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"content": "\u003cp>They've become a familiar sight along the wide commercial corridors of America: empty buildings once filled by big retailers who have closed their doors, in part because many of their customers shop online.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, two new laws in California would let developers build housing on that land and largely prevent revenue-hungry local governments from stopping them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom signed the two bills into law Wednesday, opening up much of the state’s commercial land for residential development. It’s a long-sought victory for affordable housing advocates, who say such sites are ready-made for apartments because they are often near populated areas and come with ample parking.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a moment on a journey to reconcile the original sin of the state of California, and that's the issue of housing and affordability,” Newsom said in San Francisco before the signing. “We need to all be a little bit more accountable to this crisis of affordability.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom also signed dozens of other bills aimed at boosting housing production, including streamlining the process for building accessory dwelling units, commonly referred to as in-law units, as well as requiring local governments to approve or deny certain building permits within a specific time frame to cut down on delays.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Related coverage\" tag=\"housing\"]Local government officials say the laws undermine their authority and upend years of careful planning that reflects community preferences. But there's also a financial consequence, they say, because stores generate more property taxes for local governments than homes do.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It's a concern when state law is going to override these local decisions, particularly when these local decisions are made in a public process with the community as part of a larger housing plan,” said Jason Rhine, assistant director of legislative affairs for the League of California Cities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California, the nation's most populous state with just over 39 million residents, has a housing shortage that has driven up home prices and contributed to a homelessness crisis. State officials say California needs to build about 310,000 new housing units each year over the next eight years, more than 2 1/2 times the number the state normally builds each year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Just build housing. It's not even that complicated. It's, you know, Econ. 101,\" Newsom said Wednesday. \"Build more housing. Stop talking about it. Enough processing.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lawmakers in the Democratic-controlled state Legislature introduce dozens of bills each year to try to increase housing production, but many of their boldest ideas often fail in the face of opposition from local governments, labor unions and neighborhood groups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One popular idea in recent years has been to override local laws about where housing can be built. Housing advocates complain that local governments are often content to let commercial buildings sit vacant for years — sometimes for decades — hoping for a replacement that will generate more property taxes, rather than change the law to allow housing there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Previous efforts to do so have failed to pass the Legislature, but this year, lawmakers passed two bills, both of which Newsom signed Wednesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB2011\">One law\u003c/a> will let developers build housing on some commercial land without having to ask permission from local governments, as long as a certain percentage of the housing is affordable. \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220SB6\">Another law\u003c/a> will let developers build all market-rate housing on some commercial land — which would be more lucrative — but the projects would still have to go through an environmental review process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Stores are leaving permanently. The Sears, the Toys 'R' Us, the JCPenneys, the Kmarts — they are closing,” said Democratic Sen. Anna Caballero, author of one of the laws. “There is not a thing that is going to take the place here commercially, and so the ability to actually transform the property and to do it in an expedited way ... is invaluable.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When he was running for governor in 2017, \u003ca href=\"https://medium.com/@GavinNewsom/the-california-dream-starts-at-home-9dbb38c51cae\">Newsom pledged to develop 3.5 million new housing units by 2025\u003c/a> — a number the state is likely to fall far short of. 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"guestAuthors": [],
"slug": "we-are-also-worthy-of-this-place-mountain-view-rv-residents-wait-in-limbo-amid-impending-street-parking-settlement",
"title": "'We Are Also Worthy of This Place': Mountain View Settles Lawsuit Over RV Parking",
"publishDate": 1664228601,
"format": "standard",
"headTitle": "‘We Are Also Worthy of This Place’: Mountain View Settles Lawsuit Over RV Parking | KQED",
"labelTerm": {
"site": "news"
},
"content": "\u003cp>[dropcap]T[/dropcap]he city of Mountain View and the Law Foundation of Silicon Valley have reached a tentative settlement in a lawsuit over parking laws for RVs and oversized vehicles. Starting on October 1, hundreds of RV residents will have to move their vehicles, or risk being ticketed and towed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The settlement was part of a lawsuit filed in response to Measure C, which voters \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11848619/mountain-view-voters-passed-measure-c-now-what-happens-to-rv-dwellers\">overwhelmingly approved in 2020\u003c/a>. Dubbed the \u003ca href=\"https://www.mountainview.gov/depts/pw/transport/narrow_streets.asp#:~:text=Narrow%20Streets%20Ordinance,-SEC.&text=a.No%20person%20shall%20park,resolution%20of%20the%20city%20council.&text=6.,-Wheelchair%2Daccessible%20vans\">Narrow Streets Ordinance\u003c/a>, it gave the city the green light to tow vehicles perpetually parked on narrow streets (40 feet wide or less), with advocates of the measure arguing the vehicles posed a safety hazard, blocked bike lanes and kept traffic from flowing smoothly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But enforcement has been on hold since then, after the law foundation and other advocacy groups sued the city. The lawsuit claimed the ordinance was inhumane and unconstitutional and would disproportionately affect already marginalized groups, including disabled people, non-native English speakers and people of color.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They effectively banned RVs from the majority of the city, so we saw it as a way of criminalizing homelessness as opposed to addressing the housing crisis,” said Erin Neff, a staff attorney with the law foundation. “The settlement is reflective of a more collaborative approach to helping unhoused people that prevents displacement and doesn’t merely punish people for being unhoused.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Francisca Ramirez Vasquez, Mountain View RV resident\"]‘I’ve never lived like this, but I’m not ashamed of it. I will hold my head high because we are not stealing, we are living in a decent place. We are also worthy of this place.’[/pullquote]According to the settlement, the city must provide at least three miles of street segments where people can park their vehicle. If a person is parked on a “narrow” street, police will ticket them, provide them with a map of where they can park and give them 72 hours to move their vehicle before towing it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11926755\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 792px\">\u003ca href=\"https://www.mountainview.gov/civicax/filebank/blobdload.aspx?BlobID=38351\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11926755 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/ENGLISH-SPANISH_Final-Parking-Restrictions-Map-08242283-2.jpg\" alt=\"A map showing streets in the city of Mountain View.\" width=\"792\" height=\"1224\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/ENGLISH-SPANISH_Final-Parking-Restrictions-Map-08242283-2.jpg 792w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/ENGLISH-SPANISH_Final-Parking-Restrictions-Map-08242283-2-160x247.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 792px) 100vw, 792px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Along with a ticket, police have to provide a copy of the map so RV residents know where they can and cannot park. The city of Mountain View started distributing these maps in early September. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of the city of Mountain View)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>As the Bay Area has gotten more expensive, and housing hasn’t kept up with demand, people have looked to RVs as their plan B — affordable housing that allows them to stay in the Bay Area, close to schools, jobs and even lifesaving medical care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the lawsuit dragged on, these Mountain View RV residents created their own communities. Children ride their bikes down the streets and play in nearby parks, while parents talk to each other outside. Many of the residents are elderly, and rely on each other for companionship and support.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now as enforcement nears, RV residents are grappling with where they will live next and what that means for the networks they have built.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11925215\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11925215\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS57948_034_KQED_MountainViewRVs_08172022-qut.jpg\" alt=\"smiling woman wearing bright red dress with hands clasped in front, and trees in the background\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS57948_034_KQED_MountainViewRVs_08172022-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS57948_034_KQED_MountainViewRVs_08172022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS57948_034_KQED_MountainViewRVs_08172022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS57948_034_KQED_MountainViewRVs_08172022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS57948_034_KQED_MountainViewRVs_08172022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Francisca Ramirez Vasquez moved into her RV before the pandemic started, when rent got too expensive for her and her husband to stay in an apartment. Her RV allows her to live close to her husband’s workplace and a local park where she often walks. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Francisca Ramirez Vasquez lives in an RV parked on Crisanto Avenue, along with about 30 others. It sits alongside Mountain View’s Caltrain station, and as the train loudly whooshes past, she sweeps the area next to her vehicle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We try to make sure we have our yard clean. We sweep and collect our garbage so we don’t look bad,” she said in Spanish.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11925220\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11925220\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS57936_020_KQED_MountainViewRVs_08172022-qut.jpg\" alt=\"woman in bright red dress holds bundle of leaves under a tree as she prepares to place it in a trash bag, with an RV in the background\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS57936_020_KQED_MountainViewRVs_08172022-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS57936_020_KQED_MountainViewRVs_08172022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS57936_020_KQED_MountainViewRVs_08172022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS57936_020_KQED_MountainViewRVs_08172022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS57936_020_KQED_MountainViewRVs_08172022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Francisca Ramirez Vasquez likes to keep the area around her RV clean, so that neighbors can walk by and kids can play outside without having to step over leaves and trash. She says she is ‘worthy’ of Mountain View, even if she can’t afford an apartment here. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Ramirez Vasquez, who declined to share her age, used to live in an apartment with her husband in Mountain View, close to Shoreline Park. But in 2019, the rent got too expensive and they couldn’t find housing anywhere else, so they used their savings to buy their RV.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For a while, her granddaughter lived with them, and went to the school nearby, but she moved away with her mother, and now it’s just Ramirez Vasquez and her husband. She enjoys looking after other children who live next door while their parents are at work. It’s just one of the things that she and her neighbors do to help each other out. When a new RV moves onto their block, they all work together to make space and welcome them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The mere truth is that I’ve never lived like this, but I’m not ashamed of it,” she said. “I will hold my head high because we are not stealing, we are living in a decent place. We are also worthy of this place.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11925223\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11925223\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS57942_026_KQED_MountainViewRVs_08172022-qut.jpg\" alt=\"woman wearing red dress washes dishes at a sink inside an RV as light streams in through the window\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS57942_026_KQED_MountainViewRVs_08172022-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS57942_026_KQED_MountainViewRVs_08172022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS57942_026_KQED_MountainViewRVs_08172022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS57942_026_KQED_MountainViewRVs_08172022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS57942_026_KQED_MountainViewRVs_08172022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Francisca Ramirez Vasquez washes dishes in the RV where she resides in Mountain View. She said she’s part of a community on Crisanto Avenue, having become friends with neighboring RV residents and looking after children while their parents are at work. She is not ready to leave this community behind. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>On her walks through Rengstorff Park, located next to Crisanto Avenue, she has heard people say mean things about people living in RVs. A few months ago, she overheard some outreach workers talking to an unhoused woman staying in the park.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They said, ‘Why don’t you live in the RVs?’ and she replied, ‘Never. I’m not crazy. They don’t shower.’ I wanted to go off on her, but I decided to stay quiet. But it does make you angry to hear that,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city has been encouraging people living in the RVs to pursue other housing programs, like shelters and safe parking sites, city-sanctioned parking lots that also offer services. Ramirez Vasquez has looked into some of them but found they don’t work for her and her husband.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are some shelters, but she heard they have curfews. Her husband works the late shift at a McDonald’s nearby and doesn’t come home until 11 p.m. or midnight. She has also tried to apply for apartments, but many require a credit check and other paperwork. “If you don’t have that, they won’t accept your application, will they?” she asked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the city’s Narrow Streets Ordinance map, Crisanto Avenue is considered a “narrow” street, so Ramirez Vasquez will have to move. But this street has become her home, her neighborhood. It’s difficult for her to leave it behind.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11925226\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11925226\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS57951_040_KQED_MountainViewRVs_08172022-qut.jpg\" alt=\"smiling man wearing blue shorts sits in a folding chair outside the side door of his RV\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS57951_040_KQED_MountainViewRVs_08172022-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS57951_040_KQED_MountainViewRVs_08172022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS57951_040_KQED_MountainViewRVs_08172022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS57951_040_KQED_MountainViewRVs_08172022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS57951_040_KQED_MountainViewRVs_08172022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Hector ‘Max’ Hernandez traveled all over the world while serving in the Marines before coming to California and working as a chef at a Palo Alto Italian restaurant. When he lost his job during the pandemic and had to move out of his apartment, he decided to buy an RV for a more stable living situation. He said that when life gave him lemons, he made limoncello. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Hector “Max” Hernandez, 70, worked as a chef at a fancy Italian restaurant in Palo Alto for 18 years. Before the pandemic started, he was living in a one-bedroom apartment in Mountain View, but his landlord slowly raised his rent from $1,500 to $2,000 per month. Eventually, his landlord asked for $2,500. His restaurant shut down in the pandemic and he lost his job. He was forced to move out and buy an RV, which he now parks close to Ramirez Vasquez on Crisanto Avenue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not a palace, but it’s a place that I call my home,” he said in Spanish. “There’s a saying in Italian, that when life gives you lemons, make limoncello. I’m not homeless. I have a place to sleep.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hernandez is originally from the seaside town of Mazatlán, Mexico, and owns a three-bedroom house there, but moved to the United States to serve as a Marine and earn enough money to support his family. Today, he is divorced and has family all over the country; his daughter is all grown up and has a job in Japan. He had planned to work for a few more years while the lawsuit played out, but has become tired of the uncertainty around whether he’ll be able to stay on Crisanto Avenue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I keep thinking, well, Max, you have a choice,” he said. “Either you can keep doing this or go back [to Mexico] and live happily ever after, I hope.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He plans to move back to Mexico in December and finally retire. “I’m going to eat big prawns and seafood and fish and drink Pacifico beer,” he said. “That’s my plan.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11925230\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11925230\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS57929_016_KQED_MountainViewRVs_08172022-qut.jpg\" alt=\"photo looking into distance down long street, with one side of street fully lined with RVs\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS57929_016_KQED_MountainViewRVs_08172022-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS57929_016_KQED_MountainViewRVs_08172022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS57929_016_KQED_MountainViewRVs_08172022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS57929_016_KQED_MountainViewRVs_08172022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS57929_016_KQED_MountainViewRVs_08172022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Continental Circle is one of the most densely packed Mountain View streets for RV residents, many of whom choose to park here because it’s close to the Palo Alto Medical Foundation’s offices. Most of the RV residents KQED spoke with on this street are elderly and require easy access to medical care. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Continental Circle, a 15-minute drive from Crisanto Avenue, is also densely packed with more than 30 RVs and is now officially considered a “narrow street”. On one side there are apartment buildings, and on the other is the Palo Alto Medical Foundation (PAMF), which houses doctors’ offices. That’s what has kept Harry Epstein, 72, parked here for the past 15 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Epstein started getting chronically sick in his 30s and was unable to keep a consistent job. He has a number of health issues, but his chronic fatigue affects him the most.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Harry Epstein, Mountain View RV resident\"]‘I never want to get rid of this [RV] because whatever happens in life — you don’t have a home, you don’t have a job — well, I do have a home, so I never want to get rid of this.’[/pullquote]“I kept getting jobs and losing them,” he said. “I’d have an apartment and then I’d lose the job and I’d be out on the streets, I’d have nothing. That’s when I started thinking about something like a motor home or living in a car.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He is one of many who live here, because it’s all they can afford close to medical care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s been very good for me to be close to PAMF, you know, because I have to go over there for a lot of things, you know. That’s been very, very helpful to be this close,” Epstein said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But living here hasn’t been easy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11925234\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11925234\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS57915_006_KQED_MountainViewRVs_08172022-qut.jpg\" alt=\"Close up photo of elderly man wearing blue shirt with large gray beard with exterior wall of RV behind him\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS57915_006_KQED_MountainViewRVs_08172022-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS57915_006_KQED_MountainViewRVs_08172022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS57915_006_KQED_MountainViewRVs_08172022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS57915_006_KQED_MountainViewRVs_08172022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS57915_006_KQED_MountainViewRVs_08172022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Harry Epstein has had a hate note taped to his windshield and has been harassed by people who walk on the sidewalk outside his RV. He worries for his safety and feels he isn’t protected by the police. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>For the past two years, as more and more Bay Area residents have gotten pushed to the streets, Epstein had to deal with some unfriendly RV dwellers who parked next to him. They left trash and started dumpster fires.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There were all sorts of characters coming over there, and it just got to be too evil of a place for me to be hanging around,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He eventually moved to another street nearby, lined with multimillion-dollar homes. A few months ago, he found a hate letter taped to his window.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s intimidating because you don’t know what’s going on here,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11925237\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11925237\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS57921_013_KQED_MountainViewRVs_08172022-qut.jpg\" alt=\"Elderly man wearing blue shirt strokes his long gray beard, standing outside his RV\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS57921_013_KQED_MountainViewRVs_08172022-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS57921_013_KQED_MountainViewRVs_08172022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS57921_013_KQED_MountainViewRVs_08172022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS57921_013_KQED_MountainViewRVs_08172022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS57921_013_KQED_MountainViewRVs_08172022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Harry Epstein has heard about other alternative housing programs the city offers, including the Safe Parking Program and LifeMoves temporary housing. But he’s afraid the programs will require him to get rid of his RV, an idea that makes him hesitant to try them out. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Esptein has tried to call the police a few times, when he was worried about his safety, but doesn’t feel protected. During a KQED interview, a police officer visited Epstein to check in on him. When KQED showed the officer the hate note that had been taped to Epstein’s windshield, the officer said her main goal was to provide RV residents with services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She didn’t offer any solutions to his problem. Epstein believes this is because he doesn’t live in a traditional home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They don’t do anything that they would normally do if I were a regular resident calling to complain,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11889042,news_11876745,news_11848619 label='Related Coverage']Police officers and other city officials have come by and encouraged him to find housing at a shelter or apply for a parking spot with their Safe Parking Program. But he has been resistant, because he has the impression that he’d have to eventually give up his RV.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I never want to get rid of this [RV] because whatever happens in life — you don’t have a home, you don’t have a job — well, I do have a home, so I never want to get rid of this,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Epstein doesn’t have a backup plan and no intention of applying for the city’s alternative housing programs. His street, Dale Avenue, is one of the few streets included in the three miles of permitted parking for RV residents. He won’t have to move his RV, but his neighbors on Continental Circle, many of whom have disabilities and medical issues, will have to park somewhere else or leave Mountain View entirely.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "A tentative settlement has been reached in a lawsuit over parking laws for RVs and oversized vehicles in Mountain View. Starting on October 1, hundreds of RV residents will have to move their vehicles, or risk being ticketed and towed.",
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"title": "'We Are Also Worthy of This Place': Mountain View Settles Lawsuit Over RV Parking | KQED",
"description": "A tentative settlement has been reached in a lawsuit over parking laws for RVs and oversized vehicles in Mountain View. Starting on October 1, hundreds of RV residents will have to move their vehicles, or risk being ticketed and towed.",
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"headline": "'We Are Also Worthy of This Place': Mountain View Settles Lawsuit Over RV Parking",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class=\"utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__dropcapShortcode__dropcap\">T\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>he city of Mountain View and the Law Foundation of Silicon Valley have reached a tentative settlement in a lawsuit over parking laws for RVs and oversized vehicles. Starting on October 1, hundreds of RV residents will have to move their vehicles, or risk being ticketed and towed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The settlement was part of a lawsuit filed in response to Measure C, which voters \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11848619/mountain-view-voters-passed-measure-c-now-what-happens-to-rv-dwellers\">overwhelmingly approved in 2020\u003c/a>. Dubbed the \u003ca href=\"https://www.mountainview.gov/depts/pw/transport/narrow_streets.asp#:~:text=Narrow%20Streets%20Ordinance,-SEC.&text=a.No%20person%20shall%20park,resolution%20of%20the%20city%20council.&text=6.,-Wheelchair%2Daccessible%20vans\">Narrow Streets Ordinance\u003c/a>, it gave the city the green light to tow vehicles perpetually parked on narrow streets (40 feet wide or less), with advocates of the measure arguing the vehicles posed a safety hazard, blocked bike lanes and kept traffic from flowing smoothly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But enforcement has been on hold since then, after the law foundation and other advocacy groups sued the city. The lawsuit claimed the ordinance was inhumane and unconstitutional and would disproportionately affect already marginalized groups, including disabled people, non-native English speakers and people of color.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They effectively banned RVs from the majority of the city, so we saw it as a way of criminalizing homelessness as opposed to addressing the housing crisis,” said Erin Neff, a staff attorney with the law foundation. “The settlement is reflective of a more collaborative approach to helping unhoused people that prevents displacement and doesn’t merely punish people for being unhoused.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘I’ve never lived like this, but I’m not ashamed of it. I will hold my head high because we are not stealing, we are living in a decent place. We are also worthy of this place.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>According to the settlement, the city must provide at least three miles of street segments where people can park their vehicle. If a person is parked on a “narrow” street, police will ticket them, provide them with a map of where they can park and give them 72 hours to move their vehicle before towing it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11926755\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 792px\">\u003ca href=\"https://www.mountainview.gov/civicax/filebank/blobdload.aspx?BlobID=38351\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11926755 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/ENGLISH-SPANISH_Final-Parking-Restrictions-Map-08242283-2.jpg\" alt=\"A map showing streets in the city of Mountain View.\" width=\"792\" height=\"1224\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/ENGLISH-SPANISH_Final-Parking-Restrictions-Map-08242283-2.jpg 792w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/ENGLISH-SPANISH_Final-Parking-Restrictions-Map-08242283-2-160x247.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 792px) 100vw, 792px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Along with a ticket, police have to provide a copy of the map so RV residents know where they can and cannot park. The city of Mountain View started distributing these maps in early September. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of the city of Mountain View)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>As the Bay Area has gotten more expensive, and housing hasn’t kept up with demand, people have looked to RVs as their plan B — affordable housing that allows them to stay in the Bay Area, close to schools, jobs and even lifesaving medical care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the lawsuit dragged on, these Mountain View RV residents created their own communities. Children ride their bikes down the streets and play in nearby parks, while parents talk to each other outside. Many of the residents are elderly, and rely on each other for companionship and support.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now as enforcement nears, RV residents are grappling with where they will live next and what that means for the networks they have built.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11925215\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11925215\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS57948_034_KQED_MountainViewRVs_08172022-qut.jpg\" alt=\"smiling woman wearing bright red dress with hands clasped in front, and trees in the background\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS57948_034_KQED_MountainViewRVs_08172022-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS57948_034_KQED_MountainViewRVs_08172022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS57948_034_KQED_MountainViewRVs_08172022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS57948_034_KQED_MountainViewRVs_08172022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS57948_034_KQED_MountainViewRVs_08172022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Francisca Ramirez Vasquez moved into her RV before the pandemic started, when rent got too expensive for her and her husband to stay in an apartment. Her RV allows her to live close to her husband’s workplace and a local park where she often walks. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Francisca Ramirez Vasquez lives in an RV parked on Crisanto Avenue, along with about 30 others. It sits alongside Mountain View’s Caltrain station, and as the train loudly whooshes past, she sweeps the area next to her vehicle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We try to make sure we have our yard clean. We sweep and collect our garbage so we don’t look bad,” she said in Spanish.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11925220\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11925220\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS57936_020_KQED_MountainViewRVs_08172022-qut.jpg\" alt=\"woman in bright red dress holds bundle of leaves under a tree as she prepares to place it in a trash bag, with an RV in the background\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS57936_020_KQED_MountainViewRVs_08172022-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS57936_020_KQED_MountainViewRVs_08172022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS57936_020_KQED_MountainViewRVs_08172022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS57936_020_KQED_MountainViewRVs_08172022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS57936_020_KQED_MountainViewRVs_08172022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Francisca Ramirez Vasquez likes to keep the area around her RV clean, so that neighbors can walk by and kids can play outside without having to step over leaves and trash. She says she is ‘worthy’ of Mountain View, even if she can’t afford an apartment here. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Ramirez Vasquez, who declined to share her age, used to live in an apartment with her husband in Mountain View, close to Shoreline Park. But in 2019, the rent got too expensive and they couldn’t find housing anywhere else, so they used their savings to buy their RV.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For a while, her granddaughter lived with them, and went to the school nearby, but she moved away with her mother, and now it’s just Ramirez Vasquez and her husband. She enjoys looking after other children who live next door while their parents are at work. It’s just one of the things that she and her neighbors do to help each other out. When a new RV moves onto their block, they all work together to make space and welcome them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The mere truth is that I’ve never lived like this, but I’m not ashamed of it,” she said. “I will hold my head high because we are not stealing, we are living in a decent place. We are also worthy of this place.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11925223\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11925223\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS57942_026_KQED_MountainViewRVs_08172022-qut.jpg\" alt=\"woman wearing red dress washes dishes at a sink inside an RV as light streams in through the window\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS57942_026_KQED_MountainViewRVs_08172022-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS57942_026_KQED_MountainViewRVs_08172022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS57942_026_KQED_MountainViewRVs_08172022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS57942_026_KQED_MountainViewRVs_08172022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS57942_026_KQED_MountainViewRVs_08172022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Francisca Ramirez Vasquez washes dishes in the RV where she resides in Mountain View. She said she’s part of a community on Crisanto Avenue, having become friends with neighboring RV residents and looking after children while their parents are at work. She is not ready to leave this community behind. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>On her walks through Rengstorff Park, located next to Crisanto Avenue, she has heard people say mean things about people living in RVs. A few months ago, she overheard some outreach workers talking to an unhoused woman staying in the park.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They said, ‘Why don’t you live in the RVs?’ and she replied, ‘Never. I’m not crazy. They don’t shower.’ I wanted to go off on her, but I decided to stay quiet. But it does make you angry to hear that,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city has been encouraging people living in the RVs to pursue other housing programs, like shelters and safe parking sites, city-sanctioned parking lots that also offer services. Ramirez Vasquez has looked into some of them but found they don’t work for her and her husband.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are some shelters, but she heard they have curfews. Her husband works the late shift at a McDonald’s nearby and doesn’t come home until 11 p.m. or midnight. She has also tried to apply for apartments, but many require a credit check and other paperwork. “If you don’t have that, they won’t accept your application, will they?” she asked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the city’s Narrow Streets Ordinance map, Crisanto Avenue is considered a “narrow” street, so Ramirez Vasquez will have to move. But this street has become her home, her neighborhood. It’s difficult for her to leave it behind.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11925226\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11925226\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS57951_040_KQED_MountainViewRVs_08172022-qut.jpg\" alt=\"smiling man wearing blue shorts sits in a folding chair outside the side door of his RV\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS57951_040_KQED_MountainViewRVs_08172022-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS57951_040_KQED_MountainViewRVs_08172022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS57951_040_KQED_MountainViewRVs_08172022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS57951_040_KQED_MountainViewRVs_08172022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS57951_040_KQED_MountainViewRVs_08172022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Hector ‘Max’ Hernandez traveled all over the world while serving in the Marines before coming to California and working as a chef at a Palo Alto Italian restaurant. When he lost his job during the pandemic and had to move out of his apartment, he decided to buy an RV for a more stable living situation. He said that when life gave him lemons, he made limoncello. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Hector “Max” Hernandez, 70, worked as a chef at a fancy Italian restaurant in Palo Alto for 18 years. Before the pandemic started, he was living in a one-bedroom apartment in Mountain View, but his landlord slowly raised his rent from $1,500 to $2,000 per month. Eventually, his landlord asked for $2,500. His restaurant shut down in the pandemic and he lost his job. He was forced to move out and buy an RV, which he now parks close to Ramirez Vasquez on Crisanto Avenue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not a palace, but it’s a place that I call my home,” he said in Spanish. “There’s a saying in Italian, that when life gives you lemons, make limoncello. I’m not homeless. I have a place to sleep.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hernandez is originally from the seaside town of Mazatlán, Mexico, and owns a three-bedroom house there, but moved to the United States to serve as a Marine and earn enough money to support his family. Today, he is divorced and has family all over the country; his daughter is all grown up and has a job in Japan. He had planned to work for a few more years while the lawsuit played out, but has become tired of the uncertainty around whether he’ll be able to stay on Crisanto Avenue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I keep thinking, well, Max, you have a choice,” he said. “Either you can keep doing this or go back [to Mexico] and live happily ever after, I hope.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He plans to move back to Mexico in December and finally retire. “I’m going to eat big prawns and seafood and fish and drink Pacifico beer,” he said. “That’s my plan.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11925230\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11925230\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS57929_016_KQED_MountainViewRVs_08172022-qut.jpg\" alt=\"photo looking into distance down long street, with one side of street fully lined with RVs\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS57929_016_KQED_MountainViewRVs_08172022-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS57929_016_KQED_MountainViewRVs_08172022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS57929_016_KQED_MountainViewRVs_08172022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS57929_016_KQED_MountainViewRVs_08172022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS57929_016_KQED_MountainViewRVs_08172022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Continental Circle is one of the most densely packed Mountain View streets for RV residents, many of whom choose to park here because it’s close to the Palo Alto Medical Foundation’s offices. Most of the RV residents KQED spoke with on this street are elderly and require easy access to medical care. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Continental Circle, a 15-minute drive from Crisanto Avenue, is also densely packed with more than 30 RVs and is now officially considered a “narrow street”. On one side there are apartment buildings, and on the other is the Palo Alto Medical Foundation (PAMF), which houses doctors’ offices. That’s what has kept Harry Epstein, 72, parked here for the past 15 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Epstein started getting chronically sick in his 30s and was unable to keep a consistent job. He has a number of health issues, but his chronic fatigue affects him the most.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘I never want to get rid of this [RV] because whatever happens in life — you don’t have a home, you don’t have a job — well, I do have a home, so I never want to get rid of this.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“I kept getting jobs and losing them,” he said. “I’d have an apartment and then I’d lose the job and I’d be out on the streets, I’d have nothing. That’s when I started thinking about something like a motor home or living in a car.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He is one of many who live here, because it’s all they can afford close to medical care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s been very good for me to be close to PAMF, you know, because I have to go over there for a lot of things, you know. That’s been very, very helpful to be this close,” Epstein said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But living here hasn’t been easy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11925234\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11925234\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS57915_006_KQED_MountainViewRVs_08172022-qut.jpg\" alt=\"Close up photo of elderly man wearing blue shirt with large gray beard with exterior wall of RV behind him\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS57915_006_KQED_MountainViewRVs_08172022-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS57915_006_KQED_MountainViewRVs_08172022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS57915_006_KQED_MountainViewRVs_08172022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS57915_006_KQED_MountainViewRVs_08172022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS57915_006_KQED_MountainViewRVs_08172022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Harry Epstein has had a hate note taped to his windshield and has been harassed by people who walk on the sidewalk outside his RV. He worries for his safety and feels he isn’t protected by the police. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>For the past two years, as more and more Bay Area residents have gotten pushed to the streets, Epstein had to deal with some unfriendly RV dwellers who parked next to him. They left trash and started dumpster fires.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There were all sorts of characters coming over there, and it just got to be too evil of a place for me to be hanging around,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He eventually moved to another street nearby, lined with multimillion-dollar homes. A few months ago, he found a hate letter taped to his window.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s intimidating because you don’t know what’s going on here,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11925237\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11925237\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS57921_013_KQED_MountainViewRVs_08172022-qut.jpg\" alt=\"Elderly man wearing blue shirt strokes his long gray beard, standing outside his RV\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS57921_013_KQED_MountainViewRVs_08172022-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS57921_013_KQED_MountainViewRVs_08172022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS57921_013_KQED_MountainViewRVs_08172022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS57921_013_KQED_MountainViewRVs_08172022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS57921_013_KQED_MountainViewRVs_08172022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Harry Epstein has heard about other alternative housing programs the city offers, including the Safe Parking Program and LifeMoves temporary housing. But he’s afraid the programs will require him to get rid of his RV, an idea that makes him hesitant to try them out. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Esptein has tried to call the police a few times, when he was worried about his safety, but doesn’t feel protected. During a KQED interview, a police officer visited Epstein to check in on him. When KQED showed the officer the hate note that had been taped to Epstein’s windshield, the officer said her main goal was to provide RV residents with services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She didn’t offer any solutions to his problem. Epstein believes this is because he doesn’t live in a traditional home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They don’t do anything that they would normally do if I were a regular resident calling to complain,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Police officers and other city officials have come by and encouraged him to find housing at a shelter or apply for a parking spot with their Safe Parking Program. But he has been resistant, because he has the impression that he’d have to eventually give up his RV.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I never want to get rid of this [RV] because whatever happens in life — you don’t have a home, you don’t have a job — well, I do have a home, so I never want to get rid of this,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Epstein doesn’t have a backup plan and no intention of applying for the city’s alternative housing programs. His street, Dale Avenue, is one of the few streets included in the three miles of permitted parking for RV residents. He won’t have to move his RV, but his neighbors on Continental Circle, many of whom have disabilities and medical issues, will have to park somewhere else or leave Mountain View entirely.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Twenty years ago, California became the first state in the nation to enact partial wage replacement benefits that have since enabled millions of workers to take time off to bond with a new child or care for a seriously ill relative.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">California’s \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://edd.ca.gov/disability/paid-family-leave/\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Paid Family Leave\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> was signed into law on Sept. 23, 2002, by then Gov. Gray Davis. With over $10 billion paid out to claimants in over \u003ca href=\"https://edd.ca.gov/siteassets/files/pdf_pub_ctr/de2530.pdf\">3.6 million claims\u003c/a> filed as of 2021, the program has been linked to enormous gains in the well-being of families, such as reduced infant mortality and better maternal physical and mental health. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And while opponents two decades ago \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.americanprogress.org/article/celebrating-the-success-of-californias-paid-family-leave-act/\">argued the benefits would hurt small businesses\u003c/a> if too many employees took leave, the Bay Area Council Economic Institute \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">found\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> \u003ca href=\"https://www.bayareacouncil.org/press-releases/new-report-to-governors-paid-family-leave-task-force-highlights-key-effects-of-program-to-date/\">it has actually reduced labor costs\u003c/a> through worker retention. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Most of the state’s \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.bls.gov/eag/eag.ca.htm\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">18.5 million workers\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> contribute to the PFL program through \u003ca href=\"https://edd.ca.gov/siteassets/files/about_edd/pdf/edddiforecastmay22.pdf\">1.1% payroll deductions that are placed into a fund\u003c/a>\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">. In exchange, eligible claimants get a fraction of their regular wages — usually 60% — for up to eight weeks.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Jenya Cassidy, director, California Work and Family Coalition\"]‘The signing of SB 951 would be the most impactful thing the governor could do now to ensure that workers and families of all incomes can benefit from our Paid Family Leave program. We really need him to do this if we want to realize the promise of California paid leave.’[/pullquote]\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“Our nation-leading paid leave program is family- and small-business friendly, and it creates an equitable and inclusive model, we believe, for the rest of the country,” said Gov. Gavin Newsom, speaking at an event Thursday marking the program’s anniversary.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">This comes as family advocates and working people are calling on the governor to sign a bill that would bolster access to paid caregiving time for families, especially lower-income residents.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Approved by lawmakers last month, \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220SB951\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">SB 951\u003c/span> \u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">would boost the wage replacement rate to 90% for people earning less than $57,000 a year, and 70% for all other eligible workers, starting on Jan. 1, 2025. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Supporters of the bill, which lacked any official opposition from the public, argue the rate increases are needed because often workers can’t afford to fully use the benefits they’ve paid for if they only receive slightly more than half their wages.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11918450/workers-wont-get-expanded-paid-family-leave-disability-under-california-budget-agreement\">That pay cut was too drastic for Rosalba Contreras\u003c/a>, who made $15 an hour when she had her second baby in late 2017. The then-administrative assistant said she simply couldn’t afford rent and bills under paid leave, and had to return to the office after bonding with her newborn at home for just two weeks.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Looking back at what she describes as a “heartbreaking” experience, she believes more time to breastfeed and fully care for her baby, who was born prematurely, would have prevented speech and other developmental delays her now 5-year-old endures. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“I really, really wish I could have stayed at home with her to make sure that she was healthy before I returned back to work,” said Contreras, 37, who lives in San Bernardino County. “\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Because she wasn’t healthy. She wasn’t ready and I wasn’t ready. Neither of us were.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11926580\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11926580 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/PFL-2020-visit-800x450.jpg\" alt='Six women of different races smile at the camera and one of the women holds up a hand-written sign that reads \"#Paid Leave For All Let New Families Bond\"' width=\"800\" height=\"450\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/PFL-2020-visit-800x450.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/PFL-2020-visit-1020x574.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/PFL-2020-visit-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/PFL-2020-visit-1536x864.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/PFL-2020-visit.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Jenya Cassidy (second from left), who directs the California Work and Family Coalition, joins new moms, lactation consultants and caregivers to speak at the state Capitol about expanding access to paid family leave in January 2020. \u003ccite>(Photo courtesy of California Work and Family Coalition)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Californians earning less than $20,000 made up 37% of workers eligible for PFL, but only 14% of those workers used the benefits, according to \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://calbudgetcenter.org/resources/paid-family-leave-program-is-out-of-reach-for-many-californians/\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">an analysis\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> by the California Budget and Policy Center\u003c/span>\u003c/a>. Other states with similar programs now offer a \u003ca href=\"https://calbudgetcenter.org/resources/paid-family-leave-and-state-disability-insurance-benefits-are-insufficient/\">higher wage-replacement rate than the Golden State\u003c/a>, including Oregon, where workers earning $15 an hour receive $600 per week, compared to $367 in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Newsom, a parent of four children, campaigned for governor on an \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2019/05/newsom-budget-governor-dad-california-families-family-leave-diapers-preschool/\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">agenda\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> that featured helping working families and expanding services for kids\u003c/span>\u003c/a>. In 2020, as the pandemic raged, \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2020/09/17/governor-newsom-signs-bill-extending-job-protected-family-leave-to-nearly-6-million-californians/\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">he approved\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> legislation that expanded job-protected family\u003c/span>\u003c/a> leave to 6 million more Californians working in the private sector.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Last year, \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/2021/09/AB-123-PDF.pdf\">Newsom vetoed a proposal\u003c/a> that would have raised leave payment rates, citing “significant new costs not included” in the budget. To cover expected new costs, SB 951 would get rid of a taxable ceiling that caps contributions once a worker’s yearly income reaches the $146,000 threshold. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Newsom has one week to sign or veto the proposal. If he vetoes the bill, which includes an extension of the current wage-replacement rate, payments will drop to 55% for all workers taking family leave. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The signing of SB 951 would be the most impactful thing the governor could do now to ensure that workers and families of all incomes can benefit from our Paid Family Leave program,” said Jenya Cassidy, who directs the California Work and Family Coalition, the leading advocate \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">for the program’s creation and for expanding the benefits to more working Californians. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“We really need him to do this if we want to realize the promise of California paid leave.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Twenty years ago, California became the first state in the nation to enact partial wage replacement benefits that have since enabled millions of workers to take time off to bond with a new child or care for a seriously ill relative.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">California’s \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://edd.ca.gov/disability/paid-family-leave/\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Paid Family Leave\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> was signed into law on Sept. 23, 2002, by then Gov. Gray Davis. With over $10 billion paid out to claimants in over \u003ca href=\"https://edd.ca.gov/siteassets/files/pdf_pub_ctr/de2530.pdf\">3.6 million claims\u003c/a> filed as of 2021, the program has been linked to enormous gains in the well-being of families, such as reduced infant mortality and better maternal physical and mental health. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And while opponents two decades ago \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.americanprogress.org/article/celebrating-the-success-of-californias-paid-family-leave-act/\">argued the benefits would hurt small businesses\u003c/a> if too many employees took leave, the Bay Area Council Economic Institute \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">found\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> \u003ca href=\"https://www.bayareacouncil.org/press-releases/new-report-to-governors-paid-family-leave-task-force-highlights-key-effects-of-program-to-date/\">it has actually reduced labor costs\u003c/a> through worker retention. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Most of the state’s \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.bls.gov/eag/eag.ca.htm\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">18.5 million workers\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> contribute to the PFL program through \u003ca href=\"https://edd.ca.gov/siteassets/files/about_edd/pdf/edddiforecastmay22.pdf\">1.1% payroll deductions that are placed into a fund\u003c/a>\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">. In exchange, eligible claimants get a fraction of their regular wages — usually 60% — for up to eight weeks.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“Our nation-leading paid leave program is family- and small-business friendly, and it creates an equitable and inclusive model, we believe, for the rest of the country,” said Gov. Gavin Newsom, speaking at an event Thursday marking the program’s anniversary.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">This comes as family advocates and working people are calling on the governor to sign a bill that would bolster access to paid caregiving time for families, especially lower-income residents.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Approved by lawmakers last month, \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220SB951\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">SB 951\u003c/span> \u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">would boost the wage replacement rate to 90% for people earning less than $57,000 a year, and 70% for all other eligible workers, starting on Jan. 1, 2025. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Supporters of the bill, which lacked any official opposition from the public, argue the rate increases are needed because often workers can’t afford to fully use the benefits they’ve paid for if they only receive slightly more than half their wages.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11918450/workers-wont-get-expanded-paid-family-leave-disability-under-california-budget-agreement\">That pay cut was too drastic for Rosalba Contreras\u003c/a>, who made $15 an hour when she had her second baby in late 2017. The then-administrative assistant said she simply couldn’t afford rent and bills under paid leave, and had to return to the office after bonding with her newborn at home for just two weeks.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Looking back at what she describes as a “heartbreaking” experience, she believes more time to breastfeed and fully care for her baby, who was born prematurely, would have prevented speech and other developmental delays her now 5-year-old endures. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“I really, really wish I could have stayed at home with her to make sure that she was healthy before I returned back to work,” said Contreras, 37, who lives in San Bernardino County. “\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Because she wasn’t healthy. She wasn’t ready and I wasn’t ready. Neither of us were.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11926580\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11926580 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/PFL-2020-visit-800x450.jpg\" alt='Six women of different races smile at the camera and one of the women holds up a hand-written sign that reads \"#Paid Leave For All Let New Families Bond\"' width=\"800\" height=\"450\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/PFL-2020-visit-800x450.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/PFL-2020-visit-1020x574.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/PFL-2020-visit-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/PFL-2020-visit-1536x864.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/PFL-2020-visit.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Jenya Cassidy (second from left), who directs the California Work and Family Coalition, joins new moms, lactation consultants and caregivers to speak at the state Capitol about expanding access to paid family leave in January 2020. \u003ccite>(Photo courtesy of California Work and Family Coalition)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Californians earning less than $20,000 made up 37% of workers eligible for PFL, but only 14% of those workers used the benefits, according to \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://calbudgetcenter.org/resources/paid-family-leave-program-is-out-of-reach-for-many-californians/\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">an analysis\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> by the California Budget and Policy Center\u003c/span>\u003c/a>. Other states with similar programs now offer a \u003ca href=\"https://calbudgetcenter.org/resources/paid-family-leave-and-state-disability-insurance-benefits-are-insufficient/\">higher wage-replacement rate than the Golden State\u003c/a>, including Oregon, where workers earning $15 an hour receive $600 per week, compared to $367 in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Newsom, a parent of four children, campaigned for governor on an \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2019/05/newsom-budget-governor-dad-california-families-family-leave-diapers-preschool/\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">agenda\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> that featured helping working families and expanding services for kids\u003c/span>\u003c/a>. In 2020, as the pandemic raged, \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2020/09/17/governor-newsom-signs-bill-extending-job-protected-family-leave-to-nearly-6-million-californians/\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">he approved\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> legislation that expanded job-protected family\u003c/span>\u003c/a> leave to 6 million more Californians working in the private sector.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Last year, \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/2021/09/AB-123-PDF.pdf\">Newsom vetoed a proposal\u003c/a> that would have raised leave payment rates, citing “significant new costs not included” in the budget. To cover expected new costs, SB 951 would get rid of a taxable ceiling that caps contributions once a worker’s yearly income reaches the $146,000 threshold. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Newsom has one week to sign or veto the proposal. If he vetoes the bill, which includes an extension of the current wage-replacement rate, payments will drop to 55% for all workers taking family leave. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The signing of SB 951 would be the most impactful thing the governor could do now to ensure that workers and families of all incomes can benefit from our Paid Family Leave program,” said Jenya Cassidy, who directs the California Work and Family Coalition, the leading advocate \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">for the program’s creation and for expanding the benefits to more working Californians. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“We really need him to do this if we want to realize the promise of California paid leave.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Thousands of dead fish have washed up on shores across the Bay Area in recent weeks. A red tide is killing everything from anchovies to sharks. Preventing a similar disaster may cost the region billions of dollars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In late July, Mary Spicer noticed that the water lapping around her kayak started to turn red. A few weeks later it was dark brown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All of a sudden … you could no longer see through the water,” said Spicer, who paddles several times a week on San Francisco Bay. She says she has never seen a red tide or algal bloom like this year’s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“None of the marine people I know — the rowers, the paddlers, the sailors — are comfortable with what’s happening right now.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration describes red tides as a “harmful algal bloom,” or large colonies of algae plants growing out of control that are sometimes rust-colored. Not all algal blooms are harmful, and most are beneficial in the ocean. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">However, a small percentage of algae can produce deadly blooms.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Eileen White, executive officer, San Francisco Bay Regional Water Board\"]‘We have not seen an algae bloom of this particular species, of this magnitude, in San Francisco Bay ever before that we know of.’[/pullquote]\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The species likely leading to the mass fish death is Heterosigma akashiwo, which SF Baykeeper, the San Francisco Estuary Institute and the Aquatic Science Center have been tracking since it appeared in the last month. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jon Rosenfield, senior scientist with environmental group SF Baykeeper,\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> says Heterosigma may be killing fish in two ways: It can produce a toxin that is deadly to fish, but it can also result in low dissolved oxygen levels in the water, which can be deadly.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On an estuary that connects the Bay to Lake Merritt a few miles inland in Oakland, a group of people stare wide-eyed from the shore. Sabrina Wicker plugs her nose.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I thought it was like leaves or something … but those are all fish of different sizes floating dead,” says Wicker as she looks down at the sandy beach below her feet where a web of twisted, tiny, dead fish lie.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Headlines about muddy waters and decaying fish are bad for tourism as well.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rufus Jeffris of the Bay Area Council, a business-sponsored public policy organization, says fishermen report they’ve had guests cancel charter fishing trips. But Jeffris says the full brunt of financial impacts may not be known for many months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It might be a reason not to rent a kayak out of Sausalito and tool along the waterfront,” says Jeffris. “It might be a reason not to visit the waterfront, you know, near Emeryville or in Oakland. How widespread, how deep that is? Hard to tell.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11926105\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11926105\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS58331_032_KQED_FishDieoffLakeMerritt_08292022-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"People stand on a walking path and peer down onto the shores and waters of a lake where dead fish line the shores with apartment buildings in the background.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS58331_032_KQED_FishDieoffLakeMerritt_08292022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS58331_032_KQED_FishDieoffLakeMerritt_08292022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS58331_032_KQED_FishDieoffLakeMerritt_08292022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS58331_032_KQED_FishDieoffLakeMerritt_08292022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS58331_032_KQED_FishDieoffLakeMerritt_08292022-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Passersby look at the dead fish lining the shoreline of Lake Merritt in Oakland on Aug. 29, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Scientists say red tides are more likely to occur as the climate warms. The red tide is probably driven by a combination of warmer water temperatures resulting from climate change and high nutrient levels in the water.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Unfortunately, we have not seen an algae bloom of this particular species, of this magnitude, in San Francisco Bay ever before that we know of,” says Eileen White, executive officer for the San Francisco Bay Regional Water Board.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Part of the problem comes from how sewage is processed in treatment plants, allowing nitrogen and phosphorus to be discharged — nutrients algae love to eat.[aside postID=news_11924660 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS58315_006_KQED_FishDieoffLakeMerritt_08292022-qut.jpg']“When you flush the toilet every day, you’re flushing nutrients down and it arrives at the wastewater treatment plant,” explains White.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wastewater treatment plants remove sewage, but most do not filter out nutrients before discharging into the Bay. Fixing the problem will cost upwards of $12 billion dollars, maybe twice that much, according to the Bay Area Clean Water Agencies, which represents wastewater treatment plants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So we’re hoping that this crisis becomes an opportunity to go after some of the state and federal infrastructure funding that is available right now,” says BACWA Executive Director Lorien Fono.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Any remaining costs would be tacked onto residential sewage bills. In addition to upgrading filtering systems at treatment plants, communities could construct wetlands along shorelines where the soil and vegetation help remove nutrients.\u003cbr>\n“You get benefits of sea level rise protection, you get the benefit of habitat enhancement,” explains Fono.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Communities can also recycle treated wastewater by putting it on golf courses, farms or sports fields, which would help the region become more drought-resilient. All of these methods are expensive and can take 5 to 10 years to put in place. Plus they hinge on a critical question that scientists are still trying to answer: What level of nutrients can the Bay handle?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So the only thing that is worse than a recurrence of this devastating algal bloom in the bay,” says Fono, “is to spend billions and billions of dollars on reducing nutrients and have it not make a difference.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Back on the water, kayaker Mary Spicer says she hopes officials act quickly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I feel if we humans are playing a role in creating it, then we really need to come up with solutions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez and Attila Pelit of KQED contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The species likely leading to the mass fish death is Heterosigma akashiwo, which SF Baykeeper, the San Francisco Estuary Institute and the Aquatic Science Center have been tracking since it appeared in the last month. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jon Rosenfield, senior scientist with environmental group SF Baykeeper,\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> says Heterosigma may be killing fish in two ways: It can produce a toxin that is deadly to fish, but it can also result in low dissolved oxygen levels in the water, which can be deadly.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On an estuary that connects the Bay to Lake Merritt a few miles inland in Oakland, a group of people stare wide-eyed from the shore. Sabrina Wicker plugs her nose.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I thought it was like leaves or something … but those are all fish of different sizes floating dead,” says Wicker as she looks down at the sandy beach below her feet where a web of twisted, tiny, dead fish lie.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Headlines about muddy waters and decaying fish are bad for tourism as well.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rufus Jeffris of the Bay Area Council, a business-sponsored public policy organization, says fishermen report they’ve had guests cancel charter fishing trips. But Jeffris says the full brunt of financial impacts may not be known for many months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It might be a reason not to rent a kayak out of Sausalito and tool along the waterfront,” says Jeffris. “It might be a reason not to visit the waterfront, you know, near Emeryville or in Oakland. How widespread, how deep that is? Hard to tell.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11926105\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11926105\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS58331_032_KQED_FishDieoffLakeMerritt_08292022-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"People stand on a walking path and peer down onto the shores and waters of a lake where dead fish line the shores with apartment buildings in the background.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS58331_032_KQED_FishDieoffLakeMerritt_08292022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS58331_032_KQED_FishDieoffLakeMerritt_08292022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS58331_032_KQED_FishDieoffLakeMerritt_08292022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS58331_032_KQED_FishDieoffLakeMerritt_08292022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS58331_032_KQED_FishDieoffLakeMerritt_08292022-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Passersby look at the dead fish lining the shoreline of Lake Merritt in Oakland on Aug. 29, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Scientists say red tides are more likely to occur as the climate warms. The red tide is probably driven by a combination of warmer water temperatures resulting from climate change and high nutrient levels in the water.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Unfortunately, we have not seen an algae bloom of this particular species, of this magnitude, in San Francisco Bay ever before that we know of,” says Eileen White, executive officer for the San Francisco Bay Regional Water Board.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Part of the problem comes from how sewage is processed in treatment plants, allowing nitrogen and phosphorus to be discharged — nutrients algae love to eat.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“When you flush the toilet every day, you’re flushing nutrients down and it arrives at the wastewater treatment plant,” explains White.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wastewater treatment plants remove sewage, but most do not filter out nutrients before discharging into the Bay. Fixing the problem will cost upwards of $12 billion dollars, maybe twice that much, according to the Bay Area Clean Water Agencies, which represents wastewater treatment plants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So we’re hoping that this crisis becomes an opportunity to go after some of the state and federal infrastructure funding that is available right now,” says BACWA Executive Director Lorien Fono.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Any remaining costs would be tacked onto residential sewage bills. In addition to upgrading filtering systems at treatment plants, communities could construct wetlands along shorelines where the soil and vegetation help remove nutrients.\u003cbr>\n“You get benefits of sea level rise protection, you get the benefit of habitat enhancement,” explains Fono.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Communities can also recycle treated wastewater by putting it on golf courses, farms or sports fields, which would help the region become more drought-resilient. All of these methods are expensive and can take 5 to 10 years to put in place. Plus they hinge on a critical question that scientists are still trying to answer: What level of nutrients can the Bay handle?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So the only thing that is worse than a recurrence of this devastating algal bloom in the bay,” says Fono, “is to spend billions and billions of dollars on reducing nutrients and have it not make a difference.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Back on the water, kayaker Mary Spicer says she hopes officials act quickly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I feel if we humans are playing a role in creating it, then we really need to come up with solutions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez and Attila Pelit of KQED contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "Many California Workers Win Judgments for Wage Theft — But Still Don't Get Paid",
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"content": "\u003cp>Manuel Chavez, a former front-desk manager at the Stuart Hotel in Los Angeles’ MacArthur Park neighborhood, was elated when he won a wage claim victory of more than $200,000 against his old boss in 2017.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s Labor Commissioner ruled Chavez had worked thousands more hours than his employer paid him for over a three-year period — \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/wp-content/uploads/2022/06/Chavez-v-Patel-Labor-Commissioner-ODA.pdf\">a clear case of wage theft\u003c/a>, the state decided after administrative hearings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I felt good, very content, after so much work and so much suffering,” Chavez said about his case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rather than paying Chavez, his former employer countersued, taking the case to appeals courts multiple times and trying and failing to get it heard by the U.S. Supreme Court — twice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chavez hasn’t been compensated. His experience may be unusual, but it underscores a plight common for thousands of California workers who win wage theft claims: Many bosses don’t pay, even after courts order them to.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Paper victories\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Only 1 in 7 employers who were issued court judgments in wage claim cases in 2017 have paid their workers the full amount of the claims five years later, according to data from the Labor Commissioner.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s the state’s best estimate; a disclaimer on the agency’s website reads, “Defendants often make payments to claimants directly without the knowledge of the Labor Commissioner’s Office.” In other words, the agency admits it doesn’t always know whether those judgments are paid, although state law says the office “shall make every reasonable effort to ensure that judgments are satisfied.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What’s more, California’s wage claim system is so backlogged it takes nearly four times longer than state law permits for the average case to reach a decision, according to a CalMatters analysis of state data. Most workers drop or settle their claims before a hearing. Judgments are issued if a worker persists and wins.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Labor Commissioner Lilia García-Brower, through a spokesperson, refused to be interviewed about her office’s work on wage theft, which is the failure to pay employees what they’re legally owed.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>505 days\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Wage theft has been a significant focus of California policymakers for years given \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11906414/did-the-pandemic-create-more-income-inequality-in-california\">the state’s high income inequality\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When a worker files a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11920425/heres-how-californians-can-get-their-money-back-when-employers-steal-wages\">wage claim\u003c/a> with the California Department of Industrial Relations, the Labor Commissioner’s Office holds a settlement conference with the employer. If the claim isn’t settled, a deputy commissioner holds a hearing. If they decide the employer owes the worker wages and the employer doesn’t pay or appeal the decision, that debt becomes a judgment filed in court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Labor Commissioner, whom the governor appoints, does seek payment of wage judgments on behalf of some workers. In general, workers are directed to \u003ca href=\"https://wagetheftisacrime.com/Legal-Tools.html\">collect these debts on their own\u003c/a>, like any other creditor might.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the power disparities between workers and employers means California’s worker-versus-employer claim system is flawed, said UCLA labor researcher Tia Koonse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You cannot play whack-a-mole with wage theft,” Koonse said. “It is not an effective strategy to go after every actor on a complaint basis.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Chavez filed his claim in 2015, he was making $425 a week, and working every day at the Stuart Hotel, case records show. It took him 16 months to get his case heard by a Labor Commissioner’s hearing officer and another six months to get a winning decision.\u003cbr>\n\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://flo.uri.sh/visualisation/10646865/embed\" width=\"800\" height=\"500\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003cbr>\nThe wait for the average California worker who files a wage theft claim has grown since then, according to Labor Commissioner data.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For workers who didn’t drop or settle their cases, the state averaged 505 days to decide an individual worker’s wage claim, data from 2017 to 2021 shows — a violation of the 135 days’ maximum set by law.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Battling backlogs\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Erika Monterroza, a spokesperson for the Labor Commissioner, told CalMatters last month \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11924013/wage-theft-car-wash-workers-still-await-millions-in-pay-3-years-later\">the office was addressing backlogs and had hired 288 people since January 2021\u003c/a>. She did not say how many people had left the office during that period. Nearly a third of the Labor Commissioner’s 733 positions were vacant as of May.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Paola Laverde, another spokesperson for the Labor Commissioner, wrote in an email that the office processes claims “diligently.”[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Tia Koonse, labor researcher, UCLA\"]‘You cannot play whack-a-mole with wage theft. It is not an effective strategy to go after every actor on a complaint basis.’[/pullquote]During the pandemic, the commissioner’s office closed in-person operations and shifted to virtual hearings, labor advocates said. Workers’ attorneys said the office appears to be increasing the frequency of hearings this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Californians filed 19,000 individual wage claims against employers last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Koonse and other advocates said an alternative approach to wage theft enforcement may be better for workers than the individual claims route. They said that, since 2016, the Labor Commissioner has partnered with labor and worker groups to initiate \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11924013/wage-theft-car-wash-workers-still-await-millions-in-pay-3-years-later\">company-wide wage investigations\u003c/a> through the agency’s field enforcement division. Advocates say these result in large-scale, sometimes multimillion-dollar citations, sending messages of deterrence to employers in targeted low-wage industries.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Accident or intent?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Wage claim backlogs in general are a problem for businesses, too, said Jennifer Barrera, chief executive officer of the California Chamber of Commerce.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We would like to see claims handled in the most efficient way possible,” Barrera said. “The employer, as well, wants to have these claims resolved and dealt with.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Aside from wage claims, workers also can file lawsuits against their bosses through California’s Private Attorneys General Act — which gives workers the same powers as the state to sue and recover penalties on behalf of co-workers — and they can file class-action lawsuits and other kinds of suits using California’s regulations.[aside label=\"Related Stories\" tag=\"wage-theft\"]Barrera said only a fraction of California’s employers intentionally steal wages from their employees; many wage claims result from employers misunderstanding California’s evolving labor laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have the most complex labor and employment laws, I would argue, in the country,” Barrera said. “We don’t really do a great job, once the laws are passed, educating employers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those who misinterpret labor laws shouldn’t be considered guilty of wage theft, she said, although their workers should be repaid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The enforcement really should be focused on the bad actors who are intentionally stealing wages from employees,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A bit of satisfaction\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Despite its hurdles, the individual wage claim system still provides victories for some workers — often in the form of settlements.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mayra Perez, a former San Francisco office janitor, initially hoped to win a wage theft claim she filed with the state in January 2020 against San Mateo-based Eat My Dust Inc. Perez, an immigrant from El Salvador, claimed more than $38,000 in unpaid hours, untaken breaks, vacation owed, out-of-pocket expenses and other violations for two years and four months that ended May 30, 2019.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In its written response to her claim, Eat My Dust contended Perez had refused to use the company’s time-tracking software and that the company had no records of her complaining about not getting breaks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the case dragged on for more than two years, Perez settled for $20,000 on June 3 of this year, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An attorney for the company, Jeanine DeBacker, said it was an “amicable resolution.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Perez said she is satisfied with the money, because she believes she would have gotten less had she joined a class-action suit other workers brought against the company that recently was nearly settled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nevertheless, she said, she would have liked to have faced her former direct manager at her wage theft hearing, but the pandemic robbed her of that opportunity; her hearing was scheduled as a Zoom call.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I did want to see him and see the expression he had,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11925795\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11925795 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/Mayra-Perez-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"A woman with dark clothing stands out of focus on the right side of the frame with her back to the camera in the middle of a large, mostly dirt lot with small patches of grass. The sun, out of frame to the right, illuminates her brown hair. The woman faces towards toward the backside of a home roughly 100 feet in front of her with a fence blocking the view of the home's first floor. Behind the home, far in the distance, the San Francisco skyline peaks out over the top of the fence. \" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/Mayra-Perez-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/Mayra-Perez-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/Mayra-Perez-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/Mayra-Perez-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/Mayra-Perez-1920x1280.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/Mayra-Perez.jpg 1980w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Mayra Perez can see the financial district in San Francisco from outside her home on Treasure Island. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>Manager’s hours\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Chavez had no such resolution after winning his case. The 60-year-old immigrant from Mexico had worked and lived at the Stuart Hotel since 2002, first working overnight and evening shifts, before becoming manager and working long days, he told CalMatters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His duties included sweeping, cleaning rooms, collecting rent, making repairs and dealing with fights between tenants, he told the Labor Commissioner’s Office at his wage claim hearings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a recent interview, Chavez said there were always loiterers in the building and tenants coming and going.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My son would tell me, ‘Don’t be stupid, Dad. You work too much, and they pay you too little, and you never rest,’” Chavez told CalMatters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After Chavez filed his claim, hotel owner Balubhai Patel sued Chavez, accusing him of stealing from the business. Patel later dropped the suit. He said afterward, during a wage claim hearing, that Chavez did not work overtime and often spent time in his room.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Labor Commissioner in 2017 ordered Patel and his company to pay Chavez $202,000: about $115,000 in wages for about 5,800 overtime hours, plus meal and rest breaks, and the rest in damages and penalties workers can claim under state law. The state also awarded Chavez $33,000 from Stuart Union, a company that managed the hotel for four months before Chavez left.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘A cottage industry’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Neither Patel nor Stuart Union paid. Instead, a few months later, Patel and the new manager jointly sued Chavez and the Labor Commissioner in Los Angeles County Superior Court, alleging false testimony and civil rights violations. They sought $10 million as well as a reversal of the state’s decision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a recent phone interview, Patel said Chavez did not deserve the money because he didn’t work nearly the number of hours he claimed. The money would be a “donation,” Patel said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s damn lies,” Patel said. “I’ve been doing business a long time. I never cheat.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Frank Weiser, a lawyer representing Patel, said his client is a leader among local Indian immigrant motel operators. He also called wage claims a “cottage industry” for workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The laws are so skewed in favor of employees you do see some abuse,” Weiser said, though he acknowledged Chavez had won his case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We lost, fair and square,” Weiser said. Payment is still being disputed in court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chavez’s situation demonstrates how some employers choose to fight or ignore Labor Commissioner decisions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Labor Commissioner asks courts to enforce unpaid wage theft decisions, and the commissioner’s office maintains a public database reporting those judgments.\u003cbr>\n\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://flo.uri.sh/visualisation/11125127/embed\" width=\"800\" height=\"650\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003cbr>\nAn analysis of five years of the agency’s public data (2017 through 2021) by CalMatters revealed that 9% of court judgments were recorded as satisfied, or paid in full. Another 16% of those judgments were paid in part or in installments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Three-quarters of workers were recorded as receiving no payment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those employers who received judgments against them in 2017 — and therefore had five years to pay workers — paid in full 14% of the time, the data shows.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The commissioner’s office did not answer questions about the database nor about CalMatters’ analysis.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>State’s scorecard\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>State law allows the agency to recover money on behalf of workers but doesn’t require it to do so in every judgment. In 2021, a Labor Commissioner unit dedicated to enforcing court judgments collected $2.8 million in wage claims on behalf of 311 workers, spokesperson Laverde wrote in an email. The same unit collected $6.2 million on behalf of the commissioner’s field enforcement division.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By comparison, the state recorded more than 2,300 wage judgments totaling $50.5 million that year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If a business does not pay a judgment against it, the Labor Commissioner can file liens on an employer’s property and garnish money from the employer’s bank accounts on behalf of workers. The commissioner last year filed 1,328 levies, Laverde wrote.\u003cbr>\n[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Jan Collatz, staff attorney, Wage Justice Center\"]‘There’s this assumption that once you get a judgment, you’ve won. Ultimately, a judgment is just a piece of paper.’[/pullquote]The commissioner’s office staff informs workers of this option, and they regularly offer assistance filing levies to workers who prevail in the wage claim adjudication process, Laverde wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agency also can order a business to stop operating if it doesn’t pay workers. But many businesses would not have the cash or assets to pay workers if they weren’t operating, said Jan Collatz, staff attorney at the Los Angeles-based Wage Justice Center, which assists workers and the Labor Commissioner in collecting wage claims.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Criminal cases also can complicate collections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eugene Lee, a Los Angeles attorney who represented Chavez, also won wage theft claims for 13 workers at a Los Angeles soccer merchandise store in 2018. Court dockets do not reflect any payments: Neither A-1 Soccer Warehouse, nor its owner, Enyinnaya Ojogho, have paid the workers despite court judgments against both, Lee said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California attorney general’s office has accused Ojogho of \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/news/press-releases/attorney-general-becerra-announces-charges-against-business-owner-alleged-tax\">stiffing the state $1.6 million\u003c/a> in a pending felony tax evasion case. Ojogho has pleaded not guilty. His defense attorney Robert Schwartz declined to comment on the wage judgments or on whether his client is in a financial position to pay them.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Fear of law\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The legal system is set up to decide commercial disputes, Collatz said, but it is stacked against people with lower incomes who often can’t afford to pay attorneys or court filing fees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s this assumption that once you get a judgment, you’ve won,” Collatz said. “Ultimately, a judgment is just a piece of paper.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assemblymember Ash Kalra, a San José Democrat who chairs his house’s labor committee, called the low payment of judgments unacceptable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The outcome of that is that employers don’t fear the law,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kalra said he supports adding funding to the Labor Commissioner’s Office to increase staff. But in the face of the office’s current backlogs, he said workers may need to rely on local and county governments to enforce judgments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Santa Clara County, for instance, threatened to revoke the food permits of restaurants that haven’t paid judgments. County officials said all eight of the restaurants that were cited have paid or are on a payment plan.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A life on hold\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In the Stuart Hotel case, the years of countersuits and appeals have so far been “a long war of attrition,” said Lee, Chavez’s attorney. Chavez has prevailed in the trial and appellate courts, including getting the civil rights claims dismissed by the superior court. But Patel appealed all the way to the California Supreme Court, which declined to hear that case, and then he appealed to the U.S. Supreme Court, which also declined.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After another round of appeals, the Supreme Court declined to hear another part of Patel’s case this April.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Back in 2017, when Chavez first won his case, he told his son he might buy him a car or take him to Mexico to meet relatives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These days he hardly mentions the money, Chavez said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Recently he celebrated his 60th birthday. He lives with his son in Downey and earns a $15-an-hour minimum wage at a temp agency. The appeals have put his entire life on hold, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I just start thinking about it and I get sad,” Chavez said, “and then tell myself, ‘Oh, hopefully one day. Hopefully one day.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>CalMatters’ Lil Kalish and CBS News’ Julie Watts contributed reporting to this story.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Manuel Chavez, a former front-desk manager at the Stuart Hotel in Los Angeles’ MacArthur Park neighborhood, was elated when he won a wage claim victory of more than $200,000 against his old boss in 2017.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s Labor Commissioner ruled Chavez had worked thousands more hours than his employer paid him for over a three-year period — \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/wp-content/uploads/2022/06/Chavez-v-Patel-Labor-Commissioner-ODA.pdf\">a clear case of wage theft\u003c/a>, the state decided after administrative hearings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I felt good, very content, after so much work and so much suffering,” Chavez said about his case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rather than paying Chavez, his former employer countersued, taking the case to appeals courts multiple times and trying and failing to get it heard by the U.S. Supreme Court — twice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chavez hasn’t been compensated. His experience may be unusual, but it underscores a plight common for thousands of California workers who win wage theft claims: Many bosses don’t pay, even after courts order them to.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Paper victories\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Only 1 in 7 employers who were issued court judgments in wage claim cases in 2017 have paid their workers the full amount of the claims five years later, according to data from the Labor Commissioner.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s the state’s best estimate; a disclaimer on the agency’s website reads, “Defendants often make payments to claimants directly without the knowledge of the Labor Commissioner’s Office.” In other words, the agency admits it doesn’t always know whether those judgments are paid, although state law says the office “shall make every reasonable effort to ensure that judgments are satisfied.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What’s more, California’s wage claim system is so backlogged it takes nearly four times longer than state law permits for the average case to reach a decision, according to a CalMatters analysis of state data. Most workers drop or settle their claims before a hearing. Judgments are issued if a worker persists and wins.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Labor Commissioner Lilia García-Brower, through a spokesperson, refused to be interviewed about her office’s work on wage theft, which is the failure to pay employees what they’re legally owed.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>505 days\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Wage theft has been a significant focus of California policymakers for years given \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11906414/did-the-pandemic-create-more-income-inequality-in-california\">the state’s high income inequality\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When a worker files a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11920425/heres-how-californians-can-get-their-money-back-when-employers-steal-wages\">wage claim\u003c/a> with the California Department of Industrial Relations, the Labor Commissioner’s Office holds a settlement conference with the employer. If the claim isn’t settled, a deputy commissioner holds a hearing. If they decide the employer owes the worker wages and the employer doesn’t pay or appeal the decision, that debt becomes a judgment filed in court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Labor Commissioner, whom the governor appoints, does seek payment of wage judgments on behalf of some workers. In general, workers are directed to \u003ca href=\"https://wagetheftisacrime.com/Legal-Tools.html\">collect these debts on their own\u003c/a>, like any other creditor might.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the power disparities between workers and employers means California’s worker-versus-employer claim system is flawed, said UCLA labor researcher Tia Koonse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You cannot play whack-a-mole with wage theft,” Koonse said. “It is not an effective strategy to go after every actor on a complaint basis.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Chavez filed his claim in 2015, he was making $425 a week, and working every day at the Stuart Hotel, case records show. It took him 16 months to get his case heard by a Labor Commissioner’s hearing officer and another six months to get a winning decision.\u003cbr>\n\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://flo.uri.sh/visualisation/10646865/embed\" width=\"800\" height=\"500\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003cbr>\nThe wait for the average California worker who files a wage theft claim has grown since then, according to Labor Commissioner data.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For workers who didn’t drop or settle their cases, the state averaged 505 days to decide an individual worker’s wage claim, data from 2017 to 2021 shows — a violation of the 135 days’ maximum set by law.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Battling backlogs\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Erika Monterroza, a spokesperson for the Labor Commissioner, told CalMatters last month \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11924013/wage-theft-car-wash-workers-still-await-millions-in-pay-3-years-later\">the office was addressing backlogs and had hired 288 people since January 2021\u003c/a>. She did not say how many people had left the office during that period. Nearly a third of the Labor Commissioner’s 733 positions were vacant as of May.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Paola Laverde, another spokesperson for the Labor Commissioner, wrote in an email that the office processes claims “diligently.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>During the pandemic, the commissioner’s office closed in-person operations and shifted to virtual hearings, labor advocates said. Workers’ attorneys said the office appears to be increasing the frequency of hearings this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Californians filed 19,000 individual wage claims against employers last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Koonse and other advocates said an alternative approach to wage theft enforcement may be better for workers than the individual claims route. They said that, since 2016, the Labor Commissioner has partnered with labor and worker groups to initiate \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11924013/wage-theft-car-wash-workers-still-await-millions-in-pay-3-years-later\">company-wide wage investigations\u003c/a> through the agency’s field enforcement division. Advocates say these result in large-scale, sometimes multimillion-dollar citations, sending messages of deterrence to employers in targeted low-wage industries.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Accident or intent?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Wage claim backlogs in general are a problem for businesses, too, said Jennifer Barrera, chief executive officer of the California Chamber of Commerce.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We would like to see claims handled in the most efficient way possible,” Barrera said. “The employer, as well, wants to have these claims resolved and dealt with.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Aside from wage claims, workers also can file lawsuits against their bosses through California’s Private Attorneys General Act — which gives workers the same powers as the state to sue and recover penalties on behalf of co-workers — and they can file class-action lawsuits and other kinds of suits using California’s regulations.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Barrera said only a fraction of California’s employers intentionally steal wages from their employees; many wage claims result from employers misunderstanding California’s evolving labor laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have the most complex labor and employment laws, I would argue, in the country,” Barrera said. “We don’t really do a great job, once the laws are passed, educating employers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those who misinterpret labor laws shouldn’t be considered guilty of wage theft, she said, although their workers should be repaid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The enforcement really should be focused on the bad actors who are intentionally stealing wages from employees,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A bit of satisfaction\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Despite its hurdles, the individual wage claim system still provides victories for some workers — often in the form of settlements.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mayra Perez, a former San Francisco office janitor, initially hoped to win a wage theft claim she filed with the state in January 2020 against San Mateo-based Eat My Dust Inc. Perez, an immigrant from El Salvador, claimed more than $38,000 in unpaid hours, untaken breaks, vacation owed, out-of-pocket expenses and other violations for two years and four months that ended May 30, 2019.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In its written response to her claim, Eat My Dust contended Perez had refused to use the company’s time-tracking software and that the company had no records of her complaining about not getting breaks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the case dragged on for more than two years, Perez settled for $20,000 on June 3 of this year, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An attorney for the company, Jeanine DeBacker, said it was an “amicable resolution.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Perez said she is satisfied with the money, because she believes she would have gotten less had she joined a class-action suit other workers brought against the company that recently was nearly settled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nevertheless, she said, she would have liked to have faced her former direct manager at her wage theft hearing, but the pandemic robbed her of that opportunity; her hearing was scheduled as a Zoom call.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I did want to see him and see the expression he had,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11925795\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11925795 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/Mayra-Perez-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"A woman with dark clothing stands out of focus on the right side of the frame with her back to the camera in the middle of a large, mostly dirt lot with small patches of grass. The sun, out of frame to the right, illuminates her brown hair. The woman faces towards toward the backside of a home roughly 100 feet in front of her with a fence blocking the view of the home's first floor. Behind the home, far in the distance, the San Francisco skyline peaks out over the top of the fence. \" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/Mayra-Perez-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/Mayra-Perez-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/Mayra-Perez-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/Mayra-Perez-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/Mayra-Perez-1920x1280.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/Mayra-Perez.jpg 1980w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Mayra Perez can see the financial district in San Francisco from outside her home on Treasure Island. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>Manager’s hours\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Chavez had no such resolution after winning his case. The 60-year-old immigrant from Mexico had worked and lived at the Stuart Hotel since 2002, first working overnight and evening shifts, before becoming manager and working long days, he told CalMatters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His duties included sweeping, cleaning rooms, collecting rent, making repairs and dealing with fights between tenants, he told the Labor Commissioner’s Office at his wage claim hearings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a recent interview, Chavez said there were always loiterers in the building and tenants coming and going.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My son would tell me, ‘Don’t be stupid, Dad. You work too much, and they pay you too little, and you never rest,’” Chavez told CalMatters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After Chavez filed his claim, hotel owner Balubhai Patel sued Chavez, accusing him of stealing from the business. Patel later dropped the suit. He said afterward, during a wage claim hearing, that Chavez did not work overtime and often spent time in his room.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Labor Commissioner in 2017 ordered Patel and his company to pay Chavez $202,000: about $115,000 in wages for about 5,800 overtime hours, plus meal and rest breaks, and the rest in damages and penalties workers can claim under state law. The state also awarded Chavez $33,000 from Stuart Union, a company that managed the hotel for four months before Chavez left.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘A cottage industry’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Neither Patel nor Stuart Union paid. Instead, a few months later, Patel and the new manager jointly sued Chavez and the Labor Commissioner in Los Angeles County Superior Court, alleging false testimony and civil rights violations. They sought $10 million as well as a reversal of the state’s decision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a recent phone interview, Patel said Chavez did not deserve the money because he didn’t work nearly the number of hours he claimed. The money would be a “donation,” Patel said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s damn lies,” Patel said. “I’ve been doing business a long time. I never cheat.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Frank Weiser, a lawyer representing Patel, said his client is a leader among local Indian immigrant motel operators. He also called wage claims a “cottage industry” for workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The laws are so skewed in favor of employees you do see some abuse,” Weiser said, though he acknowledged Chavez had won his case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We lost, fair and square,” Weiser said. Payment is still being disputed in court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chavez’s situation demonstrates how some employers choose to fight or ignore Labor Commissioner decisions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Labor Commissioner asks courts to enforce unpaid wage theft decisions, and the commissioner’s office maintains a public database reporting those judgments.\u003cbr>\n\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://flo.uri.sh/visualisation/11125127/embed\" width=\"800\" height=\"650\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003cbr>\nAn analysis of five years of the agency’s public data (2017 through 2021) by CalMatters revealed that 9% of court judgments were recorded as satisfied, or paid in full. Another 16% of those judgments were paid in part or in installments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Three-quarters of workers were recorded as receiving no payment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those employers who received judgments against them in 2017 — and therefore had five years to pay workers — paid in full 14% of the time, the data shows.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The commissioner’s office did not answer questions about the database nor about CalMatters’ analysis.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>State’s scorecard\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>State law allows the agency to recover money on behalf of workers but doesn’t require it to do so in every judgment. In 2021, a Labor Commissioner unit dedicated to enforcing court judgments collected $2.8 million in wage claims on behalf of 311 workers, spokesperson Laverde wrote in an email. The same unit collected $6.2 million on behalf of the commissioner’s field enforcement division.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By comparison, the state recorded more than 2,300 wage judgments totaling $50.5 million that year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If a business does not pay a judgment against it, the Labor Commissioner can file liens on an employer’s property and garnish money from the employer’s bank accounts on behalf of workers. The commissioner last year filed 1,328 levies, Laverde wrote.\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The commissioner’s office staff informs workers of this option, and they regularly offer assistance filing levies to workers who prevail in the wage claim adjudication process, Laverde wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agency also can order a business to stop operating if it doesn’t pay workers. But many businesses would not have the cash or assets to pay workers if they weren’t operating, said Jan Collatz, staff attorney at the Los Angeles-based Wage Justice Center, which assists workers and the Labor Commissioner in collecting wage claims.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Criminal cases also can complicate collections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eugene Lee, a Los Angeles attorney who represented Chavez, also won wage theft claims for 13 workers at a Los Angeles soccer merchandise store in 2018. Court dockets do not reflect any payments: Neither A-1 Soccer Warehouse, nor its owner, Enyinnaya Ojogho, have paid the workers despite court judgments against both, Lee said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California attorney general’s office has accused Ojogho of \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/news/press-releases/attorney-general-becerra-announces-charges-against-business-owner-alleged-tax\">stiffing the state $1.6 million\u003c/a> in a pending felony tax evasion case. Ojogho has pleaded not guilty. His defense attorney Robert Schwartz declined to comment on the wage judgments or on whether his client is in a financial position to pay them.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Fear of law\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The legal system is set up to decide commercial disputes, Collatz said, but it is stacked against people with lower incomes who often can’t afford to pay attorneys or court filing fees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s this assumption that once you get a judgment, you’ve won,” Collatz said. “Ultimately, a judgment is just a piece of paper.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assemblymember Ash Kalra, a San José Democrat who chairs his house’s labor committee, called the low payment of judgments unacceptable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The outcome of that is that employers don’t fear the law,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kalra said he supports adding funding to the Labor Commissioner’s Office to increase staff. But in the face of the office’s current backlogs, he said workers may need to rely on local and county governments to enforce judgments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Santa Clara County, for instance, threatened to revoke the food permits of restaurants that haven’t paid judgments. County officials said all eight of the restaurants that were cited have paid or are on a payment plan.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A life on hold\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In the Stuart Hotel case, the years of countersuits and appeals have so far been “a long war of attrition,” said Lee, Chavez’s attorney. Chavez has prevailed in the trial and appellate courts, including getting the civil rights claims dismissed by the superior court. But Patel appealed all the way to the California Supreme Court, which declined to hear that case, and then he appealed to the U.S. Supreme Court, which also declined.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After another round of appeals, the Supreme Court declined to hear another part of Patel’s case this April.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Back in 2017, when Chavez first won his case, he told his son he might buy him a car or take him to Mexico to meet relatives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These days he hardly mentions the money, Chavez said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Recently he celebrated his 60th birthday. He lives with his son in Downey and earns a $15-an-hour minimum wage at a temp agency. The appeals have put his entire life on hold, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I just start thinking about it and I get sad,” Chavez said, “and then tell myself, ‘Oh, hopefully one day. Hopefully one day.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>CalMatters’ Lil Kalish and CBS News’ Julie Watts contributed reporting to this story.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Poverty and Uninsured Rates Drop, Thanks to Pandemic-Era Policies",
"title": "Poverty and Uninsured Rates Drop, Thanks to Pandemic-Era Policies",
"headTitle": "NPR | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>The Census Bureau released some heartening news Tuesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Child poverty is at a historic low, according to the bureau's \u003ca href=\"https://www.census.gov/newsroom/press-releases/2022/income-poverty-health-insurance-coverage.html\">annual report\u003c/a> on income, poverty and health insurance. And the rate of Americans without health insurance also dropped in 2021 compared to the previous year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the good news may be short lived. Both gains were driven by temporary pandemic-related policies, and without action by policymakers, they could quickly unravel.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Child tax credit key to drop in poverty\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Childhood poverty dropped substantially in 2021, falling from 9.7% in 2020 down to 5.2%. The overall poverty rate for all age groups was just under 8% — a decline from 9.2% in 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These figures are based on the \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2011/11/07/142105558/new-measure-shows-higher-poverty-rate-in-u-s\">Supplemental Poverty Measure\u003c/a>, which takes into account all kinds of expenses families have, as well as that range of pandemic aid many families received.\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Sabrina Corlette, Georgetown University Center on Health Insurance Reforms\"]'As soon as the public health emergency is declared over – which could be as early as January – that safety net that was in that COVID relief bill goes away.'[/pullquote]\u003c/span>Poverty experts attribute much of this improvement to the child tax credit which Congress boosted in 2021 in the American Rescue Plan. Congress also expanded it to include millions more low-income families.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The child tax credit gives families more money to spend on essentials, says \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbpp.org/about/our-staff/sharon-parrott\">Sharon Parrott\u003c/a>, who has researched the issue for the Center on Budget and Policy Priorities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"They spend it on their housing, food, education, they're able to do some of those extracurricular activities that high income families take for granted,\" she says. \"They are investing in their kids and their families are able to make ends meet in really important ways.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And Parrott says all these things can have long term benefits for kids, like doing better in school and being healthier.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Uninsured rate approaches record lows, thanks to Medicaid\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The census numbers show 8.3% of Americans – or 27.2 million people – did not have any health insurance in 2021. That's an improvement from 2020, when 8.6% of people were uninsured.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The force behind this trend is Medicaid, the public health insurance option for people with low incomes, according to census officials who briefed reporters Tuesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The reason the Medicaid rates have increased is because of a COVID relief bill that Congress passed in March of 2020,\" says \u003ca href=\"https://chir.georgetown.edu/faculty_sabrina_corlette/\">Sabrina Corlette\u003c/a> of the Georgetown University Center on Health Insurance Reforms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Families First Coronavirus Response Act essentially mandated that state Medicaid programs not force enrollees to requalify for the program – so states could enroll new people but not kick anyone off. Because of this \"continuous enrollment provision,\" Medicaid has grown significantly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another area of growth was Medicare, though census officials noted that that's due to more people turning 65 and becoming eligible, not because of a policy change.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What happens when pandemic measures end\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Policy experts say this week's good news may be fleeting. The expanded child tax credit ended in December, just as inflation was starting to climb to historic highs. The policy supporting more people getting health insurance is set to run out in a few months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"As soon as the public health emergency is declared over – which could be as early as January – that safety net that was in that COVID relief bill goes away,\" says Corlette. \"And so we could see this historic increase in the rates of the insured be reversed.\"\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">[aside label='Related Articles' tag='poverty']\u003c/span>More than 15 million people could lose Medicaid, according to an estimate from the Department of Health and Human Services \u003ca href=\"https://aspe.hhs.gov/sites/default/files/documents/60f0ac74ee06eb578d30b0f39ac94323/aspe-end-mcaid-continuous-coverage.pdf?_ga=2.168159075.310828479.1663022160-418932185.1663022160\">released last month\u003c/a>. The analysis suggests nearly half of those losing coverage will be because of administrative issues – such as challenges with filling out the paperwork to reapply – and not because they no longer qualify for coverage. Some will be able to get coverage elsewhere, but millions more may become uninsured.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When it comes to poverty, inflation could start to affect these rates. In fact, one group already is seeing more poverty in the 2021 numbers and that is seniors. Census officials say this is likely because they're on fixed incomes, and already last year inflation was starting to tick up, really squeezing their budgets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But again, Census officials stressed that Social Security did keep more than 26 million people out of poverty, and that includes several million children being raised by grandparents.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How to hold on to temporary gains\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In terms of U.S. trends over time, the Census numbers released Tuesday on child poverty and health insurance are encouraging, experts say, and it's now up to policymakers to act to keep these gains.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Any of the improvements that we see – whether it's insurance or poverty – are a reflection of political choices,\" says \u003ca href=\"https://government.cornell.edu/jamila-michener\">Jamila Michener\u003c/a> – a professor of government at Cornell and an expert on Medicaid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Biden administration and many Democrats would like to make the expanded child tax credit permanent. The U.S. House passed such a measure but it did not survive in the Senate. Several Republican Senators have proposed more limited ways to expand the child tax credit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"What we don't know is the trade-offs,\" says Angela Rachidi, a senior fellow at the American Enterprise Institute. \"We know inflation increased dramatically over the past year. To what extent did all this government transfer of income contribute to that, I think, is still a question.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some researchers note that the U.S. has a long way to go with gains in health and insurance rates, when compared to similar high-income countries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"[Among] our peer countries, we have one of the highest rates of uninsurance in the world and also poorer health outcomes,\" notes Corlette. \"And that's been an issue for us even before the pandemic.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://nap.nationalacademies.org/catalog/13497/us-health-in-international-perspective-shorter-lives-poorer-health\">landmark study in 2013\u003c/a> enumerated the many ways Americans don't have as healthy or long lives as people do in similarly wealthy countries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One striking illustration of this came with the new life expectancy numbers released two weeks ago. Countries all over the world had a drop in life expectancy after the first year of the pandemic, but many have been able to rebound.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>America has not – instead life expectancy \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/health-shots/2022/08/31/1120192583/life-expectancy-in-the-u-s-continues-to-drop-driven-by-covid-19\">dropped for two years\u003c/a> in a row, the first time that's happened in the U.S. in a century.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"description": "The Census Bureau released some heartening news Tuesday. Child poverty is at a historic low, according to the bureau's annual report on income, poverty and health insurance. And the rate of Americans without health insurance also dropped in 2021 compared to the previous year. But the good news may be short lived. Both gains were driven by",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The Census Bureau released some heartening news Tuesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Child poverty is at a historic low, according to the bureau's \u003ca href=\"https://www.census.gov/newsroom/press-releases/2022/income-poverty-health-insurance-coverage.html\">annual report\u003c/a> on income, poverty and health insurance. And the rate of Americans without health insurance also dropped in 2021 compared to the previous year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the good news may be short lived. Both gains were driven by temporary pandemic-related policies, and without action by policymakers, they could quickly unravel.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Child tax credit key to drop in poverty\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Childhood poverty dropped substantially in 2021, falling from 9.7% in 2020 down to 5.2%. The overall poverty rate for all age groups was just under 8% — a decline from 9.2% in 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These figures are based on the \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2011/11/07/142105558/new-measure-shows-higher-poverty-rate-in-u-s\">Supplemental Poverty Measure\u003c/a>, which takes into account all kinds of expenses families have, as well as that range of pandemic aid many families received.\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "'As soon as the public health emergency is declared over – which could be as early as January – that safety net that was in that COVID relief bill goes away.'",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/span>Poverty experts attribute much of this improvement to the child tax credit which Congress boosted in 2021 in the American Rescue Plan. Congress also expanded it to include millions more low-income families.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The child tax credit gives families more money to spend on essentials, says \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbpp.org/about/our-staff/sharon-parrott\">Sharon Parrott\u003c/a>, who has researched the issue for the Center on Budget and Policy Priorities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"They spend it on their housing, food, education, they're able to do some of those extracurricular activities that high income families take for granted,\" she says. \"They are investing in their kids and their families are able to make ends meet in really important ways.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And Parrott says all these things can have long term benefits for kids, like doing better in school and being healthier.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Uninsured rate approaches record lows, thanks to Medicaid\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The census numbers show 8.3% of Americans – or 27.2 million people – did not have any health insurance in 2021. That's an improvement from 2020, when 8.6% of people were uninsured.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The force behind this trend is Medicaid, the public health insurance option for people with low incomes, according to census officials who briefed reporters Tuesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The reason the Medicaid rates have increased is because of a COVID relief bill that Congress passed in March of 2020,\" says \u003ca href=\"https://chir.georgetown.edu/faculty_sabrina_corlette/\">Sabrina Corlette\u003c/a> of the Georgetown University Center on Health Insurance Reforms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Families First Coronavirus Response Act essentially mandated that state Medicaid programs not force enrollees to requalify for the program – so states could enroll new people but not kick anyone off. Because of this \"continuous enrollment provision,\" Medicaid has grown significantly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another area of growth was Medicare, though census officials noted that that's due to more people turning 65 and becoming eligible, not because of a policy change.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What happens when pandemic measures end\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Policy experts say this week's good news may be fleeting. The expanded child tax credit ended in December, just as inflation was starting to climb to historic highs. The policy supporting more people getting health insurance is set to run out in a few months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"As soon as the public health emergency is declared over – which could be as early as January – that safety net that was in that COVID relief bill goes away,\" says Corlette. \"And so we could see this historic increase in the rates of the insured be reversed.\"\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/span>More than 15 million people could lose Medicaid, according to an estimate from the Department of Health and Human Services \u003ca href=\"https://aspe.hhs.gov/sites/default/files/documents/60f0ac74ee06eb578d30b0f39ac94323/aspe-end-mcaid-continuous-coverage.pdf?_ga=2.168159075.310828479.1663022160-418932185.1663022160\">released last month\u003c/a>. The analysis suggests nearly half of those losing coverage will be because of administrative issues – such as challenges with filling out the paperwork to reapply – and not because they no longer qualify for coverage. Some will be able to get coverage elsewhere, but millions more may become uninsured.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When it comes to poverty, inflation could start to affect these rates. In fact, one group already is seeing more poverty in the 2021 numbers and that is seniors. Census officials say this is likely because they're on fixed incomes, and already last year inflation was starting to tick up, really squeezing their budgets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But again, Census officials stressed that Social Security did keep more than 26 million people out of poverty, and that includes several million children being raised by grandparents.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How to hold on to temporary gains\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In terms of U.S. trends over time, the Census numbers released Tuesday on child poverty and health insurance are encouraging, experts say, and it's now up to policymakers to act to keep these gains.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Any of the improvements that we see – whether it's insurance or poverty – are a reflection of political choices,\" says \u003ca href=\"https://government.cornell.edu/jamila-michener\">Jamila Michener\u003c/a> – a professor of government at Cornell and an expert on Medicaid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Biden administration and many Democrats would like to make the expanded child tax credit permanent. The U.S. House passed such a measure but it did not survive in the Senate. Several Republican Senators have proposed more limited ways to expand the child tax credit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"What we don't know is the trade-offs,\" says Angela Rachidi, a senior fellow at the American Enterprise Institute. \"We know inflation increased dramatically over the past year. To what extent did all this government transfer of income contribute to that, I think, is still a question.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some researchers note that the U.S. has a long way to go with gains in health and insurance rates, when compared to similar high-income countries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"[Among] our peer countries, we have one of the highest rates of uninsurance in the world and also poorer health outcomes,\" notes Corlette. \"And that's been an issue for us even before the pandemic.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://nap.nationalacademies.org/catalog/13497/us-health-in-international-perspective-shorter-lives-poorer-health\">landmark study in 2013\u003c/a> enumerated the many ways Americans don't have as healthy or long lives as people do in similarly wealthy countries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One striking illustration of this came with the new life expectancy numbers released two weeks ago. Countries all over the world had a drop in life expectancy after the first year of the pandemic, but many have been able to rebound.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>America has not – instead life expectancy \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/health-shots/2022/08/31/1120192583/life-expectancy-in-the-u-s-continues-to-drop-driven-by-covid-19\">dropped for two years\u003c/a> in a row, the first time that's happened in the U.S. in a century.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "Newsom Signs 'CARE Court' Plan, Overhauling Mental Health Care in California",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated Wednesday 2 p.m.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom signed a controversial bill Wednesday overhauling the state’s approach to mental health care for people diagnosed with schizophrenia and other psychotic disorders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The state Senate last month approved the\u003c/span> Community Assistance, Recovery and Empowerment Act, which will allow family members and first responders to ask a judge to draw up a treatment plan for people deemed to be suffering from those disorders. Those who refuse could be placed under a conservatorship and ordered to comply.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Currently, unhoused people with severe mental health disorders can be held against their will at psychiatric hospitals, but must be released after three days if they promise to follow up with other services and take prescribed medication.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new law will let a court order a treatment plan for up to two years, which may include medication, housing and therapy.\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Participants will have access to a public defender and an advocate to help make decisions about treatment programs and housing. In turn, the behavioral health department in that county would be compelled to provide treatment.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While it shares some elements of mental health programs in some other states, California’s new system will be the first of its kind in the country, according to state Sen. Tom Umberg, D-Santa Ana, who co-authored the law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Standing outside Momentum for Health, a nonprofit mental health care provider in San José, Newsom on Wednesday said the bill was about redesigning a broken system \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">that often leaves people cycling among homelessness, jail and emergency rooms. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m not interested in the status quo,” he said. “I’m not interested in the compassionless-ness of the approach we have today of people moralizing and normalizing that suffering on the streets and sidewalks.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">But critics of the bill say it coerces people into care, which is less effective than voluntary treatment, and doesn’t provide the necessary health and housing resources.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">James Burch, deputy director of the Anti Police-Terror Project, which is part of a statewide coalition opposing CARE Court, called the bill’s signing “devastating.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“It ignores the very stark reality that we’re living in in this moment,” he said. “We are tens of thousands of beds short in the Bay Area of the permanent housing that we need. … And we are woefully short on voluntary treatment programs.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11914873 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS16522_GettyImages-73453883-qut-1020x682.jpg']\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Gov. Gavin Newsom introduced the proposal in March. \u003c/span>It passed the Legislature with overwhelming support, despite vehement opposition from disability rights and homeless advocates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was just a matter of months ago that we stood right here and we laid out a vision,” Newsom said Wednesday. “And here we are. We’ve made it a reality, and that is rare in politics, particularly on issues as vexing and challenging as this issue.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Santa Clara County Superior Court Judge Stephen Manley said every day he sees people caught in a cycle of homelessness, jail and emergency rooms, without ever getting the adequate care or housing they need. Manley oversees a \u003ca href=\"https://steinberginstitute.org/champion/stephen-v-manley/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">mental health care diversion court\u003c/a> for people awaiting trial for suspected crimes. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think this is a major step towards building a system that is going to be effective, as opposed to the present system,” Manley said, “where these individuals simply cycle through our jails over to the emergency room of a hospital, back to the streets, back to the jail, back to the hospital. And it doesn’t stop.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assemblymember Suzette Martinez Valladares, R-Santa Clarita, said CARE Court was coming 10 years too late. She shared the story of her cousin, a Vietnam veteran, who was homeless and living in an encampment for five years before he died.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I wish that my family had the tools that this bill is going to bring forward so that he might still be alive and with us,” she said, adding, “But there’s more work to be done. This bill is great, but we need resources for the programs, for the services, for the workforce that doesn’t currently exist.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The state faces a shortage of not only \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.rand.org/pubs/research_reports/RRA1824-1-v2.html\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">psychiatric facilities\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">, but also the \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://healthforce.ucsf.edu/sites/healthforce.ucsf.edu/files/publication-pdf/California%E2%80%99s%20Current%20and%20Future%20Behavioral%20Health%20Workforce.pdf\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">health care staff\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> needed to operate those facilities. And Newsom’s administration estimates that between 7,000 and 12,000 people across the state will be eligible for CARE Court. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“We’re guessing there will be demand for this,” said Michelle Doty Cabrera, executive director of the County Behavioral Health Directors Association of California. “There’s not a lot of give in terms of our workforce currently.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The state is allocating $65 million to implement CARE Court within the judicial system, as well as additional money for county behavioral health care agencies, which would manage cases. To help pay for start-up and training costs, the first seven counties to implement CARE Court will receive $26 million, with another $31 million going to counties across the state, Doty Cabrera said.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Those first seven counties are Glenn, Orange, Riverside, San Diego, Stanislaus, Tuolumne and San Francisco, which will implement CARE Courts by Oct. 1, 2023. The remaining counties would have until Dec. 1, 2024.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“And, there’s an ongoing conversation around long-term funding,” Doty Cabrera said. The bill now requires the state to provide funding to county behavioral health care agencies for programs and services before counties are required to implement CARE Court. “What that is, what it looks like, how much — all of that is still to be worked out between counties and the state,” she said.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11916040 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/GettyImages-1236267426-1020x680.jpg']The other looming question is housing. \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The current version of the bill allows judges to order other government agencies, such as housing authorities, to prioritize CARE Court participants for housing. But in more rural parts of the state, housing with the appropriate services just doesn’t exist, Doty Cabrera added. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Who exactly are we going to pull into the order?” she said. “No one. There is nothing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, nearly 14,000 people experiencing homelessness voluntarily sought mental health services, but only half were placed into housing, according to a survey conducted earlier this year by the County Behavioral Health Directors Association of California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Beyond the logistics, members of the Assembly grappled with CARE Court’s reliance on the judicial system. Although voluntary, the legislation also comes with a threat: Continued refusal could be used as a justification for conservatorship, where people could be forced into care against their will.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“At what point does compassion end and our desire to just get people off the streets and out of public sight begin?” said Assemblymember Al Muratsuchi, D-Torrance. “\u003c/span>I don’t think this is a great bill, but it seems to be the best idea that we have at this point to try to improve a god-awful situation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Others worry whether it will do more harm than good, by disproportionately affecting \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Black residents in the state, who are diagnosed with schizophrenia, on average, \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC4274585/\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">three to four times more often\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> than white residents. Black residents also represent\u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://files.hudexchange.info/reports/published/CoC_PopSub_State_CA_2020.pdf\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> 30% of those experiencing homelessness\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> in the state, but only 6.5% of the general population. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“It’s Black men, Black trans folks, Black folks in general who will be the ones who are disproportionately forced into CARE Court and disproportionately affected by this horribly myopic legislation,” said Burch, of the Anti Police-Terror Project. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The bill requires an annual report on CARE Court, along with an independent, research-based entity to evaluate the effectiveness of the program, including “through the lens of health equity” to identify racial bias. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Now that CARE Court has been signed into law, Doty Cabrera said it will be critical to keep those concerns in mind as counties try to imagine all of the program’s “unknown variables.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“This is sort of like Chapter One of a novel,” she said. “We’ll be working on this for a long time to come.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated Wednesday 2 p.m.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom signed a controversial bill Wednesday overhauling the state’s approach to mental health care for people diagnosed with schizophrenia and other psychotic disorders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The state Senate last month approved the\u003c/span> Community Assistance, Recovery and Empowerment Act, which will allow family members and first responders to ask a judge to draw up a treatment plan for people deemed to be suffering from those disorders. Those who refuse could be placed under a conservatorship and ordered to comply.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Currently, unhoused people with severe mental health disorders can be held against their will at psychiatric hospitals, but must be released after three days if they promise to follow up with other services and take prescribed medication.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new law will let a court order a treatment plan for up to two years, which may include medication, housing and therapy.\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Participants will have access to a public defender and an advocate to help make decisions about treatment programs and housing. In turn, the behavioral health department in that county would be compelled to provide treatment.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While it shares some elements of mental health programs in some other states, California’s new system will be the first of its kind in the country, according to state Sen. Tom Umberg, D-Santa Ana, who co-authored the law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Standing outside Momentum for Health, a nonprofit mental health care provider in San José, Newsom on Wednesday said the bill was about redesigning a broken system \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">that often leaves people cycling among homelessness, jail and emergency rooms. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m not interested in the status quo,” he said. “I’m not interested in the compassionless-ness of the approach we have today of people moralizing and normalizing that suffering on the streets and sidewalks.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">But critics of the bill say it coerces people into care, which is less effective than voluntary treatment, and doesn’t provide the necessary health and housing resources.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">James Burch, deputy director of the Anti Police-Terror Project, which is part of a statewide coalition opposing CARE Court, called the bill’s signing “devastating.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“It ignores the very stark reality that we’re living in in this moment,” he said. “We are tens of thousands of beds short in the Bay Area of the permanent housing that we need. … And we are woefully short on voluntary treatment programs.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Gov. Gavin Newsom introduced the proposal in March. \u003c/span>It passed the Legislature with overwhelming support, despite vehement opposition from disability rights and homeless advocates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was just a matter of months ago that we stood right here and we laid out a vision,” Newsom said Wednesday. “And here we are. We’ve made it a reality, and that is rare in politics, particularly on issues as vexing and challenging as this issue.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Santa Clara County Superior Court Judge Stephen Manley said every day he sees people caught in a cycle of homelessness, jail and emergency rooms, without ever getting the adequate care or housing they need. Manley oversees a \u003ca href=\"https://steinberginstitute.org/champion/stephen-v-manley/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">mental health care diversion court\u003c/a> for people awaiting trial for suspected crimes. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think this is a major step towards building a system that is going to be effective, as opposed to the present system,” Manley said, “where these individuals simply cycle through our jails over to the emergency room of a hospital, back to the streets, back to the jail, back to the hospital. And it doesn’t stop.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assemblymember Suzette Martinez Valladares, R-Santa Clarita, said CARE Court was coming 10 years too late. She shared the story of her cousin, a Vietnam veteran, who was homeless and living in an encampment for five years before he died.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I wish that my family had the tools that this bill is going to bring forward so that he might still be alive and with us,” she said, adding, “But there’s more work to be done. This bill is great, but we need resources for the programs, for the services, for the workforce that doesn’t currently exist.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The state faces a shortage of not only \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.rand.org/pubs/research_reports/RRA1824-1-v2.html\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">psychiatric facilities\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">, but also the \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://healthforce.ucsf.edu/sites/healthforce.ucsf.edu/files/publication-pdf/California%E2%80%99s%20Current%20and%20Future%20Behavioral%20Health%20Workforce.pdf\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">health care staff\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> needed to operate those facilities. And Newsom’s administration estimates that between 7,000 and 12,000 people across the state will be eligible for CARE Court. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“We’re guessing there will be demand for this,” said Michelle Doty Cabrera, executive director of the County Behavioral Health Directors Association of California. “There’s not a lot of give in terms of our workforce currently.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The state is allocating $65 million to implement CARE Court within the judicial system, as well as additional money for county behavioral health care agencies, which would manage cases. To help pay for start-up and training costs, the first seven counties to implement CARE Court will receive $26 million, with another $31 million going to counties across the state, Doty Cabrera said.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Those first seven counties are Glenn, Orange, Riverside, San Diego, Stanislaus, Tuolumne and San Francisco, which will implement CARE Courts by Oct. 1, 2023. The remaining counties would have until Dec. 1, 2024.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“And, there’s an ongoing conversation around long-term funding,” Doty Cabrera said. The bill now requires the state to provide funding to county behavioral health care agencies for programs and services before counties are required to implement CARE Court. “What that is, what it looks like, how much — all of that is still to be worked out between counties and the state,” she said.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The other looming question is housing. \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The current version of the bill allows judges to order other government agencies, such as housing authorities, to prioritize CARE Court participants for housing. But in more rural parts of the state, housing with the appropriate services just doesn’t exist, Doty Cabrera added. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Who exactly are we going to pull into the order?” she said. “No one. There is nothing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, nearly 14,000 people experiencing homelessness voluntarily sought mental health services, but only half were placed into housing, according to a survey conducted earlier this year by the County Behavioral Health Directors Association of California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Beyond the logistics, members of the Assembly grappled with CARE Court’s reliance on the judicial system. Although voluntary, the legislation also comes with a threat: Continued refusal could be used as a justification for conservatorship, where people could be forced into care against their will.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“At what point does compassion end and our desire to just get people off the streets and out of public sight begin?” said Assemblymember Al Muratsuchi, D-Torrance. “\u003c/span>I don’t think this is a great bill, but it seems to be the best idea that we have at this point to try to improve a god-awful situation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Others worry whether it will do more harm than good, by disproportionately affecting \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Black residents in the state, who are diagnosed with schizophrenia, on average, \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC4274585/\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">three to four times more often\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> than white residents. Black residents also represent\u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://files.hudexchange.info/reports/published/CoC_PopSub_State_CA_2020.pdf\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> 30% of those experiencing homelessness\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> in the state, but only 6.5% of the general population. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“It’s Black men, Black trans folks, Black folks in general who will be the ones who are disproportionately forced into CARE Court and disproportionately affected by this horribly myopic legislation,” said Burch, of the Anti Police-Terror Project. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The bill requires an annual report on CARE Court, along with an independent, research-based entity to evaluate the effectiveness of the program, including “through the lens of health equity” to identify racial bias. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Now that CARE Court has been signed into law, Doty Cabrera said it will be critical to keep those concerns in mind as counties try to imagine all of the program’s “unknown variables.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“This is sort of like Chapter One of a novel,” she said. “We’ll be working on this for a long time to come.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>The need for therapists, social workers, psychologists and psychiatrists is greater than ever. Under relentless pressure from the pandemic and inflation, wildfires, gun violence, racism and war, Californians are crying out for help.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But that doesn’t mean they can get it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In every corner of mental health right now, a similar story is being told: There simply aren’t enough providers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Patients receive lists of names from their insurers, only to learn none of the therapists on these so-called “ghost lists” will see them. Clinicians who do offer a spot often only accept cash.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nonprofit mental health care providers report needing to have an offer letter ready at a job interview, fearing applicants will take another position if they wait.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kaiser mental health care clinicians have been \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11923034/were-drowning-why-kaiser-mental-health-workers-are-striking\">out on strike for weeks\u003c/a> now in Northern California, describing exhausting working conditions and long delays in care for their patients. Kaiser, for its part, points a finger at a familiar culprit: the mental health care provider shortage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CalMatters spoke with more than two dozen mental health experts, public officials and providers around California to ask about the impacts of the mental health care provider shortage, and what can be done about it. Their responses ranged from desperate to hopeful.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All agree we are at a pivotal movement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In part, that’s because Gov. Gavin Newsom’s administration is investing heavily in overhauling the state’s mental health care system. At the same time, the state recently enacted laws requiring insurers to provide timely access to mental health care. Some worry a lack of providers could jeopardize these bold new initiatives. Others see this as an opportunity to reimagine how mental health care in the state is delivered.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here’s what the experts had to say:\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How big is the provider shortage problem?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>It depends on what part of the elephant you’re looking at, said Catherine Teare, associate director of the California Health Care Foundation’s People-Centered Care team. County mental health departments are struggling to hire. So are commercial health plans. So are nonprofits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the same time, she said, “the level of mental distress is increased.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For children or adults who need a lot, or need it urgently, it’s a scary time,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dr. Mark Ghaly, secretary of the California Health and Human Services Agency, told CalMatters that the number of licensed behavioral health care providers in the state increased by 20% between 2016 and 2020. But, that’s been offset by an increase in demand he calls “really unprecedented.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For patients, how bad the shortage is depends, in part, on where you live, your insurance, your income, your age, the care you need and whether you want a clinician of color or one who speaks a language other than English.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.chcf.org/publication/californias-current-future-behavioral-health-workforce/\">A report\u003c/a> published by the University of California, San Francisco in 2018 — even before the \u003ca href=\"https://www.healthmanagement.com/wp-content/uploads/HMA-NCMW-Issue-Brief-10-27-21.pdf\">pandemic sent need skyrocketing\u003c/a> — predicted that by 2028, demand for psychologists and other therapists would be 40% more than supply. For kids, the shortage is especially dire: Close to a third of California’s 58 counties have \u003ca href=\"https://www.aacap.org/aacap/Advocacy/Federal_and_State_Initiatives/Workforce_Maps/Home.aspx\">no child and adolescent psychiatrists at all\u003c/a>, according to the American Academy of Child and Adolescent Psychiatry.[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_11924343,news_11924117,news_11923034\"]\u003ca href=\"https://www.chcf.org/wp-content/uploads/2022/07/MentalHealthAlmanac2022.pdf\">A new report\u003c/a> from the California Health Care Foundation shows that the Bay Area has 19 licensed psychiatrists and 73 licensed psychologists per 100,000 people — significantly more than the state averages of 12 and 44. At the other end of the spectrum, the San Joaquin Valley has six psychiatrists and 16 psychologists for the equivalent number of people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jessica Dominguez, a licensed marriage and family therapist at Kaiser Richmond who is currently on strike, said the Bay Area has plenty of providers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Throw a rock, you’re going to hit a therapist,” said Dominguez, who said she plans to leave the organization.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But others who work in the region, including Matthew Madaus, executive director of the Behavioral Health Collaborative of Alameda County, said “100% absolutely” there’s a shortage even in the Bay Area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you search for a behavioral health clinician on Indeed.com, Madaus said, it comes up with thousands of open positions within a 25-mile radius.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s extraordinary the level of demand,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One problem: It’s difficult to capture how many clinicians don’t accept any insurance at all, and thus aren’t accessible to the vast majority of patients who can’t pay out of pocket.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What we do know: We need more and better data. For instance, some experts say the increase described by Ghaly does not reflect how many licensed providers are actually seeing patients, nor does it capture how many are seeing people who are uninsured or on Medi-Cal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democratic state Sen. Scott Wiener of San Francisco authored\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220SB964\"> a bill\u003c/a> this year that would require the Department of Health Care Access and Information to prepare a report for the Legislature by Jan. 1, 2024, describing the state of California’s behavioral health workforce, and how best to address the shortage. Senate Bill 964 is on the governor’s desk.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://workforce.org/wp-content/uploads/2022/08/San-Diego-Behavioral-Health-Workforce-Report-.pdf\">San Diego County has already researched the shortage.\u003c/a> Officials there estimate they currently have 17,000 behavioral health care workers and need an additional 8,100 to meet current demand. In the next five years, they anticipate needing another 10,000 workers, in part because so many will be retiring.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What’s causing the shortage?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Mental health care leaders will tell you the shortage itself is nothing new. But the pandemic has aggravated the problems. More providers have left their jobs, citing burnout. Or they’ve left the state, citing cost of living. New telehealth start-ups specializing in mental health treatment offer good pay and flexible hours; many experts said they have added to the demand by siphoning off providers from the public sector.[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Catherine Teare, associate director of People-Centered Care, California Health Care Foundation\"]‘For children or adults who need a lot, or need it urgently, it’s a scary time.’[/pullquote]In a 2018 report on the \u003ca href=\"https://healthforce.ucsf.edu/publications/california-s-current-and-future-behavioral-health-workforce\">behavioral health workforce shortage\u003c/a>, Janet Coffman of UCSF also raised the concern that 45% of psychiatrists and 37% of psychologists would likely be retiring within a decade. The pandemic has accelerated this trend, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many clinicians say they’re simply exhausted. It’s not just that more people need help, but that many of them are coming in sicker, with mental health issues that have gone untreated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our patient population has become so much more difficult to work with than it used to be a decade ago,” said Randall Hagar, legislative advocate and policy consultant for the Psychiatric Physicians Alliance of California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As openings go unfilled, those who remain are left to carry more of the weight, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another problem Hagar and others mention: paperwork. Doctors spend some 40% of their time on paperwork, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many clinicians, especially providers of color, also say they are simply not getting enough emotional support from their employers. Dominguez, the Kaiser therapist, said she founded La Clinica, a nationally recognized pilot program to serve Spanish-speaking clients, in 2016. When tragedies happen in the community, she said, they affect clinicians, too. But, “you’re just expected to plug along and keep going,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Continually witnessing trauma can be exhausting, said Jeff Capps, a social worker with Pacific Clinics in Los Angeles. He emphasizes the need to make the work more sustainable for clinicians. That includes better pay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Sometimes in our field, the assumption is that since you get value out of your work, you don’t need to be as compensated,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A 2019 report by the health care consulting firm Milliman found that commercial plans in California, when setting rates, \u003ca href=\"https://www.milliman.com/en/insight/addiction-and-mental-health-vs-physical-health-widening-disparities-in-network-use-and-p\">pay primary care providers an average 15% more\u003c/a> than they pay behavioral health care providers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Luke Bergmann, San Diego County’s director of behavioral health, said his county’s report on the provider shortage showed that, in some cases, people chose to work at Panda Express instead of substance use disorder clinics “because they simply cannot make as much.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People talk about loving the work,” he said. “For people to leave this work is an incredible emotional sacrifice.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Candy Curiel, clinical director of Pacific Clinics for the Inland Empire, said inflation is making the situation even worse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Everything is so costly at this point, people feel they need to seek more money,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Everyone is competing with everyone else. Is this a zero-sum game?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Michelle Cabrera, executive director of the County Behavioral Health Directors Association of California, said the state’s mental health care system is so overwhelmed, everyone is poaching from each other.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Let me be clear: It is a zero-sum game,” she said. “There’s only so many licensed or competent professionals in the state of California to do these jobs.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In August, state Superintendent of Public Instruction Tony Thurmond announced that he had secured funding to \u003ca href=\"https://www.cde.ca.gov/nr/ne/yr22/yr22rel39.asp\">hire 10,000 additional mental health clinicians\u003c/a> to serve the state’s students. That effort is key to the Department of Education’s push to increase mental health care provided in schools.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Adrienne Shilton, senior policy advocate for the California Alliance of Child and Family Services, called the $200 million to establish a new scholarship program for master’s-level clinicians “a big win.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But for Cabrera, the announcement “just puts fear at the heart of county behavioral health.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She wonders how counties can possibly compete.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t know that we’ve really had a reckoning yet on the degree to which demand so far exceeds the available supply of providers in our state,” she said.[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Karen Larsen, CEO, Steinberg Institute\"]‘We finally have all of this money and transformation coming. All these amazing things … and it couldn’t come at a worse time in terms of our workforce.’[/pullquote]This is the vicious circle for workers who are salaried. Nonprofit providers often pay less than schools and counties. Schools and counties, in turn, pay less than Kaiser and some of the new telehealth start-ups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nonprofit jobs that used to attract 40 or 50 applicants might only get two or three now, said Madaus, of the Behavioral Health Collaborative of Alameda County. Some nonprofits are looking at the possibility of providing free housing as an incentive, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even as it contributes to burnout, the increasing demand has, in some ways, opened new doors for clinicians.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Michael Torres, child and family clinical psychologist for Kaiser in San Leandro who is currently on strike, said that of 15 people on his team, six have left in the past year. Some are leaving to do telehealth, or to work in the private sector. Those positions can offer better work-life balance and more flexibility, he said. They also allow clinicians to see patients weekly or biweekly, he said, instead of every four to six weeks as often happens at Kaiser.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11923074\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11923074\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57894_032_KQED_KaiserStrikeOakland_08192022-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt='people in red shirts carrying signs that read \"patients over profits\"' width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57894_032_KQED_KaiserStrikeOakland_08192022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57894_032_KQED_KaiserStrikeOakland_08192022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57894_032_KQED_KaiserStrikeOakland_08192022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57894_032_KQED_KaiserStrikeOakland_08192022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57894_032_KQED_KaiserStrikeOakland_08192022-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Kaiser mental health care workers and supporters march from Oakland Kaiser Medical Center to Kaiser’s corporate headquarters on Friday, Aug. 19, 2022, the fifth day of an open-ended strike. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>How will the provider shortage affect the Newsom administration’s big mental health care initiatives?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Coming into office, Newsom made clear that he wanted to prioritize mental health. Over the past few years, his administration has championed a number of bold new initiatives. These include:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.chhs.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/2021/12/Children-and-Youth-Behavioral-Health-Initiative-Brief.pdf\">Children and Youth Behavioral Health Initiative\u003c/a>, a \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/2022/08/KidsMentalHealthMasterPlan_8.18.22.pdf?emrc=6d3847\">$4.7 billion investment\u003c/a> meant to transform the children’s mental health care system.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>CalAIM, a major transformation of the state’s Medi-Cal system.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11924117/governors-care-court-plan-passes-assembly-clearing-way-to-become-law\">CARE Court\u003c/a>, a controversial proposal to compel people with serious mental illness into care and housing.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Lawmakers in recent years strengthened requirements that private insurers adhere to federal and state mental health parity laws — which require equal treatment of mental and physical health concerns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But many of those tasked with implementing these efforts say they are worried.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have that conversation all the time,” said Madaus, of the Behavioral Health Collaborative of Alameda County. As new funding sources come online, he said, nonprofit executives consistently tell him: “I can’t take any more funding because I can’t hire more staff.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Karen Larsen, chief executive officer of the Steinberg Institute, a nonprofit that advocates on mental health care policy, is also concerned. Prior to assuming her current role, Larsen spent two decades as head of Yolo County’s behavioral health department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We finally have all of this money and transformation coming,” she said. “All these amazing things … and it couldn’t come at a worse time in terms of our workforce.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ghaly says he shares that concern. But he adds that “incredible investments have been made,” not just in innovative programs, but in addressing the workforce shortage head-on.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How do we increase the number of providers?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Earlier this year, Josh Leonard, executive director of the East Bay Agency for Children, was struggling to fill openings for mental health clinicians. Over several months, the nonprofit — anticipating a bump in its contract with Alameda County — raised all clinicians’ salaries by at least 15%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It worked. At least for now.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While Leonard’s not considering the workforce crisis over, he knows that decision was important.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jessica Hernandez, a clinician there, agrees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For me it has helped out tremendously,” she said. “Now I want to stay longer.”[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Janet Coffman, University of California San Francisco\"]‘We’re making much bigger investments in the behavioral health workforce than we have since I started engaging in this field in the ’90s.’[/pullquote]To make the work more appealing and sustainable, providers say a lot needs to change. Besides pay, other factors are also critical, including reducing paperwork, offering more flexibility and providing more support to therapists.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That last one has been key for Hernandez.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’re acknowledging that it’s really, really tough,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To meet growing need, new providers also must be brought in. Scholarships and loan repayment programs are helpful, but universities need more spots to train new clinicians.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Coffman, of UCSF, calls herself “cautiously optimistic.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re making much bigger investments in the behavioral health workforce than we have since I started engaging in this field in the ’90s,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This year’s budget allocates more than $360 million for the state to spend over the next three years on everything from recruiting high schoolers into behavioral health to expanding social work slots at public universities and helping psychiatry students with loan repayment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Newsom also emphasized workforce development in his recent \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/2022/08/KidsMentalHealthMasterPlan_8.18.22.pdf?emrc=6d3847\">master plan for kids’ mental health\u003c/a>. Some of the $4.7 billion will go toward bringing in 40,000 new mental health care workers, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Can we reimagine how mental health care is provided?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Ultimately, getting mental health care to everyone who needs it is going to require both expanding our idea of who should provide that care — and how they should do it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you only see the system in the context of what it currently is, yeah, we’re stuck by the provider shortage,” said Alex Briscoe, head of California Children’s Trust, an initiative to change the state’s mental health care system for children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But I would say that we can’t let that stop us, and I actually think it represents an opportunity,” Briscoe said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Briscoe, this includes team-based models — already used by some nonprofits — involving a therapist, a case worker, a parenting coach or housing or employment specialist, and a peer provider who has lived with mental illness and is uniquely positioned to support others in crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It includes more people with shared life experiences and those who live in the local community, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mental health care workers are often middle-class white women, while many of the people they serve — especially on Medi-Cal — are lower-income people of color, said Dr. Rhea Boyd, a pediatrician and public health advocate who works with Briscoe at the California Children’s Trust. She wonders: What if we expanded the provider class so that it included the people who cut or braid your hair? What if the people who offered you mental health care lived on your block?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A lot of these things already exist informally, she said. What’s needed is a way to pay for them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s starting to emerge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two years ago, the state finally authorized a pathway to \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/2020/09/california-peer-mental-health/\">certify peer providers\u003c/a>, allowing organizations that employ them to bill Medi-Cal. California was the 49th state to do so.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other new categories of workers are also being proposed. CalAIM created a job description called “community health workers,” trusted residents who do outreach in their own communities. And the state’s Children and Youth Behavioral Health Initiative is developing the role of behavioral health coaches, who work with young people on school campuses. Both would work in team-based models under the supervision of licensed providers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Coffman and others say it’s also important to invest in career ladders, so people who enter the field as peer providers have the option to earn more advanced degrees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is the opportunity California has in front of it,” said Ghaly, secretary of the California Health and Human Services Agency. “And it’s going to start by how transformative, innovative and successful we are in creating not just the workforce that we know but the workforce that we’ve yet to discover.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The need for therapists, social workers, psychologists and psychiatrists is greater than ever. Under relentless pressure from the pandemic and inflation, wildfires, gun violence, racism and war, Californians are crying out for help.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But that doesn’t mean they can get it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In every corner of mental health right now, a similar story is being told: There simply aren’t enough providers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Patients receive lists of names from their insurers, only to learn none of the therapists on these so-called “ghost lists” will see them. Clinicians who do offer a spot often only accept cash.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nonprofit mental health care providers report needing to have an offer letter ready at a job interview, fearing applicants will take another position if they wait.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kaiser mental health care clinicians have been \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11923034/were-drowning-why-kaiser-mental-health-workers-are-striking\">out on strike for weeks\u003c/a> now in Northern California, describing exhausting working conditions and long delays in care for their patients. Kaiser, for its part, points a finger at a familiar culprit: the mental health care provider shortage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CalMatters spoke with more than two dozen mental health experts, public officials and providers around California to ask about the impacts of the mental health care provider shortage, and what can be done about it. Their responses ranged from desperate to hopeful.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All agree we are at a pivotal movement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In part, that’s because Gov. Gavin Newsom’s administration is investing heavily in overhauling the state’s mental health care system. At the same time, the state recently enacted laws requiring insurers to provide timely access to mental health care. Some worry a lack of providers could jeopardize these bold new initiatives. Others see this as an opportunity to reimagine how mental health care in the state is delivered.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here’s what the experts had to say:\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How big is the provider shortage problem?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>It depends on what part of the elephant you’re looking at, said Catherine Teare, associate director of the California Health Care Foundation’s People-Centered Care team. County mental health departments are struggling to hire. So are commercial health plans. So are nonprofits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the same time, she said, “the level of mental distress is increased.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For children or adults who need a lot, or need it urgently, it’s a scary time,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dr. Mark Ghaly, secretary of the California Health and Human Services Agency, told CalMatters that the number of licensed behavioral health care providers in the state increased by 20% between 2016 and 2020. But, that’s been offset by an increase in demand he calls “really unprecedented.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For patients, how bad the shortage is depends, in part, on where you live, your insurance, your income, your age, the care you need and whether you want a clinician of color or one who speaks a language other than English.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.chcf.org/publication/californias-current-future-behavioral-health-workforce/\">A report\u003c/a> published by the University of California, San Francisco in 2018 — even before the \u003ca href=\"https://www.healthmanagement.com/wp-content/uploads/HMA-NCMW-Issue-Brief-10-27-21.pdf\">pandemic sent need skyrocketing\u003c/a> — predicted that by 2028, demand for psychologists and other therapists would be 40% more than supply. For kids, the shortage is especially dire: Close to a third of California’s 58 counties have \u003ca href=\"https://www.aacap.org/aacap/Advocacy/Federal_and_State_Initiatives/Workforce_Maps/Home.aspx\">no child and adolescent psychiatrists at all\u003c/a>, according to the American Academy of Child and Adolescent Psychiatry.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.chcf.org/wp-content/uploads/2022/07/MentalHealthAlmanac2022.pdf\">A new report\u003c/a> from the California Health Care Foundation shows that the Bay Area has 19 licensed psychiatrists and 73 licensed psychologists per 100,000 people — significantly more than the state averages of 12 and 44. At the other end of the spectrum, the San Joaquin Valley has six psychiatrists and 16 psychologists for the equivalent number of people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jessica Dominguez, a licensed marriage and family therapist at Kaiser Richmond who is currently on strike, said the Bay Area has plenty of providers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Throw a rock, you’re going to hit a therapist,” said Dominguez, who said she plans to leave the organization.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But others who work in the region, including Matthew Madaus, executive director of the Behavioral Health Collaborative of Alameda County, said “100% absolutely” there’s a shortage even in the Bay Area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you search for a behavioral health clinician on Indeed.com, Madaus said, it comes up with thousands of open positions within a 25-mile radius.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s extraordinary the level of demand,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One problem: It’s difficult to capture how many clinicians don’t accept any insurance at all, and thus aren’t accessible to the vast majority of patients who can’t pay out of pocket.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What we do know: We need more and better data. For instance, some experts say the increase described by Ghaly does not reflect how many licensed providers are actually seeing patients, nor does it capture how many are seeing people who are uninsured or on Medi-Cal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democratic state Sen. Scott Wiener of San Francisco authored\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220SB964\"> a bill\u003c/a> this year that would require the Department of Health Care Access and Information to prepare a report for the Legislature by Jan. 1, 2024, describing the state of California’s behavioral health workforce, and how best to address the shortage. Senate Bill 964 is on the governor’s desk.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://workforce.org/wp-content/uploads/2022/08/San-Diego-Behavioral-Health-Workforce-Report-.pdf\">San Diego County has already researched the shortage.\u003c/a> Officials there estimate they currently have 17,000 behavioral health care workers and need an additional 8,100 to meet current demand. In the next five years, they anticipate needing another 10,000 workers, in part because so many will be retiring.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What’s causing the shortage?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Mental health care leaders will tell you the shortage itself is nothing new. But the pandemic has aggravated the problems. More providers have left their jobs, citing burnout. Or they’ve left the state, citing cost of living. New telehealth start-ups specializing in mental health treatment offer good pay and flexible hours; many experts said they have added to the demand by siphoning off providers from the public sector.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>In a 2018 report on the \u003ca href=\"https://healthforce.ucsf.edu/publications/california-s-current-and-future-behavioral-health-workforce\">behavioral health workforce shortage\u003c/a>, Janet Coffman of UCSF also raised the concern that 45% of psychiatrists and 37% of psychologists would likely be retiring within a decade. The pandemic has accelerated this trend, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many clinicians say they’re simply exhausted. It’s not just that more people need help, but that many of them are coming in sicker, with mental health issues that have gone untreated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our patient population has become so much more difficult to work with than it used to be a decade ago,” said Randall Hagar, legislative advocate and policy consultant for the Psychiatric Physicians Alliance of California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As openings go unfilled, those who remain are left to carry more of the weight, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another problem Hagar and others mention: paperwork. Doctors spend some 40% of their time on paperwork, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many clinicians, especially providers of color, also say they are simply not getting enough emotional support from their employers. Dominguez, the Kaiser therapist, said she founded La Clinica, a nationally recognized pilot program to serve Spanish-speaking clients, in 2016. When tragedies happen in the community, she said, they affect clinicians, too. But, “you’re just expected to plug along and keep going,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Continually witnessing trauma can be exhausting, said Jeff Capps, a social worker with Pacific Clinics in Los Angeles. He emphasizes the need to make the work more sustainable for clinicians. That includes better pay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Sometimes in our field, the assumption is that since you get value out of your work, you don’t need to be as compensated,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A 2019 report by the health care consulting firm Milliman found that commercial plans in California, when setting rates, \u003ca href=\"https://www.milliman.com/en/insight/addiction-and-mental-health-vs-physical-health-widening-disparities-in-network-use-and-p\">pay primary care providers an average 15% more\u003c/a> than they pay behavioral health care providers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Luke Bergmann, San Diego County’s director of behavioral health, said his county’s report on the provider shortage showed that, in some cases, people chose to work at Panda Express instead of substance use disorder clinics “because they simply cannot make as much.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People talk about loving the work,” he said. “For people to leave this work is an incredible emotional sacrifice.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Candy Curiel, clinical director of Pacific Clinics for the Inland Empire, said inflation is making the situation even worse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Everything is so costly at this point, people feel they need to seek more money,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Everyone is competing with everyone else. Is this a zero-sum game?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Michelle Cabrera, executive director of the County Behavioral Health Directors Association of California, said the state’s mental health care system is so overwhelmed, everyone is poaching from each other.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Let me be clear: It is a zero-sum game,” she said. “There’s only so many licensed or competent professionals in the state of California to do these jobs.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In August, state Superintendent of Public Instruction Tony Thurmond announced that he had secured funding to \u003ca href=\"https://www.cde.ca.gov/nr/ne/yr22/yr22rel39.asp\">hire 10,000 additional mental health clinicians\u003c/a> to serve the state’s students. That effort is key to the Department of Education’s push to increase mental health care provided in schools.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Adrienne Shilton, senior policy advocate for the California Alliance of Child and Family Services, called the $200 million to establish a new scholarship program for master’s-level clinicians “a big win.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But for Cabrera, the announcement “just puts fear at the heart of county behavioral health.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She wonders how counties can possibly compete.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t know that we’ve really had a reckoning yet on the degree to which demand so far exceeds the available supply of providers in our state,” she said.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>This is the vicious circle for workers who are salaried. Nonprofit providers often pay less than schools and counties. Schools and counties, in turn, pay less than Kaiser and some of the new telehealth start-ups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nonprofit jobs that used to attract 40 or 50 applicants might only get two or three now, said Madaus, of the Behavioral Health Collaborative of Alameda County. Some nonprofits are looking at the possibility of providing free housing as an incentive, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even as it contributes to burnout, the increasing demand has, in some ways, opened new doors for clinicians.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Michael Torres, child and family clinical psychologist for Kaiser in San Leandro who is currently on strike, said that of 15 people on his team, six have left in the past year. Some are leaving to do telehealth, or to work in the private sector. Those positions can offer better work-life balance and more flexibility, he said. They also allow clinicians to see patients weekly or biweekly, he said, instead of every four to six weeks as often happens at Kaiser.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11923074\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11923074\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57894_032_KQED_KaiserStrikeOakland_08192022-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt='people in red shirts carrying signs that read \"patients over profits\"' width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57894_032_KQED_KaiserStrikeOakland_08192022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57894_032_KQED_KaiserStrikeOakland_08192022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57894_032_KQED_KaiserStrikeOakland_08192022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57894_032_KQED_KaiserStrikeOakland_08192022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57894_032_KQED_KaiserStrikeOakland_08192022-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Kaiser mental health care workers and supporters march from Oakland Kaiser Medical Center to Kaiser’s corporate headquarters on Friday, Aug. 19, 2022, the fifth day of an open-ended strike. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>How will the provider shortage affect the Newsom administration’s big mental health care initiatives?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Coming into office, Newsom made clear that he wanted to prioritize mental health. Over the past few years, his administration has championed a number of bold new initiatives. These include:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.chhs.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/2021/12/Children-and-Youth-Behavioral-Health-Initiative-Brief.pdf\">Children and Youth Behavioral Health Initiative\u003c/a>, a \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/2022/08/KidsMentalHealthMasterPlan_8.18.22.pdf?emrc=6d3847\">$4.7 billion investment\u003c/a> meant to transform the children’s mental health care system.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>CalAIM, a major transformation of the state’s Medi-Cal system.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11924117/governors-care-court-plan-passes-assembly-clearing-way-to-become-law\">CARE Court\u003c/a>, a controversial proposal to compel people with serious mental illness into care and housing.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Lawmakers in recent years strengthened requirements that private insurers adhere to federal and state mental health parity laws — which require equal treatment of mental and physical health concerns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But many of those tasked with implementing these efforts say they are worried.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have that conversation all the time,” said Madaus, of the Behavioral Health Collaborative of Alameda County. As new funding sources come online, he said, nonprofit executives consistently tell him: “I can’t take any more funding because I can’t hire more staff.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Karen Larsen, chief executive officer of the Steinberg Institute, a nonprofit that advocates on mental health care policy, is also concerned. Prior to assuming her current role, Larsen spent two decades as head of Yolo County’s behavioral health department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We finally have all of this money and transformation coming,” she said. “All these amazing things … and it couldn’t come at a worse time in terms of our workforce.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ghaly says he shares that concern. But he adds that “incredible investments have been made,” not just in innovative programs, but in addressing the workforce shortage head-on.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How do we increase the number of providers?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Earlier this year, Josh Leonard, executive director of the East Bay Agency for Children, was struggling to fill openings for mental health clinicians. Over several months, the nonprofit — anticipating a bump in its contract with Alameda County — raised all clinicians’ salaries by at least 15%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It worked. At least for now.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While Leonard’s not considering the workforce crisis over, he knows that decision was important.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jessica Hernandez, a clinician there, agrees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For me it has helped out tremendously,” she said. “Now I want to stay longer.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘We’re making much bigger investments in the behavioral health workforce than we have since I started engaging in this field in the ’90s.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>To make the work more appealing and sustainable, providers say a lot needs to change. Besides pay, other factors are also critical, including reducing paperwork, offering more flexibility and providing more support to therapists.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That last one has been key for Hernandez.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’re acknowledging that it’s really, really tough,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To meet growing need, new providers also must be brought in. Scholarships and loan repayment programs are helpful, but universities need more spots to train new clinicians.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Coffman, of UCSF, calls herself “cautiously optimistic.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re making much bigger investments in the behavioral health workforce than we have since I started engaging in this field in the ’90s,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This year’s budget allocates more than $360 million for the state to spend over the next three years on everything from recruiting high schoolers into behavioral health to expanding social work slots at public universities and helping psychiatry students with loan repayment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Newsom also emphasized workforce development in his recent \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/2022/08/KidsMentalHealthMasterPlan_8.18.22.pdf?emrc=6d3847\">master plan for kids’ mental health\u003c/a>. Some of the $4.7 billion will go toward bringing in 40,000 new mental health care workers, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Can we reimagine how mental health care is provided?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Ultimately, getting mental health care to everyone who needs it is going to require both expanding our idea of who should provide that care — and how they should do it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you only see the system in the context of what it currently is, yeah, we’re stuck by the provider shortage,” said Alex Briscoe, head of California Children’s Trust, an initiative to change the state’s mental health care system for children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But I would say that we can’t let that stop us, and I actually think it represents an opportunity,” Briscoe said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Briscoe, this includes team-based models — already used by some nonprofits — involving a therapist, a case worker, a parenting coach or housing or employment specialist, and a peer provider who has lived with mental illness and is uniquely positioned to support others in crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It includes more people with shared life experiences and those who live in the local community, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mental health care workers are often middle-class white women, while many of the people they serve — especially on Medi-Cal — are lower-income people of color, said Dr. Rhea Boyd, a pediatrician and public health advocate who works with Briscoe at the California Children’s Trust. She wonders: What if we expanded the provider class so that it included the people who cut or braid your hair? What if the people who offered you mental health care lived on your block?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A lot of these things already exist informally, she said. What’s needed is a way to pay for them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s starting to emerge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two years ago, the state finally authorized a pathway to \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/2020/09/california-peer-mental-health/\">certify peer providers\u003c/a>, allowing organizations that employ them to bill Medi-Cal. California was the 49th state to do so.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other new categories of workers are also being proposed. CalAIM created a job description called “community health workers,” trusted residents who do outreach in their own communities. And the state’s Children and Youth Behavioral Health Initiative is developing the role of behavioral health coaches, who work with young people on school campuses. Both would work in team-based models under the supervision of licensed providers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Coffman and others say it’s also important to invest in career ladders, so people who enter the field as peer providers have the option to earn more advanced degrees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is the opportunity California has in front of it,” said Ghaly, secretary of the California Health and Human Services Agency. “And it’s going to start by how transformative, innovative and successful we are in creating not just the workforce that we know but the workforce that we’ve yet to discover.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Purissima: The Ghost Town Hidden Near Half Moon Bay",
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"headTitle": "Purissima: The Ghost Town Hidden Near Half Moon Bay | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Read the transcript\u003ca href=\"https://bit.ly/3TO7JkR\"> here\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most people who visit Half Moon Bay today head to the beach for surf, sand and a snack. But another, spooky adventure awaits those who peel off Highway 1 and take a windy road up into the hills, especially on one of those days when the fog hangs low.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You’ll find working farms and ranches and old homes from the 19th century — some still lived in, others not so much. And if you drive up Verde Road just a little ways, not even a quarter mile, there’s a cemetery that used to be part of a town that no longer exists.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What happened to the ghost town of Purissima? I know that it was intended to be a much bigger town, but the railroad didn’t go all the way there, or something?” asks Julia Thollaug of Montara, on the coast. She’s a local teacher and choreographer who’s been aware of the cemetery for years, but not its backstory.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[baycuriouspodcastinfo]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t know anything about who lived there, or why they left,” she said. “That’s the thing that’s so interesting to me. Because Pescadero is still there [on the San Mateo County coast]. Half Moon Bay is there. So, like, why did they leave?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11924294\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11924294\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Photo-Aug-01-9-45-21-AM-scaled.jpg\" alt='A small sign that says \"Purissima Cemetery\" sits on a free-standing gate amidst hedgerows of poison oak.' width=\"2560\" height=\"1920\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Photo-Aug-01-9-45-21-AM-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Photo-Aug-01-9-45-21-AM-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Photo-Aug-01-9-45-21-AM-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Photo-Aug-01-9-45-21-AM-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Photo-Aug-01-9-45-21-AM-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Photo-Aug-01-9-45-21-AM-2048x1536.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Photo-Aug-01-9-45-21-AM-1920x1440.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A small sign that says ‘Purissima Cemetery’ sits on a freestanding gate amid hedgerows of poison oak. \u003ccite>(Rachael Myrow/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>If you weren’t looking for the Purissima Cemetery, you would probably fly right past the signs facing the road. Even if you did stop, by then you’d already have passed the town!\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mitch Postel, president of the \u003ca href=\"https://historysmc.org\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">San Mateo County Historical Association\u003c/a>, joined me on a tour of Purissima Cemetery on an unseasonably wet August day. We started by reading from a plaque laid here in the 1960s by the Yerba Buena chapter of \u003ca href=\"https://www.ecvyb1.com\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">E Clampus Vitus\u003c/a>, a fraternal organization dedicated to the preservation of the heritage of the American West:\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>The town with stores, school, hotel, saloon, dance hall, harness, shop and blacksmith shop flourished from the early 1860s until the age of the motorcar.\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>“Actually, I would say it was just a little bit of an exaggeration to say ‘flourished’ from the early 1860s until the age of the motorcar, because it was certainly up and down,” Postel said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11924295\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11924295\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Photo-Aug-01-10-33-39-AM-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"An older man stands in a creepy cemetery\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1920\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Photo-Aug-01-10-33-39-AM-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Photo-Aug-01-10-33-39-AM-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Photo-Aug-01-10-33-39-AM-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Photo-Aug-01-10-33-39-AM-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Photo-Aug-01-10-33-39-AM-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Photo-Aug-01-10-33-39-AM-2048x1536.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Photo-Aug-01-10-33-39-AM-1920x1440.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Mitch Postel, president of the San Mateo County Historical Association, stands in Purissima Cemetery. \u003ccite>(Rachael Myrow/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Purissima was pretty much washed up by the turn of the 20th century, though it was not entirely abandoned until the late 1930s, sometime before World War II.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The first written mention of the area was by Spaniards on the Portolá expedition of 1769:\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>The country had a gloomy aspect; the hills were bare and treeless, and, consequently, without fire-wood. On the northern side of this stream there were some abandoned Indian huts.\u003cbr>\n— Diary of Miguel Costansó\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>By the time these men explored what we now know as San Mateo County, the huts were already abandoned. The Ramaytush Ohlone peoples who lived in them were already gone. They might have left for any number of reasons: key people in the settlement dying, leaving to marry, opting for better fishing down the coast. But it wasn’t long before a bunch of European-style villages sprang up on or near the coast, wherever there was a creek, often on the very spots where the Chiguan and Cotegen who lived in this area had been. And when I say villages, I mean a clutch of farmhouses and barns and maybe a school or a stagecoach stop.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11924296\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11924296\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Photo-Aug-01-10-25-17-AM-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"Orange lichen crowns an old tombstone.\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1920\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Photo-Aug-01-10-25-17-AM-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Photo-Aug-01-10-25-17-AM-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Photo-Aug-01-10-25-17-AM-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Photo-Aug-01-10-25-17-AM-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Photo-Aug-01-10-25-17-AM-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Photo-Aug-01-10-25-17-AM-2048x1536.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Photo-Aug-01-10-25-17-AM-1920x1440.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Dobbel family tombstone sits in a field of cracked cement in Purissima Cemetery. Multiple family members might be buried under the same stone. Each side of the obelisk is engraved with details about a different Dobbel. \u003ccite>(Rachael Myrow/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Around 1868, a German immigrant named Henry Dobbel bought 1,000 acres and built a mansion on the south bank of Purissima Creek. This place was huge and opulent: 17 large rooms, indoor plumbing, imported carpets, even a ballroom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There isn’t much in the \u003ca href=\"https://www.coastsidebuzz.com/history-lecture-the-lost-town-of-purissima/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">historical records\u003c/a> about Dobbel’s personality, or that of his wife, but it is widely believed Dobbel made his money off the first restaurant to serve waffles in San Francisco. What we do know is that he built many of the buildings in Purissima, like the saloon across the way from the mansion. Also, the Dobbels employed 50 men to farm wheat, barley and potatoes. The waffle king was essentially the economic pillar of Purissima during its founding years. South of Half Moon Bay, the little town appealed to more folks than Dobbel’s family.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Half Moon Bay was known as Spanish Town because that was a place where a lot of people that were of Mexican heritage, Spanish heritage [lived],” Postel said. “They wanted to get away from what was happening with the Anglo-ization of California, so forth. They wanted to have a place.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A diverse group of people moved to Half Moon Bay in the years that followed, many of them Roman Catholics, and — it’s a tale as old as California — when the Protestants made their way to the coast, “they didn’t feel quite comfortable in Spanish Town. So they created another place just a little bit further south, but right on a creek, a little bit inland,” Postel said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11924297\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11924297\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/rghfn4Zo-scaled.jpeg\" alt=\"A huge Monterey cypress in the foreground dwarfs a rotting 19th century structure in the background.\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1920\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/rghfn4Zo-scaled.jpeg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/rghfn4Zo-800x600.jpeg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/rghfn4Zo-1020x765.jpeg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/rghfn4Zo-160x120.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/rghfn4Zo-1536x1152.jpeg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/rghfn4Zo-2048x1536.jpeg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/rghfn4Zo-1920x1440.jpeg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Up Verde Road a ways and across from the cemetery, this rotting wood structure is believed by some to be one of two schools built in Purissima. But nobody knows for sure. It looks to me like a barn. \u003ccite>(Rachael Myrow/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Over the years that followed, the people of Purissima farmed, and logged redwoods, in the nearby Santa Cruz Mountains. Some oil was discovered, but it\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11658023/oil-beneath-san-mateo-county-you-betcha\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\"> wasn’t enough to make anybody rich\u003c/a>. And there were several, devastating crop failures, not to mention the time the Purissima Creek flooded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Henry Dobbel, still the town’s biggest employer, went bankrupt. He was forced to sell his estate in 1890, and he died in 1891. Both he and his wife are buried in the village cemetery, along with a sobering number of people who died young.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What killed people back then at such young ages? “A lot of the young women that you might see that are buried here could have died in childbirth,” Postel said. There were also workplace injuries, he said: “Farming accidents. Logging accidents. But I think most of it was disease. You know, medical assistance was very sparse. There was a town doctor in Half Moon Bay. There was one in Pescadero, too. But that’s a lot of miles between some of these remote farmhouses and a doctor.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the end, Purissima lasted all of 70 years, give or take. Because the town was never officially incorporated, we don’t know the population figures. The gravestones feature some of the big-for-the-coast Protestant names of the 19th century, though: Dobbel, of course, and Hutch, and \u003ca href=\"http://www.johnstonhouse.org\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Johnston\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11924302\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2011px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11924302\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Photo-Jun-17-10-16-52-AM-2.jpg\" alt=\"A 1930s era photograph of a saloon.\" width=\"2011\" height=\"1459\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Photo-Jun-17-10-16-52-AM-2.jpg 2011w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Photo-Jun-17-10-16-52-AM-2-800x580.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Photo-Jun-17-10-16-52-AM-2-1020x740.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Photo-Jun-17-10-16-52-AM-2-160x116.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Photo-Jun-17-10-16-52-AM-2-1536x1114.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Photo-Jun-17-10-16-52-AM-2-1920x1393.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2011px) 100vw, 2011px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Mateo County’s archives contain a student monograph written by Blair Hyde, a 1939 student at San Mateo Junior College. At that time, there were a number of abandoned buildings still standing in Purissima. \u003ccite>(Rachael Myrow/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Heads up to our question asker, Julia: The Ocean Shore Railroad, which took locals up to San Francisco and back in the early 20th century, did include a stop here. Highway 1 used to run through here, until it didn’t.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I paid a visit to the San Mateo County archives in downtown Redwood City, where I read a student report on Purissima by Blair Hyde of San Mateo Junior College, written in 1939. Back then, the buildings were still standing, but Hyde explains that the people of Purissima gradually came to the inevitable conclusion that Half Moon Bay was the better place to be.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today, the Coastside Land Trust owns much of what used to be the town. The 5-acre cemetery was acquired by Ed Bixby of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.steelmantowncemetery.com/purissima_cemetery.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Steelmantown Cemetery Company\u003c/a>, which has provided natural burials on the site for a number of years now, having cleared away enough poison oak to make space for them. There are now clear paths around the old gravestones, too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11924300\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11924300\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Photo-Aug-01-10-28-23-AM-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"A grave festooned with living, planted flowers and carefully arranged pinecones.\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1920\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Photo-Aug-01-10-28-23-AM-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Photo-Aug-01-10-28-23-AM-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Photo-Aug-01-10-28-23-AM-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Photo-Aug-01-10-28-23-AM-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Photo-Aug-01-10-28-23-AM-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Photo-Aug-01-10-28-23-AM-2048x1536.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Photo-Aug-01-10-28-23-AM-1920x1440.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Purissima Cemetery was acquired by the Steelmantown Cemetery Company, which provides natural burials in a number of cemeteries nationwide. \u003ccite>(Rachael Myrow/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[baycuriousquestion]\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "All that's left of the ghostly town of Purissima in San Mateo County is a 5-acre cemetery by the side of Verde Road near Highway 1.",
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"title": "Purissima: The Ghost Town Hidden Near Half Moon Bay | KQED",
"description": "All that's left of the ghostly town of Purissima in San Mateo County is a 5-acre cemetery by the side of Verde Road near Highway 1.",
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"headline": "Purissima: The Ghost Town Hidden Near Half Moon Bay",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Read the transcript\u003ca href=\"https://bit.ly/3TO7JkR\"> here\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most people who visit Half Moon Bay today head to the beach for surf, sand and a snack. But another, spooky adventure awaits those who peel off Highway 1 and take a windy road up into the hills, especially on one of those days when the fog hangs low.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You’ll find working farms and ranches and old homes from the 19th century — some still lived in, others not so much. And if you drive up Verde Road just a little ways, not even a quarter mile, there’s a cemetery that used to be part of a town that no longer exists.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What happened to the ghost town of Purissima? I know that it was intended to be a much bigger town, but the railroad didn’t go all the way there, or something?” asks Julia Thollaug of Montara, on the coast. She’s a local teacher and choreographer who’s been aware of the cemetery for years, but not its backstory.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003caside class=\"alignleft utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__bayCuriousPodcastShortcode__bayCurious\">\u003cimg src=https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/02/bayCuriousLogo.png alt=\"Bay Curious Podcast\" loading=\"lazy\" />\n \u003ca href=\"/news/series/baycurious\">Bay Curious\u003c/a> is a podcast that answers your questions about the Bay Area.\n Subscribe on \u003ca href=\"https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/bay-curious/id1172473406\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Apple Podcasts\u003c/a>,\n \u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/podcasts/500557090/bay-curious\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">NPR One\u003c/a> or your favorite podcast platform.\u003c/aside>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t know anything about who lived there, or why they left,” she said. “That’s the thing that’s so interesting to me. Because Pescadero is still there [on the San Mateo County coast]. Half Moon Bay is there. So, like, why did they leave?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11924294\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11924294\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Photo-Aug-01-9-45-21-AM-scaled.jpg\" alt='A small sign that says \"Purissima Cemetery\" sits on a free-standing gate amidst hedgerows of poison oak.' width=\"2560\" height=\"1920\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Photo-Aug-01-9-45-21-AM-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Photo-Aug-01-9-45-21-AM-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Photo-Aug-01-9-45-21-AM-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Photo-Aug-01-9-45-21-AM-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Photo-Aug-01-9-45-21-AM-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Photo-Aug-01-9-45-21-AM-2048x1536.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Photo-Aug-01-9-45-21-AM-1920x1440.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A small sign that says ‘Purissima Cemetery’ sits on a freestanding gate amid hedgerows of poison oak. \u003ccite>(Rachael Myrow/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>If you weren’t looking for the Purissima Cemetery, you would probably fly right past the signs facing the road. Even if you did stop, by then you’d already have passed the town!\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mitch Postel, president of the \u003ca href=\"https://historysmc.org\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">San Mateo County Historical Association\u003c/a>, joined me on a tour of Purissima Cemetery on an unseasonably wet August day. We started by reading from a plaque laid here in the 1960s by the Yerba Buena chapter of \u003ca href=\"https://www.ecvyb1.com\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">E Clampus Vitus\u003c/a>, a fraternal organization dedicated to the preservation of the heritage of the American West:\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>The town with stores, school, hotel, saloon, dance hall, harness, shop and blacksmith shop flourished from the early 1860s until the age of the motorcar.\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>“Actually, I would say it was just a little bit of an exaggeration to say ‘flourished’ from the early 1860s until the age of the motorcar, because it was certainly up and down,” Postel said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11924295\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11924295\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Photo-Aug-01-10-33-39-AM-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"An older man stands in a creepy cemetery\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1920\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Photo-Aug-01-10-33-39-AM-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Photo-Aug-01-10-33-39-AM-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Photo-Aug-01-10-33-39-AM-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Photo-Aug-01-10-33-39-AM-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Photo-Aug-01-10-33-39-AM-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Photo-Aug-01-10-33-39-AM-2048x1536.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Photo-Aug-01-10-33-39-AM-1920x1440.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Mitch Postel, president of the San Mateo County Historical Association, stands in Purissima Cemetery. \u003ccite>(Rachael Myrow/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Purissima was pretty much washed up by the turn of the 20th century, though it was not entirely abandoned until the late 1930s, sometime before World War II.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The first written mention of the area was by Spaniards on the Portolá expedition of 1769:\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>The country had a gloomy aspect; the hills were bare and treeless, and, consequently, without fire-wood. On the northern side of this stream there were some abandoned Indian huts.\u003cbr>\n— Diary of Miguel Costansó\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>By the time these men explored what we now know as San Mateo County, the huts were already abandoned. The Ramaytush Ohlone peoples who lived in them were already gone. They might have left for any number of reasons: key people in the settlement dying, leaving to marry, opting for better fishing down the coast. But it wasn’t long before a bunch of European-style villages sprang up on or near the coast, wherever there was a creek, often on the very spots where the Chiguan and Cotegen who lived in this area had been. And when I say villages, I mean a clutch of farmhouses and barns and maybe a school or a stagecoach stop.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11924296\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11924296\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Photo-Aug-01-10-25-17-AM-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"Orange lichen crowns an old tombstone.\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1920\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Photo-Aug-01-10-25-17-AM-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Photo-Aug-01-10-25-17-AM-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Photo-Aug-01-10-25-17-AM-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Photo-Aug-01-10-25-17-AM-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Photo-Aug-01-10-25-17-AM-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Photo-Aug-01-10-25-17-AM-2048x1536.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Photo-Aug-01-10-25-17-AM-1920x1440.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Dobbel family tombstone sits in a field of cracked cement in Purissima Cemetery. Multiple family members might be buried under the same stone. Each side of the obelisk is engraved with details about a different Dobbel. \u003ccite>(Rachael Myrow/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Around 1868, a German immigrant named Henry Dobbel bought 1,000 acres and built a mansion on the south bank of Purissima Creek. This place was huge and opulent: 17 large rooms, indoor plumbing, imported carpets, even a ballroom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There isn’t much in the \u003ca href=\"https://www.coastsidebuzz.com/history-lecture-the-lost-town-of-purissima/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">historical records\u003c/a> about Dobbel’s personality, or that of his wife, but it is widely believed Dobbel made his money off the first restaurant to serve waffles in San Francisco. What we do know is that he built many of the buildings in Purissima, like the saloon across the way from the mansion. Also, the Dobbels employed 50 men to farm wheat, barley and potatoes. The waffle king was essentially the economic pillar of Purissima during its founding years. South of Half Moon Bay, the little town appealed to more folks than Dobbel’s family.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Half Moon Bay was known as Spanish Town because that was a place where a lot of people that were of Mexican heritage, Spanish heritage [lived],” Postel said. “They wanted to get away from what was happening with the Anglo-ization of California, so forth. They wanted to have a place.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A diverse group of people moved to Half Moon Bay in the years that followed, many of them Roman Catholics, and — it’s a tale as old as California — when the Protestants made their way to the coast, “they didn’t feel quite comfortable in Spanish Town. So they created another place just a little bit further south, but right on a creek, a little bit inland,” Postel said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11924297\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11924297\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/rghfn4Zo-scaled.jpeg\" alt=\"A huge Monterey cypress in the foreground dwarfs a rotting 19th century structure in the background.\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1920\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/rghfn4Zo-scaled.jpeg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/rghfn4Zo-800x600.jpeg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/rghfn4Zo-1020x765.jpeg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/rghfn4Zo-160x120.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/rghfn4Zo-1536x1152.jpeg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/rghfn4Zo-2048x1536.jpeg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/rghfn4Zo-1920x1440.jpeg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Up Verde Road a ways and across from the cemetery, this rotting wood structure is believed by some to be one of two schools built in Purissima. But nobody knows for sure. It looks to me like a barn. \u003ccite>(Rachael Myrow/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Over the years that followed, the people of Purissima farmed, and logged redwoods, in the nearby Santa Cruz Mountains. Some oil was discovered, but it\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11658023/oil-beneath-san-mateo-county-you-betcha\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\"> wasn’t enough to make anybody rich\u003c/a>. And there were several, devastating crop failures, not to mention the time the Purissima Creek flooded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Henry Dobbel, still the town’s biggest employer, went bankrupt. He was forced to sell his estate in 1890, and he died in 1891. Both he and his wife are buried in the village cemetery, along with a sobering number of people who died young.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What killed people back then at such young ages? “A lot of the young women that you might see that are buried here could have died in childbirth,” Postel said. There were also workplace injuries, he said: “Farming accidents. Logging accidents. But I think most of it was disease. You know, medical assistance was very sparse. There was a town doctor in Half Moon Bay. There was one in Pescadero, too. But that’s a lot of miles between some of these remote farmhouses and a doctor.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the end, Purissima lasted all of 70 years, give or take. Because the town was never officially incorporated, we don’t know the population figures. The gravestones feature some of the big-for-the-coast Protestant names of the 19th century, though: Dobbel, of course, and Hutch, and \u003ca href=\"http://www.johnstonhouse.org\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Johnston\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11924302\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2011px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11924302\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Photo-Jun-17-10-16-52-AM-2.jpg\" alt=\"A 1930s era photograph of a saloon.\" width=\"2011\" height=\"1459\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Photo-Jun-17-10-16-52-AM-2.jpg 2011w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Photo-Jun-17-10-16-52-AM-2-800x580.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Photo-Jun-17-10-16-52-AM-2-1020x740.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Photo-Jun-17-10-16-52-AM-2-160x116.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Photo-Jun-17-10-16-52-AM-2-1536x1114.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Photo-Jun-17-10-16-52-AM-2-1920x1393.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2011px) 100vw, 2011px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Mateo County’s archives contain a student monograph written by Blair Hyde, a 1939 student at San Mateo Junior College. At that time, there were a number of abandoned buildings still standing in Purissima. \u003ccite>(Rachael Myrow/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Heads up to our question asker, Julia: The Ocean Shore Railroad, which took locals up to San Francisco and back in the early 20th century, did include a stop here. Highway 1 used to run through here, until it didn’t.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I paid a visit to the San Mateo County archives in downtown Redwood City, where I read a student report on Purissima by Blair Hyde of San Mateo Junior College, written in 1939. Back then, the buildings were still standing, but Hyde explains that the people of Purissima gradually came to the inevitable conclusion that Half Moon Bay was the better place to be.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today, the Coastside Land Trust owns much of what used to be the town. The 5-acre cemetery was acquired by Ed Bixby of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.steelmantowncemetery.com/purissima_cemetery.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Steelmantown Cemetery Company\u003c/a>, which has provided natural burials on the site for a number of years now, having cleared away enough poison oak to make space for them. There are now clear paths around the old gravestones, too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11924300\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11924300\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Photo-Aug-01-10-28-23-AM-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"A grave festooned with living, planted flowers and carefully arranged pinecones.\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1920\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Photo-Aug-01-10-28-23-AM-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Photo-Aug-01-10-28-23-AM-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Photo-Aug-01-10-28-23-AM-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Photo-Aug-01-10-28-23-AM-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Photo-Aug-01-10-28-23-AM-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Photo-Aug-01-10-28-23-AM-2048x1536.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Photo-Aug-01-10-28-23-AM-1920x1440.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Purissima Cemetery was acquired by the Steelmantown Cemetery Company, which provides natural burials in a number of cemeteries nationwide. \u003ccite>(Rachael Myrow/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom on Monday signed a nation-leading measure giving more than a half million fast-food workers more power and protections, despite the objections of restaurant owners who warned it would drive up consumers’ costs.[aside postID=news_11924154,news_11924068]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The landmark law creates a 10-member Fast Food Council with equal numbers of workers’ delegates and employers’ representatives, along with two state officials, \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-minimum-wage-government-and-politics-822a69d5ad48eb2864d6a1e3b5b7a208\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">empowered to set minimum standards for wages, hours and working conditions\u003c/a> in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom said he was proud to sign the measure into law on Labor Day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“California is committed to ensuring that the men and women who have helped build our world-class economy are able to share in the state’s prosperity,” he said in a statement. “Today’s action gives hardworking fast food workers a stronger voice and seat at the table to set fair wages and critical health and safety standards across the industry.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The law caps minimum wage increases for fast-food workers at chains with more than 100 restaurants at $22 an hour next year, compared to the statewide minimum of $15.50 an hour, with cost-of-living increases thereafter.[aside tag=\"labor, wage\" label=\"More Related Stories\"]The state Legislature approved the measure on August 29. Debate split along party lines, with Republicans opposed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sen. Brian Dahle, the Republican nominee for governor in November, had called it “a stepping stone to unionize all these workers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters had said they hoped the measure would inspire similar efforts elsewhere.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Restaurant owners and franchisers cited an analysis they commissioned by the UC Riverside Center for Economic Forecasting and Development saying that the legislation would increase consumers’ costs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The landmark law creates a 10-member Fast Food Council with equal numbers of workers’ delegates and employers’ representatives, along with two state officials, \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-minimum-wage-government-and-politics-822a69d5ad48eb2864d6a1e3b5b7a208\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">empowered to set minimum standards for wages, hours and working conditions\u003c/a> in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom said he was proud to sign the measure into law on Labor Day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“California is committed to ensuring that the men and women who have helped build our world-class economy are able to share in the state’s prosperity,” he said in a statement. “Today’s action gives hardworking fast food workers a stronger voice and seat at the table to set fair wages and critical health and safety standards across the industry.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The law caps minimum wage increases for fast-food workers at chains with more than 100 restaurants at $22 an hour next year, compared to the statewide minimum of $15.50 an hour, with cost-of-living increases thereafter.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/program/the-california-report-magazine\">The California Report Magazine\u003c/a> rebroadcast this story this week after it won a national Edward R. Murrow award, among the most prestigious honors in journalism. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11892838/there-is-anger-he-should-be-alive-an-investigation-into-deadly-covid-19-outbreaks-at-foster-farms\">KQED’s investigation of COVID-19 outbreaks at Foster Farms\u003c/a>, originally broadcast last fall, won best news documentary in the large market radio category. \u003ca href=\"https://www.rtdna.org/content/2022_rtdna_edward_r_murrow_awards_national_honorees\">Here’s a full list of the 2022 winners.\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2020, California’s Foster Farms became the site of one of the nation’s deadliest COVID-19 outbreaks at a meat or poultry plant. The California Report’s Central Valley reporter, Alex Hall, spent a year and a half talking to spouses and family members of workers who spent decades at the company’s chicken-processing plants. She found that hundreds of Foster Farms workers tested positive for the virus in 2020. Sixteen people died, and at least 20 others were hospitalized.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hall’s investigation showed that as plants stayed open to maintain the food supply, and workers got sick from COVID-19, or even died, Foster Farms didn’t always give a complete picture of the problem to health officials, state regulators or their own employees. She introduced listeners to families who lost loved ones who worked at Foster Farms — families who are grieving, struggling financially and trying to make sense of what happened.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11892838 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2027/10/50872_transform-1020x679.jpg']This encore rebroadcast includes some updates since the story first aired in October 2021. This summer, Foster Farms was sold to a Connecticut-based private equity firm, Atlas Holdings. The company’s new chair and CEO, Donnie Smith, is the former head of Tyson Foods, one of the world’s biggest meat and poultry producers and processors. The California Report reached out to Atlas Holdings with questions, including whether there were any lessons learned from how the company’s previous owners handled the COVID-19 outbreaks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement, Smith responded: “There are many lessons to be learned from the COVID-19 pandemic, for federal and state government, public health officials, and the private sector. The delivery of timely data to public health officials was and remains essential to efforts to combat disease and is something that Foster Farms is irrevocably committed to ensuring. More broadly, since June, my team and I have focused squarely on creating a workplace culture that is second to none — a culture that nobody wants to walk away from.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Smith also noted that the company recently increased pay for workers at Foster Farms’ processing facility in Livingston, Merced County, by 25%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of the challenges the families of workers who died face is the complicated and slow process of receiving death benefits. Since this story first aired, some family members have finally begun to receive financial compensation. Rosa Velasquez, for example, whose husband, Gregorio Velasquez, died in January of 2021 after working at a Foster Farms plant in Fresno for about 20 years, began receiving benefits in May, about a year after she first applied for them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Velasquez is still waiting to find out what amount her children and grandchildren will receive. Alma Ruth Hernández Núñez, the widow of another employee, Eufracio Caballero, also began receiving benefits earlier this year, according to her attorney. The amount their children will receive is also still being determined.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to a spokesperson from California’s Department of Industrial Relations, Foster Farms is still appealing \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/DOSH/covid19citations.asp\">multiple citations Cal/OSHA issued against the company in 2021\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Smith also noted that the company recently increased pay for workers at Foster Farms’ processing facility in Livingston, Merced County, by 25%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of the challenges the families of workers who died face is the complicated and slow process of receiving death benefits. Since this story first aired, some family members have finally begun to receive financial compensation. Rosa Velasquez, for example, whose husband, Gregorio Velasquez, died in January of 2021 after working at a Foster Farms plant in Fresno for about 20 years, began receiving benefits in May, about a year after she first applied for them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Velasquez is still waiting to find out what amount her children and grandchildren will receive. Alma Ruth Hernández Núñez, the widow of another employee, Eufracio Caballero, also began receiving benefits earlier this year, according to her attorney. The amount their children will receive is also still being determined.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to a spokesperson from California’s Department of Industrial Relations, Foster Farms is still appealing \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/DOSH/covid19citations.asp\">multiple citations Cal/OSHA issued against the company in 2021\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"info": "Our weekly podcast explores how the media 'sausage' is made, casts an incisive eye on fluctuations in the marketplace of ideas, and examines threats to the freedom of information and expression in America and abroad. For one hour a week, the show tries to lift the veil from the process of \"making media,\" especially news media, because it's through that lens that we see the world and the world sees us",
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"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
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"info": "A two-time Peabody Award-winner, Radiolab is an investigation told through sounds and stories, and centered around one big idea. In the Radiolab world, information sounds like music and science and culture collide. Hosted by Jad Abumrad and Robert Krulwich, the show is designed for listeners who demand skepticism, but appreciate wonder. WNYC Studios is the producer of other leading podcasts including Freakonomics Radio, Death, Sex & Money, On the Media and many more.",
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"tagline": "Art is where you find it",
"info": "Rightnowish digs into life in the Bay Area right now… ish. Journalist Pendarvis Harshaw takes us to galleries painted on the sides of liquor stores in West Oakland. We'll dance in warehouses in the Bayview, make smoothies with kids in South Berkeley, and listen to classical music in a 1984 Cutlass Supreme in Richmond. Every week, Pen talks to movers and shakers about how the Bay Area shapes what they create, and how they shape the place we call home.",
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"soldout": {
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"info": "Tech Nation is a weekly public radio program, hosted by Dr. Moira Gunn. Founded in 1993, it has grown from a simple interview show to a multi-faceted production, featuring conversations with noted technology and science leaders, and a weekly science and technology-related commentary.",
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"title": "TED Radio Hour",
"info": "The TED Radio Hour is a journey through fascinating ideas, astonishing inventions, fresh approaches to old problems, and new ways to think and create.",
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"tagline": "Local news to keep you rooted",
"info": "Host Devin Katayama walks you through the biggest story of the day with reporters and newsmakers.",
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