the courts would hear their concerns and would find in their favor.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“He wants to take it to the court?” she said. “That’s my dream. I want to go to the court with him. Because I know the truth will always win in the end.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Part 3: The trial\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The trial began at the end of February in the Superior Court for Contra Costa County, a tall, gray, downtown building in the sleepy Bay Area suburb of Martinez.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before he could use a particular argument in front of the jury, Levin had to convince Judge Danielle Douglas of it: that Pinza had shown a pattern of discrimination by evicting mostly tenants of color and bringing in white renters to replace them. But Douglas tossed it out, saying Levin couldn’t prove Pinza \u003ci data-stringify-type=\"italic\">intended \u003c/i>to discriminate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">As the jurors arrived the next day, Benakli, in a black shirt with pink flowers, sat with her neighbors in the front row of the courtroom. Levin, in a dark suit, sat between them and the judge like a shield, with a rolling bin full of legal papers on the floor next to him. To his left, at the prosecutor’s table, sat Pinza in a crisp suit of light gray. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pinza, who had elected to represent himself, argued that his plans to renovate the apartments \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">—\u003c/span> which included adjustments to the plumbing and electrical systems and installing new stoves, dishwashers and ceiling fans \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">—\u003c/span> were extensive. He said his expert witnesses would demonstrate that the scale of these renovations did justify evicting Benakli and her neighbors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘Mr. Pinza. Mr. Pinza. Let the witness answer the question.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Levin said his expert witnesses would show that Pinza’s plans for the apartments were minor and would not have required the tenants to move out. There was an ulterior motive at work, he argued: Kicking out Benakli and her neighbors would allow Pinza to raise the rent for their units substantially.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Pinza interrupted the witnesses frequently, prompting Judge Douglas to step in and reprimand him for breaking courtroom rules.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“It’s just the bathroom,” Benakli said, in answer to a question from Pinza. “The floor is popping out a little bit.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Pinza interrupted: “Oh, so there is damage to the bathroom. OK, so maybe your floors do need to be repaired. Good enough.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“Mr. Pinza,” Judge Douglas said sharply. “Mr. Pinza. Let the witness answer the question.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">On the way back to my car at the end of the third day, I ran into Benakli and one of the other tenants, DeCher Young. They were leaning over the railing on the top floor of the parking lot. Dahbia was smoking a cigarette — she said she’d just started smoking again. They didn’t seem worried. Not that they were confident, simply resigned to whatever was going to happen.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The next afternoon, Pinza gave a defiant closing statement, reiterating that his expert witness had done “thousands of remodels.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“So who do you believe?” Pinza asked the jury. “[Levin’s] guy? Who’s never been a contractor? He’s done as much construction work as I have, and that’s not a lot.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Levin spoke next, using his time to focus on the key question. “This whole case comes down to the time that a substantial remodel will take,” he said. “So now it’s your job to figure out where this line is in this case, based on the law and the facts.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">After two hours of jury deliberation, Judge Douglas called everyone back into the courtroom. The clerk read the verdict: 11 to 1, in Pinza’s favor.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Benakli and her neighbors had lost. They were going to be evicted.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11920855\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202203031817-scaled.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11920855\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202203031817-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"The image is from the back seat of the car, looking through the windshield at a blurred foreground of an apartment building on the right and the brake lights of the car in front of them, the red reflection casting pink light inside the car and on the auburn hair of the driver. The driver wears a white shirt with small dark polka dots and a ruffle at the shoulder over the long sleeves. The woman in the passenger seat has short dark hair and her arm, in a black sweater, rests on the back of the driver. A scented pine tree hangs from the rear view mirror. \" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202203031817-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202203031817-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202203031817-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202203031817-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202203031817-2048x1365.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202203031817-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">DeCher Young rests her hand on Benakli’s shoulder as they drive home from the trial through Walnut Creek on March 3, 2022. \u003ccite>(Kori Suzuki/Special to KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Part 4: The way home\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">That evening, Benakli and Young drove back to Walnut Creek together to pick up Benakli’s daughter from school. They let me ride with them in the back seat.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Benakli and Young were shaken. As they drove, they talked about how the trial had gone and what losing meant — court fees and having the eviction on their record.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“I don’t think I’m going to go to sleep tonight, looking for an apartment,” Benakli said.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“When, when I get home, I’m going to start looking for places,” Young said. “After I finish looking, then I’m gonna start dashing for a little bit to get my extra money on the side,” she added, referring to her side job driving for DoorDash.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“I can’t dash tonight,” Benakli said. “There’s just no way.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">As Benakli drove through downtown Walnut Creek, they stopped at a red light and Young looked out the window.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“I’mma miss living over here, I really am,” she said.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“That’s so true, girl,” Benakli said. “So true.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11920904\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202205221790-1-scaled.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11920904\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202205221790-1-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"A view from high in the forested hills over the Bay Area. In the foreground are rolling hills covered with oak and pine, with a few mansions visible in nooks and crannies of the canyons. In the middle of the photo is a wide urban spread o, with the bay in the distance on the right of the image, and the Bay Bridge a faint line across. Above the urban landscape are bluish hills in the distance and a line of orange and yellow light on the horizon as the sun rises into a pale blue sky.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202205221790-1-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202205221790-1-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202205221790-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202205221790-1-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202205221790-1-2048x1365.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202205221790-1-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The East Bay, from an overlook along Grizzly Peak Boulevard in Berkeley. \u003ccite>(Kori Suzuki/Special to KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>What happened in this case, housing experts say, is part of a pattern of gentrification and displacement in the Bay Area that stretches back to long before the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Benakli and Young both used to live in cities like Berkeley and Oakland and San Francisco, which have stronger protections for renters. Eventually, though, like many of those in lower- and middle-income households — disproportionately Black and brown — they saw their rent and other costs rise too high and left for Walnut Creek, where rent was lower, but there were also fewer protections.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“It’s a general story about inequality in America,” said Tim Thomas, research director at the \u003ca class=\"c-link\" href=\"https://www.urbandisplacement.org/team/tim-thomas-ph-d/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\" data-stringify-link=\"https://www.urbandisplacement.org/team/tim-thomas-ph-d/\" data-sk=\"tooltip_parent\" data-remove-tab-index=\"true\">Urban Displacement Project\u003c/a>.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Some parts of California are working to clarify how substantial remodel evictions work, by requiring landlords to help pay relocation costs, for example. State lawmakers are considering a bill requiring landlords to get local government permits before they can issue substantial remodel eviction notices. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Back in Walnut Creek, Benakli and Young arrived at the school of Benakli’s daughter, Leah. Young waited in the car while Benakli went inside. Minutes later, Leah clambered into the back seat.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I lost a tooth today in school, and I got this from the office,” she said to me, holding up a small, plastic, tooth-shaped container.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11920884\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202203031814-scaled-e1659122908973.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11920884\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202203031814-scaled-e1659122908973-800x482.jpg\" alt=\"A young girl's hands in the center of the photo hold a white plastic box shaped like a molar. Only her hands and the tooth box are in focus. Her purple jacket and pink and purple pants are blurred, and the car door on the other side of her is dark with white reflections\" width=\"800\" height=\"482\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202203031814-scaled-e1659122908973-800x482.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202203031814-scaled-e1659122908973-1020x614.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202203031814-scaled-e1659122908973-160x96.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202203031814-scaled-e1659122908973-1536x925.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202203031814-scaled-e1659122908973-2048x1234.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/ksuzuki202203031814-scaled-e1659122908973-1920x1157.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Leah shows me her tooth box as Benakli and Young drive home from the trial on March 3, 2022. \u003ccite>(Kori Suzuki/Special to KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Benakli and Young drove home, talking about going up to Concord to look at apartments later that week. As they spoke, Leah told me about the money she was going to get from the tooth fairy and her plans to buy her sister, Elina, a present.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“I think I will get her a puppy,” she said. “A toy puppy set.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">It was a moment of extreme contrast: a kid being a kid in the back seat, while adult conversations went on in the background. It was also a reminder of who this could fall on the most — and who, years from now, might look back on this as a moment that changed everything.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Epilogue\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">In the months since their case ended in mid-March, Benakli, Young and their third neighbor, John Taylor, have all moved out.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“It was maybe one of the darkest moments in my life,” Benakli said of the days after the case ended, in a recent interview.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">A few days after the case ended, she received an email from her attorney, who said Pinza was asking for back rent and court fees — several thousand dollars.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Benakli panicked. She packed what she could, grabbed her two daughters, and left for a motel in Walnut Creek. She tried to disguise the move for the kids, offering them Starbucks for breakfast as a special treat, but she knew they could tell something was wrong.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“I was asking myself questions,” she said. “Am I a good mom? Am I a good person? What did I do wrong?”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">They were at the motel for three days. Benakli spent the entire time trying to figure out what to do next.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Eventually she got in touch with a friend of a friend who had already applied for a lease and needed a roommate, meaning Benakli didn’t have to worry about the eviction on her record.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">She was nervous about the thought of moving her family in with some strange man she didn’t know. But she didn’t have much of a choice.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Two weeks after Benakli had left her apartment in the dead of night, she and her daughters moved into their new unit, and slowly, a bit of their stress faded.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“It’s just like we’re right back home,” Benakli said. And on top of that, their new roommate was kind and caring.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">She knows the repercussions of the case — the “scarlet E” on her record and the money Pinza was asking for — are going to follow her for a long time, although her attorney says the real amount she will have to pay is still uncertain.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Benakli has lost a lot of faith in the court and other government institutions. As all of this was happening, she says, she would receive calls from canvassers trying to get her to register to vote.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“I don’t want to vote,” Benakli said. “There’s no laws protecting me. Nothing is protecting me.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">In Benakli’s eyes, the only people who were really able to help her were her friends and her family. At the end of the day, she said, that’s all some of us really have.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci data-stringify-type=\"italic\">\u003ca href=\"https://mobile.twitter.com/koritsuzuki\">Kori Suzuki \u003c/a>produced this story for a class at the UC Berkeley Graduate School of Journalism.\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Update 4:30 p.m. Monday\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Marine terminals were open and again operating normally at the Port of Oakland following a five-day long near-total shutdown by truckers, port officials said Monday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Port of Oakland has resumed full operations” on Saturday, said port executive director Danny Wan. “We appreciate the independent truck drivers’ use of the designated Free Speech Zones and we thank local law enforcement for their continued assistance.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oakland police and other law enforcement agencies are working to keep traffic at the port moving, officials said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Port spokesman Robert Bernardo said it will still likely take weeks to alleviate the backlog of goods at the port, resulting in further delays of product shipments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Last updated, 4:30 p.m. Friday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cargo operations at the Port of Oakland remained largely stalled on Friday, as a convoy of truckers continued to block access to the facility for the fifth straight day to protest California’s gig-worker law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The demonstrations that began Monday involve hundreds of independent big-rig truckers who have prevented the movement of cargo in and out of the port’s terminals, in a bid to remain classified as independent contractors\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> – \u003c/span>rather than employees. Truckers held similar \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/newsletters/whatmatters/2022/07/ab-5-law-california-trucking/\">protests last week at the ports of Los Angeles and Long Beach\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think it’s very clear that there is so much uncertainty about how these independent drivers, these entrepreneurs, are going to be able to stay in business,” said Matt Schrap, CEO of the Harbor Trucking Association. The organization represents truckers servicing West Coast ports.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The blockade, which couldn’t come at a worse time for the port, is further exacerbating longstanding global supply-chain issues spurred by the pandemic that have led to months of epic cargo ship traffic jams, with mountains of goods stockpiled on docks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.portofoakland.com/wp-content/uploads/Open-letter-for-truckers-07-21-2022.pdf\">In an open letter sent on Thursday evening\u003c/a>, Danny Wan, executive director of the port, said he had met with protest organizers, and emphasized that he understood their frustrations, offering to support them in any negotiations with state. But he implored them to allow operations at the port to resume, warning of the collateral damage further disruptions would inflict.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wan said the port had set aside “free speech zones” for truckers to protest without disrupting the flow of commerce, and warned that any demonstrators whose trucks continued to obstruct terminal entrances or exits could be cited and face additional penalties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Port officials and organizers planned to meet again on Friday afternoon.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At issue is \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB5\">Assembly Bill 5\u003c/a>, a law passed in 2019 making it harder for companies to legally classify many workers as independent contractors instead of as employees. Under state labor law, employees are entitled to minimum wage and benefits such as workers compensation, overtime and sick pay. The law\u003ca href=\"https://scocal.stanford.edu/opinion/dynamex-operations-west-inc-v-superior-court-34584\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\"> codified a 2018 state Supreme Court decision\u003c/a> that required companies to treat workers as employees if their jobs are considered a key part of business operations. It also spurred Lyft, Uber and DoorDash to throw a huge amount of cash behind \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11843123/prop-22-explained-why-gig-companies-are-spending-huge-money-on-an-unprecedented-measure\">Proposition 22\u003c/a>, a 2020 ballot measure approved by voters that exempted most rideshare drivers\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> – \u003c/span>and that last year was ruled unconstitutional by a state court judge. (The companies have since appealed and don’t have to comply while court proceedings play out.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, a federal appeals court \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-courts-economy-business-government-and-politics-332e244b793604ba65946a3f3b99e271\">ruled last year that the law applies to some 70,000 truck drivers in the state \u003c/a>who are independent operators and don’t work for any one single company. The decision essentially requires companies that commission their services to classify them as employees, rather than independent contractors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although the International Brotherhood of Teamsters called the ruling a “massive victory” for exploited truckers, the California Trucking Association staunchly objected, arguing the change would limit the flexibility of drivers who own their trucks and operate on their own hours. Ultimately, the association said, classifying truckers as employees would hinder their ability to make a living.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The trade group appealed to the U.S. Supreme Court, stalling enforcement of the law, \u003ca href=\"https://www.supremecourt.gov/docket/docketfiles/html/public/21-194.html\">but the court last month denied their petition\u003c/a>, allowing the lower-court ruling to stand.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Protesters say the strike is largely intended to push Gov. Gavin Newsom and lawmakers to exempt truck drivers from California labor law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So the law is going to make us into employees of the company, even though I own my own truck, I pay for diesel, I pay for insurance,” said Randeep Dhillon, a self-employed trucker. Under the new law, he said, “I’m going to have to work under somebody else. My boss is going to tell me, ‘Hey, you have to be here at this time. You have to go at this time. You got to do this many loads.’ Now, if I feel like taking a day off, I can take a day off. If I want to reject a load … I’m like, ‘Hey, I don’t want to go.’ I’m an independent contractor. I have that right.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But there’s been no word on when the state might begin enforcing the law, which is still being contested in lower courts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Labor coverage\" tag=\"labor\"]In a statement on Thursday, a spokesperson for Newsom said “no one should be caught by surprise by the law’s requirements at this time,” and urged the trucking industry “to support this transition just as California has and continues to do.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“California is committed to supporting our truck drivers and ensuring [they] receive the protections and compensation they are entitled to,” the spokesperson said, pointing to available resources like employment tax incentives and small business financing. “The state will continue to partner with truckers and the ports to ensure the continued movement of goods to California’s residents and businesses, which is critical to all of us.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lorena Gonzalez Fletcher, the former Assemblymember who authored AB 5 and now heads the California Labor Federation, took to Twitter this week to defend the law, arguing that it’s meant to help protect truckers from being exploited by some of the companies that hire them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What the law says is that you can’t pretend a driver/worker is an independent business to avoid paying gas/equipment, workers comp, social security, wages for hours waiting, etc. by simply saying ‘they own their own truck,'” \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/LorenaSGonzalez/status/1550088780408713217\">she said in a tweet\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Schrap of the Harbor Trucking Association says there needs to be some type of clarification about AB 5 and its impact on truckers. He pointed to the spate of industries exempted under the law, and questioned why trucking wasn’t among them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Obviously, there’s still outstanding questions,” he said. “If there weren’t outstanding questions about how this is going to apply, I don’t think any of these men and women would be down there protesting.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are plenty of opportunities for truckers to become employees if they want to, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The fact of the matter is, is that these individuals do not want to be employees,” he said. “That’s where the clarification is needed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ci data-stringify-type=\"italic\">KQED’s Holly J. McDede contributed reporting to this story. \u003c/i>This story also includes reporting from the Associated Press.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Update 4:30 p.m. Monday\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Marine terminals were open and again operating normally at the Port of Oakland following a five-day long near-total shutdown by truckers, port officials said Monday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Port of Oakland has resumed full operations” on Saturday, said port executive director Danny Wan. “We appreciate the independent truck drivers’ use of the designated Free Speech Zones and we thank local law enforcement for their continued assistance.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oakland police and other law enforcement agencies are working to keep traffic at the port moving, officials said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Port spokesman Robert Bernardo said it will still likely take weeks to alleviate the backlog of goods at the port, resulting in further delays of product shipments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Last updated, 4:30 p.m. Friday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cargo operations at the Port of Oakland remained largely stalled on Friday, as a convoy of truckers continued to block access to the facility for the fifth straight day to protest California’s gig-worker law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The demonstrations that began Monday involve hundreds of independent big-rig truckers who have prevented the movement of cargo in and out of the port’s terminals, in a bid to remain classified as independent contractors\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> – \u003c/span>rather than employees. Truckers held similar \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/newsletters/whatmatters/2022/07/ab-5-law-california-trucking/\">protests last week at the ports of Los Angeles and Long Beach\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think it’s very clear that there is so much uncertainty about how these independent drivers, these entrepreneurs, are going to be able to stay in business,” said Matt Schrap, CEO of the Harbor Trucking Association. The organization represents truckers servicing West Coast ports.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The blockade, which couldn’t come at a worse time for the port, is further exacerbating longstanding global supply-chain issues spurred by the pandemic that have led to months of epic cargo ship traffic jams, with mountains of goods stockpiled on docks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.portofoakland.com/wp-content/uploads/Open-letter-for-truckers-07-21-2022.pdf\">In an open letter sent on Thursday evening\u003c/a>, Danny Wan, executive director of the port, said he had met with protest organizers, and emphasized that he understood their frustrations, offering to support them in any negotiations with state. But he implored them to allow operations at the port to resume, warning of the collateral damage further disruptions would inflict.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wan said the port had set aside “free speech zones” for truckers to protest without disrupting the flow of commerce, and warned that any demonstrators whose trucks continued to obstruct terminal entrances or exits could be cited and face additional penalties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Port officials and organizers planned to meet again on Friday afternoon.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At issue is \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB5\">Assembly Bill 5\u003c/a>, a law passed in 2019 making it harder for companies to legally classify many workers as independent contractors instead of as employees. Under state labor law, employees are entitled to minimum wage and benefits such as workers compensation, overtime and sick pay. The law\u003ca href=\"https://scocal.stanford.edu/opinion/dynamex-operations-west-inc-v-superior-court-34584\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\"> codified a 2018 state Supreme Court decision\u003c/a> that required companies to treat workers as employees if their jobs are considered a key part of business operations. It also spurred Lyft, Uber and DoorDash to throw a huge amount of cash behind \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11843123/prop-22-explained-why-gig-companies-are-spending-huge-money-on-an-unprecedented-measure\">Proposition 22\u003c/a>, a 2020 ballot measure approved by voters that exempted most rideshare drivers\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> – \u003c/span>and that last year was ruled unconstitutional by a state court judge. (The companies have since appealed and don’t have to comply while court proceedings play out.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, a federal appeals court \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-courts-economy-business-government-and-politics-332e244b793604ba65946a3f3b99e271\">ruled last year that the law applies to some 70,000 truck drivers in the state \u003c/a>who are independent operators and don’t work for any one single company. The decision essentially requires companies that commission their services to classify them as employees, rather than independent contractors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although the International Brotherhood of Teamsters called the ruling a “massive victory” for exploited truckers, the California Trucking Association staunchly objected, arguing the change would limit the flexibility of drivers who own their trucks and operate on their own hours. Ultimately, the association said, classifying truckers as employees would hinder their ability to make a living.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The trade group appealed to the U.S. Supreme Court, stalling enforcement of the law, \u003ca href=\"https://www.supremecourt.gov/docket/docketfiles/html/public/21-194.html\">but the court last month denied their petition\u003c/a>, allowing the lower-court ruling to stand.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Protesters say the strike is largely intended to push Gov. Gavin Newsom and lawmakers to exempt truck drivers from California labor law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So the law is going to make us into employees of the company, even though I own my own truck, I pay for diesel, I pay for insurance,” said Randeep Dhillon, a self-employed trucker. Under the new law, he said, “I’m going to have to work under somebody else. My boss is going to tell me, ‘Hey, you have to be here at this time. You have to go at this time. You got to do this many loads.’ Now, if I feel like taking a day off, I can take a day off. If I want to reject a load … I’m like, ‘Hey, I don’t want to go.’ I’m an independent contractor. I have that right.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But there’s been no word on when the state might begin enforcing the law, which is still being contested in lower courts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cb>San Francisco District Attorney Brooke Jenkins\u003c/b>\u003cb>\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Last week, San Francisco Mayor London Breed appointed Brooke Jenkins as the city’s new district attorney, after former DA Chesa Boudin was ousted in a contentious recall election. Jenkins worked for Boudin as a prosecutor, but quit in protest over some of his decisions, and joined the effort to recall Boudin as lead spokesperson. Now that she’s got her former boss’s job, Jenkins has said she wants to review dozens of former drug cases and may overturn decisions made by her predecessor.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Assemblymember Phil Ting’s New Gun Control Law\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">There have been more than 300 mass shootings in the United States so far this year, according to the \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.gunviolencearchive.org/reports/mass-shooting\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Gun Violence Archive\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">California lawmakers have acted swiftly to respond to these recent events and pushed through a new package of gun control laws. We talk to state Assemblymember Phil Ting, D-San Francisco, about the new law he authored, which carves a pathway to sue gun makers. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>This Week in California News and Politics\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The first six months of the year have been the driest in California’s recorded history, setting us up for a serious wildfire season. Crews have been battling wildfire in Yosemite National Park, where a big blaze has threatened ancient sequoias. We tackle this and more of the week’s big stories with our panel of reporters.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Guests: \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Guy Marzorati, KQED politics and government reporter\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Kevin Stark, KQED climate editor\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Grace Toohey, Los Angeles Times breaking news reporter\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>James Webb Telescope\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Nearly a million miles away, an array of 18 hexagonal mirrors made from rare metals is capturing stunning images of our universe. There’s a special California connection to the James Webb Telescope: It was partly assembled in Southern California, and many Californian engineers worked on the project for years. This week’s Something Beautiful showcases the story of this remarkable piece of technology that taps into our collective human spirit of invention, exploration and wonder.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cp>Hundreds of unionized workers who’ve been striking against Chevron’s Richmond refinery for more than two months have voted to ratify a contract with the energy giant, ending a bitter labor dispute at one of the West Coast’s major oil-refining facilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Results out Saturday afternoon show the new four-year contract was approved by a slim majority of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.usw5.org/\">United Steelworkers Local 5\u003c/a> members who work at the plant, according to B.K. White, vice president of the union chapter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m proud of the women and men who held the line for over two months. They showed unbelievable solidarity and resolve as they exercised their right to strike in an attempt to improve their and their co-workers’ lives,” White said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chevron representatives say the striking employees will return to work in the coming weeks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>USW Local 5 and Chevron have yet to release details of the contract, but it looks like union members may not have gained much from the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11908916/a-strike-at-chevrons-richmond-refinery\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">walkout\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before the strike, Chevron offered to give the Richmond workers a $2,500 bonus on top of what was agreed to between the national union and a group of oil companies in February, in what’s known as a “\u003ca href=\"https://m.usw.org/news/media-center/releases/2022/usw-reaches-tentative-agreement-with-marathon-to-set-four-year-pattern-for-oil-sector-bargaining\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">pattern\u003c/a>.” The contract the local workers approved Saturday included a $1,500 bonus, according to White.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Richmond City Councilmember Claudia Jimenez\"]‘It should not have taken workers striking to get the benefits they were asking for. Chevron fought the workers every step of the way.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said the two-months-long strike began to wear on his members, who’d missed out on several paychecks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On March 19 the local union chapter announced their 500 members would walk off the job after the two sides could not agree on a variety of sticking points that included worker safety improvements, pay and benefits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The following evening Chevron escorted the USW Local 5 workers from the facility. Hours after that, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11908722/they-own-the-oil-but-the-people-are-ours-workers-strike-at-chevrons-richmond-refinery\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">the pickets went up\u003c/a>. Community members, activists and some members of the Richmond City Council, who’ve long criticized the refinery over its environmental record, joined the striking workers on the picket lines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11903874\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11903874\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/RS53159_013_Richmond_ChevronRefinery_01132022-qut.jpg\" alt=\"Steam rises from Chevron's oil refinery in Richmond, California.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/RS53159_013_Richmond_ChevronRefinery_01132022-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/RS53159_013_Richmond_ChevronRefinery_01132022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/RS53159_013_Richmond_ChevronRefinery_01132022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/RS53159_013_Richmond_ChevronRefinery_01132022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/RS53159_013_Richmond_ChevronRefinery_01132022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Chevron’s Richmond refinery viewed from Point Richmond in January 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Since then, refinery managers and contract workers have been running the plant themselves. The two sides talked at the negotiating table only a few times during the strike, trading and rejecting several offers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But on Thursday afternoon they reached a tentative contract that’s now been ratified.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Richmond City Councilmember Claudia Jimenez said it shouldn’t have taken so long, or been such a hard fight, to reach a deal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I am glad that the workers got a contract,” Jimenez said. “However, it should not have taken workers striking to get the benefits they were asking for. Chevron fought the workers every step of the way.”[aside postID=\"news_11908852,news_11908916,news_11908722\" label=\"Related Posts\"]Chevron’s decision to have managers and non-USW Local 5 workers operate the refinery led to concerns among activists and some elected officials that having inexperienced employees run the facility would lead to an accident.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since the strike began, there have been nine flaring operations at the refinery, according to the Contra Costa County Hazardous Materials Programs. That typically happens when there’s a malfunction at the facility, and the facility needs to send gases to its flares to relieve pressure, a process the industry and regulators say is needed for safety.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Flaring operations often involve flames and smoke coming from the refinery’s stacks, and releases of toxic chemicals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m glad the United Steelworkers have reached an agreement with Chevron to bring back experienced workers and improve safety at the refinery,” said Contra Costa Supervisor John Gioia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chevron officials \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11912101/chevron-calls-to-police-during-strike-prompt-pushback-strain-on-resources\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">called police to respond to picketers\u003c/a> dozens of times during the strike. The company also arranged financial agreements with the Richmond and San Pablo police departments in response to the strike.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In late April, \u003ca href=\"https://www.chevron.com/-/media/chevron/stories/documents/1Q22-earnings-press-release.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Chevron announced a profit of $6.3 billion\u003c/a> for the first three months of this year, more than quadruple its earnings for the same period a year ago.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "The more than two-months-long strike at Richmond's Chevron refinery saw managers and non-USW Local 5 workers operate the refinery, leading to concerns among activists and some elected officials.",
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"title": "Chevron Richmond Refinery Workers OK Deal to End First Strike in Over 40 Years | KQED",
"description": "The more than two-months-long strike at Richmond's Chevron refinery saw managers and non-USW Local 5 workers operate the refinery, leading to concerns among activists and some elected officials.",
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"subhead": "United Steelworkers are expected to return to the job in the coming weeks.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Hundreds of unionized workers who’ve been striking against Chevron’s Richmond refinery for more than two months have voted to ratify a contract with the energy giant, ending a bitter labor dispute at one of the West Coast’s major oil-refining facilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Results out Saturday afternoon show the new four-year contract was approved by a slim majority of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.usw5.org/\">United Steelworkers Local 5\u003c/a> members who work at the plant, according to B.K. White, vice president of the union chapter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m proud of the women and men who held the line for over two months. They showed unbelievable solidarity and resolve as they exercised their right to strike in an attempt to improve their and their co-workers’ lives,” White said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chevron representatives say the striking employees will return to work in the coming weeks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>USW Local 5 and Chevron have yet to release details of the contract, but it looks like union members may not have gained much from the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11908916/a-strike-at-chevrons-richmond-refinery\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">walkout\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before the strike, Chevron offered to give the Richmond workers a $2,500 bonus on top of what was agreed to between the national union and a group of oil companies in February, in what’s known as a “\u003ca href=\"https://m.usw.org/news/media-center/releases/2022/usw-reaches-tentative-agreement-with-marathon-to-set-four-year-pattern-for-oil-sector-bargaining\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">pattern\u003c/a>.” The contract the local workers approved Saturday included a $1,500 bonus, according to White.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said the two-months-long strike began to wear on his members, who’d missed out on several paychecks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On March 19 the local union chapter announced their 500 members would walk off the job after the two sides could not agree on a variety of sticking points that included worker safety improvements, pay and benefits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The following evening Chevron escorted the USW Local 5 workers from the facility. Hours after that, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11908722/they-own-the-oil-but-the-people-are-ours-workers-strike-at-chevrons-richmond-refinery\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">the pickets went up\u003c/a>. Community members, activists and some members of the Richmond City Council, who’ve long criticized the refinery over its environmental record, joined the striking workers on the picket lines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11903874\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11903874\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/RS53159_013_Richmond_ChevronRefinery_01132022-qut.jpg\" alt=\"Steam rises from Chevron's oil refinery in Richmond, California.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/RS53159_013_Richmond_ChevronRefinery_01132022-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/RS53159_013_Richmond_ChevronRefinery_01132022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/RS53159_013_Richmond_ChevronRefinery_01132022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/RS53159_013_Richmond_ChevronRefinery_01132022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/RS53159_013_Richmond_ChevronRefinery_01132022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Chevron’s Richmond refinery viewed from Point Richmond in January 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Since then, refinery managers and contract workers have been running the plant themselves. The two sides talked at the negotiating table only a few times during the strike, trading and rejecting several offers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But on Thursday afternoon they reached a tentative contract that’s now been ratified.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Richmond City Councilmember Claudia Jimenez said it shouldn’t have taken so long, or been such a hard fight, to reach a deal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I am glad that the workers got a contract,” Jimenez said. “However, it should not have taken workers striking to get the benefits they were asking for. Chevron fought the workers every step of the way.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Chevron’s decision to have managers and non-USW Local 5 workers operate the refinery led to concerns among activists and some elected officials that having inexperienced employees run the facility would lead to an accident.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since the strike began, there have been nine flaring operations at the refinery, according to the Contra Costa County Hazardous Materials Programs. That typically happens when there’s a malfunction at the facility, and the facility needs to send gases to its flares to relieve pressure, a process the industry and regulators say is needed for safety.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Flaring operations often involve flames and smoke coming from the refinery’s stacks, and releases of toxic chemicals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m glad the United Steelworkers have reached an agreement with Chevron to bring back experienced workers and improve safety at the refinery,” said Contra Costa Supervisor John Gioia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chevron officials \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11912101/chevron-calls-to-police-during-strike-prompt-pushback-strain-on-resources\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">called police to respond to picketers\u003c/a> dozens of times during the strike. The company also arranged financial agreements with the Richmond and San Pablo police departments in response to the strike.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In late April, \u003ca href=\"https://www.chevron.com/-/media/chevron/stories/documents/1Q22-earnings-press-release.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Chevron announced a profit of $6.3 billion\u003c/a> for the first three months of this year, more than quadruple its earnings for the same period a year ago.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Auto Mechanics Could Be Hardest Hit by California Car Mandate",
"title": "Auto Mechanics Could Be Hardest Hit by California Car Mandate",
"headTitle": "KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>The pungent odor of motor oil and grease wafts through the air at JR Automotive in San Francisco as Jesus Rojas lifts the hood of a 2014 Honda Civic to inspect its engine.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gasoline-powered vehicles like this one have hundreds of moving parts and other components that keep mechanics like Rojas busy. Rojas, 42, has spent much of his life refining the specialized skills needed to inspect and repair them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But as California switches to electric vehicles in its battle against climate change and air pollution, these skills will be needed less and less over the next decade. By 2040, the state projects that nearly 32,000 auto mechanic jobs will be lost in California, since electric vehicles need far less maintenance and repair than conventional combustion engines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I'm not against electric vehicles,\" said Rojas, who immigrated to the Bay Area from Mexico as a teenager and opened his own shop 11 years ago. “I’ve always loved cars and I’ll work on them until I can’t anymore. So we have to adjust. We have to get out of our comfort zones.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an effort to transform to a carbon-neutral, climate-friendly state, California’s proposal to \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/environment/2022/04/california-electric-cars-rule-zero-emissions/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">phase out all new gas-powered cars by 2035\u003c/a> will drive a wide-ranging transition of the workforce.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Throughout the economy, an estimated 64,700 jobs will be lost because of the mandate, according to the California Air Resources Board’s calculations. On the other hand, an estimated 24,900 jobs would be gained in other sectors, so the estimated net loss is 39,800 jobs, a minimal amount across the state’s entire economy, by 2040.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But no single workforce in the state would be hurt more than auto mechanics: California has about \u003ca href=\"https://www.bls.gov/oes/current/oes493023.htm#st\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">60,910 auto service technicians and mechanics\u003c/a>, and more than half of those jobs would be lost over the next two decades if the mandate goes into effect, the air board calculates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The transition would be phased in over a decade: Beginning with 2026 models, 35% of new cars and light-duty trucks sold in California would be zero-emission, reaching 51% in 2028, 68% in 2030 and 100% in 2035. The board will hold a hearing on June 9 before voting on the proposal in August.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alex Dirige, 67, an immigrant from Guam who has worked as a mechanic in San Francisco for more than 30 years, worries that the transition to electric cars will threaten the livelihoods of marginalized groups like undocumented immigrants and cause many auto repair workers to leave the industry altogether.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The trade provides a steady and reliable income in California for many workers with no college degree. On average, \u003ca href=\"https://www.bls.gov/oes/current/oes493023.htm#st\">mechanics across the state earn about $26 an hour\u003c/a> or $54,190 a year, according to the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Many mechanics who have started working see that there’s not a long-term future in the auto repair business, with hybrids and electric cars coming out,” Dirige said. “The electric vehicle repair market is just about nonexistent. A lot of them would love to be in the field but they might choose to go into other types of employment.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Who loses and who gains jobs\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>California is already suffering the ill effects of climate change — which damages its economy, not just its public health and its environment. About 40% of the state's greenhouse gas emissions come from transportation, the largest of any sector, so state leaders say reducing reliance on gasoline and moving toward electric cars is crucial to averting even more disastrous effects.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some industries gain jobs while others lose them as the state shifts to zero-emission vehicles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The retail trade sector, which includes gas station workers and automobile and parts dealers, would lose 38,669 jobs by 2040 or about 2% of the retail workforce. Most of the losses would be at gasoline stations. As the electric vehicle fleet grows, air board officials project gas stations could provide charging to offset the losses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Alex Dirige, auto mechanic, San Francisco\"]'The electric vehicle repair market is just about nonexistent.'[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of the loss in the retail sector is due to less expendable income. Electric cars now cost more to purchase, although prices will drop and maintenance will cost far less, saving about $3,200 for the life of a 2026 car and $7,500 for a 2035 car, according to the air board.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another 20,831 jobs in state and local government would be eliminated because of the decrease in gas tax revenue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the transition to electric cars also will create thousands of jobs. Southern California Edison, Pacific Gas & Electric and other power industry companies would benefit most, with the creation of about 5,600 jobs by 2040 as car owners spend more on electricity to power their vehicles. Insurance carriers will benefit from about 1,700 new jobs, while the construction industry is expected to gain about 3,600.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since few vehicles are manufactured in California, the state is unlikely to see a surge in manufacturing in response to the mandate. Of the 44 major auto assembly plants in the U.S., \u003ca href=\"https://theicct.org/publication/power-play-evaluating-the-u-s-position-in-the-global-electric-vehicle-transition/#:~:text=Seven%20of%20the%2044%20major,companies%20Rivian%20and%20Lucid%20Motors.\">most are located in the Midwest and the South\u003c/a>, according to a 2021 report from the International Council on Clean Transportation, a nonprofit research organization.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A 'slow-moving' change\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Mechanics who work on internal combustion engines would still have plenty of work: The rule would not ban sales of used cars, and it wouldn’t force the state’s residents to stop driving the roughly 29 million gas-powered cars that are already on the road. Californians also could keep importing new or used vehicles from out of state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That means Californians will still own a lot of gas-powered cars past 2035, softening the blow for car mechanics and industries dependent on fossil fuels, said \u003ca href=\"https://haas.berkeley.edu/energy-institute/about/people/james-sallee/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">James Sallee\u003c/a>, an economist and research associate at the Energy Institute at University of California, Berkeley’s Haas School of Business.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sallee said the changes wouldn’t occur fast enough to trigger a sharp economic slowdown within the auto repair industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s when there’s quick and rapid changes that we think the most harm is done to workers because they can’t relocate freely and quickly,” Sallee said. “So it’s important people have in perspective that it is a slow-moving process, not a dramatic and super-fast shift away from demand for gasoline stations or oil changes. It’s going to be something that takes place over a longer time period.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Electric cars have fewer fluids, such as engine oil, and fewer moving parts than a conventional car. Brake systems also last longer because of regenerative braking, which converts energy from the brake pads into electricity to recharge the battery, according to the \u003ca href=\"https://afdc.energy.gov/vehicles/electric_maintenance.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">U.S. Department of Energy\u003c/a>. They also don’t have mufflers, radiators and exhaust systems.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"James Sallee, economist, UC Berkeley Energy Institute\"]'It is a slow-moving process, not a dramatic and super-fast shift away from demand for gasoline stations or oil changes.’[/pullquote]But auto mechanics warned that while most operating and maintenance costs are lower for electric vehicles, some parts can be more expensive to replace. Rojas also said electric car owners could experience problems down the line they haven’t yet thought about.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Electric vehicles tend to weigh more than conventional cars, which means they need special tires that can support a heavier load. Those can cost between $200 and $300 per tire, compared to the $50 to $150 average for a gas-powered car, Rojas said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition, other services like replacing a windshield on a car like a Tesla, which has sensors and computerized features, could cost anywhere from $1,100 to $2,000, he said, compared to $200 to $500 for the windshield of a conventional car.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Because the car is still under warranty from the dealership, nothing right now comes out of pocket,” said Rojas. “But as soon as the vehicle becomes older, they’re going to become more expensive.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While zero-emission vehicle sales have been steadily increasing in recent years, Californians continue to primarily drive gas-powered cars. Electric cars in 2021 \u003ca href=\"https://tableau.cnra.ca.gov/t/CNRA_CEC/views/DMVDataPortal_15986380698710/STOCK_Dashboard?%3AshowAppBanner=false&%3Adisplay_count=n&%3AshowVizHome=n&%3Aorigin=viz_share_link&%3AisGuestRedirectFromVizportal=y&%3Aembed=y\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">made up about 3% of all cars\u003c/a> on the road but \u003ca href=\"https://www.veloz.org/california-first-u-s-state-to-hit-1-million-evs-sold/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">12.4% of auto sales\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some mechanics doubt that consumer behavior can change as quickly as the air board thinks it will. The proposal would require a massive overhaul of new charging stations and building codes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s nearly impossible to make all these changes by 2035,” Dirige said. “We don’t have the infrastructure to go to all electric vehicles. We barely have it now. And if you ask people, they’re afraid they’re going to end up with a car that is going to run out of electricity and they’ll be stuck somewhere.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Mechanics will need new skills or new jobs\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Rojas and his business partner, Raul Perez, employ two other mechanics, also Latino immigrants, who perform routine services such as oil changes and tune-ups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rojas said mechanics have to invest thousands of dollars of their own money to buy special equipment and tools. Some could use their existing tools and skills to service electric cars, since the cars would still require cosmetic repairs, tire rotations and battery inspections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But many won’t be able to afford retraining for a new career or learning new skills in complex areas like electrical engineering needed to repair hybrid and electric models.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If the government is interested in helping us economically to get retrained, it could really help the people who might be struggling but want to learn,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11914955\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11914955\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/Nina-Riggio-for-CalMatters01-800x537.png\" alt=\"A man stands underneath a car fixing something. An orange-colored bucket can be seen in the foreground and the wheels of a car suspended in the air in the background.\" width=\"800\" height=\"537\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/Nina-Riggio-for-CalMatters01-800x537.png 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/Nina-Riggio-for-CalMatters01-1020x685.png 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/Nina-Riggio-for-CalMatters01-160x107.png 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/Nina-Riggio-for-CalMatters01.png 1199w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Walter Preza works on a car at JR Automotive in San Francisco. \u003ccite>(Nina Riggio/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Shane Gusman, a lobbyist for the International Brotherhood of Teamsters, said state leaders should help fund the retraining of workers who lose their jobs due to the state’s efforts to battle climate change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Unions are not standing in the way of responsible policies to protect the climate and try to slow down climate change,” he said. “But all of us need to think about the impact on workers. We need to try to come up with policies that protect the workforce, which ultimately protects our economy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To reduce job losses from its zero-emission vehicle mandate, the air board in its report says “policy options could be considered for job retraining and transfer support, particularly for lower income individuals.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State Sen. Josh Becker, a Democrat from San Mateo, agreed. He said the “path of getting to zero needs to foster new well-paying, secure, middle-class jobs, and work to transition those from fossil fuel industries.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is true that it is easier to talk about the energy transition when it is not our own jobs that are threatened by it,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assemblymember Al Muratsuchi, who chairs the Joint Legislative Committee on Climate Change Policies, introduced \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB1966\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">AB 1966\u003c/a>, which would create a state fund to help retrain and transition workers from the fossil fuel industry to other nonpolluting sectors. He said the funds would also offer wage replacement and insurance, pension guarantees, health care options and peer counseling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill, however, would not help auto mechanics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We all know that change can be difficult for anyone,” he said. “We need to make the transition to a clean-energy economy in a way that doesn’t leave anyone behind.” [aside tag=\"electric-cars\" label=\"More Related Stories\"]The Governor’s Office of Planning and Research is also developing a \u003ca href=\"https://opr.ca.gov/economic-development/just-transition/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">“just transition” road map\u003c/a> to guide state policies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For now, Rojas said he’s focused on the day-to-day operations of his business. The shop is busy, servicing about 40 to 50 cars a week, and Rojas and his team are seeing more hybrid vehicles. He said he supports the state’s plan, and hopes other workers in his industry will also get on board.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This industry, it’s always changing,” Rojas said. “But a lot of mechanics, they don’t want to change, they just want to do what they’re good at, and that’s a problem. We need people that are willing to learn because we have to adapt.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Who loses and who gains as California cleans up its cars? Nearly 32,000 mechanics would lose jobs by 2040 under the proposed phaseout of new gas-powered cars. Electric companies would be the big winners.",
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"description": "Who loses and who gains as California cleans up its cars? Nearly 32,000 mechanics would lose jobs by 2040 under the proposed phaseout of new gas-powered cars. Electric companies would be the big winners.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The pungent odor of motor oil and grease wafts through the air at JR Automotive in San Francisco as Jesus Rojas lifts the hood of a 2014 Honda Civic to inspect its engine.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gasoline-powered vehicles like this one have hundreds of moving parts and other components that keep mechanics like Rojas busy. Rojas, 42, has spent much of his life refining the specialized skills needed to inspect and repair them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But as California switches to electric vehicles in its battle against climate change and air pollution, these skills will be needed less and less over the next decade. By 2040, the state projects that nearly 32,000 auto mechanic jobs will be lost in California, since electric vehicles need far less maintenance and repair than conventional combustion engines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I'm not against electric vehicles,\" said Rojas, who immigrated to the Bay Area from Mexico as a teenager and opened his own shop 11 years ago. “I’ve always loved cars and I’ll work on them until I can’t anymore. So we have to adjust. We have to get out of our comfort zones.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an effort to transform to a carbon-neutral, climate-friendly state, California’s proposal to \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/environment/2022/04/california-electric-cars-rule-zero-emissions/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">phase out all new gas-powered cars by 2035\u003c/a> will drive a wide-ranging transition of the workforce.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Throughout the economy, an estimated 64,700 jobs will be lost because of the mandate, according to the California Air Resources Board’s calculations. On the other hand, an estimated 24,900 jobs would be gained in other sectors, so the estimated net loss is 39,800 jobs, a minimal amount across the state’s entire economy, by 2040.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But no single workforce in the state would be hurt more than auto mechanics: California has about \u003ca href=\"https://www.bls.gov/oes/current/oes493023.htm#st\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">60,910 auto service technicians and mechanics\u003c/a>, and more than half of those jobs would be lost over the next two decades if the mandate goes into effect, the air board calculates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The transition would be phased in over a decade: Beginning with 2026 models, 35% of new cars and light-duty trucks sold in California would be zero-emission, reaching 51% in 2028, 68% in 2030 and 100% in 2035. The board will hold a hearing on June 9 before voting on the proposal in August.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alex Dirige, 67, an immigrant from Guam who has worked as a mechanic in San Francisco for more than 30 years, worries that the transition to electric cars will threaten the livelihoods of marginalized groups like undocumented immigrants and cause many auto repair workers to leave the industry altogether.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The trade provides a steady and reliable income in California for many workers with no college degree. On average, \u003ca href=\"https://www.bls.gov/oes/current/oes493023.htm#st\">mechanics across the state earn about $26 an hour\u003c/a> or $54,190 a year, according to the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Many mechanics who have started working see that there’s not a long-term future in the auto repair business, with hybrids and electric cars coming out,” Dirige said. “The electric vehicle repair market is just about nonexistent. A lot of them would love to be in the field but they might choose to go into other types of employment.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Who loses and who gains jobs\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>California is already suffering the ill effects of climate change — which damages its economy, not just its public health and its environment. About 40% of the state's greenhouse gas emissions come from transportation, the largest of any sector, so state leaders say reducing reliance on gasoline and moving toward electric cars is crucial to averting even more disastrous effects.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some industries gain jobs while others lose them as the state shifts to zero-emission vehicles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The retail trade sector, which includes gas station workers and automobile and parts dealers, would lose 38,669 jobs by 2040 or about 2% of the retail workforce. Most of the losses would be at gasoline stations. As the electric vehicle fleet grows, air board officials project gas stations could provide charging to offset the losses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of the loss in the retail sector is due to less expendable income. Electric cars now cost more to purchase, although prices will drop and maintenance will cost far less, saving about $3,200 for the life of a 2026 car and $7,500 for a 2035 car, according to the air board.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another 20,831 jobs in state and local government would be eliminated because of the decrease in gas tax revenue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the transition to electric cars also will create thousands of jobs. Southern California Edison, Pacific Gas & Electric and other power industry companies would benefit most, with the creation of about 5,600 jobs by 2040 as car owners spend more on electricity to power their vehicles. Insurance carriers will benefit from about 1,700 new jobs, while the construction industry is expected to gain about 3,600.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since few vehicles are manufactured in California, the state is unlikely to see a surge in manufacturing in response to the mandate. Of the 44 major auto assembly plants in the U.S., \u003ca href=\"https://theicct.org/publication/power-play-evaluating-the-u-s-position-in-the-global-electric-vehicle-transition/#:~:text=Seven%20of%20the%2044%20major,companies%20Rivian%20and%20Lucid%20Motors.\">most are located in the Midwest and the South\u003c/a>, according to a 2021 report from the International Council on Clean Transportation, a nonprofit research organization.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A 'slow-moving' change\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Mechanics who work on internal combustion engines would still have plenty of work: The rule would not ban sales of used cars, and it wouldn’t force the state’s residents to stop driving the roughly 29 million gas-powered cars that are already on the road. Californians also could keep importing new or used vehicles from out of state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That means Californians will still own a lot of gas-powered cars past 2035, softening the blow for car mechanics and industries dependent on fossil fuels, said \u003ca href=\"https://haas.berkeley.edu/energy-institute/about/people/james-sallee/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">James Sallee\u003c/a>, an economist and research associate at the Energy Institute at University of California, Berkeley’s Haas School of Business.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sallee said the changes wouldn’t occur fast enough to trigger a sharp economic slowdown within the auto repair industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s when there’s quick and rapid changes that we think the most harm is done to workers because they can’t relocate freely and quickly,” Sallee said. “So it’s important people have in perspective that it is a slow-moving process, not a dramatic and super-fast shift away from demand for gasoline stations or oil changes. It’s going to be something that takes place over a longer time period.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Electric cars have fewer fluids, such as engine oil, and fewer moving parts than a conventional car. Brake systems also last longer because of regenerative braking, which converts energy from the brake pads into electricity to recharge the battery, according to the \u003ca href=\"https://afdc.energy.gov/vehicles/electric_maintenance.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">U.S. Department of Energy\u003c/a>. They also don’t have mufflers, radiators and exhaust systems.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>But auto mechanics warned that while most operating and maintenance costs are lower for electric vehicles, some parts can be more expensive to replace. Rojas also said electric car owners could experience problems down the line they haven’t yet thought about.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Electric vehicles tend to weigh more than conventional cars, which means they need special tires that can support a heavier load. Those can cost between $200 and $300 per tire, compared to the $50 to $150 average for a gas-powered car, Rojas said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition, other services like replacing a windshield on a car like a Tesla, which has sensors and computerized features, could cost anywhere from $1,100 to $2,000, he said, compared to $200 to $500 for the windshield of a conventional car.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Because the car is still under warranty from the dealership, nothing right now comes out of pocket,” said Rojas. “But as soon as the vehicle becomes older, they’re going to become more expensive.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While zero-emission vehicle sales have been steadily increasing in recent years, Californians continue to primarily drive gas-powered cars. Electric cars in 2021 \u003ca href=\"https://tableau.cnra.ca.gov/t/CNRA_CEC/views/DMVDataPortal_15986380698710/STOCK_Dashboard?%3AshowAppBanner=false&%3Adisplay_count=n&%3AshowVizHome=n&%3Aorigin=viz_share_link&%3AisGuestRedirectFromVizportal=y&%3Aembed=y\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">made up about 3% of all cars\u003c/a> on the road but \u003ca href=\"https://www.veloz.org/california-first-u-s-state-to-hit-1-million-evs-sold/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">12.4% of auto sales\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some mechanics doubt that consumer behavior can change as quickly as the air board thinks it will. The proposal would require a massive overhaul of new charging stations and building codes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s nearly impossible to make all these changes by 2035,” Dirige said. “We don’t have the infrastructure to go to all electric vehicles. We barely have it now. And if you ask people, they’re afraid they’re going to end up with a car that is going to run out of electricity and they’ll be stuck somewhere.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Mechanics will need new skills or new jobs\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Rojas and his business partner, Raul Perez, employ two other mechanics, also Latino immigrants, who perform routine services such as oil changes and tune-ups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rojas said mechanics have to invest thousands of dollars of their own money to buy special equipment and tools. Some could use their existing tools and skills to service electric cars, since the cars would still require cosmetic repairs, tire rotations and battery inspections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But many won’t be able to afford retraining for a new career or learning new skills in complex areas like electrical engineering needed to repair hybrid and electric models.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If the government is interested in helping us economically to get retrained, it could really help the people who might be struggling but want to learn,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11914955\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11914955\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/Nina-Riggio-for-CalMatters01-800x537.png\" alt=\"A man stands underneath a car fixing something. An orange-colored bucket can be seen in the foreground and the wheels of a car suspended in the air in the background.\" width=\"800\" height=\"537\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/Nina-Riggio-for-CalMatters01-800x537.png 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/Nina-Riggio-for-CalMatters01-1020x685.png 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/Nina-Riggio-for-CalMatters01-160x107.png 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/Nina-Riggio-for-CalMatters01.png 1199w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Walter Preza works on a car at JR Automotive in San Francisco. \u003ccite>(Nina Riggio/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Shane Gusman, a lobbyist for the International Brotherhood of Teamsters, said state leaders should help fund the retraining of workers who lose their jobs due to the state’s efforts to battle climate change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Unions are not standing in the way of responsible policies to protect the climate and try to slow down climate change,” he said. “But all of us need to think about the impact on workers. We need to try to come up with policies that protect the workforce, which ultimately protects our economy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To reduce job losses from its zero-emission vehicle mandate, the air board in its report says “policy options could be considered for job retraining and transfer support, particularly for lower income individuals.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State Sen. Josh Becker, a Democrat from San Mateo, agreed. He said the “path of getting to zero needs to foster new well-paying, secure, middle-class jobs, and work to transition those from fossil fuel industries.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is true that it is easier to talk about the energy transition when it is not our own jobs that are threatened by it,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assemblymember Al Muratsuchi, who chairs the Joint Legislative Committee on Climate Change Policies, introduced \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB1966\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">AB 1966\u003c/a>, which would create a state fund to help retrain and transition workers from the fossil fuel industry to other nonpolluting sectors. He said the funds would also offer wage replacement and insurance, pension guarantees, health care options and peer counseling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill, however, would not help auto mechanics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We all know that change can be difficult for anyone,” he said. “We need to make the transition to a clean-energy economy in a way that doesn’t leave anyone behind.” \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The Governor’s Office of Planning and Research is also developing a \u003ca href=\"https://opr.ca.gov/economic-development/just-transition/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">“just transition” road map\u003c/a> to guide state policies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For now, Rojas said he’s focused on the day-to-day operations of his business. The shop is busy, servicing about 40 to 50 cars a week, and Rojas and his team are seeing more hybrid vehicles. He said he supports the state’s plan, and hopes other workers in his industry will also get on board.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This industry, it’s always changing,” Rojas said. “But a lot of mechanics, they don’t want to change, they just want to do what they’re good at, and that’s a problem. We need people that are willing to learn because we have to adapt.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"disqusTitle": "Newsom Wants to Expand Medi-Cal to All Undocumented Immigrants by 2024. Advocates Say They Need It Sooner",
"title": "Newsom Wants to Expand Medi-Cal to All Undocumented Immigrants by 2024. Advocates Say They Need It Sooner",
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"content": "\u003cp>California immigrant advocates applauded Gov. Gavin Newsom's budget proposal that would make this the first state in the nation to extend safety-net health care coverage to all residents, regardless of immigration status. But with a $97 billion surplus projected in the governor's May budget revision, they say it's time for state leaders to go even further to strengthen the social safety net for unauthorized immigrants, many of whom have played an essential role as frontline workers during the COVID-19 pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The fact that we have such a huge surplus is because we have widening inequality, because the rich did so well,\" said Alexis Castro, government affairs director at the California Immigrant Policy Center, referring to the fact that much of the surplus revenue comes from income taxes on high earnings and capital gains from investments. \"Can we use that to invest in those that were most impacted, that are at the front lines, that are really the backbone of our communities?\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But even with an unprecedented budget surplus, plans to further expand social programs will have to contend with a state spending limit approved by voters in 1979, along with uncertainty about where the state economy is headed and resistance from fiscal conservatives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since 2016, California has expanded Medi-Cal to undocumented children and, beginning this month, adults over age 50. Newsom's plan, first announced in January, would cover the last remaining group: roughly 700,000 undocumented adults, age 26 to 49, at a cost of $800 million next year and $2.7 billion in future years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the governor's Medi-Cal expansion is enacted, though, it won't take effect until 2024. Castro and other advocates want it in place sooner. They say the pandemic showed why everyone needs access to medical care, particularly the uninsured immigrants who grew, processed and distributed food, and who worked in construction, cleaning and child care through shelter-in-place orders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A USC study last year of 2020 COVID-19 deaths in California found that working-age Latino immigrants were 11 times more likely to die from the disease than U.S.-born non-Hispanic adults.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Castro's group and others back a plan by Senate Democrats to spend an extra $1 billion to accelerate the Medi-Cal expansion to June 2023.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">They also are endorsing Democrats' proposals to use the additional surplus in the following ways:\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">$284 million to expand nutrition assistance under the Food for All bill to undocumented immigrants of all ages (not just those over 55, as Newsom proposes).\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">$400 million to increase the state's \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.ftb.ca.gov/file/personal/credits/california-earned-income-tax-credit.html\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">earned income tax credit\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> to a minimum of $255 for workers who earn less than $30,000 a year.\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">An expansion of the state's young child tax credit, for families with children under 6.\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>In addition, a statewide network of more than 100 immigrant and labor advocacy groups, dubbed the Safety Net for All Coalition, is getting behind a bill, AB 2847, that would put $690 million into a pilot program to fund unemployment insurance for undocumented workers. California employers contribute to the state unemployment insurance trust fund on behalf of undocumented workers, but those workers are ineligible for its benefits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Growing up in Calexico with a single mother who was a farmworker, Castro said he experienced firsthand the importance of the social safety net when his mom lost her job.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I know what it's like to need these services — what it's like to need food assistance, unemployment benefits, Medi-Cal — to be able to not so much thrive, but to be able to survive,\" he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11914810\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/GettyImages-1232637005-scaled.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11914810\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/GettyImages-1232637005-800x533.jpg\" alt='Amid a crowd of people wearing caps and face masks, one person wearing a black hoodie with the word \"justice\" in rainbow colors holds a sign reading \"Reforma Migratoria Ahora!\"' width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/GettyImages-1232637005-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/GettyImages-1232637005-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/GettyImages-1232637005-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/GettyImages-1232637005-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/GettyImages-1232637005-2048x1365.jpg 2048w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/GettyImages-1232637005-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Latino immigrant children call for immigration reform as a coalition of activist groups and labor unions participate in a May Day march for workers' and human rights in Los Angeles, on May 1, 2021. \u003ccite>(DAVID MCNEW/AFP via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In California, 1 in 4 residents was born in another country, and roughly 2 million Californians are unauthorized immigrants — most of whom have been here for over a decade and have no clear way to obtain legal status. Lawmakers have gradually made more state benefits available to these immigrants, who are denied many federal services. Access to everything from college financial aid to legal services to pandemic relief has been the result of persistent organizing by pro-immigrant advocacy groups in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eduardo Garcia, senior policy manager with the Latino Community Foundation, is calling on the governor to embrace the Senate Democrats' proposals to target funding to the state's lower-income residents, including unauthorized immigrants, rather than use $11.5 billion for a gas tax rebate for all vehicle owners, as Newsom proposed in the May budget revision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We actually see that as a missed opportunity to help some of the most vulnerable Californians, many of whom we know don't own a vehicle,\" said Garcia. \"We actually think there are other initiatives to help reduce poverty in the state that must be taken seriously into consideration in time for the final budget.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 1979 spending restriction, known as the Gann limit, is likely to be a huge hurdle. It says the state may not spend more per capita than it did in 1978, adjusted for inflation. There are some exceptions, including for infrastructure and tax rebates. But the state's legislative analyst says Newsom's current budget proposal is already $3.5 billion over the limit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The surplus is so large that it's putting us up against, if not over, this proposition for state appropriations,\" said Gabriel Petek, the legislative analyst. \"In our judgment, that's going to force the Legislature to have to make some trade-offs.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The gas tax rebate isn't affected by the Gann limit, he said, but spending more on the social safety net will only make the imbalance worse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"If the Legislature wanted to increase spending on some social services, our recommendation would be for them to consider reducing other types of services,\" he said. \"It is a difficult set of choices.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Beyond that, lawmakers and the governor need to keep an eye on the overall economy, which Petek says is at risk of falling into a recession, as the U.S. Federal Reserve raises interest rates in an effort to rein in inflation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If Californians' incomes drop in the coming year, tax revenues will, too, forcing cuts to programs that were expanded when times were flush, pointed out Andrew Pederson, capitol director for Govern for California, a nonprofit organization working to counter the influence of special interests in Sacramento.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It's not comfortable to fall off a fiscal cliff,\" said Pederson. \"That's where programs funded with one-time funding tend to fold up and people are left empty-handed. So we tend to take a more conservative approach when it comes to these things.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republican consultant Mike Madrid argues that a lot of the unexpected revenue should be refunded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"California, unfortunately, I think, is becoming a state with a tax system that is overly reliant on very high-income earners and is extraordinarily generous to very low-income earners,\" he said. \"I do think with this size of a surplus, there needs to be some sort of rebate or refund back to the taxpayers who paid it.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Madrid also said the pandemic showed the importance of providing health care for all Californians, even at taxpayer expense.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We've learned: contagion, public health — it's all intertwined. Viruses don't care if you're undocumented or not,\" he said. \"We also, I think, realize that there's some benefit to ensuring that everybody in our society around us, regardless of status, is healthy.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As state lawmakers hammer out their version of a budget bill this month and then negotiate with the governor on a version he's willing to sign by the June 30 deadline, the debate over extending services to undocumented immigrants builds on a political consensus that's been growing for more than a decade: that immigrants, regardless of status, are an integral part of California's economic and social fabric.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"California is actually leading in a lot of ways,\" said Garcia. \"But at the same time, we have a historic budget surplus. We can afford to include these essential workers in the safety net. … We think that this budget has to reflect the values that we have as a state.\"\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>California immigrant advocates applauded Gov. Gavin Newsom's budget proposal that would make this the first state in the nation to extend safety-net health care coverage to all residents, regardless of immigration status. But with a $97 billion surplus projected in the governor's May budget revision, they say it's time for state leaders to go even further to strengthen the social safety net for unauthorized immigrants, many of whom have played an essential role as frontline workers during the COVID-19 pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The fact that we have such a huge surplus is because we have widening inequality, because the rich did so well,\" said Alexis Castro, government affairs director at the California Immigrant Policy Center, referring to the fact that much of the surplus revenue comes from income taxes on high earnings and capital gains from investments. \"Can we use that to invest in those that were most impacted, that are at the front lines, that are really the backbone of our communities?\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But even with an unprecedented budget surplus, plans to further expand social programs will have to contend with a state spending limit approved by voters in 1979, along with uncertainty about where the state economy is headed and resistance from fiscal conservatives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since 2016, California has expanded Medi-Cal to undocumented children and, beginning this month, adults over age 50. Newsom's plan, first announced in January, would cover the last remaining group: roughly 700,000 undocumented adults, age 26 to 49, at a cost of $800 million next year and $2.7 billion in future years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the governor's Medi-Cal expansion is enacted, though, it won't take effect until 2024. Castro and other advocates want it in place sooner. They say the pandemic showed why everyone needs access to medical care, particularly the uninsured immigrants who grew, processed and distributed food, and who worked in construction, cleaning and child care through shelter-in-place orders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A USC study last year of 2020 COVID-19 deaths in California found that working-age Latino immigrants were 11 times more likely to die from the disease than U.S.-born non-Hispanic adults.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Castro's group and others back a plan by Senate Democrats to spend an extra $1 billion to accelerate the Medi-Cal expansion to June 2023.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">They also are endorsing Democrats' proposals to use the additional surplus in the following ways:\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">$284 million to expand nutrition assistance under the Food for All bill to undocumented immigrants of all ages (not just those over 55, as Newsom proposes).\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">$400 million to increase the state's \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.ftb.ca.gov/file/personal/credits/california-earned-income-tax-credit.html\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">earned income tax credit\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> to a minimum of $255 for workers who earn less than $30,000 a year.\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">An expansion of the state's young child tax credit, for families with children under 6.\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>In addition, a statewide network of more than 100 immigrant and labor advocacy groups, dubbed the Safety Net for All Coalition, is getting behind a bill, AB 2847, that would put $690 million into a pilot program to fund unemployment insurance for undocumented workers. California employers contribute to the state unemployment insurance trust fund on behalf of undocumented workers, but those workers are ineligible for its benefits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Growing up in Calexico with a single mother who was a farmworker, Castro said he experienced firsthand the importance of the social safety net when his mom lost her job.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I know what it's like to need these services — what it's like to need food assistance, unemployment benefits, Medi-Cal — to be able to not so much thrive, but to be able to survive,\" he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11914810\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/GettyImages-1232637005-scaled.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11914810\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/GettyImages-1232637005-800x533.jpg\" alt='Amid a crowd of people wearing caps and face masks, one person wearing a black hoodie with the word \"justice\" in rainbow colors holds a sign reading \"Reforma Migratoria Ahora!\"' width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/GettyImages-1232637005-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/GettyImages-1232637005-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/GettyImages-1232637005-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/GettyImages-1232637005-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/GettyImages-1232637005-2048x1365.jpg 2048w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/GettyImages-1232637005-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Latino immigrant children call for immigration reform as a coalition of activist groups and labor unions participate in a May Day march for workers' and human rights in Los Angeles, on May 1, 2021. \u003ccite>(DAVID MCNEW/AFP via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In California, 1 in 4 residents was born in another country, and roughly 2 million Californians are unauthorized immigrants — most of whom have been here for over a decade and have no clear way to obtain legal status. Lawmakers have gradually made more state benefits available to these immigrants, who are denied many federal services. Access to everything from college financial aid to legal services to pandemic relief has been the result of persistent organizing by pro-immigrant advocacy groups in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eduardo Garcia, senior policy manager with the Latino Community Foundation, is calling on the governor to embrace the Senate Democrats' proposals to target funding to the state's lower-income residents, including unauthorized immigrants, rather than use $11.5 billion for a gas tax rebate for all vehicle owners, as Newsom proposed in the May budget revision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We actually see that as a missed opportunity to help some of the most vulnerable Californians, many of whom we know don't own a vehicle,\" said Garcia. \"We actually think there are other initiatives to help reduce poverty in the state that must be taken seriously into consideration in time for the final budget.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 1979 spending restriction, known as the Gann limit, is likely to be a huge hurdle. It says the state may not spend more per capita than it did in 1978, adjusted for inflation. There are some exceptions, including for infrastructure and tax rebates. But the state's legislative analyst says Newsom's current budget proposal is already $3.5 billion over the limit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The surplus is so large that it's putting us up against, if not over, this proposition for state appropriations,\" said Gabriel Petek, the legislative analyst. \"In our judgment, that's going to force the Legislature to have to make some trade-offs.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The gas tax rebate isn't affected by the Gann limit, he said, but spending more on the social safety net will only make the imbalance worse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"If the Legislature wanted to increase spending on some social services, our recommendation would be for them to consider reducing other types of services,\" he said. \"It is a difficult set of choices.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Beyond that, lawmakers and the governor need to keep an eye on the overall economy, which Petek says is at risk of falling into a recession, as the U.S. Federal Reserve raises interest rates in an effort to rein in inflation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If Californians' incomes drop in the coming year, tax revenues will, too, forcing cuts to programs that were expanded when times were flush, pointed out Andrew Pederson, capitol director for Govern for California, a nonprofit organization working to counter the influence of special interests in Sacramento.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It's not comfortable to fall off a fiscal cliff,\" said Pederson. \"That's where programs funded with one-time funding tend to fold up and people are left empty-handed. So we tend to take a more conservative approach when it comes to these things.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republican consultant Mike Madrid argues that a lot of the unexpected revenue should be refunded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"California, unfortunately, I think, is becoming a state with a tax system that is overly reliant on very high-income earners and is extraordinarily generous to very low-income earners,\" he said. \"I do think with this size of a surplus, there needs to be some sort of rebate or refund back to the taxpayers who paid it.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Madrid also said the pandemic showed the importance of providing health care for all Californians, even at taxpayer expense.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We've learned: contagion, public health — it's all intertwined. Viruses don't care if you're undocumented or not,\" he said. \"We also, I think, realize that there's some benefit to ensuring that everybody in our society around us, regardless of status, is healthy.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As state lawmakers hammer out their version of a budget bill this month and then negotiate with the governor on a version he's willing to sign by the June 30 deadline, the debate over extending services to undocumented immigrants builds on a political consensus that's been growing for more than a decade: that immigrants, regardless of status, are an integral part of California's economic and social fabric.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"California is actually leading in a lot of ways,\" said Garcia. \"But at the same time, we have a historic budget surplus. We can afford to include these essential workers in the safety net. … We think that this budget has to reflect the values that we have as a state.\"\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Newsom: California Has Record-Smashing $97.5 Billion Budget Surplus",
"title": "Newsom: California Has Record-Smashing $97.5 Billion Budget Surplus",
"headTitle": "CALmatters | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>“Simply without precedent.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom is \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2021/03/newsom-jargon-pandemic-economy/\">a man of many superlatives\u003c/a>, but even he seemed to struggle today to adequately describe just how much extra cash the state of California will have to spend in the coming year’s budget: $97.5 billion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a press conference in Sacramento, Newsom unveiled his \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2022/05/13/governor-newsom-presents-300-7-billion-blueprint-paving-the-california-way-forward/\">latest record spending proposal\u003c/a> for the coming fiscal year. Riding a superheating economy and drawing disproportionately from the state’s highest earners, the state is now projected to have a surplus bigger than California — or any state — has ever had, and significantly more than the $76 billion that the governor predicted in January.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Roughly half of the surplus is required by law to be spent on education. That leaves “only” roughly $49 billion in discretionary money, and the governor wants to reserve 99% of that for one-time spending: $18.1 billion \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2022/05/12/governor-newsom-proposes-18-1-billion-inflation-relief-package/\">to provide financial relief\u003c/a> for Californians buffeted by inflation, plus $37 billion for infrastructure investments, including $5.6 billion for education facility upgrades, and an extra $2.3 billion for the ongoing fight against COVID-19.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://ebudget.ca.gov/FullBudgetSummary.pdf\">few of the other big numbers\u003c/a> that Newsom mentioned today:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>$128.3 billion in education spending, from transitional kindergarten through high school, a record-breaking sum that works out to $22,850 per student.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Another $23 billion will be parked into the state’s rainy day fund, to be drawn upon the next time the economy slows\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>$2.5 billion for housing, including $500 million to fund the conversion of vacant malls and storefronts into homes\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>An extra $3.4 billion to pay down state employee retirement debt\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>The massive windfall that the state is sitting on, coupled with the state’s progressive tax system is a sign of “the concentration of wealth and success in the hands of a few that are enjoying abundance in historic and unprecedented ways,” Newsom said. “I am proud of California’s progressive tax system…and we’re the beneficiary of that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now the ball is in the state Legislature’s court as lawmakers decide where they agree with the governor and which priorities they want to haggle over before the June 15 deadline to pass a final, balanced budget for the fiscal year that starts July 1.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today’s “May revise” rollout is part of the annual call-and-response between the governor’s office and the Legislature over how to spend your tax dollars. Each year, the governor sets the negotiations in motion in January with a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2022/01/california-budget-newsom/\">preliminary budget proposal\u003c/a>. This year, Newsom’s proffer included a record surge in K-12 education spending, along with multi-billion dollar proposals to ramp up the state’s wildfire prevention projects, convert more vacant hotels into housing for the homeless and open up Medi-Cal, the state’s health insurance program for the poor, to all undocumented immigrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What Newsom unveiled today is a retake on that earlier budget blueprint, but freshened up with new estimates of the state’s fiscal future. Tack on the extra surplus money and you end up with a new record-high total: $300.7 billion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe src=\"https://flo.uri.sh/visualisation/9979834/embed#?secret=2LNgNb0NXP%C2%A0\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When discussing money on the scale of the California state budget, it’s easy to lose perspective. But to be clear, even by Golden State standards, that is an astounding amount of money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What a difference two years makes. In May 2020, with the state still weathering the first surge of COVID-19, the governor’s Department of Finance projected a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/economy/2020/05/newsom-economic-forecast-criticism-california-model-recession-budget/\">$54 billion deficit and a year of Great Depression-level unemployment rates\u003c/a>. Neither came to pass, just the opposite: Boosted by rosy \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2021/01/california-budget-depends-on-staggering-wealth-gap/\">economic conditions for the state’s highest earners\u003c/a> and a massive influx of cash from the federal government, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2021/01/newsoms-record-breaking-budget-proposal/\">state coffers have been overflowing\u003c/a> for the last two years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For the governor and Democratic leadership in the Assembly and Senate, having to divvy up billions of new dollars during an election year is a good problem to have. But on financial aid to struggling families, the scale of the state’s drought response, \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/newsletter/2022-05-13/california-politics-newsletter-gambling-taxes-will-dominate-november-ballot-ca-politics\">what to do about the sky-high price of gasoline\u003c/a> and other pressing policy conundrums, not everyone is on the same page.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"related coverage\" tag=\"california-budget\"]Assembly Speaker Anthony Rendon kept his cards close to his chest in a statement, simply heralding his Democratic “teammates” in the Senate. “We know how to work together to present Governor Gavin Newsom with a budget he can be proud to sign by the constitutional deadline,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The\u003ca href=\"https://cssrc.us/sites/default/files/Caucus%202022%20Wilk%20May%20Revise%20Budget%20Priorities.pdf?utm_source=CalMatters+Newsletters&utm_campaign=ebdd812119-WHATMATTERS&utm_medium=email&utm_term=0_faa7be558d-ebdd812119-150256405&mc_cid=ebdd812119&mc_eid=498adde128\"> Republican minority in the Legislature\u003c/a> is so diminished that Democrats don’t need their support to pass a budget. But that isn’t stopping GOP lawmakers from weighing in, if only to \u003ca href=\"https://www.cagop.org/s/blog/ca-dems-ignore-the-obvious-MCZ2N2HI7YLFCAHEWHK6DQ7YEG3Q\">provide voters with a clear contrast\u003c/a> as Election Day approaches.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Newsom specializes in grand announcements and flashy sounding proposals, but he rarely follows through with effective solutions that actually help California families,” GOP Assembly leader James Gallagher from Chico said in a statement. “As Californians struggle to fill their tank and put food on the table, Democrats fail to provide any real solutions to cut costs.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here are other highlights from the governor’s latest spending plan:\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Cash for Californians\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>If the average Californian hears anything about today’s announcement it’s probably this: The governor wants to send $400 to most of the state’s car owners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s been the governor’s idea to help drivers bear the cost of historically elevated gas prices. In the face of pushback from environmentalists, he also wants to throw in $750 million to entice transit agencies to make bus and rail travel free for three months. And lest he be accused to throwing money at those who don’t need it, the proposal is limited to drivers whose car are worth under an unspecified cap.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite all that, there’s some distance between this proposal and the Legislature’s, where Democratic leaders \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2022-03-18/california-senate-assembly-weigh-refund-possibilities-amid-rising-gas-costs#:~:text=Gavin%20Newsom's%20proposal%20to%20offer,each%20California%20taxpayer%20and%20dependent.\">want to send cash rebates to Californians\u003c/a> making less than $250,000, car owners or not. And it’s even further still from the GOP plan, which is simply to \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/newsletters/whatmatters/2022/04/california-gas-rebate/\">suspend the state gas tax\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I have all the confidence in the world we’ll be able to square those modest differences and we’ll come around to a number and a strategy that’s in the best interests of Californians,” Newsom said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today’s announcement also answered another big question left unaddressed by the January proposal: Will an obscure amendment inserted into the California Constitution in 1979 compel the state to reroute some of the state’s extra cash back to taxpayers?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The answer, at least for now, appears to be no.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The constitutional provision in question, the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2021/05/newsom-tax-rebate/\">Gann Limit\u003c/a>, was approved by voters during the heyday of the state’s conservative “tax revolt” and capped per-person state spending to its 1978 level, after adjusting for inflation. Anything left over has to be sent back to taxpayers and school districts. With the state’s coffers as full as they are, the January budget blueprint projected that the state would breach the cap.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But with more spending on exempt types of expenditure, including infrastructure, the current plan is now $2.6 billion below that ceiling.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3 id=\"h-eat-your-heart-out-texas\">‘Eat your heart out, Texas’\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Budgets, as the cliche goes, are statements of values. Newsom clearly values \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/newsletters/whatmatters/2022/02/california-crime-abortion-guns/\">decrying the state of Texas\u003c/a> and its right-wing government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among the policies-cum-anti-Texas-digs that Newsom rolled out today were a revision of the state’s business relocation tax credit program to provide “additional consideration” for businesses relocating from states with anti-abortion and “anti-LGBTQ+” laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The context, only barely unspoken, is that Texas has recently passed a law that effectively \u003ca href=\"https://capitol.texas.gov/tlodocs/87R/billtext/pdf/SB00008F.pdf\">bans most abortions\u003c/a> and introduced a policy that treats gender-confirming care for transgender kids \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2022/05/13/1098779201/texas-supreme-court-transgender-gender-affirming-child-abuse\">as child abuse\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom’s budget plan also include an additional \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2022/05/11/governor-newsom-proposes-reproductive-health-package-to-strengthen-protections-expand-access-and-welcome-businesses-from-anti-abortion-states/\">$125 million to expand access to abortions\u003c/a> and fund research into reproductive health.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I do want to make a deep point here: California is a pro-life state,” Newsom said, appropriating a term used by the anti-abortion movement to tout his proposed spending on expanded preschool, health insurance access and gun-violence reduction programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He also chided Arizona, Florida and Texas for having COVID death rates higher than California’s: “There are a lot of folks out there that are pro- conception to birth but that fall wholly short of being pro-life.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>CalMatters reporter Grace Gedye contributed to this story.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "Newsom unveiled a revised budget plan of just over $300 billion for the next fiscal year, the highest in state history, resulting from surging tax revenues through the winter and spring.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>“Simply without precedent.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom is \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2021/03/newsom-jargon-pandemic-economy/\">a man of many superlatives\u003c/a>, but even he seemed to struggle today to adequately describe just how much extra cash the state of California will have to spend in the coming year’s budget: $97.5 billion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a press conference in Sacramento, Newsom unveiled his \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2022/05/13/governor-newsom-presents-300-7-billion-blueprint-paving-the-california-way-forward/\">latest record spending proposal\u003c/a> for the coming fiscal year. Riding a superheating economy and drawing disproportionately from the state’s highest earners, the state is now projected to have a surplus bigger than California — or any state — has ever had, and significantly more than the $76 billion that the governor predicted in January.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Roughly half of the surplus is required by law to be spent on education. That leaves “only” roughly $49 billion in discretionary money, and the governor wants to reserve 99% of that for one-time spending: $18.1 billion \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2022/05/12/governor-newsom-proposes-18-1-billion-inflation-relief-package/\">to provide financial relief\u003c/a> for Californians buffeted by inflation, plus $37 billion for infrastructure investments, including $5.6 billion for education facility upgrades, and an extra $2.3 billion for the ongoing fight against COVID-19.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://ebudget.ca.gov/FullBudgetSummary.pdf\">few of the other big numbers\u003c/a> that Newsom mentioned today:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>$128.3 billion in education spending, from transitional kindergarten through high school, a record-breaking sum that works out to $22,850 per student.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Another $23 billion will be parked into the state’s rainy day fund, to be drawn upon the next time the economy slows\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>$2.5 billion for housing, including $500 million to fund the conversion of vacant malls and storefronts into homes\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>An extra $3.4 billion to pay down state employee retirement debt\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>The massive windfall that the state is sitting on, coupled with the state’s progressive tax system is a sign of “the concentration of wealth and success in the hands of a few that are enjoying abundance in historic and unprecedented ways,” Newsom said. “I am proud of California’s progressive tax system…and we’re the beneficiary of that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now the ball is in the state Legislature’s court as lawmakers decide where they agree with the governor and which priorities they want to haggle over before the June 15 deadline to pass a final, balanced budget for the fiscal year that starts July 1.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today’s “May revise” rollout is part of the annual call-and-response between the governor’s office and the Legislature over how to spend your tax dollars. Each year, the governor sets the negotiations in motion in January with a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2022/01/california-budget-newsom/\">preliminary budget proposal\u003c/a>. This year, Newsom’s proffer included a record surge in K-12 education spending, along with multi-billion dollar proposals to ramp up the state’s wildfire prevention projects, convert more vacant hotels into housing for the homeless and open up Medi-Cal, the state’s health insurance program for the poor, to all undocumented immigrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What Newsom unveiled today is a retake on that earlier budget blueprint, but freshened up with new estimates of the state’s fiscal future. Tack on the extra surplus money and you end up with a new record-high total: $300.7 billion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe src=\"https://flo.uri.sh/visualisation/9979834/embed#?secret=2LNgNb0NXP%C2%A0\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When discussing money on the scale of the California state budget, it’s easy to lose perspective. But to be clear, even by Golden State standards, that is an astounding amount of money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What a difference two years makes. In May 2020, with the state still weathering the first surge of COVID-19, the governor’s Department of Finance projected a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/economy/2020/05/newsom-economic-forecast-criticism-california-model-recession-budget/\">$54 billion deficit and a year of Great Depression-level unemployment rates\u003c/a>. Neither came to pass, just the opposite: Boosted by rosy \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2021/01/california-budget-depends-on-staggering-wealth-gap/\">economic conditions for the state’s highest earners\u003c/a> and a massive influx of cash from the federal government, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2021/01/newsoms-record-breaking-budget-proposal/\">state coffers have been overflowing\u003c/a> for the last two years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For the governor and Democratic leadership in the Assembly and Senate, having to divvy up billions of new dollars during an election year is a good problem to have. But on financial aid to struggling families, the scale of the state’s drought response, \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/newsletter/2022-05-13/california-politics-newsletter-gambling-taxes-will-dominate-november-ballot-ca-politics\">what to do about the sky-high price of gasoline\u003c/a> and other pressing policy conundrums, not everyone is on the same page.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Assembly Speaker Anthony Rendon kept his cards close to his chest in a statement, simply heralding his Democratic “teammates” in the Senate. “We know how to work together to present Governor Gavin Newsom with a budget he can be proud to sign by the constitutional deadline,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The\u003ca href=\"https://cssrc.us/sites/default/files/Caucus%202022%20Wilk%20May%20Revise%20Budget%20Priorities.pdf?utm_source=CalMatters+Newsletters&utm_campaign=ebdd812119-WHATMATTERS&utm_medium=email&utm_term=0_faa7be558d-ebdd812119-150256405&mc_cid=ebdd812119&mc_eid=498adde128\"> Republican minority in the Legislature\u003c/a> is so diminished that Democrats don’t need their support to pass a budget. But that isn’t stopping GOP lawmakers from weighing in, if only to \u003ca href=\"https://www.cagop.org/s/blog/ca-dems-ignore-the-obvious-MCZ2N2HI7YLFCAHEWHK6DQ7YEG3Q\">provide voters with a clear contrast\u003c/a> as Election Day approaches.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Newsom specializes in grand announcements and flashy sounding proposals, but he rarely follows through with effective solutions that actually help California families,” GOP Assembly leader James Gallagher from Chico said in a statement. “As Californians struggle to fill their tank and put food on the table, Democrats fail to provide any real solutions to cut costs.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here are other highlights from the governor’s latest spending plan:\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Cash for Californians\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>If the average Californian hears anything about today’s announcement it’s probably this: The governor wants to send $400 to most of the state’s car owners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s been the governor’s idea to help drivers bear the cost of historically elevated gas prices. In the face of pushback from environmentalists, he also wants to throw in $750 million to entice transit agencies to make bus and rail travel free for three months. And lest he be accused to throwing money at those who don’t need it, the proposal is limited to drivers whose car are worth under an unspecified cap.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite all that, there’s some distance between this proposal and the Legislature’s, where Democratic leaders \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2022-03-18/california-senate-assembly-weigh-refund-possibilities-amid-rising-gas-costs#:~:text=Gavin%20Newsom's%20proposal%20to%20offer,each%20California%20taxpayer%20and%20dependent.\">want to send cash rebates to Californians\u003c/a> making less than $250,000, car owners or not. And it’s even further still from the GOP plan, which is simply to \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/newsletters/whatmatters/2022/04/california-gas-rebate/\">suspend the state gas tax\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I have all the confidence in the world we’ll be able to square those modest differences and we’ll come around to a number and a strategy that’s in the best interests of Californians,” Newsom said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today’s announcement also answered another big question left unaddressed by the January proposal: Will an obscure amendment inserted into the California Constitution in 1979 compel the state to reroute some of the state’s extra cash back to taxpayers?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The answer, at least for now, appears to be no.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The constitutional provision in question, the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2021/05/newsom-tax-rebate/\">Gann Limit\u003c/a>, was approved by voters during the heyday of the state’s conservative “tax revolt” and capped per-person state spending to its 1978 level, after adjusting for inflation. Anything left over has to be sent back to taxpayers and school districts. With the state’s coffers as full as they are, the January budget blueprint projected that the state would breach the cap.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But with more spending on exempt types of expenditure, including infrastructure, the current plan is now $2.6 billion below that ceiling.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3 id=\"h-eat-your-heart-out-texas\">‘Eat your heart out, Texas’\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Budgets, as the cliche goes, are statements of values. Newsom clearly values \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/newsletters/whatmatters/2022/02/california-crime-abortion-guns/\">decrying the state of Texas\u003c/a> and its right-wing government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among the policies-cum-anti-Texas-digs that Newsom rolled out today were a revision of the state’s business relocation tax credit program to provide “additional consideration” for businesses relocating from states with anti-abortion and “anti-LGBTQ+” laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The context, only barely unspoken, is that Texas has recently passed a law that effectively \u003ca href=\"https://capitol.texas.gov/tlodocs/87R/billtext/pdf/SB00008F.pdf\">bans most abortions\u003c/a> and introduced a policy that treats gender-confirming care for transgender kids \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2022/05/13/1098779201/texas-supreme-court-transgender-gender-affirming-child-abuse\">as child abuse\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom’s budget plan also include an additional \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2022/05/11/governor-newsom-proposes-reproductive-health-package-to-strengthen-protections-expand-access-and-welcome-businesses-from-anti-abortion-states/\">$125 million to expand access to abortions\u003c/a> and fund research into reproductive health.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I do want to make a deep point here: California is a pro-life state,” Newsom said, appropriating a term used by the anti-abortion movement to tout his proposed spending on expanded preschool, health insurance access and gun-violence reduction programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He also chided Arizona, Florida and Texas for having COVID death rates higher than California’s: “There are a lot of folks out there that are pro- conception to birth but that fall wholly short of being pro-life.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
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