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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Twenty years ago, California became the first state in the nation to enact partial wage replacement benefits that have since enabled millions of workers to take time off to bond with a new child or care for a seriously ill relative.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">California’s \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://edd.ca.gov/disability/paid-family-leave/\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Paid Family Leave\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> was signed into law on Sept. 23, 2002, by then Gov. Gray Davis. With over $10 billion paid out to claimants in over \u003ca href=\"https://edd.ca.gov/siteassets/files/pdf_pub_ctr/de2530.pdf\">3.6 million claims\u003c/a> filed as of 2021, the program has been linked to enormous gains in the well-being of families, such as reduced infant mortality and better maternal physical and mental health. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And while opponents two decades ago \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.americanprogress.org/article/celebrating-the-success-of-californias-paid-family-leave-act/\">argued the benefits would hurt small businesses\u003c/a> if too many employees took leave, the Bay Area Council Economic Institute \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">found\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> \u003ca href=\"https://www.bayareacouncil.org/press-releases/new-report-to-governors-paid-family-leave-task-force-highlights-key-effects-of-program-to-date/\">it has actually reduced labor costs\u003c/a> through worker retention. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Most of the state’s \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.bls.gov/eag/eag.ca.htm\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">18.5 million workers\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> contribute to the PFL program through \u003ca href=\"https://edd.ca.gov/siteassets/files/about_edd/pdf/edddiforecastmay22.pdf\">1.1% payroll deductions that are placed into a fund\u003c/a>\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">. In exchange, eligible claimants get a fraction of their regular wages — usually 60% — for up to eight weeks.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Jenya Cassidy, director, California Work and Family Coalition\"]‘The signing of SB 951 would be the most impactful thing the governor could do now to ensure that workers and families of all incomes can benefit from our Paid Family Leave program. We really need him to do this if we want to realize the promise of California paid leave.’[/pullquote]\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“Our nation-leading paid leave program is family- and small-business friendly, and it creates an equitable and inclusive model, we believe, for the rest of the country,” said Gov. Gavin Newsom, speaking at an event Thursday marking the program’s anniversary.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">This comes as family advocates and working people are calling on the governor to sign a bill that would bolster access to paid caregiving time for families, especially lower-income residents.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Approved by lawmakers last month, \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220SB951\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">SB 951\u003c/span> \u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">would boost the wage replacement rate to 90% for people earning less than $57,000 a year, and 70% for all other eligible workers, starting on Jan. 1, 2025. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Supporters of the bill, which lacked any official opposition from the public, argue the rate increases are needed because often workers can’t afford to fully use the benefits they’ve paid for if they only receive slightly more than half their wages.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11918450/workers-wont-get-expanded-paid-family-leave-disability-under-california-budget-agreement\">That pay cut was too drastic for Rosalba Contreras\u003c/a>, who made $15 an hour when she had her second baby in late 2017. The then-administrative assistant said she simply couldn’t afford rent and bills under paid leave, and had to return to the office after bonding with her newborn at home for just two weeks.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Looking back at what she describes as a “heartbreaking” experience, she believes more time to breastfeed and fully care for her baby, who was born prematurely, would have prevented speech and other developmental delays her now 5-year-old endures. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“I really, really wish I could have stayed at home with her to make sure that she was healthy before I returned back to work,” said Contreras, 37, who lives in San Bernardino County. “\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Because she wasn’t healthy. She wasn’t ready and I wasn’t ready. Neither of us were.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11926580\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11926580 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/PFL-2020-visit-800x450.jpg\" alt='Six women of different races smile at the camera and one of the women holds up a hand-written sign that reads \"#Paid Leave For All Let New Families Bond\"' width=\"800\" height=\"450\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/PFL-2020-visit-800x450.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/PFL-2020-visit-1020x574.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/PFL-2020-visit-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/PFL-2020-visit-1536x864.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/PFL-2020-visit.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Jenya Cassidy (second from left), who directs the California Work and Family Coalition, joins new moms, lactation consultants and caregivers to speak at the state Capitol about expanding access to paid family leave in January 2020. \u003ccite>(Photo courtesy of California Work and Family Coalition)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Californians earning less than $20,000 made up 37% of workers eligible for PFL, but only 14% of those workers used the benefits, according to \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://calbudgetcenter.org/resources/paid-family-leave-program-is-out-of-reach-for-many-californians/\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">an analysis\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> by the California Budget and Policy Center\u003c/span>\u003c/a>. Other states with similar programs now offer a \u003ca href=\"https://calbudgetcenter.org/resources/paid-family-leave-and-state-disability-insurance-benefits-are-insufficient/\">higher wage-replacement rate than the Golden State\u003c/a>, including Oregon, where workers earning $15 an hour receive $600 per week, compared to $367 in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Newsom, a parent of four children, campaigned for governor on an \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2019/05/newsom-budget-governor-dad-california-families-family-leave-diapers-preschool/\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">agenda\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> that featured helping working families and expanding services for kids\u003c/span>\u003c/a>. In 2020, as the pandemic raged, \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2020/09/17/governor-newsom-signs-bill-extending-job-protected-family-leave-to-nearly-6-million-californians/\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">he approved\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> legislation that expanded job-protected family\u003c/span>\u003c/a> leave to 6 million more Californians working in the private sector.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Last year, \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/2021/09/AB-123-PDF.pdf\">Newsom vetoed a proposal\u003c/a> that would have raised leave payment rates, citing “significant new costs not included” in the budget. To cover expected new costs, SB 951 would get rid of a taxable ceiling that caps contributions once a worker’s yearly income reaches the $146,000 threshold. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Newsom has one week to sign or veto the proposal. If he vetoes the bill, which includes an extension of the current wage-replacement rate, payments will drop to 55% for all workers taking family leave. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The signing of SB 951 would be the most impactful thing the governor could do now to ensure that workers and families of all incomes can benefit from our Paid Family Leave program,” said Jenya Cassidy, who directs the California Work and Family Coalition, the leading advocate \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">for the program’s creation and for expanding the benefits to more working Californians. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“We really need him to do this if we want to realize the promise of California paid leave.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Twenty years ago, California became the first state in the nation to enact partial wage replacement benefits that have since enabled millions of workers to take time off to bond with a new child or care for a seriously ill relative.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">California’s \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://edd.ca.gov/disability/paid-family-leave/\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Paid Family Leave\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> was signed into law on Sept. 23, 2002, by then Gov. Gray Davis. With over $10 billion paid out to claimants in over \u003ca href=\"https://edd.ca.gov/siteassets/files/pdf_pub_ctr/de2530.pdf\">3.6 million claims\u003c/a> filed as of 2021, the program has been linked to enormous gains in the well-being of families, such as reduced infant mortality and better maternal physical and mental health. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And while opponents two decades ago \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.americanprogress.org/article/celebrating-the-success-of-californias-paid-family-leave-act/\">argued the benefits would hurt small businesses\u003c/a> if too many employees took leave, the Bay Area Council Economic Institute \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">found\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> \u003ca href=\"https://www.bayareacouncil.org/press-releases/new-report-to-governors-paid-family-leave-task-force-highlights-key-effects-of-program-to-date/\">it has actually reduced labor costs\u003c/a> through worker retention. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Most of the state’s \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.bls.gov/eag/eag.ca.htm\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">18.5 million workers\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> contribute to the PFL program through \u003ca href=\"https://edd.ca.gov/siteassets/files/about_edd/pdf/edddiforecastmay22.pdf\">1.1% payroll deductions that are placed into a fund\u003c/a>\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">. In exchange, eligible claimants get a fraction of their regular wages — usually 60% — for up to eight weeks.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“Our nation-leading paid leave program is family- and small-business friendly, and it creates an equitable and inclusive model, we believe, for the rest of the country,” said Gov. Gavin Newsom, speaking at an event Thursday marking the program’s anniversary.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">This comes as family advocates and working people are calling on the governor to sign a bill that would bolster access to paid caregiving time for families, especially lower-income residents.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Approved by lawmakers last month, \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220SB951\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">SB 951\u003c/span> \u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">would boost the wage replacement rate to 90% for people earning less than $57,000 a year, and 70% for all other eligible workers, starting on Jan. 1, 2025. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Supporters of the bill, which lacked any official opposition from the public, argue the rate increases are needed because often workers can’t afford to fully use the benefits they’ve paid for if they only receive slightly more than half their wages.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11918450/workers-wont-get-expanded-paid-family-leave-disability-under-california-budget-agreement\">That pay cut was too drastic for Rosalba Contreras\u003c/a>, who made $15 an hour when she had her second baby in late 2017. The then-administrative assistant said she simply couldn’t afford rent and bills under paid leave, and had to return to the office after bonding with her newborn at home for just two weeks.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Looking back at what she describes as a “heartbreaking” experience, she believes more time to breastfeed and fully care for her baby, who was born prematurely, would have prevented speech and other developmental delays her now 5-year-old endures. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“I really, really wish I could have stayed at home with her to make sure that she was healthy before I returned back to work,” said Contreras, 37, who lives in San Bernardino County. “\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Because she wasn’t healthy. She wasn’t ready and I wasn’t ready. Neither of us were.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11926580\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11926580 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/PFL-2020-visit-800x450.jpg\" alt='Six women of different races smile at the camera and one of the women holds up a hand-written sign that reads \"#Paid Leave For All Let New Families Bond\"' width=\"800\" height=\"450\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/PFL-2020-visit-800x450.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/PFL-2020-visit-1020x574.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/PFL-2020-visit-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/PFL-2020-visit-1536x864.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/PFL-2020-visit.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Jenya Cassidy (second from left), who directs the California Work and Family Coalition, joins new moms, lactation consultants and caregivers to speak at the state Capitol about expanding access to paid family leave in January 2020. \u003ccite>(Photo courtesy of California Work and Family Coalition)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Californians earning less than $20,000 made up 37% of workers eligible for PFL, but only 14% of those workers used the benefits, according to \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://calbudgetcenter.org/resources/paid-family-leave-program-is-out-of-reach-for-many-californians/\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">an analysis\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> by the California Budget and Policy Center\u003c/span>\u003c/a>. Other states with similar programs now offer a \u003ca href=\"https://calbudgetcenter.org/resources/paid-family-leave-and-state-disability-insurance-benefits-are-insufficient/\">higher wage-replacement rate than the Golden State\u003c/a>, including Oregon, where workers earning $15 an hour receive $600 per week, compared to $367 in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Newsom, a parent of four children, campaigned for governor on an \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2019/05/newsom-budget-governor-dad-california-families-family-leave-diapers-preschool/\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">agenda\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> that featured helping working families and expanding services for kids\u003c/span>\u003c/a>. In 2020, as the pandemic raged, \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2020/09/17/governor-newsom-signs-bill-extending-job-protected-family-leave-to-nearly-6-million-californians/\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">he approved\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> legislation that expanded job-protected family\u003c/span>\u003c/a> leave to 6 million more Californians working in the private sector.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Last year, \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/2021/09/AB-123-PDF.pdf\">Newsom vetoed a proposal\u003c/a> that would have raised leave payment rates, citing “significant new costs not included” in the budget. To cover expected new costs, SB 951 would get rid of a taxable ceiling that caps contributions once a worker’s yearly income reaches the $146,000 threshold. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Newsom has one week to sign or veto the proposal. If he vetoes the bill, which includes an extension of the current wage-replacement rate, payments will drop to 55% for all workers taking family leave. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The signing of SB 951 would be the most impactful thing the governor could do now to ensure that workers and families of all incomes can benefit from our Paid Family Leave program,” said Jenya Cassidy, who directs the California Work and Family Coalition, the leading advocate \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">for the program’s creation and for expanding the benefits to more working Californians. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“We really need him to do this if we want to realize the promise of California paid leave.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Thousands of dead fish have washed up on shores across the Bay Area in recent weeks. A red tide is killing everything from anchovies to sharks. Preventing a similar disaster may cost the region billions of dollars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In late July, Mary Spicer noticed that the water lapping around her kayak started to turn red. A few weeks later it was dark brown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All of a sudden … you could no longer see through the water,” said Spicer, who paddles several times a week on San Francisco Bay. She says she has never seen a red tide or algal bloom like this year’s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“None of the marine people I know — the rowers, the paddlers, the sailors — are comfortable with what’s happening right now.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration describes red tides as a “harmful algal bloom,” or large colonies of algae plants growing out of control that are sometimes rust-colored. Not all algal blooms are harmful, and most are beneficial in the ocean. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">However, a small percentage of algae can produce deadly blooms.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Eileen White, executive officer, San Francisco Bay Regional Water Board\"]‘We have not seen an algae bloom of this particular species, of this magnitude, in San Francisco Bay ever before that we know of.’[/pullquote]\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The species likely leading to the mass fish death is Heterosigma akashiwo, which SF Baykeeper, the San Francisco Estuary Institute and the Aquatic Science Center have been tracking since it appeared in the last month. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jon Rosenfield, senior scientist with environmental group SF Baykeeper,\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> says Heterosigma may be killing fish in two ways: It can produce a toxin that is deadly to fish, but it can also result in low dissolved oxygen levels in the water, which can be deadly.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On an estuary that connects the Bay to Lake Merritt a few miles inland in Oakland, a group of people stare wide-eyed from the shore. Sabrina Wicker plugs her nose.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I thought it was like leaves or something … but those are all fish of different sizes floating dead,” says Wicker as she looks down at the sandy beach below her feet where a web of twisted, tiny, dead fish lie.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Headlines about muddy waters and decaying fish are bad for tourism as well.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rufus Jeffris of the Bay Area Council, a business-sponsored public policy organization, says fishermen report they’ve had guests cancel charter fishing trips. But Jeffris says the full brunt of financial impacts may not be known for many months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It might be a reason not to rent a kayak out of Sausalito and tool along the waterfront,” says Jeffris. “It might be a reason not to visit the waterfront, you know, near Emeryville or in Oakland. How widespread, how deep that is? Hard to tell.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11926105\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11926105\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS58331_032_KQED_FishDieoffLakeMerritt_08292022-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"People stand on a walking path and peer down onto the shores and waters of a lake where dead fish line the shores with apartment buildings in the background.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS58331_032_KQED_FishDieoffLakeMerritt_08292022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS58331_032_KQED_FishDieoffLakeMerritt_08292022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS58331_032_KQED_FishDieoffLakeMerritt_08292022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS58331_032_KQED_FishDieoffLakeMerritt_08292022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS58331_032_KQED_FishDieoffLakeMerritt_08292022-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Passersby look at the dead fish lining the shoreline of Lake Merritt in Oakland on Aug. 29, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Scientists say red tides are more likely to occur as the climate warms. The red tide is probably driven by a combination of warmer water temperatures resulting from climate change and high nutrient levels in the water.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Unfortunately, we have not seen an algae bloom of this particular species, of this magnitude, in San Francisco Bay ever before that we know of,” says Eileen White, executive officer for the San Francisco Bay Regional Water Board.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Part of the problem comes from how sewage is processed in treatment plants, allowing nitrogen and phosphorus to be discharged — nutrients algae love to eat.[aside postID=news_11924660 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS58315_006_KQED_FishDieoffLakeMerritt_08292022-qut.jpg']“When you flush the toilet every day, you’re flushing nutrients down and it arrives at the wastewater treatment plant,” explains White.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wastewater treatment plants remove sewage, but most do not filter out nutrients before discharging into the Bay. Fixing the problem will cost upwards of $12 billion dollars, maybe twice that much, according to the Bay Area Clean Water Agencies, which represents wastewater treatment plants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So we’re hoping that this crisis becomes an opportunity to go after some of the state and federal infrastructure funding that is available right now,” says BACWA Executive Director Lorien Fono.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Any remaining costs would be tacked onto residential sewage bills. In addition to upgrading filtering systems at treatment plants, communities could construct wetlands along shorelines where the soil and vegetation help remove nutrients.\u003cbr>\n“You get benefits of sea level rise protection, you get the benefit of habitat enhancement,” explains Fono.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Communities can also recycle treated wastewater by putting it on golf courses, farms or sports fields, which would help the region become more drought-resilient. All of these methods are expensive and can take 5 to 10 years to put in place. Plus they hinge on a critical question that scientists are still trying to answer: What level of nutrients can the Bay handle?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So the only thing that is worse than a recurrence of this devastating algal bloom in the bay,” says Fono, “is to spend billions and billions of dollars on reducing nutrients and have it not make a difference.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Back on the water, kayaker Mary Spicer says she hopes officials act quickly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I feel if we humans are playing a role in creating it, then we really need to come up with solutions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez and Attila Pelit of KQED contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Thousands of dead fish have washed up on shores across the Bay Area in recent weeks. A red tide is killing everything from anchovies to sharks. Preventing a similar disaster may cost the region billions of dollars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In late July, Mary Spicer noticed that the water lapping around her kayak started to turn red. A few weeks later it was dark brown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All of a sudden … you could no longer see through the water,” said Spicer, who paddles several times a week on San Francisco Bay. She says she has never seen a red tide or algal bloom like this year’s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“None of the marine people I know — the rowers, the paddlers, the sailors — are comfortable with what’s happening right now.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration describes red tides as a “harmful algal bloom,” or large colonies of algae plants growing out of control that are sometimes rust-colored. Not all algal blooms are harmful, and most are beneficial in the ocean. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">However, a small percentage of algae can produce deadly blooms.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The species likely leading to the mass fish death is Heterosigma akashiwo, which SF Baykeeper, the San Francisco Estuary Institute and the Aquatic Science Center have been tracking since it appeared in the last month. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jon Rosenfield, senior scientist with environmental group SF Baykeeper,\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> says Heterosigma may be killing fish in two ways: It can produce a toxin that is deadly to fish, but it can also result in low dissolved oxygen levels in the water, which can be deadly.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On an estuary that connects the Bay to Lake Merritt a few miles inland in Oakland, a group of people stare wide-eyed from the shore. Sabrina Wicker plugs her nose.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I thought it was like leaves or something … but those are all fish of different sizes floating dead,” says Wicker as she looks down at the sandy beach below her feet where a web of twisted, tiny, dead fish lie.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Headlines about muddy waters and decaying fish are bad for tourism as well.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rufus Jeffris of the Bay Area Council, a business-sponsored public policy organization, says fishermen report they’ve had guests cancel charter fishing trips. But Jeffris says the full brunt of financial impacts may not be known for many months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It might be a reason not to rent a kayak out of Sausalito and tool along the waterfront,” says Jeffris. “It might be a reason not to visit the waterfront, you know, near Emeryville or in Oakland. How widespread, how deep that is? Hard to tell.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11926105\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11926105\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS58331_032_KQED_FishDieoffLakeMerritt_08292022-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"People stand on a walking path and peer down onto the shores and waters of a lake where dead fish line the shores with apartment buildings in the background.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS58331_032_KQED_FishDieoffLakeMerritt_08292022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS58331_032_KQED_FishDieoffLakeMerritt_08292022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS58331_032_KQED_FishDieoffLakeMerritt_08292022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS58331_032_KQED_FishDieoffLakeMerritt_08292022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS58331_032_KQED_FishDieoffLakeMerritt_08292022-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Passersby look at the dead fish lining the shoreline of Lake Merritt in Oakland on Aug. 29, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Scientists say red tides are more likely to occur as the climate warms. The red tide is probably driven by a combination of warmer water temperatures resulting from climate change and high nutrient levels in the water.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Unfortunately, we have not seen an algae bloom of this particular species, of this magnitude, in San Francisco Bay ever before that we know of,” says Eileen White, executive officer for the San Francisco Bay Regional Water Board.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Part of the problem comes from how sewage is processed in treatment plants, allowing nitrogen and phosphorus to be discharged — nutrients algae love to eat.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“When you flush the toilet every day, you’re flushing nutrients down and it arrives at the wastewater treatment plant,” explains White.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wastewater treatment plants remove sewage, but most do not filter out nutrients before discharging into the Bay. Fixing the problem will cost upwards of $12 billion dollars, maybe twice that much, according to the Bay Area Clean Water Agencies, which represents wastewater treatment plants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So we’re hoping that this crisis becomes an opportunity to go after some of the state and federal infrastructure funding that is available right now,” says BACWA Executive Director Lorien Fono.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Any remaining costs would be tacked onto residential sewage bills. In addition to upgrading filtering systems at treatment plants, communities could construct wetlands along shorelines where the soil and vegetation help remove nutrients.\u003cbr>\n“You get benefits of sea level rise protection, you get the benefit of habitat enhancement,” explains Fono.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Communities can also recycle treated wastewater by putting it on golf courses, farms or sports fields, which would help the region become more drought-resilient. All of these methods are expensive and can take 5 to 10 years to put in place. Plus they hinge on a critical question that scientists are still trying to answer: What level of nutrients can the Bay handle?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So the only thing that is worse than a recurrence of this devastating algal bloom in the bay,” says Fono, “is to spend billions and billions of dollars on reducing nutrients and have it not make a difference.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Back on the water, kayaker Mary Spicer says she hopes officials act quickly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I feel if we humans are playing a role in creating it, then we really need to come up with solutions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez and Attila Pelit of KQED contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "Many California Workers Win Judgments for Wage Theft — But Still Don't Get Paid",
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"content": "\u003cp>Manuel Chavez, a former front-desk manager at the Stuart Hotel in Los Angeles’ MacArthur Park neighborhood, was elated when he won a wage claim victory of more than $200,000 against his old boss in 2017.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s Labor Commissioner ruled Chavez had worked thousands more hours than his employer paid him for over a three-year period — \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/wp-content/uploads/2022/06/Chavez-v-Patel-Labor-Commissioner-ODA.pdf\">a clear case of wage theft\u003c/a>, the state decided after administrative hearings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I felt good, very content, after so much work and so much suffering,” Chavez said about his case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rather than paying Chavez, his former employer countersued, taking the case to appeals courts multiple times and trying and failing to get it heard by the U.S. Supreme Court — twice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chavez hasn’t been compensated. His experience may be unusual, but it underscores a plight common for thousands of California workers who win wage theft claims: Many bosses don’t pay, even after courts order them to.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Paper victories\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Only 1 in 7 employers who were issued court judgments in wage claim cases in 2017 have paid their workers the full amount of the claims five years later, according to data from the Labor Commissioner.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s the state’s best estimate; a disclaimer on the agency’s website reads, “Defendants often make payments to claimants directly without the knowledge of the Labor Commissioner’s Office.” In other words, the agency admits it doesn’t always know whether those judgments are paid, although state law says the office “shall make every reasonable effort to ensure that judgments are satisfied.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What’s more, California’s wage claim system is so backlogged it takes nearly four times longer than state law permits for the average case to reach a decision, according to a CalMatters analysis of state data. Most workers drop or settle their claims before a hearing. Judgments are issued if a worker persists and wins.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Labor Commissioner Lilia García-Brower, through a spokesperson, refused to be interviewed about her office’s work on wage theft, which is the failure to pay employees what they’re legally owed.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>505 days\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Wage theft has been a significant focus of California policymakers for years given \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11906414/did-the-pandemic-create-more-income-inequality-in-california\">the state’s high income inequality\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When a worker files a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11920425/heres-how-californians-can-get-their-money-back-when-employers-steal-wages\">wage claim\u003c/a> with the California Department of Industrial Relations, the Labor Commissioner’s Office holds a settlement conference with the employer. If the claim isn’t settled, a deputy commissioner holds a hearing. If they decide the employer owes the worker wages and the employer doesn’t pay or appeal the decision, that debt becomes a judgment filed in court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Labor Commissioner, whom the governor appoints, does seek payment of wage judgments on behalf of some workers. In general, workers are directed to \u003ca href=\"https://wagetheftisacrime.com/Legal-Tools.html\">collect these debts on their own\u003c/a>, like any other creditor might.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the power disparities between workers and employers means California’s worker-versus-employer claim system is flawed, said UCLA labor researcher Tia Koonse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You cannot play whack-a-mole with wage theft,” Koonse said. “It is not an effective strategy to go after every actor on a complaint basis.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Chavez filed his claim in 2015, he was making $425 a week, and working every day at the Stuart Hotel, case records show. It took him 16 months to get his case heard by a Labor Commissioner’s hearing officer and another six months to get a winning decision.\u003cbr>\n\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://flo.uri.sh/visualisation/10646865/embed\" width=\"800\" height=\"500\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003cbr>\nThe wait for the average California worker who files a wage theft claim has grown since then, according to Labor Commissioner data.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For workers who didn’t drop or settle their cases, the state averaged 505 days to decide an individual worker’s wage claim, data from 2017 to 2021 shows — a violation of the 135 days’ maximum set by law.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Battling backlogs\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Erika Monterroza, a spokesperson for the Labor Commissioner, told CalMatters last month \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11924013/wage-theft-car-wash-workers-still-await-millions-in-pay-3-years-later\">the office was addressing backlogs and had hired 288 people since January 2021\u003c/a>. She did not say how many people had left the office during that period. Nearly a third of the Labor Commissioner’s 733 positions were vacant as of May.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Paola Laverde, another spokesperson for the Labor Commissioner, wrote in an email that the office processes claims “diligently.”[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Tia Koonse, labor researcher, UCLA\"]‘You cannot play whack-a-mole with wage theft. It is not an effective strategy to go after every actor on a complaint basis.’[/pullquote]During the pandemic, the commissioner’s office closed in-person operations and shifted to virtual hearings, labor advocates said. Workers’ attorneys said the office appears to be increasing the frequency of hearings this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Californians filed 19,000 individual wage claims against employers last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Koonse and other advocates said an alternative approach to wage theft enforcement may be better for workers than the individual claims route. They said that, since 2016, the Labor Commissioner has partnered with labor and worker groups to initiate \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11924013/wage-theft-car-wash-workers-still-await-millions-in-pay-3-years-later\">company-wide wage investigations\u003c/a> through the agency’s field enforcement division. Advocates say these result in large-scale, sometimes multimillion-dollar citations, sending messages of deterrence to employers in targeted low-wage industries.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Accident or intent?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Wage claim backlogs in general are a problem for businesses, too, said Jennifer Barrera, chief executive officer of the California Chamber of Commerce.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We would like to see claims handled in the most efficient way possible,” Barrera said. “The employer, as well, wants to have these claims resolved and dealt with.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Aside from wage claims, workers also can file lawsuits against their bosses through California’s Private Attorneys General Act — which gives workers the same powers as the state to sue and recover penalties on behalf of co-workers — and they can file class-action lawsuits and other kinds of suits using California’s regulations.[aside label=\"Related Stories\" tag=\"wage-theft\"]Barrera said only a fraction of California’s employers intentionally steal wages from their employees; many wage claims result from employers misunderstanding California’s evolving labor laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have the most complex labor and employment laws, I would argue, in the country,” Barrera said. “We don’t really do a great job, once the laws are passed, educating employers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those who misinterpret labor laws shouldn’t be considered guilty of wage theft, she said, although their workers should be repaid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The enforcement really should be focused on the bad actors who are intentionally stealing wages from employees,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A bit of satisfaction\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Despite its hurdles, the individual wage claim system still provides victories for some workers — often in the form of settlements.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mayra Perez, a former San Francisco office janitor, initially hoped to win a wage theft claim she filed with the state in January 2020 against San Mateo-based Eat My Dust Inc. Perez, an immigrant from El Salvador, claimed more than $38,000 in unpaid hours, untaken breaks, vacation owed, out-of-pocket expenses and other violations for two years and four months that ended May 30, 2019.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In its written response to her claim, Eat My Dust contended Perez had refused to use the company’s time-tracking software and that the company had no records of her complaining about not getting breaks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the case dragged on for more than two years, Perez settled for $20,000 on June 3 of this year, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An attorney for the company, Jeanine DeBacker, said it was an “amicable resolution.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Perez said she is satisfied with the money, because she believes she would have gotten less had she joined a class-action suit other workers brought against the company that recently was nearly settled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nevertheless, she said, she would have liked to have faced her former direct manager at her wage theft hearing, but the pandemic robbed her of that opportunity; her hearing was scheduled as a Zoom call.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I did want to see him and see the expression he had,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11925795\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11925795 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/Mayra-Perez-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"A woman with dark clothing stands out of focus on the right side of the frame with her back to the camera in the middle of a large, mostly dirt lot with small patches of grass. The sun, out of frame to the right, illuminates her brown hair. The woman faces towards toward the backside of a home roughly 100 feet in front of her with a fence blocking the view of the home's first floor. Behind the home, far in the distance, the San Francisco skyline peaks out over the top of the fence. \" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/Mayra-Perez-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/Mayra-Perez-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/Mayra-Perez-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/Mayra-Perez-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/Mayra-Perez-1920x1280.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/Mayra-Perez.jpg 1980w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Mayra Perez can see the financial district in San Francisco from outside her home on Treasure Island. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>Manager’s hours\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Chavez had no such resolution after winning his case. The 60-year-old immigrant from Mexico had worked and lived at the Stuart Hotel since 2002, first working overnight and evening shifts, before becoming manager and working long days, he told CalMatters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His duties included sweeping, cleaning rooms, collecting rent, making repairs and dealing with fights between tenants, he told the Labor Commissioner’s Office at his wage claim hearings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a recent interview, Chavez said there were always loiterers in the building and tenants coming and going.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My son would tell me, ‘Don’t be stupid, Dad. You work too much, and they pay you too little, and you never rest,’” Chavez told CalMatters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After Chavez filed his claim, hotel owner Balubhai Patel sued Chavez, accusing him of stealing from the business. Patel later dropped the suit. He said afterward, during a wage claim hearing, that Chavez did not work overtime and often spent time in his room.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Labor Commissioner in 2017 ordered Patel and his company to pay Chavez $202,000: about $115,000 in wages for about 5,800 overtime hours, plus meal and rest breaks, and the rest in damages and penalties workers can claim under state law. The state also awarded Chavez $33,000 from Stuart Union, a company that managed the hotel for four months before Chavez left.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘A cottage industry’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Neither Patel nor Stuart Union paid. Instead, a few months later, Patel and the new manager jointly sued Chavez and the Labor Commissioner in Los Angeles County Superior Court, alleging false testimony and civil rights violations. They sought $10 million as well as a reversal of the state’s decision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a recent phone interview, Patel said Chavez did not deserve the money because he didn’t work nearly the number of hours he claimed. The money would be a “donation,” Patel said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s damn lies,” Patel said. “I’ve been doing business a long time. I never cheat.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Frank Weiser, a lawyer representing Patel, said his client is a leader among local Indian immigrant motel operators. He also called wage claims a “cottage industry” for workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The laws are so skewed in favor of employees you do see some abuse,” Weiser said, though he acknowledged Chavez had won his case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We lost, fair and square,” Weiser said. Payment is still being disputed in court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chavez’s situation demonstrates how some employers choose to fight or ignore Labor Commissioner decisions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Labor Commissioner asks courts to enforce unpaid wage theft decisions, and the commissioner’s office maintains a public database reporting those judgments.\u003cbr>\n\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://flo.uri.sh/visualisation/11125127/embed\" width=\"800\" height=\"650\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003cbr>\nAn analysis of five years of the agency’s public data (2017 through 2021) by CalMatters revealed that 9% of court judgments were recorded as satisfied, or paid in full. Another 16% of those judgments were paid in part or in installments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Three-quarters of workers were recorded as receiving no payment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those employers who received judgments against them in 2017 — and therefore had five years to pay workers — paid in full 14% of the time, the data shows.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The commissioner’s office did not answer questions about the database nor about CalMatters’ analysis.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>State’s scorecard\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>State law allows the agency to recover money on behalf of workers but doesn’t require it to do so in every judgment. In 2021, a Labor Commissioner unit dedicated to enforcing court judgments collected $2.8 million in wage claims on behalf of 311 workers, spokesperson Laverde wrote in an email. The same unit collected $6.2 million on behalf of the commissioner’s field enforcement division.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By comparison, the state recorded more than 2,300 wage judgments totaling $50.5 million that year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If a business does not pay a judgment against it, the Labor Commissioner can file liens on an employer’s property and garnish money from the employer’s bank accounts on behalf of workers. The commissioner last year filed 1,328 levies, Laverde wrote.\u003cbr>\n[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Jan Collatz, staff attorney, Wage Justice Center\"]‘There’s this assumption that once you get a judgment, you’ve won. Ultimately, a judgment is just a piece of paper.’[/pullquote]The commissioner’s office staff informs workers of this option, and they regularly offer assistance filing levies to workers who prevail in the wage claim adjudication process, Laverde wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agency also can order a business to stop operating if it doesn’t pay workers. But many businesses would not have the cash or assets to pay workers if they weren’t operating, said Jan Collatz, staff attorney at the Los Angeles-based Wage Justice Center, which assists workers and the Labor Commissioner in collecting wage claims.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Criminal cases also can complicate collections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eugene Lee, a Los Angeles attorney who represented Chavez, also won wage theft claims for 13 workers at a Los Angeles soccer merchandise store in 2018. Court dockets do not reflect any payments: Neither A-1 Soccer Warehouse, nor its owner, Enyinnaya Ojogho, have paid the workers despite court judgments against both, Lee said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California attorney general’s office has accused Ojogho of \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/news/press-releases/attorney-general-becerra-announces-charges-against-business-owner-alleged-tax\">stiffing the state $1.6 million\u003c/a> in a pending felony tax evasion case. Ojogho has pleaded not guilty. His defense attorney Robert Schwartz declined to comment on the wage judgments or on whether his client is in a financial position to pay them.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Fear of law\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The legal system is set up to decide commercial disputes, Collatz said, but it is stacked against people with lower incomes who often can’t afford to pay attorneys or court filing fees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s this assumption that once you get a judgment, you’ve won,” Collatz said. “Ultimately, a judgment is just a piece of paper.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assemblymember Ash Kalra, a San José Democrat who chairs his house’s labor committee, called the low payment of judgments unacceptable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The outcome of that is that employers don’t fear the law,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kalra said he supports adding funding to the Labor Commissioner’s Office to increase staff. But in the face of the office’s current backlogs, he said workers may need to rely on local and county governments to enforce judgments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Santa Clara County, for instance, threatened to revoke the food permits of restaurants that haven’t paid judgments. County officials said all eight of the restaurants that were cited have paid or are on a payment plan.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A life on hold\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In the Stuart Hotel case, the years of countersuits and appeals have so far been “a long war of attrition,” said Lee, Chavez’s attorney. Chavez has prevailed in the trial and appellate courts, including getting the civil rights claims dismissed by the superior court. But Patel appealed all the way to the California Supreme Court, which declined to hear that case, and then he appealed to the U.S. Supreme Court, which also declined.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After another round of appeals, the Supreme Court declined to hear another part of Patel’s case this April.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Back in 2017, when Chavez first won his case, he told his son he might buy him a car or take him to Mexico to meet relatives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These days he hardly mentions the money, Chavez said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Recently he celebrated his 60th birthday. He lives with his son in Downey and earns a $15-an-hour minimum wage at a temp agency. The appeals have put his entire life on hold, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I just start thinking about it and I get sad,” Chavez said, “and then tell myself, ‘Oh, hopefully one day. Hopefully one day.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>CalMatters’ Lil Kalish and CBS News’ Julie Watts contributed reporting to this story.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Manuel Chavez, a former front-desk manager at the Stuart Hotel in Los Angeles’ MacArthur Park neighborhood, was elated when he won a wage claim victory of more than $200,000 against his old boss in 2017.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s Labor Commissioner ruled Chavez had worked thousands more hours than his employer paid him for over a three-year period — \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/wp-content/uploads/2022/06/Chavez-v-Patel-Labor-Commissioner-ODA.pdf\">a clear case of wage theft\u003c/a>, the state decided after administrative hearings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I felt good, very content, after so much work and so much suffering,” Chavez said about his case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rather than paying Chavez, his former employer countersued, taking the case to appeals courts multiple times and trying and failing to get it heard by the U.S. Supreme Court — twice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chavez hasn’t been compensated. His experience may be unusual, but it underscores a plight common for thousands of California workers who win wage theft claims: Many bosses don’t pay, even after courts order them to.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Paper victories\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Only 1 in 7 employers who were issued court judgments in wage claim cases in 2017 have paid their workers the full amount of the claims five years later, according to data from the Labor Commissioner.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s the state’s best estimate; a disclaimer on the agency’s website reads, “Defendants often make payments to claimants directly without the knowledge of the Labor Commissioner’s Office.” In other words, the agency admits it doesn’t always know whether those judgments are paid, although state law says the office “shall make every reasonable effort to ensure that judgments are satisfied.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What’s more, California’s wage claim system is so backlogged it takes nearly four times longer than state law permits for the average case to reach a decision, according to a CalMatters analysis of state data. Most workers drop or settle their claims before a hearing. Judgments are issued if a worker persists and wins.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Labor Commissioner Lilia García-Brower, through a spokesperson, refused to be interviewed about her office’s work on wage theft, which is the failure to pay employees what they’re legally owed.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>505 days\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Wage theft has been a significant focus of California policymakers for years given \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11906414/did-the-pandemic-create-more-income-inequality-in-california\">the state’s high income inequality\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When a worker files a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11920425/heres-how-californians-can-get-their-money-back-when-employers-steal-wages\">wage claim\u003c/a> with the California Department of Industrial Relations, the Labor Commissioner’s Office holds a settlement conference with the employer. If the claim isn’t settled, a deputy commissioner holds a hearing. If they decide the employer owes the worker wages and the employer doesn’t pay or appeal the decision, that debt becomes a judgment filed in court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Labor Commissioner, whom the governor appoints, does seek payment of wage judgments on behalf of some workers. In general, workers are directed to \u003ca href=\"https://wagetheftisacrime.com/Legal-Tools.html\">collect these debts on their own\u003c/a>, like any other creditor might.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the power disparities between workers and employers means California’s worker-versus-employer claim system is flawed, said UCLA labor researcher Tia Koonse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You cannot play whack-a-mole with wage theft,” Koonse said. “It is not an effective strategy to go after every actor on a complaint basis.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Chavez filed his claim in 2015, he was making $425 a week, and working every day at the Stuart Hotel, case records show. It took him 16 months to get his case heard by a Labor Commissioner’s hearing officer and another six months to get a winning decision.\u003cbr>\n\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://flo.uri.sh/visualisation/10646865/embed\" width=\"800\" height=\"500\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003cbr>\nThe wait for the average California worker who files a wage theft claim has grown since then, according to Labor Commissioner data.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For workers who didn’t drop or settle their cases, the state averaged 505 days to decide an individual worker’s wage claim, data from 2017 to 2021 shows — a violation of the 135 days’ maximum set by law.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Battling backlogs\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Erika Monterroza, a spokesperson for the Labor Commissioner, told CalMatters last month \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11924013/wage-theft-car-wash-workers-still-await-millions-in-pay-3-years-later\">the office was addressing backlogs and had hired 288 people since January 2021\u003c/a>. She did not say how many people had left the office during that period. Nearly a third of the Labor Commissioner’s 733 positions were vacant as of May.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Paola Laverde, another spokesperson for the Labor Commissioner, wrote in an email that the office processes claims “diligently.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>During the pandemic, the commissioner’s office closed in-person operations and shifted to virtual hearings, labor advocates said. Workers’ attorneys said the office appears to be increasing the frequency of hearings this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Californians filed 19,000 individual wage claims against employers last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Koonse and other advocates said an alternative approach to wage theft enforcement may be better for workers than the individual claims route. They said that, since 2016, the Labor Commissioner has partnered with labor and worker groups to initiate \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11924013/wage-theft-car-wash-workers-still-await-millions-in-pay-3-years-later\">company-wide wage investigations\u003c/a> through the agency’s field enforcement division. Advocates say these result in large-scale, sometimes multimillion-dollar citations, sending messages of deterrence to employers in targeted low-wage industries.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Accident or intent?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Wage claim backlogs in general are a problem for businesses, too, said Jennifer Barrera, chief executive officer of the California Chamber of Commerce.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We would like to see claims handled in the most efficient way possible,” Barrera said. “The employer, as well, wants to have these claims resolved and dealt with.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Aside from wage claims, workers also can file lawsuits against their bosses through California’s Private Attorneys General Act — which gives workers the same powers as the state to sue and recover penalties on behalf of co-workers — and they can file class-action lawsuits and other kinds of suits using California’s regulations.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Barrera said only a fraction of California’s employers intentionally steal wages from their employees; many wage claims result from employers misunderstanding California’s evolving labor laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have the most complex labor and employment laws, I would argue, in the country,” Barrera said. “We don’t really do a great job, once the laws are passed, educating employers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those who misinterpret labor laws shouldn’t be considered guilty of wage theft, she said, although their workers should be repaid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The enforcement really should be focused on the bad actors who are intentionally stealing wages from employees,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A bit of satisfaction\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Despite its hurdles, the individual wage claim system still provides victories for some workers — often in the form of settlements.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mayra Perez, a former San Francisco office janitor, initially hoped to win a wage theft claim she filed with the state in January 2020 against San Mateo-based Eat My Dust Inc. Perez, an immigrant from El Salvador, claimed more than $38,000 in unpaid hours, untaken breaks, vacation owed, out-of-pocket expenses and other violations for two years and four months that ended May 30, 2019.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In its written response to her claim, Eat My Dust contended Perez had refused to use the company’s time-tracking software and that the company had no records of her complaining about not getting breaks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the case dragged on for more than two years, Perez settled for $20,000 on June 3 of this year, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An attorney for the company, Jeanine DeBacker, said it was an “amicable resolution.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Perez said she is satisfied with the money, because she believes she would have gotten less had she joined a class-action suit other workers brought against the company that recently was nearly settled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nevertheless, she said, she would have liked to have faced her former direct manager at her wage theft hearing, but the pandemic robbed her of that opportunity; her hearing was scheduled as a Zoom call.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I did want to see him and see the expression he had,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11925795\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11925795 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/Mayra-Perez-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"A woman with dark clothing stands out of focus on the right side of the frame with her back to the camera in the middle of a large, mostly dirt lot with small patches of grass. The sun, out of frame to the right, illuminates her brown hair. The woman faces towards toward the backside of a home roughly 100 feet in front of her with a fence blocking the view of the home's first floor. Behind the home, far in the distance, the San Francisco skyline peaks out over the top of the fence. \" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/Mayra-Perez-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/Mayra-Perez-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/Mayra-Perez-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/Mayra-Perez-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/Mayra-Perez-1920x1280.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/Mayra-Perez.jpg 1980w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Mayra Perez can see the financial district in San Francisco from outside her home on Treasure Island. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>Manager’s hours\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Chavez had no such resolution after winning his case. The 60-year-old immigrant from Mexico had worked and lived at the Stuart Hotel since 2002, first working overnight and evening shifts, before becoming manager and working long days, he told CalMatters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His duties included sweeping, cleaning rooms, collecting rent, making repairs and dealing with fights between tenants, he told the Labor Commissioner’s Office at his wage claim hearings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a recent interview, Chavez said there were always loiterers in the building and tenants coming and going.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My son would tell me, ‘Don’t be stupid, Dad. You work too much, and they pay you too little, and you never rest,’” Chavez told CalMatters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After Chavez filed his claim, hotel owner Balubhai Patel sued Chavez, accusing him of stealing from the business. Patel later dropped the suit. He said afterward, during a wage claim hearing, that Chavez did not work overtime and often spent time in his room.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Labor Commissioner in 2017 ordered Patel and his company to pay Chavez $202,000: about $115,000 in wages for about 5,800 overtime hours, plus meal and rest breaks, and the rest in damages and penalties workers can claim under state law. The state also awarded Chavez $33,000 from Stuart Union, a company that managed the hotel for four months before Chavez left.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘A cottage industry’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Neither Patel nor Stuart Union paid. Instead, a few months later, Patel and the new manager jointly sued Chavez and the Labor Commissioner in Los Angeles County Superior Court, alleging false testimony and civil rights violations. They sought $10 million as well as a reversal of the state’s decision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a recent phone interview, Patel said Chavez did not deserve the money because he didn’t work nearly the number of hours he claimed. The money would be a “donation,” Patel said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s damn lies,” Patel said. “I’ve been doing business a long time. I never cheat.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Frank Weiser, a lawyer representing Patel, said his client is a leader among local Indian immigrant motel operators. He also called wage claims a “cottage industry” for workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The laws are so skewed in favor of employees you do see some abuse,” Weiser said, though he acknowledged Chavez had won his case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We lost, fair and square,” Weiser said. Payment is still being disputed in court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chavez’s situation demonstrates how some employers choose to fight or ignore Labor Commissioner decisions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Labor Commissioner asks courts to enforce unpaid wage theft decisions, and the commissioner’s office maintains a public database reporting those judgments.\u003cbr>\n\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://flo.uri.sh/visualisation/11125127/embed\" width=\"800\" height=\"650\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003cbr>\nAn analysis of five years of the agency’s public data (2017 through 2021) by CalMatters revealed that 9% of court judgments were recorded as satisfied, or paid in full. Another 16% of those judgments were paid in part or in installments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Three-quarters of workers were recorded as receiving no payment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those employers who received judgments against them in 2017 — and therefore had five years to pay workers — paid in full 14% of the time, the data shows.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The commissioner’s office did not answer questions about the database nor about CalMatters’ analysis.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>State’s scorecard\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>State law allows the agency to recover money on behalf of workers but doesn’t require it to do so in every judgment. In 2021, a Labor Commissioner unit dedicated to enforcing court judgments collected $2.8 million in wage claims on behalf of 311 workers, spokesperson Laverde wrote in an email. The same unit collected $6.2 million on behalf of the commissioner’s field enforcement division.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By comparison, the state recorded more than 2,300 wage judgments totaling $50.5 million that year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If a business does not pay a judgment against it, the Labor Commissioner can file liens on an employer’s property and garnish money from the employer’s bank accounts on behalf of workers. The commissioner last year filed 1,328 levies, Laverde wrote.\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The commissioner’s office staff informs workers of this option, and they regularly offer assistance filing levies to workers who prevail in the wage claim adjudication process, Laverde wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agency also can order a business to stop operating if it doesn’t pay workers. But many businesses would not have the cash or assets to pay workers if they weren’t operating, said Jan Collatz, staff attorney at the Los Angeles-based Wage Justice Center, which assists workers and the Labor Commissioner in collecting wage claims.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Criminal cases also can complicate collections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eugene Lee, a Los Angeles attorney who represented Chavez, also won wage theft claims for 13 workers at a Los Angeles soccer merchandise store in 2018. Court dockets do not reflect any payments: Neither A-1 Soccer Warehouse, nor its owner, Enyinnaya Ojogho, have paid the workers despite court judgments against both, Lee said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California attorney general’s office has accused Ojogho of \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/news/press-releases/attorney-general-becerra-announces-charges-against-business-owner-alleged-tax\">stiffing the state $1.6 million\u003c/a> in a pending felony tax evasion case. Ojogho has pleaded not guilty. His defense attorney Robert Schwartz declined to comment on the wage judgments or on whether his client is in a financial position to pay them.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Fear of law\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The legal system is set up to decide commercial disputes, Collatz said, but it is stacked against people with lower incomes who often can’t afford to pay attorneys or court filing fees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s this assumption that once you get a judgment, you’ve won,” Collatz said. “Ultimately, a judgment is just a piece of paper.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assemblymember Ash Kalra, a San José Democrat who chairs his house’s labor committee, called the low payment of judgments unacceptable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The outcome of that is that employers don’t fear the law,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kalra said he supports adding funding to the Labor Commissioner’s Office to increase staff. But in the face of the office’s current backlogs, he said workers may need to rely on local and county governments to enforce judgments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Santa Clara County, for instance, threatened to revoke the food permits of restaurants that haven’t paid judgments. County officials said all eight of the restaurants that were cited have paid or are on a payment plan.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A life on hold\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In the Stuart Hotel case, the years of countersuits and appeals have so far been “a long war of attrition,” said Lee, Chavez’s attorney. Chavez has prevailed in the trial and appellate courts, including getting the civil rights claims dismissed by the superior court. But Patel appealed all the way to the California Supreme Court, which declined to hear that case, and then he appealed to the U.S. Supreme Court, which also declined.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After another round of appeals, the Supreme Court declined to hear another part of Patel’s case this April.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Back in 2017, when Chavez first won his case, he told his son he might buy him a car or take him to Mexico to meet relatives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These days he hardly mentions the money, Chavez said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Recently he celebrated his 60th birthday. He lives with his son in Downey and earns a $15-an-hour minimum wage at a temp agency. The appeals have put his entire life on hold, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I just start thinking about it and I get sad,” Chavez said, “and then tell myself, ‘Oh, hopefully one day. Hopefully one day.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>CalMatters’ Lil Kalish and CBS News’ Julie Watts contributed reporting to this story.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Poverty and Uninsured Rates Drop, Thanks to Pandemic-Era Policies",
"title": "Poverty and Uninsured Rates Drop, Thanks to Pandemic-Era Policies",
"headTitle": "NPR | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>The Census Bureau released some heartening news Tuesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Child poverty is at a historic low, according to the bureau's \u003ca href=\"https://www.census.gov/newsroom/press-releases/2022/income-poverty-health-insurance-coverage.html\">annual report\u003c/a> on income, poverty and health insurance. And the rate of Americans without health insurance also dropped in 2021 compared to the previous year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the good news may be short lived. Both gains were driven by temporary pandemic-related policies, and without action by policymakers, they could quickly unravel.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Child tax credit key to drop in poverty\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Childhood poverty dropped substantially in 2021, falling from 9.7% in 2020 down to 5.2%. The overall poverty rate for all age groups was just under 8% — a decline from 9.2% in 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These figures are based on the \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2011/11/07/142105558/new-measure-shows-higher-poverty-rate-in-u-s\">Supplemental Poverty Measure\u003c/a>, which takes into account all kinds of expenses families have, as well as that range of pandemic aid many families received.\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Sabrina Corlette, Georgetown University Center on Health Insurance Reforms\"]'As soon as the public health emergency is declared over – which could be as early as January – that safety net that was in that COVID relief bill goes away.'[/pullquote]\u003c/span>Poverty experts attribute much of this improvement to the child tax credit which Congress boosted in 2021 in the American Rescue Plan. Congress also expanded it to include millions more low-income families.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The child tax credit gives families more money to spend on essentials, says \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbpp.org/about/our-staff/sharon-parrott\">Sharon Parrott\u003c/a>, who has researched the issue for the Center on Budget and Policy Priorities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"They spend it on their housing, food, education, they're able to do some of those extracurricular activities that high income families take for granted,\" she says. \"They are investing in their kids and their families are able to make ends meet in really important ways.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And Parrott says all these things can have long term benefits for kids, like doing better in school and being healthier.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Uninsured rate approaches record lows, thanks to Medicaid\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The census numbers show 8.3% of Americans – or 27.2 million people – did not have any health insurance in 2021. That's an improvement from 2020, when 8.6% of people were uninsured.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The force behind this trend is Medicaid, the public health insurance option for people with low incomes, according to census officials who briefed reporters Tuesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The reason the Medicaid rates have increased is because of a COVID relief bill that Congress passed in March of 2020,\" says \u003ca href=\"https://chir.georgetown.edu/faculty_sabrina_corlette/\">Sabrina Corlette\u003c/a> of the Georgetown University Center on Health Insurance Reforms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Families First Coronavirus Response Act essentially mandated that state Medicaid programs not force enrollees to requalify for the program – so states could enroll new people but not kick anyone off. Because of this \"continuous enrollment provision,\" Medicaid has grown significantly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another area of growth was Medicare, though census officials noted that that's due to more people turning 65 and becoming eligible, not because of a policy change.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What happens when pandemic measures end\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Policy experts say this week's good news may be fleeting. The expanded child tax credit ended in December, just as inflation was starting to climb to historic highs. The policy supporting more people getting health insurance is set to run out in a few months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"As soon as the public health emergency is declared over – which could be as early as January – that safety net that was in that COVID relief bill goes away,\" says Corlette. \"And so we could see this historic increase in the rates of the insured be reversed.\"\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">[aside label='Related Articles' tag='poverty']\u003c/span>More than 15 million people could lose Medicaid, according to an estimate from the Department of Health and Human Services \u003ca href=\"https://aspe.hhs.gov/sites/default/files/documents/60f0ac74ee06eb578d30b0f39ac94323/aspe-end-mcaid-continuous-coverage.pdf?_ga=2.168159075.310828479.1663022160-418932185.1663022160\">released last month\u003c/a>. The analysis suggests nearly half of those losing coverage will be because of administrative issues – such as challenges with filling out the paperwork to reapply – and not because they no longer qualify for coverage. Some will be able to get coverage elsewhere, but millions more may become uninsured.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When it comes to poverty, inflation could start to affect these rates. In fact, one group already is seeing more poverty in the 2021 numbers and that is seniors. Census officials say this is likely because they're on fixed incomes, and already last year inflation was starting to tick up, really squeezing their budgets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But again, Census officials stressed that Social Security did keep more than 26 million people out of poverty, and that includes several million children being raised by grandparents.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How to hold on to temporary gains\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In terms of U.S. trends over time, the Census numbers released Tuesday on child poverty and health insurance are encouraging, experts say, and it's now up to policymakers to act to keep these gains.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Any of the improvements that we see – whether it's insurance or poverty – are a reflection of political choices,\" says \u003ca href=\"https://government.cornell.edu/jamila-michener\">Jamila Michener\u003c/a> – a professor of government at Cornell and an expert on Medicaid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Biden administration and many Democrats would like to make the expanded child tax credit permanent. The U.S. House passed such a measure but it did not survive in the Senate. Several Republican Senators have proposed more limited ways to expand the child tax credit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"What we don't know is the trade-offs,\" says Angela Rachidi, a senior fellow at the American Enterprise Institute. \"We know inflation increased dramatically over the past year. To what extent did all this government transfer of income contribute to that, I think, is still a question.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some researchers note that the U.S. has a long way to go with gains in health and insurance rates, when compared to similar high-income countries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"[Among] our peer countries, we have one of the highest rates of uninsurance in the world and also poorer health outcomes,\" notes Corlette. \"And that's been an issue for us even before the pandemic.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://nap.nationalacademies.org/catalog/13497/us-health-in-international-perspective-shorter-lives-poorer-health\">landmark study in 2013\u003c/a> enumerated the many ways Americans don't have as healthy or long lives as people do in similarly wealthy countries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One striking illustration of this came with the new life expectancy numbers released two weeks ago. Countries all over the world had a drop in life expectancy after the first year of the pandemic, but many have been able to rebound.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>America has not – instead life expectancy \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/health-shots/2022/08/31/1120192583/life-expectancy-in-the-u-s-continues-to-drop-driven-by-covid-19\">dropped for two years\u003c/a> in a row, the first time that's happened in the U.S. in a century.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"description": "The Census Bureau released some heartening news Tuesday. Child poverty is at a historic low, according to the bureau's annual report on income, poverty and health insurance. And the rate of Americans without health insurance also dropped in 2021 compared to the previous year. But the good news may be short lived. Both gains were driven by",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The Census Bureau released some heartening news Tuesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Child poverty is at a historic low, according to the bureau's \u003ca href=\"https://www.census.gov/newsroom/press-releases/2022/income-poverty-health-insurance-coverage.html\">annual report\u003c/a> on income, poverty and health insurance. And the rate of Americans without health insurance also dropped in 2021 compared to the previous year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the good news may be short lived. Both gains were driven by temporary pandemic-related policies, and without action by policymakers, they could quickly unravel.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Child tax credit key to drop in poverty\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Childhood poverty dropped substantially in 2021, falling from 9.7% in 2020 down to 5.2%. The overall poverty rate for all age groups was just under 8% — a decline from 9.2% in 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These figures are based on the \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2011/11/07/142105558/new-measure-shows-higher-poverty-rate-in-u-s\">Supplemental Poverty Measure\u003c/a>, which takes into account all kinds of expenses families have, as well as that range of pandemic aid many families received.\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "'As soon as the public health emergency is declared over – which could be as early as January – that safety net that was in that COVID relief bill goes away.'",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/span>Poverty experts attribute much of this improvement to the child tax credit which Congress boosted in 2021 in the American Rescue Plan. Congress also expanded it to include millions more low-income families.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The child tax credit gives families more money to spend on essentials, says \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbpp.org/about/our-staff/sharon-parrott\">Sharon Parrott\u003c/a>, who has researched the issue for the Center on Budget and Policy Priorities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"They spend it on their housing, food, education, they're able to do some of those extracurricular activities that high income families take for granted,\" she says. \"They are investing in their kids and their families are able to make ends meet in really important ways.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And Parrott says all these things can have long term benefits for kids, like doing better in school and being healthier.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Uninsured rate approaches record lows, thanks to Medicaid\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The census numbers show 8.3% of Americans – or 27.2 million people – did not have any health insurance in 2021. That's an improvement from 2020, when 8.6% of people were uninsured.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The force behind this trend is Medicaid, the public health insurance option for people with low incomes, according to census officials who briefed reporters Tuesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The reason the Medicaid rates have increased is because of a COVID relief bill that Congress passed in March of 2020,\" says \u003ca href=\"https://chir.georgetown.edu/faculty_sabrina_corlette/\">Sabrina Corlette\u003c/a> of the Georgetown University Center on Health Insurance Reforms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Families First Coronavirus Response Act essentially mandated that state Medicaid programs not force enrollees to requalify for the program – so states could enroll new people but not kick anyone off. Because of this \"continuous enrollment provision,\" Medicaid has grown significantly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another area of growth was Medicare, though census officials noted that that's due to more people turning 65 and becoming eligible, not because of a policy change.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What happens when pandemic measures end\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Policy experts say this week's good news may be fleeting. The expanded child tax credit ended in December, just as inflation was starting to climb to historic highs. The policy supporting more people getting health insurance is set to run out in a few months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"As soon as the public health emergency is declared over – which could be as early as January – that safety net that was in that COVID relief bill goes away,\" says Corlette. \"And so we could see this historic increase in the rates of the insured be reversed.\"\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/span>More than 15 million people could lose Medicaid, according to an estimate from the Department of Health and Human Services \u003ca href=\"https://aspe.hhs.gov/sites/default/files/documents/60f0ac74ee06eb578d30b0f39ac94323/aspe-end-mcaid-continuous-coverage.pdf?_ga=2.168159075.310828479.1663022160-418932185.1663022160\">released last month\u003c/a>. The analysis suggests nearly half of those losing coverage will be because of administrative issues – such as challenges with filling out the paperwork to reapply – and not because they no longer qualify for coverage. Some will be able to get coverage elsewhere, but millions more may become uninsured.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When it comes to poverty, inflation could start to affect these rates. In fact, one group already is seeing more poverty in the 2021 numbers and that is seniors. Census officials say this is likely because they're on fixed incomes, and already last year inflation was starting to tick up, really squeezing their budgets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But again, Census officials stressed that Social Security did keep more than 26 million people out of poverty, and that includes several million children being raised by grandparents.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How to hold on to temporary gains\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In terms of U.S. trends over time, the Census numbers released Tuesday on child poverty and health insurance are encouraging, experts say, and it's now up to policymakers to act to keep these gains.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Any of the improvements that we see – whether it's insurance or poverty – are a reflection of political choices,\" says \u003ca href=\"https://government.cornell.edu/jamila-michener\">Jamila Michener\u003c/a> – a professor of government at Cornell and an expert on Medicaid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Biden administration and many Democrats would like to make the expanded child tax credit permanent. The U.S. House passed such a measure but it did not survive in the Senate. Several Republican Senators have proposed more limited ways to expand the child tax credit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"What we don't know is the trade-offs,\" says Angela Rachidi, a senior fellow at the American Enterprise Institute. \"We know inflation increased dramatically over the past year. To what extent did all this government transfer of income contribute to that, I think, is still a question.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some researchers note that the U.S. has a long way to go with gains in health and insurance rates, when compared to similar high-income countries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"[Among] our peer countries, we have one of the highest rates of uninsurance in the world and also poorer health outcomes,\" notes Corlette. \"And that's been an issue for us even before the pandemic.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://nap.nationalacademies.org/catalog/13497/us-health-in-international-perspective-shorter-lives-poorer-health\">landmark study in 2013\u003c/a> enumerated the many ways Americans don't have as healthy or long lives as people do in similarly wealthy countries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One striking illustration of this came with the new life expectancy numbers released two weeks ago. Countries all over the world had a drop in life expectancy after the first year of the pandemic, but many have been able to rebound.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>America has not – instead life expectancy \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/health-shots/2022/08/31/1120192583/life-expectancy-in-the-u-s-continues-to-drop-driven-by-covid-19\">dropped for two years\u003c/a> in a row, the first time that's happened in the U.S. in a century.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "Newsom Signs 'CARE Court' Plan, Overhauling Mental Health Care in California",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated Wednesday 2 p.m.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom signed a controversial bill Wednesday overhauling the state’s approach to mental health care for people diagnosed with schizophrenia and other psychotic disorders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The state Senate last month approved the\u003c/span> Community Assistance, Recovery and Empowerment Act, which will allow family members and first responders to ask a judge to draw up a treatment plan for people deemed to be suffering from those disorders. Those who refuse could be placed under a conservatorship and ordered to comply.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Currently, unhoused people with severe mental health disorders can be held against their will at psychiatric hospitals, but must be released after three days if they promise to follow up with other services and take prescribed medication.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new law will let a court order a treatment plan for up to two years, which may include medication, housing and therapy.\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Participants will have access to a public defender and an advocate to help make decisions about treatment programs and housing. In turn, the behavioral health department in that county would be compelled to provide treatment.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While it shares some elements of mental health programs in some other states, California’s new system will be the first of its kind in the country, according to state Sen. Tom Umberg, D-Santa Ana, who co-authored the law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Standing outside Momentum for Health, a nonprofit mental health care provider in San José, Newsom on Wednesday said the bill was about redesigning a broken system \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">that often leaves people cycling among homelessness, jail and emergency rooms. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m not interested in the status quo,” he said. “I’m not interested in the compassionless-ness of the approach we have today of people moralizing and normalizing that suffering on the streets and sidewalks.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">But critics of the bill say it coerces people into care, which is less effective than voluntary treatment, and doesn’t provide the necessary health and housing resources.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">James Burch, deputy director of the Anti Police-Terror Project, which is part of a statewide coalition opposing CARE Court, called the bill’s signing “devastating.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“It ignores the very stark reality that we’re living in in this moment,” he said. “We are tens of thousands of beds short in the Bay Area of the permanent housing that we need. … And we are woefully short on voluntary treatment programs.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11914873 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS16522_GettyImages-73453883-qut-1020x682.jpg']\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Gov. Gavin Newsom introduced the proposal in March. \u003c/span>It passed the Legislature with overwhelming support, despite vehement opposition from disability rights and homeless advocates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was just a matter of months ago that we stood right here and we laid out a vision,” Newsom said Wednesday. “And here we are. We’ve made it a reality, and that is rare in politics, particularly on issues as vexing and challenging as this issue.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Santa Clara County Superior Court Judge Stephen Manley said every day he sees people caught in a cycle of homelessness, jail and emergency rooms, without ever getting the adequate care or housing they need. Manley oversees a \u003ca href=\"https://steinberginstitute.org/champion/stephen-v-manley/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">mental health care diversion court\u003c/a> for people awaiting trial for suspected crimes. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think this is a major step towards building a system that is going to be effective, as opposed to the present system,” Manley said, “where these individuals simply cycle through our jails over to the emergency room of a hospital, back to the streets, back to the jail, back to the hospital. And it doesn’t stop.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assemblymember Suzette Martinez Valladares, R-Santa Clarita, said CARE Court was coming 10 years too late. She shared the story of her cousin, a Vietnam veteran, who was homeless and living in an encampment for five years before he died.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I wish that my family had the tools that this bill is going to bring forward so that he might still be alive and with us,” she said, adding, “But there’s more work to be done. This bill is great, but we need resources for the programs, for the services, for the workforce that doesn’t currently exist.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The state faces a shortage of not only \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.rand.org/pubs/research_reports/RRA1824-1-v2.html\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">psychiatric facilities\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">, but also the \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://healthforce.ucsf.edu/sites/healthforce.ucsf.edu/files/publication-pdf/California%E2%80%99s%20Current%20and%20Future%20Behavioral%20Health%20Workforce.pdf\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">health care staff\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> needed to operate those facilities. And Newsom’s administration estimates that between 7,000 and 12,000 people across the state will be eligible for CARE Court. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“We’re guessing there will be demand for this,” said Michelle Doty Cabrera, executive director of the County Behavioral Health Directors Association of California. “There’s not a lot of give in terms of our workforce currently.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The state is allocating $65 million to implement CARE Court within the judicial system, as well as additional money for county behavioral health care agencies, which would manage cases. To help pay for start-up and training costs, the first seven counties to implement CARE Court will receive $26 million, with another $31 million going to counties across the state, Doty Cabrera said.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Those first seven counties are Glenn, Orange, Riverside, San Diego, Stanislaus, Tuolumne and San Francisco, which will implement CARE Courts by Oct. 1, 2023. The remaining counties would have until Dec. 1, 2024.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“And, there’s an ongoing conversation around long-term funding,” Doty Cabrera said. The bill now requires the state to provide funding to county behavioral health care agencies for programs and services before counties are required to implement CARE Court. “What that is, what it looks like, how much — all of that is still to be worked out between counties and the state,” she said.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11916040 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/GettyImages-1236267426-1020x680.jpg']The other looming question is housing. \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The current version of the bill allows judges to order other government agencies, such as housing authorities, to prioritize CARE Court participants for housing. But in more rural parts of the state, housing with the appropriate services just doesn’t exist, Doty Cabrera added. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Who exactly are we going to pull into the order?” she said. “No one. There is nothing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, nearly 14,000 people experiencing homelessness voluntarily sought mental health services, but only half were placed into housing, according to a survey conducted earlier this year by the County Behavioral Health Directors Association of California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Beyond the logistics, members of the Assembly grappled with CARE Court’s reliance on the judicial system. Although voluntary, the legislation also comes with a threat: Continued refusal could be used as a justification for conservatorship, where people could be forced into care against their will.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“At what point does compassion end and our desire to just get people off the streets and out of public sight begin?” said Assemblymember Al Muratsuchi, D-Torrance. “\u003c/span>I don’t think this is a great bill, but it seems to be the best idea that we have at this point to try to improve a god-awful situation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Others worry whether it will do more harm than good, by disproportionately affecting \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Black residents in the state, who are diagnosed with schizophrenia, on average, \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC4274585/\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">three to four times more often\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> than white residents. Black residents also represent\u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://files.hudexchange.info/reports/published/CoC_PopSub_State_CA_2020.pdf\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> 30% of those experiencing homelessness\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> in the state, but only 6.5% of the general population. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“It’s Black men, Black trans folks, Black folks in general who will be the ones who are disproportionately forced into CARE Court and disproportionately affected by this horribly myopic legislation,” said Burch, of the Anti Police-Terror Project. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The bill requires an annual report on CARE Court, along with an independent, research-based entity to evaluate the effectiveness of the program, including “through the lens of health equity” to identify racial bias. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Now that CARE Court has been signed into law, Doty Cabrera said it will be critical to keep those concerns in mind as counties try to imagine all of the program’s “unknown variables.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“This is sort of like Chapter One of a novel,” she said. “We’ll be working on this for a long time to come.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated Wednesday 2 p.m.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom signed a controversial bill Wednesday overhauling the state’s approach to mental health care for people diagnosed with schizophrenia and other psychotic disorders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The state Senate last month approved the\u003c/span> Community Assistance, Recovery and Empowerment Act, which will allow family members and first responders to ask a judge to draw up a treatment plan for people deemed to be suffering from those disorders. Those who refuse could be placed under a conservatorship and ordered to comply.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Currently, unhoused people with severe mental health disorders can be held against their will at psychiatric hospitals, but must be released after three days if they promise to follow up with other services and take prescribed medication.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new law will let a court order a treatment plan for up to two years, which may include medication, housing and therapy.\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Participants will have access to a public defender and an advocate to help make decisions about treatment programs and housing. In turn, the behavioral health department in that county would be compelled to provide treatment.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While it shares some elements of mental health programs in some other states, California’s new system will be the first of its kind in the country, according to state Sen. Tom Umberg, D-Santa Ana, who co-authored the law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Standing outside Momentum for Health, a nonprofit mental health care provider in San José, Newsom on Wednesday said the bill was about redesigning a broken system \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">that often leaves people cycling among homelessness, jail and emergency rooms. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m not interested in the status quo,” he said. “I’m not interested in the compassionless-ness of the approach we have today of people moralizing and normalizing that suffering on the streets and sidewalks.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">But critics of the bill say it coerces people into care, which is less effective than voluntary treatment, and doesn’t provide the necessary health and housing resources.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">James Burch, deputy director of the Anti Police-Terror Project, which is part of a statewide coalition opposing CARE Court, called the bill’s signing “devastating.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“It ignores the very stark reality that we’re living in in this moment,” he said. “We are tens of thousands of beds short in the Bay Area of the permanent housing that we need. … And we are woefully short on voluntary treatment programs.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Gov. Gavin Newsom introduced the proposal in March. \u003c/span>It passed the Legislature with overwhelming support, despite vehement opposition from disability rights and homeless advocates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was just a matter of months ago that we stood right here and we laid out a vision,” Newsom said Wednesday. “And here we are. We’ve made it a reality, and that is rare in politics, particularly on issues as vexing and challenging as this issue.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Santa Clara County Superior Court Judge Stephen Manley said every day he sees people caught in a cycle of homelessness, jail and emergency rooms, without ever getting the adequate care or housing they need. Manley oversees a \u003ca href=\"https://steinberginstitute.org/champion/stephen-v-manley/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">mental health care diversion court\u003c/a> for people awaiting trial for suspected crimes. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think this is a major step towards building a system that is going to be effective, as opposed to the present system,” Manley said, “where these individuals simply cycle through our jails over to the emergency room of a hospital, back to the streets, back to the jail, back to the hospital. And it doesn’t stop.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assemblymember Suzette Martinez Valladares, R-Santa Clarita, said CARE Court was coming 10 years too late. She shared the story of her cousin, a Vietnam veteran, who was homeless and living in an encampment for five years before he died.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I wish that my family had the tools that this bill is going to bring forward so that he might still be alive and with us,” she said, adding, “But there’s more work to be done. This bill is great, but we need resources for the programs, for the services, for the workforce that doesn’t currently exist.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The state faces a shortage of not only \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.rand.org/pubs/research_reports/RRA1824-1-v2.html\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">psychiatric facilities\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">, but also the \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://healthforce.ucsf.edu/sites/healthforce.ucsf.edu/files/publication-pdf/California%E2%80%99s%20Current%20and%20Future%20Behavioral%20Health%20Workforce.pdf\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">health care staff\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> needed to operate those facilities. And Newsom’s administration estimates that between 7,000 and 12,000 people across the state will be eligible for CARE Court. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“We’re guessing there will be demand for this,” said Michelle Doty Cabrera, executive director of the County Behavioral Health Directors Association of California. “There’s not a lot of give in terms of our workforce currently.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The state is allocating $65 million to implement CARE Court within the judicial system, as well as additional money for county behavioral health care agencies, which would manage cases. To help pay for start-up and training costs, the first seven counties to implement CARE Court will receive $26 million, with another $31 million going to counties across the state, Doty Cabrera said.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Those first seven counties are Glenn, Orange, Riverside, San Diego, Stanislaus, Tuolumne and San Francisco, which will implement CARE Courts by Oct. 1, 2023. The remaining counties would have until Dec. 1, 2024.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“And, there’s an ongoing conversation around long-term funding,” Doty Cabrera said. The bill now requires the state to provide funding to county behavioral health care agencies for programs and services before counties are required to implement CARE Court. “What that is, what it looks like, how much — all of that is still to be worked out between counties and the state,” she said.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The other looming question is housing. \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The current version of the bill allows judges to order other government agencies, such as housing authorities, to prioritize CARE Court participants for housing. But in more rural parts of the state, housing with the appropriate services just doesn’t exist, Doty Cabrera added. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Who exactly are we going to pull into the order?” she said. “No one. There is nothing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, nearly 14,000 people experiencing homelessness voluntarily sought mental health services, but only half were placed into housing, according to a survey conducted earlier this year by the County Behavioral Health Directors Association of California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Beyond the logistics, members of the Assembly grappled with CARE Court’s reliance on the judicial system. Although voluntary, the legislation also comes with a threat: Continued refusal could be used as a justification for conservatorship, where people could be forced into care against their will.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“At what point does compassion end and our desire to just get people off the streets and out of public sight begin?” said Assemblymember Al Muratsuchi, D-Torrance. “\u003c/span>I don’t think this is a great bill, but it seems to be the best idea that we have at this point to try to improve a god-awful situation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Others worry whether it will do more harm than good, by disproportionately affecting \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Black residents in the state, who are diagnosed with schizophrenia, on average, \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC4274585/\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">three to four times more often\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> than white residents. Black residents also represent\u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://files.hudexchange.info/reports/published/CoC_PopSub_State_CA_2020.pdf\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> 30% of those experiencing homelessness\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> in the state, but only 6.5% of the general population. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“It’s Black men, Black trans folks, Black folks in general who will be the ones who are disproportionately forced into CARE Court and disproportionately affected by this horribly myopic legislation,” said Burch, of the Anti Police-Terror Project. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The bill requires an annual report on CARE Court, along with an independent, research-based entity to evaluate the effectiveness of the program, including “through the lens of health equity” to identify racial bias. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Now that CARE Court has been signed into law, Doty Cabrera said it will be critical to keep those concerns in mind as counties try to imagine all of the program’s “unknown variables.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“This is sort of like Chapter One of a novel,” she said. “We’ll be working on this for a long time to come.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>The need for therapists, social workers, psychologists and psychiatrists is greater than ever. Under relentless pressure from the pandemic and inflation, wildfires, gun violence, racism and war, Californians are crying out for help.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But that doesn’t mean they can get it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In every corner of mental health right now, a similar story is being told: There simply aren’t enough providers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Patients receive lists of names from their insurers, only to learn none of the therapists on these so-called “ghost lists” will see them. Clinicians who do offer a spot often only accept cash.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nonprofit mental health care providers report needing to have an offer letter ready at a job interview, fearing applicants will take another position if they wait.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kaiser mental health care clinicians have been \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11923034/were-drowning-why-kaiser-mental-health-workers-are-striking\">out on strike for weeks\u003c/a> now in Northern California, describing exhausting working conditions and long delays in care for their patients. Kaiser, for its part, points a finger at a familiar culprit: the mental health care provider shortage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CalMatters spoke with more than two dozen mental health experts, public officials and providers around California to ask about the impacts of the mental health care provider shortage, and what can be done about it. Their responses ranged from desperate to hopeful.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All agree we are at a pivotal movement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In part, that’s because Gov. Gavin Newsom’s administration is investing heavily in overhauling the state’s mental health care system. At the same time, the state recently enacted laws requiring insurers to provide timely access to mental health care. Some worry a lack of providers could jeopardize these bold new initiatives. Others see this as an opportunity to reimagine how mental health care in the state is delivered.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here’s what the experts had to say:\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How big is the provider shortage problem?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>It depends on what part of the elephant you’re looking at, said Catherine Teare, associate director of the California Health Care Foundation’s People-Centered Care team. County mental health departments are struggling to hire. So are commercial health plans. So are nonprofits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the same time, she said, “the level of mental distress is increased.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For children or adults who need a lot, or need it urgently, it’s a scary time,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dr. Mark Ghaly, secretary of the California Health and Human Services Agency, told CalMatters that the number of licensed behavioral health care providers in the state increased by 20% between 2016 and 2020. But, that’s been offset by an increase in demand he calls “really unprecedented.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For patients, how bad the shortage is depends, in part, on where you live, your insurance, your income, your age, the care you need and whether you want a clinician of color or one who speaks a language other than English.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.chcf.org/publication/californias-current-future-behavioral-health-workforce/\">A report\u003c/a> published by the University of California, San Francisco in 2018 — even before the \u003ca href=\"https://www.healthmanagement.com/wp-content/uploads/HMA-NCMW-Issue-Brief-10-27-21.pdf\">pandemic sent need skyrocketing\u003c/a> — predicted that by 2028, demand for psychologists and other therapists would be 40% more than supply. For kids, the shortage is especially dire: Close to a third of California’s 58 counties have \u003ca href=\"https://www.aacap.org/aacap/Advocacy/Federal_and_State_Initiatives/Workforce_Maps/Home.aspx\">no child and adolescent psychiatrists at all\u003c/a>, according to the American Academy of Child and Adolescent Psychiatry.[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_11924343,news_11924117,news_11923034\"]\u003ca href=\"https://www.chcf.org/wp-content/uploads/2022/07/MentalHealthAlmanac2022.pdf\">A new report\u003c/a> from the California Health Care Foundation shows that the Bay Area has 19 licensed psychiatrists and 73 licensed psychologists per 100,000 people — significantly more than the state averages of 12 and 44. At the other end of the spectrum, the San Joaquin Valley has six psychiatrists and 16 psychologists for the equivalent number of people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jessica Dominguez, a licensed marriage and family therapist at Kaiser Richmond who is currently on strike, said the Bay Area has plenty of providers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Throw a rock, you’re going to hit a therapist,” said Dominguez, who said she plans to leave the organization.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But others who work in the region, including Matthew Madaus, executive director of the Behavioral Health Collaborative of Alameda County, said “100% absolutely” there’s a shortage even in the Bay Area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you search for a behavioral health clinician on Indeed.com, Madaus said, it comes up with thousands of open positions within a 25-mile radius.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s extraordinary the level of demand,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One problem: It’s difficult to capture how many clinicians don’t accept any insurance at all, and thus aren’t accessible to the vast majority of patients who can’t pay out of pocket.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What we do know: We need more and better data. For instance, some experts say the increase described by Ghaly does not reflect how many licensed providers are actually seeing patients, nor does it capture how many are seeing people who are uninsured or on Medi-Cal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democratic state Sen. Scott Wiener of San Francisco authored\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220SB964\"> a bill\u003c/a> this year that would require the Department of Health Care Access and Information to prepare a report for the Legislature by Jan. 1, 2024, describing the state of California’s behavioral health workforce, and how best to address the shortage. Senate Bill 964 is on the governor’s desk.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://workforce.org/wp-content/uploads/2022/08/San-Diego-Behavioral-Health-Workforce-Report-.pdf\">San Diego County has already researched the shortage.\u003c/a> Officials there estimate they currently have 17,000 behavioral health care workers and need an additional 8,100 to meet current demand. In the next five years, they anticipate needing another 10,000 workers, in part because so many will be retiring.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What’s causing the shortage?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Mental health care leaders will tell you the shortage itself is nothing new. But the pandemic has aggravated the problems. More providers have left their jobs, citing burnout. Or they’ve left the state, citing cost of living. New telehealth start-ups specializing in mental health treatment offer good pay and flexible hours; many experts said they have added to the demand by siphoning off providers from the public sector.[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Catherine Teare, associate director of People-Centered Care, California Health Care Foundation\"]‘For children or adults who need a lot, or need it urgently, it’s a scary time.’[/pullquote]In a 2018 report on the \u003ca href=\"https://healthforce.ucsf.edu/publications/california-s-current-and-future-behavioral-health-workforce\">behavioral health workforce shortage\u003c/a>, Janet Coffman of UCSF also raised the concern that 45% of psychiatrists and 37% of psychologists would likely be retiring within a decade. The pandemic has accelerated this trend, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many clinicians say they’re simply exhausted. It’s not just that more people need help, but that many of them are coming in sicker, with mental health issues that have gone untreated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our patient population has become so much more difficult to work with than it used to be a decade ago,” said Randall Hagar, legislative advocate and policy consultant for the Psychiatric Physicians Alliance of California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As openings go unfilled, those who remain are left to carry more of the weight, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another problem Hagar and others mention: paperwork. Doctors spend some 40% of their time on paperwork, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many clinicians, especially providers of color, also say they are simply not getting enough emotional support from their employers. Dominguez, the Kaiser therapist, said she founded La Clinica, a nationally recognized pilot program to serve Spanish-speaking clients, in 2016. When tragedies happen in the community, she said, they affect clinicians, too. But, “you’re just expected to plug along and keep going,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Continually witnessing trauma can be exhausting, said Jeff Capps, a social worker with Pacific Clinics in Los Angeles. He emphasizes the need to make the work more sustainable for clinicians. That includes better pay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Sometimes in our field, the assumption is that since you get value out of your work, you don’t need to be as compensated,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A 2019 report by the health care consulting firm Milliman found that commercial plans in California, when setting rates, \u003ca href=\"https://www.milliman.com/en/insight/addiction-and-mental-health-vs-physical-health-widening-disparities-in-network-use-and-p\">pay primary care providers an average 15% more\u003c/a> than they pay behavioral health care providers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Luke Bergmann, San Diego County’s director of behavioral health, said his county’s report on the provider shortage showed that, in some cases, people chose to work at Panda Express instead of substance use disorder clinics “because they simply cannot make as much.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People talk about loving the work,” he said. “For people to leave this work is an incredible emotional sacrifice.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Candy Curiel, clinical director of Pacific Clinics for the Inland Empire, said inflation is making the situation even worse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Everything is so costly at this point, people feel they need to seek more money,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Everyone is competing with everyone else. Is this a zero-sum game?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Michelle Cabrera, executive director of the County Behavioral Health Directors Association of California, said the state’s mental health care system is so overwhelmed, everyone is poaching from each other.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Let me be clear: It is a zero-sum game,” she said. “There’s only so many licensed or competent professionals in the state of California to do these jobs.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In August, state Superintendent of Public Instruction Tony Thurmond announced that he had secured funding to \u003ca href=\"https://www.cde.ca.gov/nr/ne/yr22/yr22rel39.asp\">hire 10,000 additional mental health clinicians\u003c/a> to serve the state’s students. That effort is key to the Department of Education’s push to increase mental health care provided in schools.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Adrienne Shilton, senior policy advocate for the California Alliance of Child and Family Services, called the $200 million to establish a new scholarship program for master’s-level clinicians “a big win.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But for Cabrera, the announcement “just puts fear at the heart of county behavioral health.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She wonders how counties can possibly compete.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t know that we’ve really had a reckoning yet on the degree to which demand so far exceeds the available supply of providers in our state,” she said.[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Karen Larsen, CEO, Steinberg Institute\"]‘We finally have all of this money and transformation coming. All these amazing things … and it couldn’t come at a worse time in terms of our workforce.’[/pullquote]This is the vicious circle for workers who are salaried. Nonprofit providers often pay less than schools and counties. Schools and counties, in turn, pay less than Kaiser and some of the new telehealth start-ups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nonprofit jobs that used to attract 40 or 50 applicants might only get two or three now, said Madaus, of the Behavioral Health Collaborative of Alameda County. Some nonprofits are looking at the possibility of providing free housing as an incentive, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even as it contributes to burnout, the increasing demand has, in some ways, opened new doors for clinicians.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Michael Torres, child and family clinical psychologist for Kaiser in San Leandro who is currently on strike, said that of 15 people on his team, six have left in the past year. Some are leaving to do telehealth, or to work in the private sector. Those positions can offer better work-life balance and more flexibility, he said. They also allow clinicians to see patients weekly or biweekly, he said, instead of every four to six weeks as often happens at Kaiser.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11923074\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11923074\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57894_032_KQED_KaiserStrikeOakland_08192022-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt='people in red shirts carrying signs that read \"patients over profits\"' width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57894_032_KQED_KaiserStrikeOakland_08192022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57894_032_KQED_KaiserStrikeOakland_08192022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57894_032_KQED_KaiserStrikeOakland_08192022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57894_032_KQED_KaiserStrikeOakland_08192022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57894_032_KQED_KaiserStrikeOakland_08192022-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Kaiser mental health care workers and supporters march from Oakland Kaiser Medical Center to Kaiser’s corporate headquarters on Friday, Aug. 19, 2022, the fifth day of an open-ended strike. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>How will the provider shortage affect the Newsom administration’s big mental health care initiatives?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Coming into office, Newsom made clear that he wanted to prioritize mental health. Over the past few years, his administration has championed a number of bold new initiatives. These include:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.chhs.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/2021/12/Children-and-Youth-Behavioral-Health-Initiative-Brief.pdf\">Children and Youth Behavioral Health Initiative\u003c/a>, a \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/2022/08/KidsMentalHealthMasterPlan_8.18.22.pdf?emrc=6d3847\">$4.7 billion investment\u003c/a> meant to transform the children’s mental health care system.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>CalAIM, a major transformation of the state’s Medi-Cal system.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11924117/governors-care-court-plan-passes-assembly-clearing-way-to-become-law\">CARE Court\u003c/a>, a controversial proposal to compel people with serious mental illness into care and housing.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Lawmakers in recent years strengthened requirements that private insurers adhere to federal and state mental health parity laws — which require equal treatment of mental and physical health concerns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But many of those tasked with implementing these efforts say they are worried.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have that conversation all the time,” said Madaus, of the Behavioral Health Collaborative of Alameda County. As new funding sources come online, he said, nonprofit executives consistently tell him: “I can’t take any more funding because I can’t hire more staff.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Karen Larsen, chief executive officer of the Steinberg Institute, a nonprofit that advocates on mental health care policy, is also concerned. Prior to assuming her current role, Larsen spent two decades as head of Yolo County’s behavioral health department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We finally have all of this money and transformation coming,” she said. “All these amazing things … and it couldn’t come at a worse time in terms of our workforce.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ghaly says he shares that concern. But he adds that “incredible investments have been made,” not just in innovative programs, but in addressing the workforce shortage head-on.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How do we increase the number of providers?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Earlier this year, Josh Leonard, executive director of the East Bay Agency for Children, was struggling to fill openings for mental health clinicians. Over several months, the nonprofit — anticipating a bump in its contract with Alameda County — raised all clinicians’ salaries by at least 15%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It worked. At least for now.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While Leonard’s not considering the workforce crisis over, he knows that decision was important.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jessica Hernandez, a clinician there, agrees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For me it has helped out tremendously,” she said. “Now I want to stay longer.”[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Janet Coffman, University of California San Francisco\"]‘We’re making much bigger investments in the behavioral health workforce than we have since I started engaging in this field in the ’90s.’[/pullquote]To make the work more appealing and sustainable, providers say a lot needs to change. Besides pay, other factors are also critical, including reducing paperwork, offering more flexibility and providing more support to therapists.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That last one has been key for Hernandez.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’re acknowledging that it’s really, really tough,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To meet growing need, new providers also must be brought in. Scholarships and loan repayment programs are helpful, but universities need more spots to train new clinicians.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Coffman, of UCSF, calls herself “cautiously optimistic.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re making much bigger investments in the behavioral health workforce than we have since I started engaging in this field in the ’90s,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This year’s budget allocates more than $360 million for the state to spend over the next three years on everything from recruiting high schoolers into behavioral health to expanding social work slots at public universities and helping psychiatry students with loan repayment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Newsom also emphasized workforce development in his recent \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/2022/08/KidsMentalHealthMasterPlan_8.18.22.pdf?emrc=6d3847\">master plan for kids’ mental health\u003c/a>. Some of the $4.7 billion will go toward bringing in 40,000 new mental health care workers, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Can we reimagine how mental health care is provided?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Ultimately, getting mental health care to everyone who needs it is going to require both expanding our idea of who should provide that care — and how they should do it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you only see the system in the context of what it currently is, yeah, we’re stuck by the provider shortage,” said Alex Briscoe, head of California Children’s Trust, an initiative to change the state’s mental health care system for children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But I would say that we can’t let that stop us, and I actually think it represents an opportunity,” Briscoe said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Briscoe, this includes team-based models — already used by some nonprofits — involving a therapist, a case worker, a parenting coach or housing or employment specialist, and a peer provider who has lived with mental illness and is uniquely positioned to support others in crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It includes more people with shared life experiences and those who live in the local community, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mental health care workers are often middle-class white women, while many of the people they serve — especially on Medi-Cal — are lower-income people of color, said Dr. Rhea Boyd, a pediatrician and public health advocate who works with Briscoe at the California Children’s Trust. She wonders: What if we expanded the provider class so that it included the people who cut or braid your hair? What if the people who offered you mental health care lived on your block?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A lot of these things already exist informally, she said. What’s needed is a way to pay for them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s starting to emerge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two years ago, the state finally authorized a pathway to \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/2020/09/california-peer-mental-health/\">certify peer providers\u003c/a>, allowing organizations that employ them to bill Medi-Cal. California was the 49th state to do so.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other new categories of workers are also being proposed. CalAIM created a job description called “community health workers,” trusted residents who do outreach in their own communities. And the state’s Children and Youth Behavioral Health Initiative is developing the role of behavioral health coaches, who work with young people on school campuses. Both would work in team-based models under the supervision of licensed providers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Coffman and others say it’s also important to invest in career ladders, so people who enter the field as peer providers have the option to earn more advanced degrees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is the opportunity California has in front of it,” said Ghaly, secretary of the California Health and Human Services Agency. “And it’s going to start by how transformative, innovative and successful we are in creating not just the workforce that we know but the workforce that we’ve yet to discover.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The need for therapists, social workers, psychologists and psychiatrists is greater than ever. Under relentless pressure from the pandemic and inflation, wildfires, gun violence, racism and war, Californians are crying out for help.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But that doesn’t mean they can get it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In every corner of mental health right now, a similar story is being told: There simply aren’t enough providers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Patients receive lists of names from their insurers, only to learn none of the therapists on these so-called “ghost lists” will see them. Clinicians who do offer a spot often only accept cash.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nonprofit mental health care providers report needing to have an offer letter ready at a job interview, fearing applicants will take another position if they wait.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kaiser mental health care clinicians have been \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11923034/were-drowning-why-kaiser-mental-health-workers-are-striking\">out on strike for weeks\u003c/a> now in Northern California, describing exhausting working conditions and long delays in care for their patients. Kaiser, for its part, points a finger at a familiar culprit: the mental health care provider shortage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CalMatters spoke with more than two dozen mental health experts, public officials and providers around California to ask about the impacts of the mental health care provider shortage, and what can be done about it. Their responses ranged from desperate to hopeful.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All agree we are at a pivotal movement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In part, that’s because Gov. Gavin Newsom’s administration is investing heavily in overhauling the state’s mental health care system. At the same time, the state recently enacted laws requiring insurers to provide timely access to mental health care. Some worry a lack of providers could jeopardize these bold new initiatives. Others see this as an opportunity to reimagine how mental health care in the state is delivered.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here’s what the experts had to say:\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How big is the provider shortage problem?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>It depends on what part of the elephant you’re looking at, said Catherine Teare, associate director of the California Health Care Foundation’s People-Centered Care team. County mental health departments are struggling to hire. So are commercial health plans. So are nonprofits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the same time, she said, “the level of mental distress is increased.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For children or adults who need a lot, or need it urgently, it’s a scary time,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dr. Mark Ghaly, secretary of the California Health and Human Services Agency, told CalMatters that the number of licensed behavioral health care providers in the state increased by 20% between 2016 and 2020. But, that’s been offset by an increase in demand he calls “really unprecedented.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For patients, how bad the shortage is depends, in part, on where you live, your insurance, your income, your age, the care you need and whether you want a clinician of color or one who speaks a language other than English.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.chcf.org/publication/californias-current-future-behavioral-health-workforce/\">A report\u003c/a> published by the University of California, San Francisco in 2018 — even before the \u003ca href=\"https://www.healthmanagement.com/wp-content/uploads/HMA-NCMW-Issue-Brief-10-27-21.pdf\">pandemic sent need skyrocketing\u003c/a> — predicted that by 2028, demand for psychologists and other therapists would be 40% more than supply. For kids, the shortage is especially dire: Close to a third of California’s 58 counties have \u003ca href=\"https://www.aacap.org/aacap/Advocacy/Federal_and_State_Initiatives/Workforce_Maps/Home.aspx\">no child and adolescent psychiatrists at all\u003c/a>, according to the American Academy of Child and Adolescent Psychiatry.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.chcf.org/wp-content/uploads/2022/07/MentalHealthAlmanac2022.pdf\">A new report\u003c/a> from the California Health Care Foundation shows that the Bay Area has 19 licensed psychiatrists and 73 licensed psychologists per 100,000 people — significantly more than the state averages of 12 and 44. At the other end of the spectrum, the San Joaquin Valley has six psychiatrists and 16 psychologists for the equivalent number of people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jessica Dominguez, a licensed marriage and family therapist at Kaiser Richmond who is currently on strike, said the Bay Area has plenty of providers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Throw a rock, you’re going to hit a therapist,” said Dominguez, who said she plans to leave the organization.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But others who work in the region, including Matthew Madaus, executive director of the Behavioral Health Collaborative of Alameda County, said “100% absolutely” there’s a shortage even in the Bay Area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you search for a behavioral health clinician on Indeed.com, Madaus said, it comes up with thousands of open positions within a 25-mile radius.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s extraordinary the level of demand,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One problem: It’s difficult to capture how many clinicians don’t accept any insurance at all, and thus aren’t accessible to the vast majority of patients who can’t pay out of pocket.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What we do know: We need more and better data. For instance, some experts say the increase described by Ghaly does not reflect how many licensed providers are actually seeing patients, nor does it capture how many are seeing people who are uninsured or on Medi-Cal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democratic state Sen. Scott Wiener of San Francisco authored\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220SB964\"> a bill\u003c/a> this year that would require the Department of Health Care Access and Information to prepare a report for the Legislature by Jan. 1, 2024, describing the state of California’s behavioral health workforce, and how best to address the shortage. Senate Bill 964 is on the governor’s desk.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://workforce.org/wp-content/uploads/2022/08/San-Diego-Behavioral-Health-Workforce-Report-.pdf\">San Diego County has already researched the shortage.\u003c/a> Officials there estimate they currently have 17,000 behavioral health care workers and need an additional 8,100 to meet current demand. In the next five years, they anticipate needing another 10,000 workers, in part because so many will be retiring.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What’s causing the shortage?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Mental health care leaders will tell you the shortage itself is nothing new. But the pandemic has aggravated the problems. More providers have left their jobs, citing burnout. Or they’ve left the state, citing cost of living. New telehealth start-ups specializing in mental health treatment offer good pay and flexible hours; many experts said they have added to the demand by siphoning off providers from the public sector.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>In a 2018 report on the \u003ca href=\"https://healthforce.ucsf.edu/publications/california-s-current-and-future-behavioral-health-workforce\">behavioral health workforce shortage\u003c/a>, Janet Coffman of UCSF also raised the concern that 45% of psychiatrists and 37% of psychologists would likely be retiring within a decade. The pandemic has accelerated this trend, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many clinicians say they’re simply exhausted. It’s not just that more people need help, but that many of them are coming in sicker, with mental health issues that have gone untreated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our patient population has become so much more difficult to work with than it used to be a decade ago,” said Randall Hagar, legislative advocate and policy consultant for the Psychiatric Physicians Alliance of California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As openings go unfilled, those who remain are left to carry more of the weight, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another problem Hagar and others mention: paperwork. Doctors spend some 40% of their time on paperwork, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many clinicians, especially providers of color, also say they are simply not getting enough emotional support from their employers. Dominguez, the Kaiser therapist, said she founded La Clinica, a nationally recognized pilot program to serve Spanish-speaking clients, in 2016. When tragedies happen in the community, she said, they affect clinicians, too. But, “you’re just expected to plug along and keep going,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Continually witnessing trauma can be exhausting, said Jeff Capps, a social worker with Pacific Clinics in Los Angeles. He emphasizes the need to make the work more sustainable for clinicians. That includes better pay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Sometimes in our field, the assumption is that since you get value out of your work, you don’t need to be as compensated,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A 2019 report by the health care consulting firm Milliman found that commercial plans in California, when setting rates, \u003ca href=\"https://www.milliman.com/en/insight/addiction-and-mental-health-vs-physical-health-widening-disparities-in-network-use-and-p\">pay primary care providers an average 15% more\u003c/a> than they pay behavioral health care providers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Luke Bergmann, San Diego County’s director of behavioral health, said his county’s report on the provider shortage showed that, in some cases, people chose to work at Panda Express instead of substance use disorder clinics “because they simply cannot make as much.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People talk about loving the work,” he said. “For people to leave this work is an incredible emotional sacrifice.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Candy Curiel, clinical director of Pacific Clinics for the Inland Empire, said inflation is making the situation even worse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Everything is so costly at this point, people feel they need to seek more money,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Everyone is competing with everyone else. Is this a zero-sum game?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Michelle Cabrera, executive director of the County Behavioral Health Directors Association of California, said the state’s mental health care system is so overwhelmed, everyone is poaching from each other.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Let me be clear: It is a zero-sum game,” she said. “There’s only so many licensed or competent professionals in the state of California to do these jobs.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In August, state Superintendent of Public Instruction Tony Thurmond announced that he had secured funding to \u003ca href=\"https://www.cde.ca.gov/nr/ne/yr22/yr22rel39.asp\">hire 10,000 additional mental health clinicians\u003c/a> to serve the state’s students. That effort is key to the Department of Education’s push to increase mental health care provided in schools.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Adrienne Shilton, senior policy advocate for the California Alliance of Child and Family Services, called the $200 million to establish a new scholarship program for master’s-level clinicians “a big win.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But for Cabrera, the announcement “just puts fear at the heart of county behavioral health.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She wonders how counties can possibly compete.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t know that we’ve really had a reckoning yet on the degree to which demand so far exceeds the available supply of providers in our state,” she said.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>This is the vicious circle for workers who are salaried. Nonprofit providers often pay less than schools and counties. Schools and counties, in turn, pay less than Kaiser and some of the new telehealth start-ups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nonprofit jobs that used to attract 40 or 50 applicants might only get two or three now, said Madaus, of the Behavioral Health Collaborative of Alameda County. Some nonprofits are looking at the possibility of providing free housing as an incentive, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even as it contributes to burnout, the increasing demand has, in some ways, opened new doors for clinicians.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Michael Torres, child and family clinical psychologist for Kaiser in San Leandro who is currently on strike, said that of 15 people on his team, six have left in the past year. Some are leaving to do telehealth, or to work in the private sector. Those positions can offer better work-life balance and more flexibility, he said. They also allow clinicians to see patients weekly or biweekly, he said, instead of every four to six weeks as often happens at Kaiser.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11923074\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11923074\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57894_032_KQED_KaiserStrikeOakland_08192022-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt='people in red shirts carrying signs that read \"patients over profits\"' width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57894_032_KQED_KaiserStrikeOakland_08192022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57894_032_KQED_KaiserStrikeOakland_08192022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57894_032_KQED_KaiserStrikeOakland_08192022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57894_032_KQED_KaiserStrikeOakland_08192022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57894_032_KQED_KaiserStrikeOakland_08192022-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Kaiser mental health care workers and supporters march from Oakland Kaiser Medical Center to Kaiser’s corporate headquarters on Friday, Aug. 19, 2022, the fifth day of an open-ended strike. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>How will the provider shortage affect the Newsom administration’s big mental health care initiatives?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Coming into office, Newsom made clear that he wanted to prioritize mental health. Over the past few years, his administration has championed a number of bold new initiatives. These include:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.chhs.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/2021/12/Children-and-Youth-Behavioral-Health-Initiative-Brief.pdf\">Children and Youth Behavioral Health Initiative\u003c/a>, a \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/2022/08/KidsMentalHealthMasterPlan_8.18.22.pdf?emrc=6d3847\">$4.7 billion investment\u003c/a> meant to transform the children’s mental health care system.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>CalAIM, a major transformation of the state’s Medi-Cal system.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11924117/governors-care-court-plan-passes-assembly-clearing-way-to-become-law\">CARE Court\u003c/a>, a controversial proposal to compel people with serious mental illness into care and housing.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Lawmakers in recent years strengthened requirements that private insurers adhere to federal and state mental health parity laws — which require equal treatment of mental and physical health concerns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But many of those tasked with implementing these efforts say they are worried.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have that conversation all the time,” said Madaus, of the Behavioral Health Collaborative of Alameda County. As new funding sources come online, he said, nonprofit executives consistently tell him: “I can’t take any more funding because I can’t hire more staff.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Karen Larsen, chief executive officer of the Steinberg Institute, a nonprofit that advocates on mental health care policy, is also concerned. Prior to assuming her current role, Larsen spent two decades as head of Yolo County’s behavioral health department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We finally have all of this money and transformation coming,” she said. “All these amazing things … and it couldn’t come at a worse time in terms of our workforce.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ghaly says he shares that concern. But he adds that “incredible investments have been made,” not just in innovative programs, but in addressing the workforce shortage head-on.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How do we increase the number of providers?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Earlier this year, Josh Leonard, executive director of the East Bay Agency for Children, was struggling to fill openings for mental health clinicians. Over several months, the nonprofit — anticipating a bump in its contract with Alameda County — raised all clinicians’ salaries by at least 15%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It worked. At least for now.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While Leonard’s not considering the workforce crisis over, he knows that decision was important.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jessica Hernandez, a clinician there, agrees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For me it has helped out tremendously,” she said. “Now I want to stay longer.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘We’re making much bigger investments in the behavioral health workforce than we have since I started engaging in this field in the ’90s.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>To make the work more appealing and sustainable, providers say a lot needs to change. Besides pay, other factors are also critical, including reducing paperwork, offering more flexibility and providing more support to therapists.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That last one has been key for Hernandez.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’re acknowledging that it’s really, really tough,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To meet growing need, new providers also must be brought in. Scholarships and loan repayment programs are helpful, but universities need more spots to train new clinicians.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Coffman, of UCSF, calls herself “cautiously optimistic.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re making much bigger investments in the behavioral health workforce than we have since I started engaging in this field in the ’90s,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This year’s budget allocates more than $360 million for the state to spend over the next three years on everything from recruiting high schoolers into behavioral health to expanding social work slots at public universities and helping psychiatry students with loan repayment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Newsom also emphasized workforce development in his recent \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/2022/08/KidsMentalHealthMasterPlan_8.18.22.pdf?emrc=6d3847\">master plan for kids’ mental health\u003c/a>. Some of the $4.7 billion will go toward bringing in 40,000 new mental health care workers, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Can we reimagine how mental health care is provided?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Ultimately, getting mental health care to everyone who needs it is going to require both expanding our idea of who should provide that care — and how they should do it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you only see the system in the context of what it currently is, yeah, we’re stuck by the provider shortage,” said Alex Briscoe, head of California Children’s Trust, an initiative to change the state’s mental health care system for children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But I would say that we can’t let that stop us, and I actually think it represents an opportunity,” Briscoe said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Briscoe, this includes team-based models — already used by some nonprofits — involving a therapist, a case worker, a parenting coach or housing or employment specialist, and a peer provider who has lived with mental illness and is uniquely positioned to support others in crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It includes more people with shared life experiences and those who live in the local community, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mental health care workers are often middle-class white women, while many of the people they serve — especially on Medi-Cal — are lower-income people of color, said Dr. Rhea Boyd, a pediatrician and public health advocate who works with Briscoe at the California Children’s Trust. She wonders: What if we expanded the provider class so that it included the people who cut or braid your hair? What if the people who offered you mental health care lived on your block?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A lot of these things already exist informally, she said. What’s needed is a way to pay for them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s starting to emerge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two years ago, the state finally authorized a pathway to \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/2020/09/california-peer-mental-health/\">certify peer providers\u003c/a>, allowing organizations that employ them to bill Medi-Cal. California was the 49th state to do so.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other new categories of workers are also being proposed. CalAIM created a job description called “community health workers,” trusted residents who do outreach in their own communities. And the state’s Children and Youth Behavioral Health Initiative is developing the role of behavioral health coaches, who work with young people on school campuses. Both would work in team-based models under the supervision of licensed providers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Coffman and others say it’s also important to invest in career ladders, so people who enter the field as peer providers have the option to earn more advanced degrees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is the opportunity California has in front of it,” said Ghaly, secretary of the California Health and Human Services Agency. “And it’s going to start by how transformative, innovative and successful we are in creating not just the workforce that we know but the workforce that we’ve yet to discover.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Purissima: The Ghost Town Hidden Near Half Moon Bay",
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"headTitle": "Purissima: The Ghost Town Hidden Near Half Moon Bay | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Read the transcript\u003ca href=\"https://bit.ly/3TO7JkR\"> here\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most people who visit Half Moon Bay today head to the beach for surf, sand and a snack. But another, spooky adventure awaits those who peel off Highway 1 and take a windy road up into the hills, especially on one of those days when the fog hangs low.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You’ll find working farms and ranches and old homes from the 19th century — some still lived in, others not so much. And if you drive up Verde Road just a little ways, not even a quarter mile, there’s a cemetery that used to be part of a town that no longer exists.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What happened to the ghost town of Purissima? I know that it was intended to be a much bigger town, but the railroad didn’t go all the way there, or something?” asks Julia Thollaug of Montara, on the coast. She’s a local teacher and choreographer who’s been aware of the cemetery for years, but not its backstory.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[baycuriouspodcastinfo]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t know anything about who lived there, or why they left,” she said. “That’s the thing that’s so interesting to me. Because Pescadero is still there [on the San Mateo County coast]. Half Moon Bay is there. So, like, why did they leave?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11924294\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11924294\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Photo-Aug-01-9-45-21-AM-scaled.jpg\" alt='A small sign that says \"Purissima Cemetery\" sits on a free-standing gate amidst hedgerows of poison oak.' width=\"2560\" height=\"1920\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Photo-Aug-01-9-45-21-AM-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Photo-Aug-01-9-45-21-AM-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Photo-Aug-01-9-45-21-AM-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Photo-Aug-01-9-45-21-AM-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Photo-Aug-01-9-45-21-AM-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Photo-Aug-01-9-45-21-AM-2048x1536.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Photo-Aug-01-9-45-21-AM-1920x1440.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A small sign that says ‘Purissima Cemetery’ sits on a freestanding gate amid hedgerows of poison oak. \u003ccite>(Rachael Myrow/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>If you weren’t looking for the Purissima Cemetery, you would probably fly right past the signs facing the road. Even if you did stop, by then you’d already have passed the town!\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mitch Postel, president of the \u003ca href=\"https://historysmc.org\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">San Mateo County Historical Association\u003c/a>, joined me on a tour of Purissima Cemetery on an unseasonably wet August day. We started by reading from a plaque laid here in the 1960s by the Yerba Buena chapter of \u003ca href=\"https://www.ecvyb1.com\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">E Clampus Vitus\u003c/a>, a fraternal organization dedicated to the preservation of the heritage of the American West:\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>The town with stores, school, hotel, saloon, dance hall, harness, shop and blacksmith shop flourished from the early 1860s until the age of the motorcar.\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>“Actually, I would say it was just a little bit of an exaggeration to say ‘flourished’ from the early 1860s until the age of the motorcar, because it was certainly up and down,” Postel said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11924295\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11924295\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Photo-Aug-01-10-33-39-AM-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"An older man stands in a creepy cemetery\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1920\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Photo-Aug-01-10-33-39-AM-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Photo-Aug-01-10-33-39-AM-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Photo-Aug-01-10-33-39-AM-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Photo-Aug-01-10-33-39-AM-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Photo-Aug-01-10-33-39-AM-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Photo-Aug-01-10-33-39-AM-2048x1536.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Photo-Aug-01-10-33-39-AM-1920x1440.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Mitch Postel, president of the San Mateo County Historical Association, stands in Purissima Cemetery. \u003ccite>(Rachael Myrow/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Purissima was pretty much washed up by the turn of the 20th century, though it was not entirely abandoned until the late 1930s, sometime before World War II.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The first written mention of the area was by Spaniards on the Portolá expedition of 1769:\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>The country had a gloomy aspect; the hills were bare and treeless, and, consequently, without fire-wood. On the northern side of this stream there were some abandoned Indian huts.\u003cbr>\n— Diary of Miguel Costansó\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>By the time these men explored what we now know as San Mateo County, the huts were already abandoned. The Ramaytush Ohlone peoples who lived in them were already gone. They might have left for any number of reasons: key people in the settlement dying, leaving to marry, opting for better fishing down the coast. But it wasn’t long before a bunch of European-style villages sprang up on or near the coast, wherever there was a creek, often on the very spots where the Chiguan and Cotegen who lived in this area had been. And when I say villages, I mean a clutch of farmhouses and barns and maybe a school or a stagecoach stop.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11924296\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11924296\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Photo-Aug-01-10-25-17-AM-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"Orange lichen crowns an old tombstone.\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1920\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Photo-Aug-01-10-25-17-AM-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Photo-Aug-01-10-25-17-AM-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Photo-Aug-01-10-25-17-AM-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Photo-Aug-01-10-25-17-AM-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Photo-Aug-01-10-25-17-AM-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Photo-Aug-01-10-25-17-AM-2048x1536.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Photo-Aug-01-10-25-17-AM-1920x1440.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Dobbel family tombstone sits in a field of cracked cement in Purissima Cemetery. Multiple family members might be buried under the same stone. Each side of the obelisk is engraved with details about a different Dobbel. \u003ccite>(Rachael Myrow/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Around 1868, a German immigrant named Henry Dobbel bought 1,000 acres and built a mansion on the south bank of Purissima Creek. This place was huge and opulent: 17 large rooms, indoor plumbing, imported carpets, even a ballroom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There isn’t much in the \u003ca href=\"https://www.coastsidebuzz.com/history-lecture-the-lost-town-of-purissima/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">historical records\u003c/a> about Dobbel’s personality, or that of his wife, but it is widely believed Dobbel made his money off the first restaurant to serve waffles in San Francisco. What we do know is that he built many of the buildings in Purissima, like the saloon across the way from the mansion. Also, the Dobbels employed 50 men to farm wheat, barley and potatoes. The waffle king was essentially the economic pillar of Purissima during its founding years. South of Half Moon Bay, the little town appealed to more folks than Dobbel’s family.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Half Moon Bay was known as Spanish Town because that was a place where a lot of people that were of Mexican heritage, Spanish heritage [lived],” Postel said. “They wanted to get away from what was happening with the Anglo-ization of California, so forth. They wanted to have a place.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A diverse group of people moved to Half Moon Bay in the years that followed, many of them Roman Catholics, and — it’s a tale as old as California — when the Protestants made their way to the coast, “they didn’t feel quite comfortable in Spanish Town. So they created another place just a little bit further south, but right on a creek, a little bit inland,” Postel said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11924297\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11924297\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/rghfn4Zo-scaled.jpeg\" alt=\"A huge Monterey cypress in the foreground dwarfs a rotting 19th century structure in the background.\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1920\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/rghfn4Zo-scaled.jpeg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/rghfn4Zo-800x600.jpeg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/rghfn4Zo-1020x765.jpeg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/rghfn4Zo-160x120.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/rghfn4Zo-1536x1152.jpeg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/rghfn4Zo-2048x1536.jpeg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/rghfn4Zo-1920x1440.jpeg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Up Verde Road a ways and across from the cemetery, this rotting wood structure is believed by some to be one of two schools built in Purissima. But nobody knows for sure. It looks to me like a barn. \u003ccite>(Rachael Myrow/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Over the years that followed, the people of Purissima farmed, and logged redwoods, in the nearby Santa Cruz Mountains. Some oil was discovered, but it\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11658023/oil-beneath-san-mateo-county-you-betcha\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\"> wasn’t enough to make anybody rich\u003c/a>. And there were several, devastating crop failures, not to mention the time the Purissima Creek flooded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Henry Dobbel, still the town’s biggest employer, went bankrupt. He was forced to sell his estate in 1890, and he died in 1891. Both he and his wife are buried in the village cemetery, along with a sobering number of people who died young.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What killed people back then at such young ages? “A lot of the young women that you might see that are buried here could have died in childbirth,” Postel said. There were also workplace injuries, he said: “Farming accidents. Logging accidents. But I think most of it was disease. You know, medical assistance was very sparse. There was a town doctor in Half Moon Bay. There was one in Pescadero, too. But that’s a lot of miles between some of these remote farmhouses and a doctor.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the end, Purissima lasted all of 70 years, give or take. Because the town was never officially incorporated, we don’t know the population figures. The gravestones feature some of the big-for-the-coast Protestant names of the 19th century, though: Dobbel, of course, and Hutch, and \u003ca href=\"http://www.johnstonhouse.org\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Johnston\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11924302\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2011px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11924302\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Photo-Jun-17-10-16-52-AM-2.jpg\" alt=\"A 1930s era photograph of a saloon.\" width=\"2011\" height=\"1459\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Photo-Jun-17-10-16-52-AM-2.jpg 2011w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Photo-Jun-17-10-16-52-AM-2-800x580.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Photo-Jun-17-10-16-52-AM-2-1020x740.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Photo-Jun-17-10-16-52-AM-2-160x116.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Photo-Jun-17-10-16-52-AM-2-1536x1114.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Photo-Jun-17-10-16-52-AM-2-1920x1393.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2011px) 100vw, 2011px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Mateo County’s archives contain a student monograph written by Blair Hyde, a 1939 student at San Mateo Junior College. At that time, there were a number of abandoned buildings still standing in Purissima. \u003ccite>(Rachael Myrow/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Heads up to our question asker, Julia: The Ocean Shore Railroad, which took locals up to San Francisco and back in the early 20th century, did include a stop here. Highway 1 used to run through here, until it didn’t.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I paid a visit to the San Mateo County archives in downtown Redwood City, where I read a student report on Purissima by Blair Hyde of San Mateo Junior College, written in 1939. Back then, the buildings were still standing, but Hyde explains that the people of Purissima gradually came to the inevitable conclusion that Half Moon Bay was the better place to be.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today, the Coastside Land Trust owns much of what used to be the town. The 5-acre cemetery was acquired by Ed Bixby of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.steelmantowncemetery.com/purissima_cemetery.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Steelmantown Cemetery Company\u003c/a>, which has provided natural burials on the site for a number of years now, having cleared away enough poison oak to make space for them. There are now clear paths around the old gravestones, too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11924300\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11924300\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Photo-Aug-01-10-28-23-AM-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"A grave festooned with living, planted flowers and carefully arranged pinecones.\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1920\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Photo-Aug-01-10-28-23-AM-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Photo-Aug-01-10-28-23-AM-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Photo-Aug-01-10-28-23-AM-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Photo-Aug-01-10-28-23-AM-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Photo-Aug-01-10-28-23-AM-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Photo-Aug-01-10-28-23-AM-2048x1536.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Photo-Aug-01-10-28-23-AM-1920x1440.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Purissima Cemetery was acquired by the Steelmantown Cemetery Company, which provides natural burials in a number of cemeteries nationwide. \u003ccite>(Rachael Myrow/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[baycuriousquestion]\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "All that's left of the ghostly town of Purissima in San Mateo County is a 5-acre cemetery by the side of Verde Road near Highway 1.",
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"title": "Purissima: The Ghost Town Hidden Near Half Moon Bay | KQED",
"description": "All that's left of the ghostly town of Purissima in San Mateo County is a 5-acre cemetery by the side of Verde Road near Highway 1.",
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"headline": "Purissima: The Ghost Town Hidden Near Half Moon Bay",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Read the transcript\u003ca href=\"https://bit.ly/3TO7JkR\"> here\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most people who visit Half Moon Bay today head to the beach for surf, sand and a snack. But another, spooky adventure awaits those who peel off Highway 1 and take a windy road up into the hills, especially on one of those days when the fog hangs low.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You’ll find working farms and ranches and old homes from the 19th century — some still lived in, others not so much. And if you drive up Verde Road just a little ways, not even a quarter mile, there’s a cemetery that used to be part of a town that no longer exists.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What happened to the ghost town of Purissima? I know that it was intended to be a much bigger town, but the railroad didn’t go all the way there, or something?” asks Julia Thollaug of Montara, on the coast. She’s a local teacher and choreographer who’s been aware of the cemetery for years, but not its backstory.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003caside class=\"alignleft utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__bayCuriousPodcastShortcode__bayCurious\">\u003cimg src=https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/02/bayCuriousLogo.png alt=\"Bay Curious Podcast\" loading=\"lazy\" />\n \u003ca href=\"/news/series/baycurious\">Bay Curious\u003c/a> is a podcast that answers your questions about the Bay Area.\n Subscribe on \u003ca href=\"https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/bay-curious/id1172473406\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Apple Podcasts\u003c/a>,\n \u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/podcasts/500557090/bay-curious\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">NPR One\u003c/a> or your favorite podcast platform.\u003c/aside>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t know anything about who lived there, or why they left,” she said. “That’s the thing that’s so interesting to me. Because Pescadero is still there [on the San Mateo County coast]. Half Moon Bay is there. So, like, why did they leave?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11924294\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11924294\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Photo-Aug-01-9-45-21-AM-scaled.jpg\" alt='A small sign that says \"Purissima Cemetery\" sits on a free-standing gate amidst hedgerows of poison oak.' width=\"2560\" height=\"1920\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Photo-Aug-01-9-45-21-AM-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Photo-Aug-01-9-45-21-AM-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Photo-Aug-01-9-45-21-AM-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Photo-Aug-01-9-45-21-AM-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Photo-Aug-01-9-45-21-AM-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Photo-Aug-01-9-45-21-AM-2048x1536.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Photo-Aug-01-9-45-21-AM-1920x1440.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A small sign that says ‘Purissima Cemetery’ sits on a freestanding gate amid hedgerows of poison oak. \u003ccite>(Rachael Myrow/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>If you weren’t looking for the Purissima Cemetery, you would probably fly right past the signs facing the road. Even if you did stop, by then you’d already have passed the town!\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mitch Postel, president of the \u003ca href=\"https://historysmc.org\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">San Mateo County Historical Association\u003c/a>, joined me on a tour of Purissima Cemetery on an unseasonably wet August day. We started by reading from a plaque laid here in the 1960s by the Yerba Buena chapter of \u003ca href=\"https://www.ecvyb1.com\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">E Clampus Vitus\u003c/a>, a fraternal organization dedicated to the preservation of the heritage of the American West:\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>The town with stores, school, hotel, saloon, dance hall, harness, shop and blacksmith shop flourished from the early 1860s until the age of the motorcar.\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>“Actually, I would say it was just a little bit of an exaggeration to say ‘flourished’ from the early 1860s until the age of the motorcar, because it was certainly up and down,” Postel said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11924295\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11924295\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Photo-Aug-01-10-33-39-AM-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"An older man stands in a creepy cemetery\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1920\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Photo-Aug-01-10-33-39-AM-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Photo-Aug-01-10-33-39-AM-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Photo-Aug-01-10-33-39-AM-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Photo-Aug-01-10-33-39-AM-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Photo-Aug-01-10-33-39-AM-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Photo-Aug-01-10-33-39-AM-2048x1536.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Photo-Aug-01-10-33-39-AM-1920x1440.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Mitch Postel, president of the San Mateo County Historical Association, stands in Purissima Cemetery. \u003ccite>(Rachael Myrow/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Purissima was pretty much washed up by the turn of the 20th century, though it was not entirely abandoned until the late 1930s, sometime before World War II.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The first written mention of the area was by Spaniards on the Portolá expedition of 1769:\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>The country had a gloomy aspect; the hills were bare and treeless, and, consequently, without fire-wood. On the northern side of this stream there were some abandoned Indian huts.\u003cbr>\n— Diary of Miguel Costansó\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>By the time these men explored what we now know as San Mateo County, the huts were already abandoned. The Ramaytush Ohlone peoples who lived in them were already gone. They might have left for any number of reasons: key people in the settlement dying, leaving to marry, opting for better fishing down the coast. But it wasn’t long before a bunch of European-style villages sprang up on or near the coast, wherever there was a creek, often on the very spots where the Chiguan and Cotegen who lived in this area had been. And when I say villages, I mean a clutch of farmhouses and barns and maybe a school or a stagecoach stop.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11924296\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11924296\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Photo-Aug-01-10-25-17-AM-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"Orange lichen crowns an old tombstone.\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1920\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Photo-Aug-01-10-25-17-AM-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Photo-Aug-01-10-25-17-AM-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Photo-Aug-01-10-25-17-AM-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Photo-Aug-01-10-25-17-AM-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Photo-Aug-01-10-25-17-AM-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Photo-Aug-01-10-25-17-AM-2048x1536.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Photo-Aug-01-10-25-17-AM-1920x1440.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Dobbel family tombstone sits in a field of cracked cement in Purissima Cemetery. Multiple family members might be buried under the same stone. Each side of the obelisk is engraved with details about a different Dobbel. \u003ccite>(Rachael Myrow/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Around 1868, a German immigrant named Henry Dobbel bought 1,000 acres and built a mansion on the south bank of Purissima Creek. This place was huge and opulent: 17 large rooms, indoor plumbing, imported carpets, even a ballroom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There isn’t much in the \u003ca href=\"https://www.coastsidebuzz.com/history-lecture-the-lost-town-of-purissima/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">historical records\u003c/a> about Dobbel’s personality, or that of his wife, but it is widely believed Dobbel made his money off the first restaurant to serve waffles in San Francisco. What we do know is that he built many of the buildings in Purissima, like the saloon across the way from the mansion. Also, the Dobbels employed 50 men to farm wheat, barley and potatoes. The waffle king was essentially the economic pillar of Purissima during its founding years. South of Half Moon Bay, the little town appealed to more folks than Dobbel’s family.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Half Moon Bay was known as Spanish Town because that was a place where a lot of people that were of Mexican heritage, Spanish heritage [lived],” Postel said. “They wanted to get away from what was happening with the Anglo-ization of California, so forth. They wanted to have a place.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A diverse group of people moved to Half Moon Bay in the years that followed, many of them Roman Catholics, and — it’s a tale as old as California — when the Protestants made their way to the coast, “they didn’t feel quite comfortable in Spanish Town. So they created another place just a little bit further south, but right on a creek, a little bit inland,” Postel said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11924297\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11924297\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/rghfn4Zo-scaled.jpeg\" alt=\"A huge Monterey cypress in the foreground dwarfs a rotting 19th century structure in the background.\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1920\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/rghfn4Zo-scaled.jpeg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/rghfn4Zo-800x600.jpeg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/rghfn4Zo-1020x765.jpeg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/rghfn4Zo-160x120.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/rghfn4Zo-1536x1152.jpeg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/rghfn4Zo-2048x1536.jpeg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/rghfn4Zo-1920x1440.jpeg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Up Verde Road a ways and across from the cemetery, this rotting wood structure is believed by some to be one of two schools built in Purissima. But nobody knows for sure. It looks to me like a barn. \u003ccite>(Rachael Myrow/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Over the years that followed, the people of Purissima farmed, and logged redwoods, in the nearby Santa Cruz Mountains. Some oil was discovered, but it\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11658023/oil-beneath-san-mateo-county-you-betcha\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\"> wasn’t enough to make anybody rich\u003c/a>. And there were several, devastating crop failures, not to mention the time the Purissima Creek flooded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Henry Dobbel, still the town’s biggest employer, went bankrupt. He was forced to sell his estate in 1890, and he died in 1891. Both he and his wife are buried in the village cemetery, along with a sobering number of people who died young.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What killed people back then at such young ages? “A lot of the young women that you might see that are buried here could have died in childbirth,” Postel said. There were also workplace injuries, he said: “Farming accidents. Logging accidents. But I think most of it was disease. You know, medical assistance was very sparse. There was a town doctor in Half Moon Bay. There was one in Pescadero, too. But that’s a lot of miles between some of these remote farmhouses and a doctor.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the end, Purissima lasted all of 70 years, give or take. Because the town was never officially incorporated, we don’t know the population figures. The gravestones feature some of the big-for-the-coast Protestant names of the 19th century, though: Dobbel, of course, and Hutch, and \u003ca href=\"http://www.johnstonhouse.org\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Johnston\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11924302\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2011px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11924302\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Photo-Jun-17-10-16-52-AM-2.jpg\" alt=\"A 1930s era photograph of a saloon.\" width=\"2011\" height=\"1459\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Photo-Jun-17-10-16-52-AM-2.jpg 2011w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Photo-Jun-17-10-16-52-AM-2-800x580.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Photo-Jun-17-10-16-52-AM-2-1020x740.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Photo-Jun-17-10-16-52-AM-2-160x116.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Photo-Jun-17-10-16-52-AM-2-1536x1114.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Photo-Jun-17-10-16-52-AM-2-1920x1393.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2011px) 100vw, 2011px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Mateo County’s archives contain a student monograph written by Blair Hyde, a 1939 student at San Mateo Junior College. At that time, there were a number of abandoned buildings still standing in Purissima. \u003ccite>(Rachael Myrow/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Heads up to our question asker, Julia: The Ocean Shore Railroad, which took locals up to San Francisco and back in the early 20th century, did include a stop here. Highway 1 used to run through here, until it didn’t.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I paid a visit to the San Mateo County archives in downtown Redwood City, where I read a student report on Purissima by Blair Hyde of San Mateo Junior College, written in 1939. Back then, the buildings were still standing, but Hyde explains that the people of Purissima gradually came to the inevitable conclusion that Half Moon Bay was the better place to be.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today, the Coastside Land Trust owns much of what used to be the town. The 5-acre cemetery was acquired by Ed Bixby of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.steelmantowncemetery.com/purissima_cemetery.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Steelmantown Cemetery Company\u003c/a>, which has provided natural burials on the site for a number of years now, having cleared away enough poison oak to make space for them. There are now clear paths around the old gravestones, too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11924300\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11924300\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Photo-Aug-01-10-28-23-AM-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"A grave festooned with living, planted flowers and carefully arranged pinecones.\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1920\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Photo-Aug-01-10-28-23-AM-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Photo-Aug-01-10-28-23-AM-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Photo-Aug-01-10-28-23-AM-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Photo-Aug-01-10-28-23-AM-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Photo-Aug-01-10-28-23-AM-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Photo-Aug-01-10-28-23-AM-2048x1536.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Photo-Aug-01-10-28-23-AM-1920x1440.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Purissima Cemetery was acquired by the Steelmantown Cemetery Company, which provides natural burials in a number of cemeteries nationwide. \u003ccite>(Rachael Myrow/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom on Monday signed a nation-leading measure giving more than a half million fast-food workers more power and protections, despite the objections of restaurant owners who warned it would drive up consumers’ costs.[aside postID=news_11924154,news_11924068]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The landmark law creates a 10-member Fast Food Council with equal numbers of workers’ delegates and employers’ representatives, along with two state officials, \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-minimum-wage-government-and-politics-822a69d5ad48eb2864d6a1e3b5b7a208\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">empowered to set minimum standards for wages, hours and working conditions\u003c/a> in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom said he was proud to sign the measure into law on Labor Day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“California is committed to ensuring that the men and women who have helped build our world-class economy are able to share in the state’s prosperity,” he said in a statement. “Today’s action gives hardworking fast food workers a stronger voice and seat at the table to set fair wages and critical health and safety standards across the industry.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The law caps minimum wage increases for fast-food workers at chains with more than 100 restaurants at $22 an hour next year, compared to the statewide minimum of $15.50 an hour, with cost-of-living increases thereafter.[aside tag=\"labor, wage\" label=\"More Related Stories\"]The state Legislature approved the measure on August 29. Debate split along party lines, with Republicans opposed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sen. Brian Dahle, the Republican nominee for governor in November, had called it “a stepping stone to unionize all these workers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters had said they hoped the measure would inspire similar efforts elsewhere.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Restaurant owners and franchisers cited an analysis they commissioned by the UC Riverside Center for Economic Forecasting and Development saying that the legislation would increase consumers’ costs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The landmark law creates a 10-member Fast Food Council with equal numbers of workers’ delegates and employers’ representatives, along with two state officials, \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-minimum-wage-government-and-politics-822a69d5ad48eb2864d6a1e3b5b7a208\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">empowered to set minimum standards for wages, hours and working conditions\u003c/a> in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom said he was proud to sign the measure into law on Labor Day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“California is committed to ensuring that the men and women who have helped build our world-class economy are able to share in the state’s prosperity,” he said in a statement. “Today’s action gives hardworking fast food workers a stronger voice and seat at the table to set fair wages and critical health and safety standards across the industry.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The law caps minimum wage increases for fast-food workers at chains with more than 100 restaurants at $22 an hour next year, compared to the statewide minimum of $15.50 an hour, with cost-of-living increases thereafter.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/program/the-california-report-magazine\">The California Report Magazine\u003c/a> rebroadcast this story this week after it won a national Edward R. Murrow award, among the most prestigious honors in journalism. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11892838/there-is-anger-he-should-be-alive-an-investigation-into-deadly-covid-19-outbreaks-at-foster-farms\">KQED’s investigation of COVID-19 outbreaks at Foster Farms\u003c/a>, originally broadcast last fall, won best news documentary in the large market radio category. \u003ca href=\"https://www.rtdna.org/content/2022_rtdna_edward_r_murrow_awards_national_honorees\">Here’s a full list of the 2022 winners.\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2020, California’s Foster Farms became the site of one of the nation’s deadliest COVID-19 outbreaks at a meat or poultry plant. The California Report’s Central Valley reporter, Alex Hall, spent a year and a half talking to spouses and family members of workers who spent decades at the company’s chicken-processing plants. She found that hundreds of Foster Farms workers tested positive for the virus in 2020. Sixteen people died, and at least 20 others were hospitalized.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hall’s investigation showed that as plants stayed open to maintain the food supply, and workers got sick from COVID-19, or even died, Foster Farms didn’t always give a complete picture of the problem to health officials, state regulators or their own employees. She introduced listeners to families who lost loved ones who worked at Foster Farms — families who are grieving, struggling financially and trying to make sense of what happened.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11892838 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2027/10/50872_transform-1020x679.jpg']This encore rebroadcast includes some updates since the story first aired in October 2021. This summer, Foster Farms was sold to a Connecticut-based private equity firm, Atlas Holdings. The company’s new chair and CEO, Donnie Smith, is the former head of Tyson Foods, one of the world’s biggest meat and poultry producers and processors. The California Report reached out to Atlas Holdings with questions, including whether there were any lessons learned from how the company’s previous owners handled the COVID-19 outbreaks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement, Smith responded: “There are many lessons to be learned from the COVID-19 pandemic, for federal and state government, public health officials, and the private sector. The delivery of timely data to public health officials was and remains essential to efforts to combat disease and is something that Foster Farms is irrevocably committed to ensuring. More broadly, since June, my team and I have focused squarely on creating a workplace culture that is second to none — a culture that nobody wants to walk away from.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Smith also noted that the company recently increased pay for workers at Foster Farms’ processing facility in Livingston, Merced County, by 25%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of the challenges the families of workers who died face is the complicated and slow process of receiving death benefits. Since this story first aired, some family members have finally begun to receive financial compensation. Rosa Velasquez, for example, whose husband, Gregorio Velasquez, died in January of 2021 after working at a Foster Farms plant in Fresno for about 20 years, began receiving benefits in May, about a year after she first applied for them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Velasquez is still waiting to find out what amount her children and grandchildren will receive. Alma Ruth Hernández Núñez, the widow of another employee, Eufracio Caballero, also began receiving benefits earlier this year, according to her attorney. The amount their children will receive is also still being determined.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to a spokesperson from California’s Department of Industrial Relations, Foster Farms is still appealing \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/DOSH/covid19citations.asp\">multiple citations Cal/OSHA issued against the company in 2021\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Smith also noted that the company recently increased pay for workers at Foster Farms’ processing facility in Livingston, Merced County, by 25%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of the challenges the families of workers who died face is the complicated and slow process of receiving death benefits. Since this story first aired, some family members have finally begun to receive financial compensation. Rosa Velasquez, for example, whose husband, Gregorio Velasquez, died in January of 2021 after working at a Foster Farms plant in Fresno for about 20 years, began receiving benefits in May, about a year after she first applied for them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Velasquez is still waiting to find out what amount her children and grandchildren will receive. Alma Ruth Hernández Núñez, the widow of another employee, Eufracio Caballero, also began receiving benefits earlier this year, according to her attorney. The amount their children will receive is also still being determined.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to a spokesperson from California’s Department of Industrial Relations, Foster Farms is still appealing \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/DOSH/covid19citations.asp\">multiple citations Cal/OSHA issued against the company in 2021\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Shasta County in rural Northern California has one of the state’s highest incarceration rates. Ask Robert Bowman what’s going on, and he takes a long, deep sigh.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a perfect storm of bad,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bowman, director of the county’s program that helps formerly incarcerated people transition back to life outside, identifies three main drivers of crime in Shasta County: high housing costs, untreated mental illness and drug trafficking.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those are some of the same factors blamed for crime in other California counties that rank among the highest for incarcerated people, according to \u003ca href=\"https://www.prisonpolicy.org/origin/ca/2020/report.html\">a report released this morning\u003c/a> by the Prison Policy Initiative, a nonprofit that seeks to end mass incarceration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The report takes newly available data from California prisons to show where incarcerated people come from — not just their home counties, but their neighborhoods. The group’s stated intent is to show lawmakers where they can better direct public dollars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The neighborhoods where incarcerated people come from often have a higher percentage of Black and Latino residents than the state average, according to the report, while the counties that host the prisons are predominantly white.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The effect has been “the siphoning of political power from disproportionately Black and Latino communities to pad out the mostly rural and often predominantly white regions where prisons are located,” the study found.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unsurprisingly, the most populous counties send the most people to state prison. Los Angeles County had the most people incarcerated, followed by Riverside and San Diego counties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in some counties, though they have fewer total people in state prisons, the rate of incarceration is much higher than the statewide average of 310 per 100,000 people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tiny Kings County in the San Joaquin Valley has the state’s highest incarceration rate at 666 per 100,000, the study found.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shasta County ranked second among counties that send people to prison, with 663 county residents incarcerated per 100,000 people. The county of fewer than 200,000 is framed by mountains to its north, west and east. People move there for cheap land and open spaces, or burrow further into its hills to escape creeping modernity, Bowman said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And then we have those who have moved up here for political reasons and I’ll just leave it at that,” Bowman said with a laugh.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In one Shasta County census tract that encompasses most of the city of Redding, more than one in every 100 people is in a state prison.[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Robert Bowman, director, STEP-UP\"]‘If you have billions of dollars to spend, but yet your community is overwhelmingly ‘not in my backyard,’ then you can get nothing done.’[/pullquote] Disparities also persist in cities like Los Angeles, where the neighborhoods of Watts and Crenshaw have \u003ca href=\"https://www.prisonpolicy.org/origin/ca/2020/la_neighborhood.html\">more than five times\u003c/a> the incarceration rate of Bel-Air and Brentwood, according to the study’s calculations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s fewer Beverly Hills in our community,” Bowman said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But many of the same issues that crop up in Los Angeles and San Francisco are true in far Northern California: homelessness, untreated mental illness and a resistance among locals to new construction or lower-income housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bowman points to a proposed micro-shelter at a Lutheran church in Redding that would serve as transitional housing for up to five people. Neighbors hung a sign on a chain link fence: “Tiny Houses = Big Problems.” The shelter is \u003ca href=\"https://www.redding.com/story/news/2022/05/20/homeless-housing-units-could-open-fall-after-getting-reddings-ok/9843183002/\">expected to open this fall\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you have billions of dollars to spend, but yet your community is overwhelmingly ‘not in my backyard,’ then you can get nothing done,” Bowman said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Prison Policy Initiative report is based on numbers provided by the state of California, which, for the first time in its 2020 census, counted incarcerated people in their home districts instead of the cities and counties where they’re incarcerated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The idea was to end what opponents called “prison gerrymandering,” which counted incarcerated people as residents of their prison’s county. California ended that practice in 2011 with \u003ca href=\"http://www.leginfo.ca.gov/pub/11-12/bill/asm/ab_0401-0450/ab_420_bill_20110822_amended_sen_v93.pdf\">AB 420\u003c/a>, signed by former Gov. Jerry Brown, but the law did not take effect until 2020. Ten other states have taken similar steps.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This year’s redistricting maps were the first to count incarcerated people in their home districts. The process toward final approval by a state independent commission was\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2021/12/california-redistricting-final-maps/\"> fraught and messy\u003c/a>, but has so far survived without a legal challenge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our hope is really that policymakers and service providers will use this data to kind of direct some of their thinking on how they make choices about the people that they serve,” said Prison Policy Initiative spokesperson Mike Wessler.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For lawmakers, we hope that they’ll take a look at how many people in their own communities are lost to incarceration every single day.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Prison Policy Initiative study was taken from a snapshot of the 122,000 people in state prisons on April 1, 2020. It doesn’t count people in federal prison or immigration detention, nor does it count those who were identified in court proceedings as unhoused. [pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Mike Wessler, spokesperson, Prison Policy Initiative\"]‘A lot of these rural areas are also facing significant economic challenges.’[/pullquote]Among cities with at least 20,000 people, Compton in Los Angeles County had the highest rate of incarceration, with 979 people incarcerated per 100,000 residents. It also has a higher Black and Latino population than the state average, which the report’s authors say mirrors a national trend.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This suggests that policing, arrests and incarceration are disproportionately concentrated in a handful of Black communities across the county, such as Compton with its large Black population,” wrote the report’s authors, Emily Widra and Felicia Gomez.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://censusreporter.org/profiles/14000US06029001500-census-tract-15-kern-ca/\">One census tract\u003c/a> in Kern County stands out. Just east of downtown Bakersfield, the 1-square-mile tract had 2,944 residents and 74 people in state prisons, or more than two out of every 100 people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kern County also leads the state in homicide rate, a statistic the county’s residents and law enforcement struggle to explain. For the sixth consecutive year, the county led the state with a homicide rate of 13.7 homicides per 100,000 people. The statewide average is six homicides per 100,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Some of the smaller rural counties often are overlooked but actually have some of the highest incarceration rates in the entire state,” Wessler said. “A lot of these rural areas are also facing significant economic challenges.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You don’t have to remind Bowman, of the Shasta County STEP-UP program for those recently released from incarceration. First, in 2018, the Carr Fire \u003ca href=\"https://opr.ca.gov/docs/20220817-Shasta_County_Case_Study.pdf\">displaced thousands of people\u003c/a> in an area that was already struggling to control housing costs. Then, during the pandemic, wealthier residents of the Bay Area and Sacramento Valley started moving north, pushing up rents and home values. People already on the economic fringe were pushed to its edge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Because now, landlords could charge whatever they want and there’s no reason for them to open up their homes” to affordable housing programs, Bowman said. “They can get someone who is displaced while their home’s being rebuilt (and) they can get a higher rent from that individual or family. So that’s a huge issue.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He is, however, ultimately optimistic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think that there are a lot of good people that are trying to do the very best they can,” Bowman said. “It just takes time for the numbers to come down.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/justice/2022/08/california-incarceration-rates-rural/\">This story was originally published in CalMatters.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Shasta County in rural Northern California has one of the state’s highest incarceration rates. Ask Robert Bowman what’s going on, and he takes a long, deep sigh.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a perfect storm of bad,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bowman, director of the county’s program that helps formerly incarcerated people transition back to life outside, identifies three main drivers of crime in Shasta County: high housing costs, untreated mental illness and drug trafficking.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those are some of the same factors blamed for crime in other California counties that rank among the highest for incarcerated people, according to \u003ca href=\"https://www.prisonpolicy.org/origin/ca/2020/report.html\">a report released this morning\u003c/a> by the Prison Policy Initiative, a nonprofit that seeks to end mass incarceration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The report takes newly available data from California prisons to show where incarcerated people come from — not just their home counties, but their neighborhoods. The group’s stated intent is to show lawmakers where they can better direct public dollars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The neighborhoods where incarcerated people come from often have a higher percentage of Black and Latino residents than the state average, according to the report, while the counties that host the prisons are predominantly white.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The effect has been “the siphoning of political power from disproportionately Black and Latino communities to pad out the mostly rural and often predominantly white regions where prisons are located,” the study found.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unsurprisingly, the most populous counties send the most people to state prison. Los Angeles County had the most people incarcerated, followed by Riverside and San Diego counties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in some counties, though they have fewer total people in state prisons, the rate of incarceration is much higher than the statewide average of 310 per 100,000 people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tiny Kings County in the San Joaquin Valley has the state’s highest incarceration rate at 666 per 100,000, the study found.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shasta County ranked second among counties that send people to prison, with 663 county residents incarcerated per 100,000 people. The county of fewer than 200,000 is framed by mountains to its north, west and east. People move there for cheap land and open spaces, or burrow further into its hills to escape creeping modernity, Bowman said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And then we have those who have moved up here for political reasons and I’ll just leave it at that,” Bowman said with a laugh.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In one Shasta County census tract that encompasses most of the city of Redding, more than one in every 100 people is in a state prison.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp> Disparities also persist in cities like Los Angeles, where the neighborhoods of Watts and Crenshaw have \u003ca href=\"https://www.prisonpolicy.org/origin/ca/2020/la_neighborhood.html\">more than five times\u003c/a> the incarceration rate of Bel-Air and Brentwood, according to the study’s calculations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s fewer Beverly Hills in our community,” Bowman said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But many of the same issues that crop up in Los Angeles and San Francisco are true in far Northern California: homelessness, untreated mental illness and a resistance among locals to new construction or lower-income housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bowman points to a proposed micro-shelter at a Lutheran church in Redding that would serve as transitional housing for up to five people. Neighbors hung a sign on a chain link fence: “Tiny Houses = Big Problems.” The shelter is \u003ca href=\"https://www.redding.com/story/news/2022/05/20/homeless-housing-units-could-open-fall-after-getting-reddings-ok/9843183002/\">expected to open this fall\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you have billions of dollars to spend, but yet your community is overwhelmingly ‘not in my backyard,’ then you can get nothing done,” Bowman said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Prison Policy Initiative report is based on numbers provided by the state of California, which, for the first time in its 2020 census, counted incarcerated people in their home districts instead of the cities and counties where they’re incarcerated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The idea was to end what opponents called “prison gerrymandering,” which counted incarcerated people as residents of their prison’s county. California ended that practice in 2011 with \u003ca href=\"http://www.leginfo.ca.gov/pub/11-12/bill/asm/ab_0401-0450/ab_420_bill_20110822_amended_sen_v93.pdf\">AB 420\u003c/a>, signed by former Gov. Jerry Brown, but the law did not take effect until 2020. Ten other states have taken similar steps.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This year’s redistricting maps were the first to count incarcerated people in their home districts. The process toward final approval by a state independent commission was\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2021/12/california-redistricting-final-maps/\"> fraught and messy\u003c/a>, but has so far survived without a legal challenge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our hope is really that policymakers and service providers will use this data to kind of direct some of their thinking on how they make choices about the people that they serve,” said Prison Policy Initiative spokesperson Mike Wessler.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For lawmakers, we hope that they’ll take a look at how many people in their own communities are lost to incarceration every single day.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Prison Policy Initiative study was taken from a snapshot of the 122,000 people in state prisons on April 1, 2020. It doesn’t count people in federal prison or immigration detention, nor does it count those who were identified in court proceedings as unhoused. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Among cities with at least 20,000 people, Compton in Los Angeles County had the highest rate of incarceration, with 979 people incarcerated per 100,000 residents. It also has a higher Black and Latino population than the state average, which the report’s authors say mirrors a national trend.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This suggests that policing, arrests and incarceration are disproportionately concentrated in a handful of Black communities across the county, such as Compton with its large Black population,” wrote the report’s authors, Emily Widra and Felicia Gomez.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://censusreporter.org/profiles/14000US06029001500-census-tract-15-kern-ca/\">One census tract\u003c/a> in Kern County stands out. Just east of downtown Bakersfield, the 1-square-mile tract had 2,944 residents and 74 people in state prisons, or more than two out of every 100 people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kern County also leads the state in homicide rate, a statistic the county’s residents and law enforcement struggle to explain. For the sixth consecutive year, the county led the state with a homicide rate of 13.7 homicides per 100,000 people. The statewide average is six homicides per 100,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Some of the smaller rural counties often are overlooked but actually have some of the highest incarceration rates in the entire state,” Wessler said. “A lot of these rural areas are also facing significant economic challenges.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You don’t have to remind Bowman, of the Shasta County STEP-UP program for those recently released from incarceration. First, in 2018, the Carr Fire \u003ca href=\"https://opr.ca.gov/docs/20220817-Shasta_County_Case_Study.pdf\">displaced thousands of people\u003c/a> in an area that was already struggling to control housing costs. Then, during the pandemic, wealthier residents of the Bay Area and Sacramento Valley started moving north, pushing up rents and home values. People already on the economic fringe were pushed to its edge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Because now, landlords could charge whatever they want and there’s no reason for them to open up their homes” to affordable housing programs, Bowman said. “They can get someone who is displaced while their home’s being rebuilt (and) they can get a higher rent from that individual or family. So that’s a huge issue.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He is, however, ultimately optimistic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think that there are a lot of good people that are trying to do the very best they can,” Bowman said. “It just takes time for the numbers to come down.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>State lawmakers approved a first-of-its-kind bill that supporters say could improve working conditions for roughly half a million fast-food employees in California and spur nationwide ramifications. Gov. Gavin Newsom has until Sept. 30, 2022, to sign or veto the legislation, amid stiff industry opposition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB257\">AB 257\u003c/a> promises to give some of the lowest-paid workers a bigger voice to shape workplace policies tackling pay and safety violations that labor experts say are \u003ca href=\"https://laborcenter.berkeley.edu/fast-recovery-act-will-raise-labor-standards-and-open-new-opportunities-for-fast-food-worker-organizing-in-california/\">rampant in the industry\u003c/a>, led by some of the country’s most recognizable corporations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_11924068,news_11913643,news_11922927\"]Dozens of people at the state Capitol erupted in cheers and chants of “Si, se pudo!” (“Yes, it could be done” in Spanish) on Monday afternoon, as a narrow majority of 21 state senators pushed past outspoken opposition from Republican colleagues. Industry lobbyists fought hard against the legislation, arguing it will hurt small franchise owners, kill jobs and raise prices for California consumers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Angelica Hernandez, a longtime fast-food worker who slept outside the state Capitol earlier this month to push for the Fast Food Accountability and Standards (FAST) Recovery Act, also celebrated its advance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s so important this bill was passed because we’ll stop suffering from wage theft and being victims of sexual harassment. That’s why I fought day after day for this bill,” said Hernandez, adding that she has worked at a McDonald’s restaurant in Los Angeles for 18 years. She spoke at a press conference organized by the Service Employees International Union, which co-sponsored the FAST Act.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AB 257 aims to create a Fast Food Council made up of worker, employer and government agency representatives to set minimum standards that would apply to large chains with 100 or more establishments nationwide. The 10-member council would have the authority to boost minimum wages for cooks and cashiers to $22 an hour next year. Subsequent minimum wage increases would be tied to the consumer price index.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At least 10,000 fast-food restaurant employees would need to sign a petition calling for the council’s creation before it’s set up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill, by Assemblymember Chris Holden (D-Pasadena), initially made fast-food corporations liable for wage theft and other law violations found at their franchise restaurants, which are owned by small-business owners who pay fees to represent the brands. But Holden nixed that section from the final bill in a compromise with critics. Another amendment limits the council’s life span to six years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, the legislation represents “one of the most important pro-worker bills in decades,” following the example of fast-food workers enjoying higher wages and benefits in countries like Denmark, said David Madland, a senior fellow at the left-leaning Center for American Progress in Washington, D.C.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s such a big deal … not only for the workers in California, but many workers all around the country who are similarly situated and have so much to gain by seeing this succeed,” said Madland, who also spoke at the press conference.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It has the potential to transform the fast-food industry, a quintessential low-wage industry, into [one that delivers] jobs with good wages and decent work and dignity,” he said. “But it also shows a path forward for other low-wage industries.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11922931\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1542px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Screen-Shot-2022-08-18-at-10.23.57-AM.png\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11922931\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Screen-Shot-2022-08-18-at-10.23.57-AM.png\" alt=\"Camping tents outside with some signs.\" width=\"1542\" height=\"1012\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Screen-Shot-2022-08-18-at-10.23.57-AM.png 1542w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Screen-Shot-2022-08-18-at-10.23.57-AM-800x525.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Screen-Shot-2022-08-18-at-10.23.57-AM-1020x669.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Screen-Shot-2022-08-18-at-10.23.57-AM-160x105.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Screen-Shot-2022-08-18-at-10.23.57-AM-1536x1008.png 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1542px) 100vw, 1542px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">AB 257 supporters set up a camp to raise awareness of the legislation at the state Capitol in Sacramento on Aug. 16, 2022. \u003ccite>(Rahul Lal/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Opponents, such as the International Franchise Association, called AB 257 a “reckless bill” that would unfairly target the industry, increase fast-food prices for consumers and risk putting small-franchise owners out of business. Those concerns were echoed by \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/22273184-usbc-ab-257\">diverse business groups\u003c/a>, including the California Black Chamber of Commerce and the CalAsian Chamber of Commerce.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Franchising has opened the door for hundreds of thousands of entrepreneurs to pursue their dreams and millions of workers to establish a career, but this bill stands to break all that down while raising prices for Californians and forcing restaurants to close their doors,” said IFA’s President and CEO Matthew Haller in a statement. “Gov. Newsom should stand up for local businesses, the people of California, and responsible government, and veto this legislation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Higher costs would translate into \u003ca href=\"https://ucreconomicforecast.org/wp-content/uploads/2022/08/WorkerCompensation_Impact_On_Prices_Limited_Service_Restaurant_8_18_2022pdf.pdf\">higher food prices and less employment in the industry\u003c/a>, according to a UC Riverside School of Business Center for Economic Forecasting and Development analysis earlier this month. The center’s director, Christopher Thornberg, who authored the study, told KQED it was commissioned by the IFA and released before the announcement of final amendments to the bill, such as a cap on minimum wage increases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The association also disputed that working conditions are worse in fast food establishments compared to other businesses. Limited-service restaurants represent a much lower proportion of wage-theft complaints per 1,000 employees filed with the state than other industries, such as transportation and warehousing, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://epionline.org/app/uploads/2022/08/220728_EPI_NotSoFAST_Doc.pdf\">study\u003c/a> by the Employment Policies Institute, a research group with ties to the restaurant industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cases of wage theft are often \u003ca href=\"https://www.epi.org/publication/wage-theft-2021/\">underreported\u003c/a>. Vulnerable workers, such as undocumented immigrants, are less likely to complain because they fear retaliation, ignore their rights, or distrust state agencies, according to advocates and researchers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A recent survey of fast-food workers by the SEIU, a main supporter of AB 257, found \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11913643/most-fast-food-workers-are-victims-of-wage-theft-survey-finds\">eight in 10 said they experienced at least one form of wage theft\u003c/a>, while prior surveys also have found a high rate of pay violations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most of the estimated 550,000 fast-food employees in California earn close to minimum wage at franchise fast-food restaurants, and are adults of color, including many immigrants.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"title": "California Lawmakers Pass Bill to Improve Conditions for Fast-Food Workers | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>State lawmakers approved a first-of-its-kind bill that supporters say could improve working conditions for roughly half a million fast-food employees in California and spur nationwide ramifications. Gov. Gavin Newsom has until Sept. 30, 2022, to sign or veto the legislation, amid stiff industry opposition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB257\">AB 257\u003c/a> promises to give some of the lowest-paid workers a bigger voice to shape workplace policies tackling pay and safety violations that labor experts say are \u003ca href=\"https://laborcenter.berkeley.edu/fast-recovery-act-will-raise-labor-standards-and-open-new-opportunities-for-fast-food-worker-organizing-in-california/\">rampant in the industry\u003c/a>, led by some of the country’s most recognizable corporations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Dozens of people at the state Capitol erupted in cheers and chants of “Si, se pudo!” (“Yes, it could be done” in Spanish) on Monday afternoon, as a narrow majority of 21 state senators pushed past outspoken opposition from Republican colleagues. Industry lobbyists fought hard against the legislation, arguing it will hurt small franchise owners, kill jobs and raise prices for California consumers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Angelica Hernandez, a longtime fast-food worker who slept outside the state Capitol earlier this month to push for the Fast Food Accountability and Standards (FAST) Recovery Act, also celebrated its advance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s so important this bill was passed because we’ll stop suffering from wage theft and being victims of sexual harassment. That’s why I fought day after day for this bill,” said Hernandez, adding that she has worked at a McDonald’s restaurant in Los Angeles for 18 years. She spoke at a press conference organized by the Service Employees International Union, which co-sponsored the FAST Act.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AB 257 aims to create a Fast Food Council made up of worker, employer and government agency representatives to set minimum standards that would apply to large chains with 100 or more establishments nationwide. The 10-member council would have the authority to boost minimum wages for cooks and cashiers to $22 an hour next year. Subsequent minimum wage increases would be tied to the consumer price index.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At least 10,000 fast-food restaurant employees would need to sign a petition calling for the council’s creation before it’s set up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill, by Assemblymember Chris Holden (D-Pasadena), initially made fast-food corporations liable for wage theft and other law violations found at their franchise restaurants, which are owned by small-business owners who pay fees to represent the brands. But Holden nixed that section from the final bill in a compromise with critics. Another amendment limits the council’s life span to six years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, the legislation represents “one of the most important pro-worker bills in decades,” following the example of fast-food workers enjoying higher wages and benefits in countries like Denmark, said David Madland, a senior fellow at the left-leaning Center for American Progress in Washington, D.C.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s such a big deal … not only for the workers in California, but many workers all around the country who are similarly situated and have so much to gain by seeing this succeed,” said Madland, who also spoke at the press conference.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It has the potential to transform the fast-food industry, a quintessential low-wage industry, into [one that delivers] jobs with good wages and decent work and dignity,” he said. “But it also shows a path forward for other low-wage industries.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11922931\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1542px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Screen-Shot-2022-08-18-at-10.23.57-AM.png\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11922931\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Screen-Shot-2022-08-18-at-10.23.57-AM.png\" alt=\"Camping tents outside with some signs.\" width=\"1542\" height=\"1012\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Screen-Shot-2022-08-18-at-10.23.57-AM.png 1542w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Screen-Shot-2022-08-18-at-10.23.57-AM-800x525.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Screen-Shot-2022-08-18-at-10.23.57-AM-1020x669.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Screen-Shot-2022-08-18-at-10.23.57-AM-160x105.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/Screen-Shot-2022-08-18-at-10.23.57-AM-1536x1008.png 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1542px) 100vw, 1542px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">AB 257 supporters set up a camp to raise awareness of the legislation at the state Capitol in Sacramento on Aug. 16, 2022. \u003ccite>(Rahul Lal/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Opponents, such as the International Franchise Association, called AB 257 a “reckless bill” that would unfairly target the industry, increase fast-food prices for consumers and risk putting small-franchise owners out of business. Those concerns were echoed by \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/22273184-usbc-ab-257\">diverse business groups\u003c/a>, including the California Black Chamber of Commerce and the CalAsian Chamber of Commerce.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Franchising has opened the door for hundreds of thousands of entrepreneurs to pursue their dreams and millions of workers to establish a career, but this bill stands to break all that down while raising prices for Californians and forcing restaurants to close their doors,” said IFA’s President and CEO Matthew Haller in a statement. “Gov. Newsom should stand up for local businesses, the people of California, and responsible government, and veto this legislation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Higher costs would translate into \u003ca href=\"https://ucreconomicforecast.org/wp-content/uploads/2022/08/WorkerCompensation_Impact_On_Prices_Limited_Service_Restaurant_8_18_2022pdf.pdf\">higher food prices and less employment in the industry\u003c/a>, according to a UC Riverside School of Business Center for Economic Forecasting and Development analysis earlier this month. The center’s director, Christopher Thornberg, who authored the study, told KQED it was commissioned by the IFA and released before the announcement of final amendments to the bill, such as a cap on minimum wage increases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The association also disputed that working conditions are worse in fast food establishments compared to other businesses. Limited-service restaurants represent a much lower proportion of wage-theft complaints per 1,000 employees filed with the state than other industries, such as transportation and warehousing, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://epionline.org/app/uploads/2022/08/220728_EPI_NotSoFAST_Doc.pdf\">study\u003c/a> by the Employment Policies Institute, a research group with ties to the restaurant industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cases of wage theft are often \u003ca href=\"https://www.epi.org/publication/wage-theft-2021/\">underreported\u003c/a>. Vulnerable workers, such as undocumented immigrants, are less likely to complain because they fear retaliation, ignore their rights, or distrust state agencies, according to advocates and researchers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A recent survey of fast-food workers by the SEIU, a main supporter of AB 257, found \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11913643/most-fast-food-workers-are-victims-of-wage-theft-survey-finds\">eight in 10 said they experienced at least one form of wage theft\u003c/a>, while prior surveys also have found a high rate of pay violations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most of the estimated 550,000 fast-food employees in California earn close to minimum wage at franchise fast-food restaurants, and are adults of color, including many immigrants.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "plan-for-peoples-park-pits-housing-against-history",
"title": "Plan for People's Park Pits Housing Against History",
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"headTitle": "Plan for People’s Park Pits Housing Against History | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>Berkeley is experiencing a 1960s flashback triggered by People’s Park, a landmark that has served as a counterculture touchstone, political stepping stone and refuge for the unhoused.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 3-acre site’s colorful history, forged from the University of California, Berkeley’s seizure of the land in 1968, has been thrust back into the spotlight as the school renews efforts to pave over People’s Park, this time for a $312 million project that includes sorely needed housing for about 1,000 students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_11922900,news_11921415,arts_13917145\"]After a judge sided with the university in a legal scrum over the project, construction finally began August 3 — only to abruptly stop a few hours later after a swarm of protesters, who had been sparring with police, toppled fences surrounding the park.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The delay was only supposed to last a few days, but the coalition fighting the university’s plans won an appeals court stay that will prevent construction until at least October.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lull hasn’t muted the contentious debate around a historic spot once hailed as “a trace of anarchist heaven on Earth” by former UC Berkeley professor Todd Gitlin and derided by former city Councilmember John DeBonis as a “hippie Disneyland.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The park turned into a symbol of both resistance and mayhem during a deadly 1969 confrontation known as “Bloody Thursday,” emboldening then-California Gov. Ronald Reagan to send in 3,000 National Guard troops for a two-week occupation that evoked images of war in a city that was clamoring for peace in Vietnam.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Don Mitchell, whose father was a UC Berkeley professor during the 1969 uprising, views People’s Park as a social experiment worth saving, as more cookie-cutter communities get built in the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11923879\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11923879\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57527_002_KQED_PeoplesParkRally_08032022-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"A person speaks into a mic in front of a university building and a sign for people's park\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57527_002_KQED_PeoplesParkRally_08032022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57527_002_KQED_PeoplesParkRally_08032022-qut-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57527_002_KQED_PeoplesParkRally_08032022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57527_002_KQED_PeoplesParkRally_08032022-qut-1536x1022.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57527_002_KQED_PeoplesParkRally_08032022-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">People’s Park supporters rally at Sproul Hall to protest the construction of UC Berkeley student housing at the park in Berkeley on Aug. 3, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“People’s Park has always been a place that was made and regulated by the people who use it,” said Mitchell, a professor of human geography at Uppsala University in Sweden. “It’s a free and open space, a place where the rules of exclusion are very different. So people who were poor, people who didn’t have housing, people who didn’t fit into dominant society in all sorts of different ways could find a space there. And many did.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That ethos has long made the park a way station for unhoused people, with scattered tent clusters and makeshift kitchens. Drug use and violence have helped spur support for the university’s development plans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At Atmaa Das, 28, began spending time in People’s Park not long after leaving Alabama in 2014 and found his way there again a couple weeks after workers left behind construction equipment, now splattered with obscene graffiti — part of $1.5 million in recent protest damage, the university estimated. “I came here looking for the promised land and reckon I found it,” he said on a recent morning, strumming his guitar while singing parts of Woody Guthrie’s “This Land Is Your Land.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Don Mitchell, professor, Uppsala University in Sweden\"]‘People’s Park has always been a place that was made and regulated by the people who use it … so people who were poor, people who didn’t have housing, people who didn’t fit into dominant society in all sorts of different ways could find a space there. And many did.’[/pullquote]University officials say they are sympathetic to both the park’s heritage and the needs of unhoused people who have lived there since another set of fences surrounding the property were removed in 1972.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The school and city \u003ca href=\"https://peoplesparkhousing.berkeley.edu/rodewayinn\">moved dozens of unhoused people into a motel\u003c/a> as part of an $8 million relocation initiative, and officials promised to \u003ca href=\"https://peoplesparkhousing.berkeley.edu/new-park\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">keep most of the site as open space\u003c/a>. The school also hired award-winning architect \u003ca href=\"https://peoplesparkhousing.berkeley.edu/history-commemoration\">Walter Hood to design a memorial\u003c/a> celebrating its history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our plan will meet multiple interests to preserve the park, create urgently needed student housing, and provide permanent housing for unhoused and low-income individuals,” UC Berkeley Chancellor Carol Christ wrote in an email sent to university alumni and other supporters earlier this week. University spokesperson Dan Mogulof declined a request to interview Christ.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Not even People’s Park supporters dispute more affordable housing is needed — the median sales price for \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/projects/real-estate/bay-area-home-priceshttps://www.sfchronicle.com/projects/real-estate/bay-area-home-prices.\">a home near the university is $1.5 million\u003c/a>. But critics blame mismanagement for the crisis and contend the university could build on its other property.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11922966\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS47370_036_Berkeley_PeoplesPark_02192021-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11922966\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS47370_036_Berkeley_PeoplesPark_02192021-qut.jpg\" alt='A sign outside that reads \"Peoples Park\" with tents outside.' width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS47370_036_Berkeley_PeoplesPark_02192021-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS47370_036_Berkeley_PeoplesPark_02192021-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS47370_036_Berkeley_PeoplesPark_02192021-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS47370_036_Berkeley_PeoplesPark_02192021-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS47370_036_Berkeley_PeoplesPark_02192021-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A sign says ‘Save Peoples Park, No More Buildings’ at People’s Park in Berkeley on Feb. 19, 2021. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Under a 2005 long-range plan, UC Berkeley estimated enrollment at 33,000 students by 2020. Instead, it had about 43,000 students that year and expects roughly 45,000 this academic year — with only 10,000 campus beds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The glaring shortage is mainly why city officials back the university’s plan, including city Councilmember Rigel Robinson, who represents the People’s Park area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People’s Park has been a powerful symbol of resistance against government oppression, but it has since become a symbol of something else entirely: our failure as a region to respond to the housing crisis,” Robinson said. “The time has come to turn the page.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But this month’s protests showed that a significant part of Berkeley isn’t ready to let go, mainly because of what the park has come to symbolize since UC Berkeley seized it for $1.3 million in 1968 under eminent domain and demolished homes there. After citing a need for an intramural soccer field, the school instead let the site deteriorate into a muddy mess mostly used for parking.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After boilermaker Michael Delacour led a grassroots group to plant vegetation, turning the eyesore into a community magnet, UC Berkeley decided to fence it off on May 15, 1969.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That set the stage for rebellion. At a rally outside UC Berkeley’s administration building, incoming student body President Dan Siegel urged the crowd to “take the park.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Some of the issues now are like 1969,” said Siegel, now a lawyer in nearby Oakland. “People’s Park is both a park and a symbol of activism that is worthy of protection.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The infamous 1969 clash between hundreds of police, some of them dubbed “Blue Meanies,” and protesters became a flashpoint in the civil rights and anti-Vietnam War movements. During the hours-long melee, police fatally shot a man standing on a rooftop and blinded another who was struck in the face with bird shot. Dozens of protesters were wounded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11922963\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1024px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/GettyImages-72160036.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11922963\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/GettyImages-72160036.jpg\" alt=\"A black and white photo of several people standing outside behind barbed wire.\" width=\"1024\" height=\"695\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/GettyImages-72160036.jpg 1024w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/GettyImages-72160036-800x543.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/GettyImages-72160036-1020x692.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/GettyImages-72160036-160x109.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1024px) 100vw, 1024px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Demonstrators place flowers on a barbed wire fence in People’s Park on the UC Berkeley campus, May 30, 1969. The demonstrators were part of a group of 30,000 Berkeley residents, of a total population of 100,000, who gathered and marched to protest the May 15 killing by police of an unarmed spectator at an earlier demonstration and the subsequent occupation of their city by the National Guard. \u003ccite>(David Fenton/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Then Reagan, who had vowed “to clean up the mess in Berkeley” during his victorious 1966 gubernatorial campaign, called in military troops. Before an uneasy truce was reached May 30, 1969, hundreds more were arrested, and, in another infamous moment, an Army helicopter sprayed a crowd with what authorities called tear gas but others insisted was an even more dangerous substance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of Reagan’s detractors still believe he deliberately deployed strong-arm tactics to establish himself as a law-and-order leader while pursuing a political agenda that led to his 1980 election as president.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Harvey Smith, president of the People’s Park Historic District Advocacy Group that is spearheading the legal fight for preservation, likens UC Berkeley’s plan to Reagan’s 1969 crackdown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Reagan “wanted to wipe out the social and political history of Berkeley and now the university is carrying it forward,” Smith said on August 3 while construction crews used bulldozers and buzz saws to topple most of the park’s trees, including some that predated the school’s purchase 54 years ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The clear-cutting depressed Bertha Jones, who lived in People’s Park for several years before accepting the university’s offer to move into a nearby Rodeway Inn.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My grandparents got married at one of those trees. My mom got married at one of those trees,” Jones, 43, said. “I wanted to keep the tradition going, but obviously that isn’t going to work out now.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other former People’s Park inhabitants said they moved into the motel reluctantly, though they like having their own bed and bathroom. What they don’t like is not being given room keys, or being banned from leaving the premises from midnight to 6 a.m.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After spending most of his time in People’s Park for seven years, Eric Morales moved in early June to the Rodeway Inn with his dog, Bonita. But he will always consider People’s Park home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not like any other park,” Morales, 54, said. “You can go to other parks and you say hi and bye, then you won’t ever see them again. But People’s Park is a community, you know? We are a family.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "Following clashes with protestors, UC Berkeley put a hold on its planned $312 million housing project — at least until October — at the 1960s landmark that's been derided as 'hippie Disneyland' and hailed as 'a trace of anarchist heaven on earth.'",
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"title": "Plan for People's Park Pits Housing Against History | KQED",
"description": "Following clashes with protestors, UC Berkeley put a hold on its planned $312 million housing project — at least until October — at the 1960s landmark that's been derided as 'hippie Disneyland' and hailed as 'a trace of anarchist heaven on earth.'",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Berkeley is experiencing a 1960s flashback triggered by People’s Park, a landmark that has served as a counterculture touchstone, political stepping stone and refuge for the unhoused.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 3-acre site’s colorful history, forged from the University of California, Berkeley’s seizure of the land in 1968, has been thrust back into the spotlight as the school renews efforts to pave over People’s Park, this time for a $312 million project that includes sorely needed housing for about 1,000 students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>After a judge sided with the university in a legal scrum over the project, construction finally began August 3 — only to abruptly stop a few hours later after a swarm of protesters, who had been sparring with police, toppled fences surrounding the park.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The delay was only supposed to last a few days, but the coalition fighting the university’s plans won an appeals court stay that will prevent construction until at least October.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lull hasn’t muted the contentious debate around a historic spot once hailed as “a trace of anarchist heaven on Earth” by former UC Berkeley professor Todd Gitlin and derided by former city Councilmember John DeBonis as a “hippie Disneyland.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The park turned into a symbol of both resistance and mayhem during a deadly 1969 confrontation known as “Bloody Thursday,” emboldening then-California Gov. Ronald Reagan to send in 3,000 National Guard troops for a two-week occupation that evoked images of war in a city that was clamoring for peace in Vietnam.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Don Mitchell, whose father was a UC Berkeley professor during the 1969 uprising, views People’s Park as a social experiment worth saving, as more cookie-cutter communities get built in the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11923879\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11923879\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57527_002_KQED_PeoplesParkRally_08032022-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"A person speaks into a mic in front of a university building and a sign for people's park\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57527_002_KQED_PeoplesParkRally_08032022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57527_002_KQED_PeoplesParkRally_08032022-qut-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57527_002_KQED_PeoplesParkRally_08032022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57527_002_KQED_PeoplesParkRally_08032022-qut-1536x1022.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57527_002_KQED_PeoplesParkRally_08032022-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">People’s Park supporters rally at Sproul Hall to protest the construction of UC Berkeley student housing at the park in Berkeley on Aug. 3, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“People’s Park has always been a place that was made and regulated by the people who use it,” said Mitchell, a professor of human geography at Uppsala University in Sweden. “It’s a free and open space, a place where the rules of exclusion are very different. So people who were poor, people who didn’t have housing, people who didn’t fit into dominant society in all sorts of different ways could find a space there. And many did.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That ethos has long made the park a way station for unhoused people, with scattered tent clusters and makeshift kitchens. Drug use and violence have helped spur support for the university’s development plans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At Atmaa Das, 28, began spending time in People’s Park not long after leaving Alabama in 2014 and found his way there again a couple weeks after workers left behind construction equipment, now splattered with obscene graffiti — part of $1.5 million in recent protest damage, the university estimated. “I came here looking for the promised land and reckon I found it,” he said on a recent morning, strumming his guitar while singing parts of Woody Guthrie’s “This Land Is Your Land.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘People’s Park has always been a place that was made and regulated by the people who use it … so people who were poor, people who didn’t have housing, people who didn’t fit into dominant society in all sorts of different ways could find a space there. And many did.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>University officials say they are sympathetic to both the park’s heritage and the needs of unhoused people who have lived there since another set of fences surrounding the property were removed in 1972.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The school and city \u003ca href=\"https://peoplesparkhousing.berkeley.edu/rodewayinn\">moved dozens of unhoused people into a motel\u003c/a> as part of an $8 million relocation initiative, and officials promised to \u003ca href=\"https://peoplesparkhousing.berkeley.edu/new-park\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">keep most of the site as open space\u003c/a>. The school also hired award-winning architect \u003ca href=\"https://peoplesparkhousing.berkeley.edu/history-commemoration\">Walter Hood to design a memorial\u003c/a> celebrating its history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our plan will meet multiple interests to preserve the park, create urgently needed student housing, and provide permanent housing for unhoused and low-income individuals,” UC Berkeley Chancellor Carol Christ wrote in an email sent to university alumni and other supporters earlier this week. University spokesperson Dan Mogulof declined a request to interview Christ.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Not even People’s Park supporters dispute more affordable housing is needed — the median sales price for \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/projects/real-estate/bay-area-home-priceshttps://www.sfchronicle.com/projects/real-estate/bay-area-home-prices.\">a home near the university is $1.5 million\u003c/a>. But critics blame mismanagement for the crisis and contend the university could build on its other property.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11922966\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS47370_036_Berkeley_PeoplesPark_02192021-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11922966\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS47370_036_Berkeley_PeoplesPark_02192021-qut.jpg\" alt='A sign outside that reads \"Peoples Park\" with tents outside.' width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS47370_036_Berkeley_PeoplesPark_02192021-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS47370_036_Berkeley_PeoplesPark_02192021-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS47370_036_Berkeley_PeoplesPark_02192021-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS47370_036_Berkeley_PeoplesPark_02192021-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS47370_036_Berkeley_PeoplesPark_02192021-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A sign says ‘Save Peoples Park, No More Buildings’ at People’s Park in Berkeley on Feb. 19, 2021. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Under a 2005 long-range plan, UC Berkeley estimated enrollment at 33,000 students by 2020. Instead, it had about 43,000 students that year and expects roughly 45,000 this academic year — with only 10,000 campus beds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The glaring shortage is mainly why city officials back the university’s plan, including city Councilmember Rigel Robinson, who represents the People’s Park area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People’s Park has been a powerful symbol of resistance against government oppression, but it has since become a symbol of something else entirely: our failure as a region to respond to the housing crisis,” Robinson said. “The time has come to turn the page.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But this month’s protests showed that a significant part of Berkeley isn’t ready to let go, mainly because of what the park has come to symbolize since UC Berkeley seized it for $1.3 million in 1968 under eminent domain and demolished homes there. After citing a need for an intramural soccer field, the school instead let the site deteriorate into a muddy mess mostly used for parking.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After boilermaker Michael Delacour led a grassroots group to plant vegetation, turning the eyesore into a community magnet, UC Berkeley decided to fence it off on May 15, 1969.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That set the stage for rebellion. At a rally outside UC Berkeley’s administration building, incoming student body President Dan Siegel urged the crowd to “take the park.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Some of the issues now are like 1969,” said Siegel, now a lawyer in nearby Oakland. “People’s Park is both a park and a symbol of activism that is worthy of protection.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The infamous 1969 clash between hundreds of police, some of them dubbed “Blue Meanies,” and protesters became a flashpoint in the civil rights and anti-Vietnam War movements. During the hours-long melee, police fatally shot a man standing on a rooftop and blinded another who was struck in the face with bird shot. Dozens of protesters were wounded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11922963\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1024px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/GettyImages-72160036.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11922963\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/GettyImages-72160036.jpg\" alt=\"A black and white photo of several people standing outside behind barbed wire.\" width=\"1024\" height=\"695\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/GettyImages-72160036.jpg 1024w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/GettyImages-72160036-800x543.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/GettyImages-72160036-1020x692.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/GettyImages-72160036-160x109.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1024px) 100vw, 1024px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Demonstrators place flowers on a barbed wire fence in People’s Park on the UC Berkeley campus, May 30, 1969. The demonstrators were part of a group of 30,000 Berkeley residents, of a total population of 100,000, who gathered and marched to protest the May 15 killing by police of an unarmed spectator at an earlier demonstration and the subsequent occupation of their city by the National Guard. \u003ccite>(David Fenton/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Then Reagan, who had vowed “to clean up the mess in Berkeley” during his victorious 1966 gubernatorial campaign, called in military troops. Before an uneasy truce was reached May 30, 1969, hundreds more were arrested, and, in another infamous moment, an Army helicopter sprayed a crowd with what authorities called tear gas but others insisted was an even more dangerous substance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of Reagan’s detractors still believe he deliberately deployed strong-arm tactics to establish himself as a law-and-order leader while pursuing a political agenda that led to his 1980 election as president.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Harvey Smith, president of the People’s Park Historic District Advocacy Group that is spearheading the legal fight for preservation, likens UC Berkeley’s plan to Reagan’s 1969 crackdown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Reagan “wanted to wipe out the social and political history of Berkeley and now the university is carrying it forward,” Smith said on August 3 while construction crews used bulldozers and buzz saws to topple most of the park’s trees, including some that predated the school’s purchase 54 years ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The clear-cutting depressed Bertha Jones, who lived in People’s Park for several years before accepting the university’s offer to move into a nearby Rodeway Inn.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My grandparents got married at one of those trees. My mom got married at one of those trees,” Jones, 43, said. “I wanted to keep the tradition going, but obviously that isn’t going to work out now.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other former People’s Park inhabitants said they moved into the motel reluctantly, though they like having their own bed and bathroom. What they don’t like is not being given room keys, or being banned from leaving the premises from midnight to 6 a.m.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After spending most of his time in People’s Park for seven years, Eric Morales moved in early June to the Rodeway Inn with his dog, Bonita. But he will always consider People’s Park home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"tagline": "The flip side of gentrification, told through one town",
"info": "Gentrification is changing cities across America, forcing people from neighborhoods they have long called home. Call them the displaced. Now those priced out of the Bay Area are looking for a better life in an unlikely place. American Suburb follows this migration to one California town along the Delta, 45 miles from San Francisco. But is this once sleepy suburb ready for them?",
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"tagline": "Exploring the Bay Area, one question at a time",
"info": "KQED’s new podcast, Bay Curious, gets to the bottom of the mysteries — both profound and peculiar — that give the Bay Area its unique identity. And we’ll do it with your help! You ask the questions. You decide what Bay Curious investigates. And you join us on the journey to find the answers.",
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"info": "KQED’s statewide radio news program providing daily coverage of issues, trends and public policy decisions.",
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"order": 8
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},
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"order": 1
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"info": "\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em>, which listeners will hear in the first part of the hour, has fearless and much-needed conversations about race. Hosted by journalists of color, the show tackles the subject of race head-on, exploring how it impacts every part of society — from politics and pop culture to history, sports and more.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em>, which will be in the second part of the hour, guides you through spaces and feelings no one prepares you for — from finances to mental health, from workplace microaggressions to imposter syndrome, from relationships to parenting. The show features experts with real world experience and shares their knowledge. Because everyone needs a little help being human.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/podcasts/510312/codeswitch\">\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/lifekit\">\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />",
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"id": "commonwealth-club",
"title": "Commonwealth Club of California Podcast",
"info": "The Commonwealth Club of California is the nation's oldest and largest public affairs forum. As a non-partisan forum, The Club brings to the public airwaves diverse viewpoints on important topics. The Club's weekly radio broadcast - the oldest in the U.S., dating back to 1924 - is carried across the nation on public radio stations and is now podcasting. Our website archive features audio of our recent programs, as well as selected speeches from our long and distinguished history. This podcast feed is usually updated twice a week and is always un-edited.",
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"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Commonwealth-Club-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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"source": "Commonwealth Club of California"
},
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"info": "KQED’s live call-in program discussing local, state, national and international issues, as well as in-depth interviews.",
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"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Forum-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
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"order": 9
},
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"id": "fresh-air",
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"hidden-brain": {
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"airtime": "SUN 7pm-8pm",
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"airtime": "SUN 7:30pm-8pm",
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"tagline": "Where conversation and cultura meet",
"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
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"title": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown",
"tagline": "Lessons from a lifetime in politics",
"info": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown brings listeners the wisdom of the former Governor, Mayor, and presidential candidate. Scott Shafer interviewed Brown for more than 40 hours, covering the former governor's life and half-century in the political game – and Brown has some lessons he'd like to share. ",
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"order": 18
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},
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"id": "latino-usa",
"title": "Latino USA",
"airtime": "MON 1am-2am, SUN 6pm-7pm",
"info": "Latino USA, the radio journal of news and culture, is the only national, English-language radio program produced from a Latino perspective.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/latinoUsa.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "http://latinousa.org/",
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},
"marketplace": {
"id": "marketplace",
"title": "Marketplace",
"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 4pm-4:30pm, MON-WED 6:30pm-7pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Marketplace-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.marketplace.org/",
"meta": {
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"source": "American Public Media"
},
"link": "/radio/program/marketplace",
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"rss": "https://feeds.publicradio.org/public_feeds/marketplace-pm/rss/rss"
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},
"masters-of-scale": {
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"title": "Masters of Scale",
"info": "Masters of Scale is an original podcast in which LinkedIn co-founder and Greylock Partner Reid Hoffman sets out to describe and prove theories that explain how great entrepreneurs take their companies from zero to a gazillion in ingenious fashion.",
"airtime": "Every other Wednesday June 12 through October 16 at 8pm (repeats Thursdays at 2am)",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "https://mastersofscale.com/",
"meta": {
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"source": "WaitWhat"
},
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"rss": "https://rss.art19.com/masters-of-scale"
}
},
"mindshift": {
"id": "mindshift",
"title": "MindShift",
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"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
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